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, Gen. 1:21) , , where . . is in apposition with
The moral effect of the visitation was doubly disastrous; men blasphemed God as
the cause of their sufferings, and they withheld from Him the tribute of penitence which
He demanded. The of God no less than His (Rom. 2:4, 11:22) calls
to repentance; but like Pharaoh the sufferers were hardened by His judgements. Andreas
has a pathetic illustration to offer from his own experience:
,
. For the phrase (= , vv. 11, 21) see
Isa. 52:5, Jac. 2:7, Rom. 2:24, 1 Tim. 6:1. is repeated at intervals like a
refrain, cf. 9:20 f., 16:11; on see 11:13 note.
10 f. ... .] The Fifth Plague
touches the seat of the World-power, and involves it in Egyptian darkness. With
compare 2:13 , and 13:2 (sc.
) ... . The commentators quote Tac. hist. 4:2 nomen
sedemque Caesaris Domitianus acceperat. If a particular place is in view, it is doubtless
Rome, but the point is that whilst earlier plagues have seized on the subjects of the
Empire, the very seat of government is now assailed; the Empire itself, in its heart and
centre ( ) is covered with a pall of darkness which forebodes death; for
see 9:2, note. Meanwhile the effects of the earlier plagues continue. The
pain (= as in Gen. 34:25, 1 Regn. 15:23, Bar. 2:25, cf. c. 21:4) caused by the
scorching heat of the Fourth Plague, and the malignant sores of the first, was such that
men chewed their tongues in agony. , a word used in Aristophanes and by
later Greek writers, occurs in the Greek Bible only here and in Job 30:4
; in Sir. 19:9 , the reading of cod. A, is probably a
scribes error. With cf. used as an
indication of intolerable pain in Mt. 8:12 etc.
As in the case of the Fourth Plague the judgement produced no moral change, but
drove men to worse sin; they blasphemed, they did not repent. ,
,
as in Dan. 2:44 (
) , cf. Bevan ad loc.; the phrase recalls the pride of the
rulers of old Babylon and their vain resistance to the God of Israel. For the use of in
, , cf. 8:13 ... ., and on
see v. 2, note. On . compare 9:20 f., notes; without
the addition of the phrase is indefinite, and may include both the idolatries
and the immoralities of heathendom.
12. ... ... ] It is significant that the
Euphrates is named in connexion with both the Sixth Trumpet and the Sixth Bowl, see
9:14, note. The Sixth Trumpet loosed the angels who were detained at the river, and who
when released set in motion an enormous host (ib. 16). The Sixth Bowl drains the bed of
the river, and thus opens the way for the advance of the Kings from the East, the
avant-coureurs of the forces flocking to the last war (infra, v. 14). In both cases a barrier
which checks for a time the progress of events is at length removed, while in the present
instance the mention of the East points to events expected to arise on the eastern frontier
of the Empire.
Thyatira. He suggests the name of Apollonius of Tyana. But (1) the book itself
identifies the False Prophet with the Second Beast; (2) an individual could scarcely be
placed in the same category with the Dragon and the Beast. On the other hand it is not
impossible that such a person as Apollonius was in the mind of the Seer when he
described the pagan priesthood and its influence as ; it was through
such men that their power over the people of Asia was secured.
, a LXX. rendering of
in Zech. 13:2, and frequently in
Jeremiah, is used in the N.T. of pretenders to inspiration, or persons Satanically
inspired, whether before or after Christ (Mt. 7:15, Mc. 13:22, note, Lc. 6:26, 2 Pet. 2:1,
1 Jo. 4:1; cf. Didache 11:9). The nearest parallel to the Apocalyptic use of the term is
found in Acts 13:6 , .
., like (1 Jo. 2:22, 4:3, 2 Jo. 7), covers a whole classmagicvendors, religious impostors, fanatics, whether deceivers or deceived, regarded as
persons who falsely interpret the Mind of God. True religion has no worse enemies, and
Satan no better allies.
, . Three unclean spirits come forth out of the
mouths of the three evil powers, one from each. The mouth as the organ of speech, the
chief source of human influence, is frequently in the Apoc. the instrument of good or
evil; cf. 1:16 (19:15, 19:21), 9:17 f., 11:5, 12:15. The metaphor is specially appropriate
here in view of the double sense of (cf. 2 Th. 2:8
); the three hostile powers breathed forth evil influences. On
see Mc. 1:23 ff. note, 3:11, 5:2 ff., Acts 5:16, 8:7. Christ expelled unclean spirits, but
His enemies send them forth, the False Prophet not less than the Dragon or the Beast;
cf. Zech. 13:2 . : to the
Seer the spirits took the form of frogsa reference perhaps to the Egyptian plague (Ex.
8:5 (1) ff., Ps. 77. (78.) 45, 104. (105.) 30, Sap. 19:10), with a side glance at the law of
clean and unclean animals (Lev. 11:10 ff.). Cf. Andreas: ...
. Philo explains the frogs of Egypt as idle
fancies: (de sacr. Abelis et Caini 69 , ,
); to St John they are
worse, the symbols of impure impulses. Artemidorus comes nearer to our writer: 2:15
. The ceaseless, aimless,
of the frog often referred to by ancient commentators (cf. Aug. in
Ps. 77:27 rana est loquacissima vanitas) seems to be beside the mark in this context.
On ... ... see Benson, Apocalypse, p. 145 f.
14. .] A parenthesis which justifies ,
: unclean, for they are daemon-spirits; cf. 1 Tim. 4:1
. The sequence is resumed at ,
which is to be taken with , I saw three spirits issuing forth working
signs. is characteristically though by no means exclusively Johannine, while
is used in this group of writings but once and =miracle not at all. The
false prophet of the O.T. offered in proof of his mission (Deut. 13:1 (2)), and the
Church was warned to expect such tokens from latter-day impostors (Mc. 13:22, 2 Th.
2:9). From the magicians who withstood Moses before Pharaoh down to such products
of the first century as Simon Magus and Apollonius, pretenders to spiritual powers had
claimed to work signs, which the belief of the age attributed, not perhaps wholly
without reason, to superhuman influence, though the wonders themselves were due to
such causes as sleight of hand: cf. 13:13 f., notes.
. While the Kings from the East, represented
by the Parthian enemies of Rome, are ready to move westwards as soon as the obstacle
to their progress is removed, the other rulers of the world are roused to action by
impulses from withoutthe unclean spirits of the Beast and the False Prophet, the lust
of power, and the bitterness of a false religion contending with the truebehind both
these motives there is the spirit of the Great Adversary, antagonism to the Divine Will.
There have been times when nations have been seized by a passion for war which the
historian can but imperfectly explain. Such an epoch the Seer foresees, but, unlike any
that has come before it, it will involve the whole world in war. (cf.
3:10, 12:9) is perhaps wider than the simple (Lc. 2:1, Acts 17:6, 19:27,
24:5)not the Empire only, but the world, so far as the conception could be grasped at
the end of the first century.
.] The Greek commentators
interpret this of an internecine struggle between the kings; cf. Arethas:
a remark which he justifies by quoting Mc. 13:8
. On the other hand
points to Ps. 2:2
, and
... leads to the same conclusion; the war is directed against Heaven,
and it will culminate in the final triumph of God. But if so, is this the battle which is
described in 17:14 and in 19:19? Probably it is, for the Sixth Bowl does not open the
campaign, but merely marshals the forces and places them on the battlefield. The Seer
sees the whole process foreshortened, and he expresses it in the terms of his own age;
the expected Parthian invasion takes shape in his mind as the first scene in the drama; a
general arming of the nations follows, and the end, which is not yet, will be the breaking
of the Day of God.
On see 6:17, note; , if genuine, points back to the
O.T. prophecies, e.g. Joel 2:11 , ,
3:4 ; is a Pauline
synonym for the Parousia (2 Th. 1:10, 2 Tim. 1:12, 1:18, 4:8), which is also called []
[] [ ] (1 Cor. 1:8, 2 Cor. 1:14, Phil. 1:6, 2:16, 1 Th. 5:2,
2 Th. 2:2); occurs in 2 Pet. 3:12. (1:8, note)
asserts the sovereignty of God, which that day will manifest; or if the writers mind
reverted to the original, he may have thought of the hosts (
) which would be
ranged on the side of righteousness and truth (cf. 19:14).
15. .] A Voice breaks the thread of the Seers report:
whose voice it is there is no need to explain; cf. 3:3, note. Its special appositeness in this
context arises from the fact that the Seer has seen the gathering of the forces for the war
of the Great Day begin.
is one of seven in the Apocalypse; see 1:3,
14:13, 19:9, 20:6, 22:7, 22:14. On see 3:2, note, and on , 1:3, note; the
whole saying is based on 3:3, 3:18, where see notes. is
euphemistically written for (3:18); the former word is repeatedly used in
Lev. 18., 20. for
(
, which is rendered by in Ez. 16:36, 16:38, 22:10, 23:10
(B), 18 (B), 29. With cf. Ps.-Clem. 2 Cor. 8
, .
16. ... ] The Seer resumes his narrative. They
(the daemon-spirits) fulfilled their mission; they (not he, as A.V.) gathered the kings
together to the great war, as they were sent to do. The Palestinian writer recognises the
battlefieldone familiar to a Galilean and a student of Hebrew history. is
doubtless
: the form occurs in Jud. 1:27 (A) and 2 Chron. 35:22,
and in Jud. l.c. (B); cf. Cheyne in Enc. Bibl. col. 3010. Megiddo, Lejjun,
which lay on the route of caravans and military expeditions from the Philistine littoral
and from Egypt (ib. 3011; cf. G. A. Smith, Hist. Geography, p. 391), was the scene of a
series of disasters; there Barak and Deborah overthrew the hosts of the Canaanite king
Jabin (Jud. 5:19 , );
there Ahaziah died of Jehus arrows (2 Kings 9:27) and Pharaoh Necho overthrew
Josiah (2 Kings 23:29 f., 2 Chr. 35:22; cf. Herod. 2:159). The last of these events burnt
itself into the memory of the Jewish people, and the mourning for Josiah in the valley of
Megiddo was long afterwards quoted as a typical instance of national grief (Zech.
12:11). Thus Megiddo fitly symbolizes the world-wide distress of the nations at the
overthrow of their kings in the final war.
But why ? The water of Megiddo, i.e. probably the Kishon,
mentioned as the scene of Siseras defeat, flows through the plain of Esdraelon; Josiah
met his death in the plain ( .=2 ,(
Chr., Zech., ll. cc.; cf. G.
A. Smith, op. cit. p. 385); no instance is quoted of
elsewhere. But not to
mention that Megiddo itself lay at the base of the hills which terminate in Carmel, the
form Har Magedon may have been purposely used to bring the final conflict into
connexion with Ez. 39:2, 39:4 ( ... ),
which is evidently before the writers mind in 20:8 ff. On the proposal to write .=
(
, i.e. the city of Megiddo, see WH., Notes, p. 313, and to the parallels which
they produce in support of . add (Field, Hexapla, 2. p. 167). Syrgw. has
simply . The fancy of Gunkel that the reference is not to Megiddo but to an old
myth, though accepted by Bousset and by Cheyne (Enc. Bibl., l.c.), does not merit
serious consideration. On see 9:11, note.
Enc. T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (London, 1899
1903).
WH. Westcott and Hort, N.T. in Greek (Cambridge, 1891).
,
.
] For the position of cf. Gen. 13:13,
Deut. 30:14, Jud. 12:2, 1 Regn. 12:18 (B), Ps. 118. (119.) 138, Mt. 19:25, 27:54, Acts
6:7, and see B.D.B. s.v.
.
1
1The Apocalypse of St. John ( ed. Henry Barclay Swete;, 2d. ed.; New York:
The Macmillan company, 1907), 197.