WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST.

LOUIS
Department of History
Dissertation Examination Committee:
Ahmet Karamustafa, Chair
Cornell Fleischer, Co-Chair
Asad Ahmed
Daniel Bornstein
Derek Hirst
Mark Gregory Pegg

THE MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC APOCALYPTIC TRADITION: DIVINATION,

PROPHECY AND THE END OF TIME IN THE 13 TH CENTURY EASTERN
MEDITERRANEAN
by
Mohammad Ahmad Masad

A dissertation presented to the

Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
of Washington University in
partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy

December 2008
Saint Louis, Missouri

UMI Number: 3349340

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ABSTRACT
The Medieval Islamic Apocalyptic Tradition:
Divination, Prophecy and the End of Time
in the 13

Century Eastern Mediterranean

by

Mohammad Ahmad Masad

Doctor of Philosophy in History
Washington University in St. Louis, 2008
Professor Ahmet T. Karamustafa, Chairperson

This study is part of a growing research focus on Islamic apocalypticism and divination
in medieval Islamic culture. Though some work is being done on magic (sihr) and
astrology (tanjim), there is less scholarly interest in Islamic apocalyptic writings,
including prophetic traditions (hadith) on the end of time (qiydma) and its tribulations
(fitan wa-maldhim) and various forms of prophecies, numerology and divination, such as
hurufmdjafr

wa-jdmi'a. Such scarcity of interest reflects the standard scholarly view

that medieval Islamic culture was dominated by Sunni orthodoxy and had little tolerance
for Shi'a sympathies, divination, and the occult. This view is hardly supported by
historical evidence. Medieval Islamic literature points to a distinct interest in divination,
occultism, and apocalyptic prognostication. The study uses unpublished and primary
sources to recover the Islamic apocalyptic tradition of the 7l /13 l century Eastern
Mediterranean. In addition to a lengthy introduction and conclusion, the study has four
main chapters: a literature review; an overview of the life of the medieval scholar Ibn

ii

Talha and his prophecy, al-Durr al-munazzam; an account of the special role of the
House of the Prophet (AM al-Bayi) in Islamic divination and apocalyptic visions; and
finally, a brief review of the lives of three scholars, two Sunni and one Shi'i, namely alGanji, al-Sulami, and al-Irbili, who can be seen as examples of the continued appeal of
divination and the complexity of medieval Islamic religiosity. A critical examination of
the authors and texts considered in this study reveals two important findings: first, that
divinatory and apocalyptic activities had a significant place in medieval Islamic culture;
and secondly, that some respected Sunni scholars had such a strong loyalty to the 'Alids
and the Imams that they are hardly distinguishable from their Shi'i counterparts. This
brings into question the conventional view that sees medieval Islamic culture mainly in
terms of a triumph of an orthodox form of Sunnism. Overall, this dissertation is meant as
a road map, highlighting an otherwise marginalized cultural milieu to help offer a fresh
look and a paradigm shift in the study of medieval Islamic divination and apocalyptic
literature in the Levant.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The idea for this study first came to light almost fifteen years ago when I
stumbled on a medieval book of hadith during my part time job at the Islamic collection
in Washington University's Olin library. The work in question, a new library acquisition,
was a copy of Ibn Kathir's Nihdyat al-biddya wa-al-nihdya {The End of the Beginning
and the End). I was in the process of cataloguing it when I realized how intriguing it was
and sensed immediately that it could be the inspiration for my elusive doctoral research
interest. A short time later, I raced to Busch Hall where I shared my discovery and
excitement with my doctoral advisor and mentor, Cornell Fleischer; and, as they say, the
rest is history.
Since that day, when the seeds of my doctoral project germinated, to this day, as
I'm finishing my dissertation, Professor Fleischer has been a primary source of support,
advice and encouragement. His phenomenal knowledge and sound judgment have been
indispensable in helping me map out my project and guide my research. An early
Ottoman unpublished work he has already consulted for his own research on the age of
Suleyman the Magnificent, namely Miftdh al-jafr al-jdmi' (Key to the Comprehensive
Divination) by Bistami, proved to be the master key for an incredible one year-long
research journey I had at the manuscript collections of Istanbul. For his academic counsel
and scholarly help, and for believing in me throughout the long and torturous time it took
to complete this project, I owe Cornell a lasting debt of friendship and gratitude.
Equally generous and impressive was the support I received from my dissertation
advisor Professor Ahmet Karamustafa. His continued interest and concern enabled me to
iv

keep my project alive and sustained my doctoral candidacy, even in the most difficult of
times. Like Cornell, Ahmet saw the birth of my project and, being himself an authority
in Islamic history, mysticism and medieval culture, has been an example of scholarship
and erudition. Our correspondence over the course of this journey was always a source of
inspiration and enthusiasm for me. My most grateful thanks go to Ahmet for his fantastic
assistance and for his selfless efforts as chair of my doctoral committee in overseeing the
process of dissertation submission and organizing my oral examination. He is a true
mentor, a rare friend, and a wonderful human being.
The circle of mentors I had at Washington University wouldn't be complete
without mentioning two more teachers who had greatly and positively impacted my
studies there and were actively involved in the first stages of my doctoral project:
Professors Engin Akarli and Peter Heath. Engin was an endless source of help and
advice. He spent many hours reading early drafts of my doctoral prospectus and research
proposals. His extensive feedback and brilliant suggestions were instrumental in
improving my preparation for my research project. I also would never forget Engin's
invaluable help in taking care of procedural and logistical hurdles prior to my research
trip to Istanbul in the summer of 1993.1 am proud to have been the beneficiary of his
scholarship, humanity, and friendship, and I eternally thank him for that.
Likewise, Peter Heath was another great teacher and advisor of mine. Having met
him years before at Bir Zeit University, it is to him perhaps that I owe the fact of my
joining Washington University's graduate school in 1990 to pursue a Ph.D. in history. I
am most grateful to Peter for generously keeping his doors open to me, giving careful and
thoughtful responses to my papers, and always challenging me to be more creative and

productive. His mastery of the classical and medieval Arabic literature and sophisticated
knowledge of various aspects of the field of Islamic Studies made him positively
positioned in influencing my intellectual growth and guiding my research interests. I
would like here to express my sincerest thanks and deepest appreciation for Peter's
efforts.
In addition to these four mentors, a number of other people and institutions had
contributed in their own ways and at different times to making my doctoral journey more
feasible and rewarding. Special recognition is due to my teachers Fatemeh Keshavarz and
Tuna Akarli, who introduced me to the Persian and Turkish languages and cultures; a
lasting gift that expanded and enriched my horizons and proved most relevant and useful
to my research. A special thank you also goes to Professor James Patout Burns, from the
Religious Studies program, whose class on the early history of Christianity was an
intellectual inspiration.
In the list of institutions that made this achievement possible, I am first of all most
grateful to Washington University in St. Louis, its Graduate School, and its Department
of History for embracing me and providing me with doctoral fellowships and teaching
assistantships, and for giving me the privilege and honor to study and work on their
beautiful campus and live in the great city of Saint Louis. I am also humbled and
indebted by their decision to reinstate me in the program after a relatively long hiatus to
give me another chance to finish my doctorate. In the cluttered and effete world of higher
education, Washington University is one inimitable academy and a true lighthouse of
knowledge and scholarship.

vi

The US Department of Education and the Fulbright-Hays Program were very

generous and outstanding in their support by fully funding my one-year research in
Istanbul, Turkey. Their acceptance of my research proposal is the greatest academic
honor I have ever received; and to that I am truly appreciative. I am also very thankful to
the American Research Institute in Turkey for supplementing my research grant and
covering some of my expenses and for opening their offices and library for me during the
year I spent in Istanbul. Another institution, the Social Science research Council is also to
be recognized for providing me with the financial support to attend a one-week doctoral
dissertation workshop in Istanbul in the summer of 1995.
Very special thanks and deep appreciation must go to the Istanbul libraries that
welcomed me during my fellowship to conduct my research and consult hundreds of their
manuscripts; perhaps the most enlightening, uplifting and productive scholarly
experience of my life. I am infinitely indebted to these great houses of history, namely
the Suleymaniye, Istanbul University, Nuruosmaniye, Top Kapi, and Fatih libraries, as
well as the many multiple manuscript collections they house within their walls. The great
assistance and humility shown by the administration and staff of these libraries were
nothing less than commendable.
My gratitude is also due to so many friends and colleagues in St. Louis, Istanbul
and Dubai who expressed concern and stood by me over the years. Among these, I wish
first to thank Mary and Frank Hellwig for their unlimited support and unconditional love.
The friendship that binds our families is something to enjoy and cherish forever. My
friends Daniel Mosquera and Mohamed-Salah Omri, who were also pursuing their
doctoral degrees at Washington University were close buddies and intellectual

vii

interlocutors with whom I had numerous stimulating discusions. I thank them for their
authentic and solid friendship and the support they afforded me. Another friend, Brian
Johnson, became familiar with my dissertation and, through his warm companionship,
helped make my Istanbul experience more memorable and interesting.
Many thanks also go to my friends from my Dubai years, especially my
colleagues David Kelly, Kenneth Christie, Susan Jones, John Howe, Zia Saunders, and
Barbara Sheehy. Many other Dubai-based friends, including Harold and Wendy
Fleetham, Natasha Pollock, and Donny Hansen, lent much-needed encouragement and
moral support during different stages of this project; and for that I sincerely thank them.
A special thank you goes to Sheryl Peltz, Office Manager at the Department of
History of Washington University in St. Louis for her gracious assistance in following up
on various tasks related to the dissertation, and my doctoral defense, and for keeping me
registered at Wash U during my years abroad. Also my thanks goe to Alida Fernades
from the University Seminar and Academic Advising Program at Zayed University in
Dubai for logistical help in preparing a copy of an early draft of my dissertation.
My extended family has been most supportive, embracing and encouraging me as
they expressed their concern as years passed by without an end in sight to my degree
project. I acknowledge here the special care of my older brother Fateen, my late younger
brother Jamal, and my sister Zaheera. Jamal's moral and material support during one of
the most difficult times I had to go through during the mid-1990s is as unforgettable and
graceful as the precious memory of his very short but amazingly productive and shining
life. His ability to rise above severe depression and paranoia to become a top researcher
and scientist working for Lockheed Martin and NASA is a refreshing example of human

viii

triumph over extreme adversity and a standard against which I have been trying to
measure my own work and life; without much success I should say.
Finally, none of this would have been possible without the love, care,
compassion, patience and sustenance bestowed upon me by my family: my wife Paula,
my son Yazan and my daughter Andalusia. They have had to put up with my neverending dissertation, day in and day out, month after month, and year after year, quite
graciously-well, most of the time. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of their
constant support and their unwavering faith in me and my ability to complete this project
and finally (to rephrase one of my daughter's oft-repeated phrases to me since she was
little) get my book written. After me, they must be the happiest people to see this project
finally come to an end.
Needless to say, I take full responsibility for any potential faults or shortcomings
that might be found with this dissertation. All statements made in the course of my
presentation and discussion of information, issues, and perspectives, including points
pertaining to literature, topics, syntheses of data, interpretations of texts and points of
interest, assumptions, analyses, and conclusions are all my responsibility alone. Likewise,
other mistakes, such as factual errors, out of context quotations, unintended associations,
heavy selectivity, writing imperfections, and stylistic deficiencies and aberrations, start
and end with me and no one else.

IX

To Yazan and Andalusia,

loving son and daughter,
colorful musician and drama queen!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

ii

Acknowledgments

iv

Dedication

Table of Contents

xi

List of Figures

xiv

Abbreviations

xv

Chapter One: Introduction

Recent Apocalyptic Stirrings in Iraq

The Paradox of IbnKathir(d. 1373)

This Research and Evidence of Islamic Apocalyptic Literature

Objective, Method and Content of Dissertation

Implications of Study to Scholarship

13

Shifting the Focus and Research Agenda.

19

Note on Transliteration and Related Matters

20

Chapter Two: Modern Scholarship and Review of Literature

22

Marginality of Islamic Divination and Apocalypticism

23

New Approaches to Islamic Cultural History

25

Scholarship and Islamic Historical Chronicles

30

Scholarship and Hadith literature

38

Apocalyptic Hadith as a Historical Source on Early Islam.

43

Studies on Islamic Apocalypticism and Divination

46

Apocalypses as Historical Sources of the Ottoman Period

49

Research on Medieval Islamic Apocalypses

51

Other Miscellaneous Research in the Field

52

Contributions on Occult Sciences, Divinators, and Millenarian Movements

56

Concluding Remarks.

63

Chapter Three: The Prophecy of Ibn Talha and the Veneration of Ahl Al-Bayt

65

Ayyubids and Mamluks:A Brief Sketch of the 7th/l 3th Century

65

xi

The Prophecy of Ibn Talha

68

The Dating of Ibn Talha's Prophecy

71

Conflicting Evidence of the Prophecy's Authenticity

73

More Evidence of the Authenticity of al-Durr and a Mention of Akhmimi

80

A Commentary on al-Durr al-munazzam

.82

The Evidence from Ibn Talha's Other Works and Biographies

83

Ibn Talha's Reference to al-Durr and the Question of Akhmimi

85

Al-Durr and Other Books by Ibn Talha

86

Ibn Talha as Jurisconsult, Courtier, Ascetic and Diviner

88

Ibn Talha and the Historical Moment of the Khwarizmians.

93

Ibn Talha's devotion to AM Al-Bayt

95

Concluding Remarks

96

Chapter Four: Divination and the Sublime Reputation of AM Al-Bayt

99

Muhammad, Hadith, and the Legacy of Ahl-Al-Bayt

99

The Special Prestige and Knowledge of AM Al-Bayt

100

The Allegory of Ibn ' Aqab in Relation to Jafr wa-Jdmi 'a

104

Prophet Muhammad: The Quintessential Diviner

105

Multiple Sources of the Secret knowledge of AM Al-Bayt

108

'Ali, Ja'far and Fatima: AM Al-Bayfs Most Renowned Diviners

118

'All's Prophecies and Jafr Sources

121

Malhamat 'Alt 1

126

Malhamat 'Ali II and Malhamat 'All III

128

Urjuzat Ali

129

TheJq/rofJa'farAl-Sadiq

132

The Book (or Gospel) of Fatima

137

Other Examples of AM Al-Bayfs Use ofJafr

139

Concluding Remarks on the Popularity of AM Al-Bayt

142

Chapter Five: The Cult of AM Al-Bayt Amongst Sunni Scholars

145

Popularity of the AM Al-Bayt Edifying Literature

145

YusufbinYahyaAl-Sulami

146

Muhammad bin Yusuf Al-Ghanji

.
xii

149

'All bin'Isa Al-Irbili

155
l

Shi'i Tendencies Among Sunnis in the 7 / l 3 Century

159

Examples of other Sunni Scholars with Shi'i Affinities

162

Concluding Remarks

163

Chapter Six: Concluding Observations

167

Figure 1

175

Figure 2

176

Figure 3

177

Figure 4

178

Bibliography

179

Manuscripts

179

Published Primary Sources

182

Encyclopedias, Dictionaries, Biographies, Catalogues

185

Secondary Sources.

186

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: First folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi 461,
introducing the prophecy's story of the tablet vision

175

Figure 2: Second folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, describing the author's vision of Imam ' Ali

176

Figure 3: Third folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, showing the mystical "circle of names and letters."

.....177

Figure 4: Fourth folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, where the author starts deciphering the mystical circle

xiv

178

ABBREVIATIONS

Al-Baydn

Al-Ganji's al-Baydnfi akhbdr sahib

al-zamdn

AI-Biddya

Ibn Kathir's al-Biddya wa-al-nihdya

Al-Durr

Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam fi al-sirr

al-a 'zam

Al-Tadhkira

A\-lxb\\Vs Al-Tadhkira al-fakhriyya

EP

Encyclopedia of Islam (First Edition)

EP

Encyclopedia of Islam (Second Edition)

Pqd

Al-Sulami's 'Iqd al- durarfi akhbdr almuntazar

JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental Society

Kashf

Al-Irbili's Kashf al-ghumma ft ma 'rifat ala 'imma

Kifdyat

Al-Ganji's Kifdyat al-tdlibfi mandqib Al i

bin Ab i Tdlib

La divination

Toufic Fahd's La divination arabe, Etuded

religieuses, sociologiques et folkloriques sur
le milieu natifde I Islam

Muqaddimat

Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimat Ibn Khaldun.

(Edited by 'Al! 'Abdulwahid Wafl), 3 vols.

Nihdyat

Ibn Kathir's Nihdyat al-biddya wa-alnihdya: Fi al-fitan wa-al-maldhim

Risdlat

Al-Irbili's Risdlat al-tayf

SEI

Shorter Encylopedia of Islam

xv

The Muqaddimah

Al-Buni's Shams al-ma 'drifal-kubrd walatd 'ifal- 'awdrif

Ibn Khaldun's The Muqaddimah: An
Introduction to History (translated by Franz
Rosenthal), 3 vols.

TKS

Topkapi Sarayi

Shams

xvi

INTRODUCTION

Recent Apocalyptic Stirrings in Iraq

In January 2008, with the war in Iraq approaching its fifth year point, the relative
peace in the south of the country was violently disrupted by clashes between government
forces (supported by British troops) and an obscure messianic group that seemed intent
on bringing about the eschatological return of the Mahdi, whose promised reign is
supposed to inaugurate a perfect age of justice as a prelude to the apocalypse and the end
of history. Most of the group's followers, including the leader, Ahmad Hassan Yamani,
were killed in the fighting. According to news reports, cult members, who called
themselves Supporters of the Mahdi, fired on crowds of worshippers observing one of the
holiest days in the Shiite calendar, 'Ashura', which commemorates the murder of Prophet
Muhammad's nephew Husayn in the early Islamic civil war.
One year earlier, also during the same holy occasion, another mysterious group
had staged a similar, but more deadly attack. The cult called itself Jund al-Samd'
(Soldiers of Heaven) and seemed to have been acting out of its motives for an accelerated
doomsday scenario. The fighting was wide spread and involved massive intervention by
American forces. According to news reports, the group's leader, known as Diya Abdul Zahra Kadhim, "believed he was the earthly representative of the "Hidden Imam" of
Shiite theology, Muhammad al-Mahdi."2 The cult was apparently planning to attack the

' Alexander Zavis, "Obscure Group Attacks Shiites - 80 Dead," San Francisco Chronicle, A-7, 19
January, 2008, http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/01/19/MNOIUHV5T.DTL (accessed
3 April, 2008).
2

Richard Bauer and Hussam Ali, "Battle-ready Iraq Cult Leaves Casualties and Questions," Seattle
Times, 30 January, 2007, http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2003547312_karbala30.html
(accessed 3 April, 2008).

holy city of Najaf during 'Ashura' on the hope that "the assault was to hasten the return
of the Mahdi, an event that Shiite theology predicts will lead to peace, justice and the
conversion of the world to Islam."3
Countless similar figures and movements have made their apocalyptic mark
during the fourteen centuries that passed since the birth of Islam. A strong Islamic
apocalyptic doctrine, rich eschatological heritage and literature, and a turbulent and
schismatic history have provided fertile ground for the frequent emergence of messianic
and apocalyptic dogmas and passions, occasionally in outburst of horrific violence.4 The
popularity and frequency of apocalypticism have also attracted much political and
scholarly concern and attention; if not to understand or undermine the ideological
objectives of the movements, then to try to evaluate their religious credentials and gauge
their relationship to the canonical Islamic apocalyptic literature. Thus, to a large extent,
the history of Islamic apocalypticism has been written by mainstream Muslim scholars
working as active agents of the end of time or owls of history, keeping a watchful eye on
the countdown to the last days, as well as safeguarding the faith from what they believed
to be impurities from within and without.
The Paradox of Ibn Kathir (d. 1373)
From the perspective of the guardians of the official doctrine, at least within the
Sunni schools of law, one medieval scholar in particular, Ibn Kathir, perhaps came to

Ibid.

Some academics have been searching for ideological connections between Islamic apocalyptic beliefs
and specific violent phenomena in the current situation in Iraq, the Middle East and the world; see for
example David Cook's contribution on the apocalyptic link to specific terrorist violence in Iraq at a recent
conference at the Central European University in Budapest, December 7-8, 2007, under the theme "The
Apocalyptic Complex - Origins, Histories, Permanences; see also, David Cook, Contemporary Muslim
Apocalyptic Literature, Religion and Politics (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005); idem., "Muslim
Apocalyptic and Jihad," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 20 (1996): 66-104.

symbolize this double effort of chronicling the heretical and false messianic stirrings
while simultaneously collecting the core Islamic apocalyptic literature. Ibn Kathir
accomplished this task superbly in two of his encyclopedic works: a multi-volume world
history known as Al-Biddya wa-al-nihdya (The Beginning and the End);5 and his massive
2-volume compendium of apocalyptic hadith (Muhammadan traditions), Nihdyat albiddya wa-al-nihdya: fi al-fitan wa-al-maldhim (The End of the Beginning and the End:
On Schisms and Fateful Wars),
Nihdyat is comprised of hundreds of sayings ascribed to Prophet Muhammad that
deal exclusively with the end of time and related issues, occasionally interpreted and
commented on by the author. It is perhaps the most comprehensive and systematic
Islamic source on apocalypticism. In the first volume of the work, Ibn Kathir deals with
three main subjects: signs of the Hour, the rise and fall of al-Dajjal (the Islamic
Antichrist), as well as descriptions of qiydma (doomsday) and the final status of Prophet
Muhammad and the Muslim community.
The second volume is focused on accounts of the Judgment Day, with many
examples illustrating divine justice and the Prophet's intercession on behalf of Muslims.
It also has a meticulous depiction of the rewards enjoyed by believers in paradise and the
horrors awaiting unbelievers in hell. More evidence of Ibn Kathir's interest in
apocalyptic matters can be found in his main historical work mentioned above, al-Biddya

'Imad al-DTn Isma'Tl ibn 'Umar ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-al-nihdya, 14 vols., ed. Ahmad Abu
Mulhim et al. (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1985) (hereafter cited as al-Biddya).
'Imad al-DTn Isma'il ibn 'Umar ibn Kathir, Nihdyat al-Biddya wa-al-nihdya: Fi-al-fitan wa-almaldhim, 2 vols., ed. Muhammad Abu 'Ubayya (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Nasr al-Haditha, 1968) (hereafter
cited as Nihdyat).

wa-al-nihdya. As its title seems to suggest, Nihdyat can be seen as a supplement or

culmination of Ibn Kathir's voluminous universal history. While the main work deals
with a succession of pre-Islamic and Islamic eras, the 'period', so to speak, covered by
the two volumes of Nihdyat is that of apocalyptic time bringing sacred history to its
ultimate conclusion.
Ibn Kathir punctuates his historical factual reports in al-Biddya with anecdotal
narratives on prophecies and portents heralding the coming of the End. He furnishes
detailed accounts, usually summarizing earlier reports by other historians such as Sibt Ibn
al-Jawzi (d.654/1257) and Abu Shama (d. 665/1266), of events that were thought to be
Signs of the Hour. Two such examples concern the appearance of a great fire in Aden (in
Yemen) in 652/1254 and al-Harra (near Medina) in 654/1256. The second one was
supposed to be so great "that it lit [with its glow] the camels' necks in Busra [in Syria]."
The eschatological meaning of these reports is then explained by the author as the
8

fulfillment of corresponding prophecies that can be found in hadith literature. In

addition to prophetic hadith, Ibn Kathir includes in his historical chronicle stories of the
exploits (and often ghastly ends) of self-proclaimed saviors, pseudo-prophets, heretical
figures, and charismatic religious charlatans, some of them identified with this or that
eschatological title.

For information on the author's life, see Henri Laoust's contribution in the Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v.
"Ibn Kathir," EP (3:817-18); cf. Carl Brockelmann, s.v. "Ibn Kathir," Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam
(hereafter cited as SEI) (393-394). A fairly detailed list of Ibn Kathir's biographies occurring in Islamic
classical sources and some modern ones can be found in 'Umar Rida Kahhalah, "Ibn Kathir," Mu'jam almu 'allifin: Tardjim musannifi al-kutub al- 'Arabiya [Dictionary of Authors: Biographies of the Compilers
of Books in Arabic], 1:283-284.
8

Al-Biddya, vol. 11, pp. 197, 199-206

These anecdotes and stories found in many parts of al-Biddya, along with the
extensive supplementary hadith compilation in Nihdyat, demonstrate Ibn Kathir's
unmistakable interest in questions pertaining to apocalyptic matters. His was such an
intense and systematic preoccupation that the author devoted to it one treatise and felt it
necessary to have it included in his world history. On the face of it, this interest appeared
to derive from a passionate and genuine concern of a Muslim scholar for the fortunes of
his community and the status of his faith. In this sense, Ibn Kathir's work can be seen as
motivated by a desire to compile a 'fulfillment history'; i.e. a detailed account of
prophecies foretold in Muhammadan traditions and believed to have materialized. Ibn
Kathir saw this fulfillment, especially for contemporaneous prophecies, as compelling
evidence of the apocalyptic unfolding of events and epochs, having immediate resonance
and tangible consequences. The final days of history, according to his worldview,
seemed imminent, and the proximity of the Hour was not to be doubted.
But his work was also equally inspired by his passionate concern for what he saw
as a corruption of apocalyptic hadith and an urgent need to respond to a growing culture
of forged prophecies and false prophets. Particularly alarming to him was the
encroachment on hadith by Jewish or biblical sources (Isrd 'iliyydt). Ibn Kathir
repeatedly warns in his book against the dangers of mixing genuine Islamic traditions
with what he saw as alien sources and untrustworthy narratives from biblical lore. As a
renowned Shafi'i scholar, he perceived the existence of so many "impure" Muhammadan

On the range of meanings in which this term was employed by a number of Muslim scholars
throughout the ages, see Roberto Tottoli, "Origins and Use of the Term Isra'iliyydt in Muslim Literature,"
Arabica 46 (1999): 193-210. Recently, a conference paper on this topic entitled, "Quoting the Bible in
Tafsir: A Late Mamluk Controversy" was presented by Walid Saleh at the 216th Meeting of the American
Oriental Society in Seattle, Washington, March 17-20, 2006.

traditions as a malaise; it plagued Muslims' belief, corrupted their religious scholarship,

and polluted their second most authoritative scriptural source, the hadith.10 This reality
had to be confronted directly and openly, namely through the application of a severe
critique of such hadith material, as well as the setting of standards for the legitimate
borrowing from non-Islamic sources. This is how Ibn Kathir goes about explaining his
position regarding this point:
And we will not include from the Isrd 'iliydt anything except what the legislator
(al-shdri *) permits to be quoted from that which doesn't contradict God's Book
(the Qur'an) and the Sunna of his Messenger... [and we take from it] that which
was validly or reasonably correctly transmitted, and pinpoint that which is
weak.. .and reject what is useless...though a group of our scholars will find its
transmission acceptable. And we do not follow their [these scholars] example,
nor do we go in their direction. And we mention [in our book] from it
[Isrd 'iliyydt] very little, and only as a summary, showing what is truthful and is in
harmony with what we have, and what is in contradiction [with what we have],
hence it is to be denied.11

For Ibn Kathir, nowhere was this encroachment of biblical material on Islamic
canonical sources more pervasive than in the realm of apocalyptic traditions, as clearly
demonstrated in the two volumes of Nihdyat. Here many of the eschatological hadiths of
which the work consists are analyzed, criticized, and often declared by Ibn Kathir to be
cases of blind borrowing from biblical sources or unreliable forgeries inspired by suspect,
non-Islamic material.
10

Tottoli summarizes Ibn Kathir's position relying mainly on his universal history {al-Biddya) and
Quranic exegesis (Jafslr Ibn Kathir); see ibid., pp. 202-206. Interestingly, Tottoli makes only one
reference to the Nihdyat in relation to this topic; ibid., n. 47, pp. 203-204.
11

Al-Biddya, vol. 1, p. 5. For more comments by Ibn Kathir on the question of borrowing from biblical
sources and the authenticity of hadith traditions, see also al-Biddya, vol. 1, p 43; vol. 14, p. 37; and
Nihdyat, vol. 1, p. 22. It is ironic that six centuries later the editor of the published Nihdyat, Muhammad
Fahim Abu 'Ubayya, tried to upstage Ibn Kathir himself by censoring the book, banishing from the
published version some hadith reports that he apparently found too offensive. He goes as far as saying that
"it would have been better for Ibn Kathir to have dropped them [the traditions] from his account and to
have not given them any space in his book." See the editor's passing reference to this issue in his
introduction to Nihdyat, vol. 1, pp. 4-5.

Perhaps more troubling to Ibn Kathir than the existence of this uncritical mixing
of sources was the fact that it was widely practiced, as he makes it clear in the quote
above, by "a group of our scholars."12 These scholars, he thought, who embraced
eschatological material from alien sources and "[found] its transmission acceptable"
represented a real menace to the faith. Scholars who engaged in this kind of borrowing
perpetuated a harmful scholarship and were responsible for the spread of falsehood.13
This was clearly so important to Ibn Kathir that he was willing to actually collect these
hadiths in order to refute them, even at the risk of making them more available in the
process of doing so. Ibn Kathir's work and statement in this respect strongly suggest that
this kind of material circulated freely and found credence and acceptance with Muslim
scholars who did not differ that much from him in stature and affiliation.
This Research and Evidence of Islamic Apocalyptic Literature
The research I did for this dissertation shows that Ibn Kathir's concerns were
well-founded. There is much evidence that non-canonical apocalyptic literature of all
shapes and forms (including prophecies and narratives found in controversial hadith) was
widely available as part of the medieval Islamic culture. A large portion of this corpus
consisted of apocalyptic works, many of which survived to this day in multiple copies
that can be found in manuscript collections or, infrequently, in print format.

12

See Al-Biddya , vo. 1, p. 5, n. 6.

13

According to Tottoli, Isrd'iliyydt, pp. 204-205, the criticized group of scholars includes such early and
prominent collectors and transmitters of hadith as 'Abdullah bin 'Amr bin al-'As, Ibn 'Abbas, al-Bukhari,
and al-Bayhaqi. For a case study of an alleged Prophetic tradition encouraging Muslims to use biblical
material, see M. J. Kister, "Haddithu 'an bani isra'ila wa-la haraja: Study of an Early tradition, "Israel
Oriental Studies 2 (1972): 215-239; and for an analysis of a hadith showing the influence of Christian
sources, see Juan Pedro Monferrer-Sala, "An Early Muslim Tradition in Light of its Christian
Environment," Edebiyat 13 (2003): 27-35.

My research also shows that hadith wasn't the only primary source of prophecies
and apocalyptic speculation. Other equally popular sources of divination and
prophesying were also commonly used by Muslims, probably mostly in fields of
divinatory activities that are similar to what we have nowadays, i.e. fortune telling,
healing, entertainment. But the evidence also points to a definite interest in using
divination and prophecies in inter-dynastic contests, sectarian quarrels, and ChristianMuslim ideological struggles, all framed and forecast as part of the eschatological drama
of the last days of history.
One form in particular, apocalypses known as maldhim (singular, malhama),
proved to be of great appeal. Maldhim were transmitted both orally and as written
apocalypses. They typically resembled a poetic rendition of divine history in verse or
prose. A malhama usually included a prophetic retelling of selective events and
predictions of future dynastic and religious changes leading into the final countdown to
the end of the world. In addition to their extensive use of hadith collections, these verses
fashioned their predictions and prophecies using popular occult sciences, especially the
methods ofjafr and huruf (divination and numerology). Whether as hadith literature or
as maldhim, these sources, widely cultivated and disseminated by Muslim scholars of that
time period (presumably including those repudiated by Ibn Kathir), came to define the
medieval Islamic apocalyptic tradition.
The existence of this tradition can be traced back to several centuries before Ibn
Kathir's times.' In addition to traditional collections of hadith, much of this material is
preserved in a variety of other sources. The evidence these sources provide suggests that
Islamic apocalyptic speculation and divination in the medieval Islamic era witnessed a

distinct flowering. This seems to have been the case even though divination was viewed
by many with suspicion and those who were involved in it were frequently chastised, if
not severely punished. A plethora of prophecies and related literature from that period
indicate the significance of divination and apocalyptic speculation within medieval
Islamic culture. Their haunting texts and mysterious techniques inspired visions and
attracted predictions, generated prospects of sectarian hope and signs of collective
despair, as Muslim communities rose and tumbled with the constant ebb and flow of
history.
The literature in question ranges from stories about all sorts of magical exploits to
prophecies filled with apocalyptic predictions, either in anecdotal form, or in complete
treatises and book chapters devoted to these matters. As we learned from Ibn Kathir's
testimony, this kind of literature was embraced even by respected mainstream scholars,
some of them from the same Shafi'i Sunni denomination. In other words, the use of the
occult and the spread of prophesying wasn't a marginal occupation of a fringe group of
Muslim scholars, but rather a fairly accepted practice. And it is some of these scholars
and the tradition of Islamic divination and apocalyptic thought to which they belonged
that inspired this study.
Objective, Method and Content of Dissertation
In this dissertation, I intend to recover and contextualize the Islamic apocalyptic
tradition in the 7th/13th century. In other words, I aim at providing a snapshot picture of
Islamic apocalypticism and forms of divination and occult science that informed within
the scholarly culture of the medieval Islamic Eastern Mediterranean. I will do this by
examining pertinent examples of this tradition in their historical background and religious

setting, confirming the continuity and appeal of Islamic apocalyptic literature in the
writings of that period, especially in the form of hadith and maldhim. I will consider the
approach to this kind of material in scholarly circles and the potential impact of this
research on our understanding of medieval Islamic culture, its forms of religiosity, and its
denominational nature.
I will try to achieve this goal by a critical synthesis and reexamination of a wealth
of textual material mostly from unpublished sources. I will complement this synthesis
with a literature survey of the treatment of Islamic apocalyptic and divinatory literature
by modern scholars. This includes a review of studies focusing on apocalyptic hadith
and other kinds of scholarly contributions to the study of Islamic apocalypticism and
divination.
The remainder of my dissertation explores the Islamic apocalyptic tradition in
three different but interrelated ways: A case study through a close examination of a key
prophecy from the 6th/13th century; an exposition of the intricate connections between
Islamic apocalypticism, the occult, and AM al-Bayt (House of the Prophet); and an
overview of the how these themes and trends impacted the worldview of three prominent
medieval Muslim scholars, al-Ganji, al-Sulami, and al-Irbili.
I will offer a textual analysis of Ibn Talha's prophecy followed by a critical
consideration of its relevance to its times (specifically the chaotic final days of the
Ayyubid dynasty) and to the little precious information we have about its author, the
medieval scholar Ibn Talha. Like Ibn Kathir, Ibn Talha was a renowned Sunni scholar,
who for much of his life worked in state positions in the official religious administration.
While his career reflects the mundane life of a state functionary- teaching, adjudicating

10

and giving legal opinion, his writings show a very different side of him. Again like Ibn
Kathir, he was interested in apocalyptic literature, but in his case the purpose was not to
purge it, standardize its use, and regulate its sources; rather it seemed to have been the
opposite; for Ibn Talha freely used apocalyptic sources, including Shi'i collections of
hadith, and actually indulged in prophesying. Using hadith, numerology and divination,
he composed a prophetic treatise that would influence Islamic apocalyptic literature for
centuries and become a key divinatory text for later scholars, especially the great
Ottoman scholar Bistami.
In Ibn Talha's writings there is a clear obsession with the end of the world and
prophecies that herald the last days. But there is even a greater interest in Ahl al-Bayt
(House of the Prophet), from whose chain of Imams the Mahdi would eventually return
to play a central messianic role in the final drama of history. Ibn Talha's passionate
praise of, and devotion to, the Imams, in spite of his Sunni Shafi'i affiliation, is quite
remarkable. Using occult methods to predict the future, quoting liberally from noncanonical hadith collections, and professing intense loyalty to Ahl al-Bayt and the Imams
would have little place in the intellectual universe of mainstream Sunni scholars like Ibn
Kathir. In contrast, Ibn Talha's Sunni creed seems indistinguishable from the common
varieties of Shi'i doctrine.
My inquiry will also attempt to locate Islamic apocalypticism and divination
within the intellectual heritage and prophetic lore of the 6th/13th century. This is primarily
done by considering the connections this tradition has to the occult, the legacy of Ahl alBayt, and the lives and works of three prominent medieval Muslim scholars, al-Ganji, alSulami, and al-Irbili. I intend to look at these scholars (in addition to Ibn Talha) as points

11

of reference, while bringing to light the apocalyptic and divinatory traditions that
informed their sources and sensibilities. A number of key apocalyptic works are
introduced in support of this effort. They include writings controversially attributed to
Ibn 'Aqab, al-Kindi, Ibn 'Arabi and al-Safadi, as well as a number of anonymous
prophecies. The level of discussion of the selected works will depend on their relevance,
time-frame, and the manageability limitations of this study.
The medieval Islamic apocalyptic literature found expression in a number of
genres, including maldhim, or prophecies, and a massive corpus of works on divinatory
techniques, especially jafr and huruf, and occult sciences. Examples given in the study
show that often the interest in divination and devotion to Ahl al-Bayt went hand in hand,
mainly since members of the House of the Prophet were perceived to be a fountainhead
of esoteric knowledge, including the legendary divine science ofjafr wa-jdmi 'a. A brief
sketch of the divinatory reputation and extraordinary exploits of prominent ,4/*/ al-Bayt
figures, especially the Prophet's cousin 'Ali, is given to illustrate seminal moments of this
legacy, including examples of magical and wondrous actions, predictions of future
happenings and links to popular malhamas.
This special loyalty to the House of the Prophet was shared by all four scholars,
Ibn Talha, al-Ganji, al-Sulami, and al-Irbili. The first three were Sunni scholars, probably
the kind with whom Ibn Kathir would have been most concerned. Ostensibly, they
belonged to the same Shafi'i madhhab (school of religious law) as Ibn Kathir; yet their
religious practice and outlook is different. This is clearly apparent in their reception of
apocalyptic hadith and divination. In this respect, the three scholars are closer in their
approach to the Shi'i scholar al-Irbili than to their coreligionist Ibn Kathir.

12

Implications of Study to Scholarship

The contrast between such inconsistent versions of Sunni Shafi'i perspectives has
serious implications on our scholarly view of medieval Islamic culture. Ibn Kathir has
been generally portrayed as an authentic example of his period's intellectual orientation
and religious sensibilities. As such, he has been viewed as a Sunni "orthodox" scholar;
i.e. a typical representative of the dominant mainstream Sunni version of Islam.14 Indeed,
historical data seems to support Ibn Kathir's orthodox credentials. As a Mamluk jurist,
he for example showed utter contempt to what he saw as serious breaches of conformity.
On two occasions he supervised inquisitorial trials that ended in the execution of two
people who challenged the supposed consensus on doctrinal matters. The first victim was
accused of being an incarnationist from the al-Bajurbaqiyya mystical order, and the
second one a Shi'i from Hilla who apparently cursed the first three caliphs in public.15
Ibn Kathir's mindset was also evident in his views, which we described above,
regarding the potential danger of non-Islamic hadith sources and the need to purify
hadith literature. His opinions and actions are best seen in relation to the influence of his
tutor Ibn Taymiyya (d.729/1328), a strict Hanbalite, who was known as the most

14

For an explanation of "orthodoxy" in Islam, reservations on applying this term to Islamic doctrine,
and a discussion of its meaning in relation to relevant terms such as "Hanbalism" in the context of Islamic
history, see George Makdisi, "Hanbalite Islam," in Studies on Islam, ed. and trans. Merlin L. Swartz
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 216-264, esp. the parts entitled "Sufism and Hanbalism," pp.
240-251, and "Muslim Orthodoxy," pp. 251-264.
15

These episodes are alluded to by Ibn Kathir himself; see al-Biddya, vol. 14, pp. 201-202, 262. On the
subject of inquisition during this period, see E. Strauss, "L'inquisition dans l'Etat mamlouk," Revista degli
Studi Orientali 25(1950): 11 -26.

13

puritanical and charismatic of the Sunni scholars of the age.16 Ibn Kathir's drive to purify
and standardize eschatological prophetic traditions can be seen as an extension of Ibn
Taymiyya's religious and intellectual mission. In this sense, it is tempting to see Ibn
Kathir as the consummate medieval Sunni scholar: orthodox, conformist, ideological,
opinionated, and clearly knowledgeable in the fields where such men were expected to
show their learning.
However, one implication of the contrast between Ibn Kathir and different Sunni
scholars as Ibn Talha is the suggestion that Ibn Kathir cannot be regarded as a typical
representative of medieval Sunni Islam, but rather as an emphatic voice of one current
within a diversity of approaches characterizing competing interpretations and views of
Sunni doctors of law. The intellectual universes and experiences of the scholars we have
mentioned so far do not add up to a uniform and consistent school of law. The medieval
Sunni tradition, as the scholars discussed here demonstrate, was far from being a
monolithic denomination. And to consider the writings and interests of such people as
Ibn Talha, al-Ghanji and al-Sulami is to raise serious questions about how homogeneous
the body of belief and experience amongst Sunni scholars really was. The gap sometimes
is so wide that it suggests the need for a careful review of the very meaning of Sunnism
and Sh'ism and what separated Islamic madhhabs one from another during that important
formative period of Islamic history.17

16

For a discussion of the relevance of Ibn Taymiyya's to specific aspects of medieval Islamic culture,
see for example, Boaz Shoshan, Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo, Cambridge Studies in Islamic
Civilization (New York: Cambridge University press, 1993).
17

This could be seen as one facet of the more general lack of unity among medieval Muslim scholars
regarding topics of popular religious beliefs and practices, a view that is gaining increasing recognition by
students of Islamic history; see Shoshan, Popular Culture, p. 68.

14

Following from this contrast and related lines of inquiry, I also see my research as
a preliminary attempt to revise the current understanding of medieval Islamic religious
culture and the nature of Sunni and Shi'i madhhabs that characterized it. The perception
of this culture as found in modern scholarship is based on the alleged primacy of an
orthodox Sunnism. At the core of this belief is a uniform view of the kinds of religious
tendencies that dominated medieval Islamic culture in the Levant. But a closer look at
Islamic apocalyptic and divinatory traditions during those times shows the existence of a
wider and more flexible range of religious thought and experience; at least much wider
and elastic than what we have been led to believe so far.
With some notable exceptions, modern scholars tend to view life under the
Ayyubids and Mamluks (from the 5th/11th century onwards) as controlled by a rigid and
conservative form of Sunni belief system. As a result, much of the religious experience
of Muslim communities in the medieval Eastern Mediterranean is conveniently reduced
to a "Sunni revival," said to be the outcome of the rise of the Ash'ari Sunni school over
Shi'i ideology.18 The career of the great scholar al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111) is supposed to
symbolize this turning point in Islamic thought. Many students of Islamic history have
generally taken this notion for granted and used it uncritically till it became a dogma.
Even the building of madrasas (schools) was seen by some as an ideological act triggered

For a detailed review and critique of this position, see George Makdisi's "Ash'ari and the Ash'arites
in Islamic Religious History," Studia Islamica 18 (1962): 19-39. Makdisi argues that the notion that
Ash'ari thought turned 'orthodox' very early after it was formulated is the result of a selective reading of a
few Ash'ari scholars from Egypt and Syria whose writings were aimed at presenting a certain view and not
present a cultural fact.

15

by this rise of Sunnism.19 This view is echoed for example by Elisseeff in his description
of political and cultural life in Damascus in the late 6th/12th century:
Dimashk at this time was not only a great centre of Muslim cultural life but also
an important religious stronghold. The Sunni politics of the [Ayyubid
Dynasty] showed themselves in the encouragement which its leaders gave,
following the custom of the Saldjukids and the Zangids, to the propagation of the
Islamic faith and of orthodoxy. Civil architecture flourished at this time also.
Princes and princesses, high dignitaries and senior officers rivaled each other in
making religious foundations and Dimashk was soon to become the city of
madrasas.20

Another example is the view of Nabih Amin Faris, who regards this ideology not
only as dominant, but also as the core of what he considers a legacy of violence,
intolerance and decadence of the Ayyubids. For him, "it was only natural that anyone
who questioned a single tenet of Islam was pronounced at once a heretic and a traitor, and
that anyone who rose up against the state was declared at once a traitor and a heretic."
Faris offers no convincing evidence to support his claim that Shi'ism was seen as an
example of such heresy and treason. His 'explanation' hardly extends beyond asserting
the alleged "uncompromising and intense hatred which Islam reserved for its own
schismatic groups" and what he sees as the Sunni community's conviction in making
"holy war against all forms of Shi'ism one of [its] most urgent preoccupations."

19

See a critical reference to this position attributed to Goldziher and Berchem in the context of a
discussion of the role of madrasas in Michael Chamberlain, Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval
Damascus, 1190-1350, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1994), pp. 51-52. For a rich and relevant discussion see, Louis Pouzet, "Les madrasas de Damas et
lcurs professeurs durant le Vll/XIIleme sidcle," Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph

[1991/2], 52: 121-

196, as well as his more comprehensive work, Damas au VIIe/XIHe siecle: Vie et structures religieuses
dans une metropole islamique, Beirut: 1991.
20
EP, s.v. "Dimashk." (by Nikita Elisseeff, 2:277-291).
21

Nabih Amin Faris, "Arab Culture in the Twelfth Century," in A History of the Crusades, ed. Kenneth
M. Setton, vol. 5, The Impact of the Crusades on the Near East, eds. Norman P. Zacour and Harry W.
Hazard (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 3-32.
22

Ibid., 7-8.

16

Like scholars with a similar approach, Faris offers a narrow and selective reading
of sources and very few examples to justify his drastic conclusions. His few references to
incidents of clashes between people from different sects are a woefully deficient proof of
the kind of religious strife and sectarian hatred he claims existed. It would take much
more than two or three reports from Ibn al-Qalanisi, Abu Shama and Ibn Taghribirdi,
stretched over two centuries, to convincingly argue for the existence of such an
uncompromising and intolerant Sunni orthodoxy. Hence it is rather difficult to take
seriously Faris's assertion that "by the beginning of the twelfth century Moslem
orthodoxy was already established and Moslem conformity {ittibd *) was no longer
challenged or contested."
Such sweeping generalizations may be examples of the power of myth-making,
but not of careful scholarship. Even some of the best scholars in the field are susceptible
to this kind of temptation; this is the case for example of Jonathan Berkey in his
otherwise impressive work on popular preaching in medieval Islamic society. Both in his
quest for evidence and in arguing his ideas, Berkey cites cases and examples that extend
from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, creating a certain sense of essentialism and
collapsing five centuries of Islamic history into one homogeneous entity. Though aware
of this problem, Berkey "feels that his generalizations are justified because of the
'structural similarities that characterized the explicitly Sunni central Islamic world' in
this period and the "shared outlook that bound the ulama of the region' (16-17)."

Ibid., 9. Some of Faris's statements are reminiscent of the views of Hitti; see Philip K. Hitti, History
of Syria, Including Lebanon and Palestine (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1951), pp. 623-624.
24

See the review of Jonathan Berkey's Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval
Islamic Near East (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2001) by Ronald A. Messier in

17

The fact is we still know very little of Islamic medieval culture, including its
structural uniformity over space and time and how people's religious experiences were
related to forms of popular religiosity as well as established madhhabs and sectarian
groups. For example, in two full-length articles on the Mamluks in the Encyclopedia of
Islam, there is no characterization whatsoever of religious life or the state's religious
policies.25 Similarly, the reported facts about the popularity of Sunnism and its official
support by Ayyubid and Mamluk rulers are insufficient to answer specific questions
about shades of difference in religious customs and beliefs between places and timeperiods; and they are similarly inadequate to explain the prominence and respect Ibn
Kathir and Ibn Talha received from their contemporaries, regardless of the widely
divergent views that characterized their different brands of Sunnis affiliation.
Despite modern scholars' familiarity with Ibn Kathir, his interest in apocalyptic
traditions and sources has yet to be studied. His history was utilized only sparingly, with
some of the most fascinating historical material left untouched. Ibn Kathir's many
reports, for example, about heretics, heresies and other forms of religious dissent have not
been used as part of a comprehensive study of this kind of popular culture. The same can
be said of Ibn Kathir's reports regarding apocalyptic hadith and divination.
This scholarly indifference extends to the sum of Islamic divinatory writings.
Neither anecdotes about divination in general works, such as Ibn Kathir's history, nor
writings that were devoted completely to this subject have received serious and consistent

The Historian 65.5 (2003), p. 1170, http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdf?vid=10&hid=l 12&sid=0297b91c8fe6-45ac-9bdl-bbe48fa36a89%40sessionmgrl02 (accessed January 14, 2008).
25

See P. M. Holt's contribution in EP, s.v. "Mamluks," (6:314-331); and EP, s.v "Mamluks," (by M.
Sobernheim and J. H. Kramers, 5:216-221).

18

scholarly treatment. This fact was duly recognized by Hodgson in the course of his
comments on the intellectual and Sufi appreciation and practice of magic and divination.
Hodgson asserted that, while the occult lore "had been thoroughly assimilated to Islam"
and later studied "even by relatively Shari'ah-minded 'ulama up to a point [...] the vast
literature [produced] about this lore [...] has been little explored in modern times [...
and] we have no way of knowing what insights of value might be found in it."
Al-Biddya is an example of the first case, i.e. the disregard for divinatory clues
scattered in works of a different nature; while Nihdyat is a vivid example of the failure to
utilize a source fully dedicated to this genre. This lack of attention is also evident in the
tendency to sidestep writings that do not fit the mold, such as those that appear to be
peculiar, insignificant or irrelevant to what is commonly accepted as a valid historical
source. The reception of Ibn Kathir's work is an example of this tendency, with his
collection of eschatological hadith still treated as a marginal work, important mainly to
theologians or scholars interested in the genesis and evolution of hadith as a canonical
source; and of little interest to historians and other scholars, such as those working in the
fields of cultural studies and comparative religious systems.
Shifting the Focus and Research Agenda
The evidence from my research shows the need to reconsider, contextualize and
analyze more carefully all works of relevance to Islamic divination and apocalypticism. It
also shows the importance of developing a revised view of medieval Islam, one that is
more thoughtful and cognizant of the cultural complexities and religious intricacies of
that period. The occult, divination and apocalyptic thought were neither an aberration

26

Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3
vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), 2:459.

19

nor a marginal subculture; and a paradigm shift in how scholars of Islamic history have
traditionally discussed medieval Islamic culture is necessary and long overdue.
I believe that shifting the focus in this direction can energize the study of Islamic
history and contribute to a change of perspective and research agenda. Such new
emphasis could revive a forgotten corpus of Islamic medieval writings and rediscover
how these writings were appropriated and interpreted by different people in different
times in different contexts. In this sense, I hope that my study will help reveal, frame,
vindicate, and ultimately recover an important part of the medieval Islamic culture. To
sum it up, the net intellectual and research value of this project is perhaps to contribute in
my own way to creating a more sophisticated knowledge of medieval Islamic culture and
a more learned and tenable scholarly perception of it. Ultimately, I would like to see this
study as part of a collective intellectual effort, some of it already bearing fruit, to tell the
story of medieval Islamic culture in all of its multiple and true colors, layers, tastes and
flavors; and I hope to continue to be part of this effort long after the completion of this
research project.
Note on Transliteration and Related Matters
In this study I chose, at the risk of sounding simplistic, to use the term 'medieval'
to refer to the research period in preference over Hodgson's 'middle period' or such other
creative but sadly underused terms. On this topic, I am more in line with Jonathan
Berkey and agree with his logic on this matter.27 I also opted for transliteration of the
original Arabic texts cited to make them more accessible to readers with little or no
knowledge of reading Arabic script and usually followed immediately by a translation of
the texts cited, either in-text or in footnotes. Most of the works I cite are unpublished and
27

See Berkey, Popular Preaching, n. 20, p. 98.

20

thus the translations from them (texts as well as titles, terms, names, etc.) are always
mine, unless otherwise indicated. In my rendition of Arabic words and names, I followed
no specific designated style, but generally stayed close to Marshall Hodgson's method as
described in the first part of his monumental study, The Venture of Islam. In cases where
names have a commonly recognized written format, I followed that format.
Given the fairly large volume of Arabic text cited in the course of this
dissertation, I found it somewhat cumbersome to include all the symbols and diacritic
movements for transliterated Arabic words; I therefore implemented a compromise
solution whereby I did the most essential and ignored the rest; I decided to only show the
diacritics indicating the letters/sounds alif(d), wdw (u), yd' (i), 'ayn ('), and hamza (*).
Other unique sounding letters (namely c, , , \ -k, o*>, and o*>) were written in
approximate English based on common sense and best practices in the field. In some
ways, what I ended up using is a simplified version of the transliteration system of the
International Journal of Middle East Studies. I have sometimes encountered uncertainty
about the exact vocalization of some names, especially those of supposed ancient rulers,
sages and prophets, and obscure or fictional characters, in which case I either indicated
this confusion by placing a question mark following the name or actually presenting other
equally convincing forms of vocalization in parentheses after the one of my choice.
Finally, in recording years, I tried as much as possible to give dates in both Islamic
(Hijrf) and Christian (Gregorian) calendars, usually right next to each other, in this order,
separated by a slash. Only in some exceptional cases where the other calendar had little
significance, I gave the years in one or the other.

21

CHAPTER TWO
MODERN SCHOLARSHIP AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Marginalization of Islamic Divination and Apocalypticism

Modern scholarship in Islamic studies has so far largely failed to take notice of
Islamic apocalyptic literature, divinatory practices, and occult sciences, in spite of the
thriving reputation they enjoyed among medieval Muslims. As a result, much of the
literature that preserved them to posterity is still undiscovered, unstudied and
unpublished. It is hard to say with certainty if this is a case of underestimating the
potential evidence, or a failure to recognize its value. The end result though is the same;
i.e., a very important corpus of Islamic writings has been marginalized, inspiring little
research only rarely and at the extreme fringes of the research field. And consequently to
the extent these writings are relevant to the understanding of medieval Islamic culture,
this culture stands forgotten, misunderstood or distorted. Without sounding too
apocalyptic, a truly learned person (medieval or modern) should perhaps see this
scholarly indifference as a most distressing sign of the Hour!
It is incredible, for example, that Ibn Kathir's (d. 774/1373) Nihdyat al-biddya
wa-al-nihdya Jf al-fitan wa-al-maldhim, one of the largest medieval collections of
apocalyptic hadith, has remained virtually unstudied.1 The same is true of the work of alQurtubi (d. 671/1272) known as al-Tadhkira fi ahwdl al-mawtd wa-umur al-dkhira. The
1

The most extensive study on the author's life and works (Henri Laoust's article on "Ibn Kathir," in the
Encyclopedia of Islam) only mentions Nihdyat in passing. Other biographies of Ibn Kathir by Brockelman
and Kahhala (see previous chapter, n. 2) have very little to say about the book.
2

Shamsuddin Abu 'Abdullah Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkirafiahwdl al-mawtd waumur al-dkhira (a treatise on the affairs of the dead and the conditions of the last days), 2 vols., ed. alSayyid al-Jumayli (Beirut: Dar Ibn Zaydun, 1986).

23

fact that these two works are published (in multiple editions) and that their authors were
renowned scholars has not prompted any serious investigation of their significance.
Similarly, the important and detailed contribution of the celebrated scholar Ibn Khaldun
on divination and the occult in his seminal work al-Muqaddimah seemed to have inspired
little interest.
This lack of interest is evident in scholars' almost exclusive preference for studies
in traditional fields dealing with such topics as political history, religious and sectarian
conflict, social groups and institutions, philosophical questions, literary debates, etc. In
this sense, the subjects of systematic inquiry adopted by students of Islamic history have
continued to reflect the typology of an established historical 'rationalist' approach.
Cultural history, especially that of popular culture or 'peripheral' topics such as heresies,
occult sciences, magical practices, and unconventional religious phenomena, have
remained less than genuine subjects of historical investigation. Reflecting on his own
search for an adequate approach to do cultural history, Carlo Ginzburg suggests that his
success was due in part to allowing himself to be guided by chance and curiosity, rather
than a conscious strategy.5 It is an advice that is sorely needed for researchers working in
the field of Islamic studies. There is hardly an Islamic classical source that would fail to
3

See Ibn Khaldun's long treatment of magic, divination, and maldhim in Muqaddimat Ibn Khaldun, 3
vols., ed. 'Alt 'Abdulwahid Waft (Cairo: Dar Nahdat Misr, [1979]), esp. 2:821-841; see also Franz
Rosenthal's translation, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, 3 vols., 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton
University press, 1967), 3:171-227.
4

Barbara Langner sees the cultural flowering of the Mamluk period as a sign of vulgarization and a

retreat from rationalism, "when the occult 'sciences' of magic , astrology and alchemy, as likewise a
debased Sufism, gained widespread popularity;" see the review of her Untersuchungen zur historischen
Volkskunde Agyptens nach mamlukischen Quellen, Islam Kundliche Untersuchungen, Bd. 74 (Berlin: Klaus
Schwarz Verlag, 1983) by P. M. Holt in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 2
(1985): 356-357, p. 356, (http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0041977X%281985%2948%3A2%3C356%3AUZHVAN%3E2.0.CO%3B2-V (accessed October 11, 2007).
5

See the Preface to the Italian Edition of Ginzburg's Clues, p. xi.

24

turn a chance reference to some unconventional topic of research or shift the scholarly
curiosity to some new horizon.
New Approaches to Islamic Cultural History
In contrast with the standard scholarship, there is a growing tendency among
students of Islamic history to break away from traditional lines of research to pursue a
different kind of medieval cultural history, with a wide range of fresh ideas and new
perspectives. In the more general works dealing with Islamic medieval culture and
Mamluk society the works of Shoshan, Chamberlain, Langner, Haarmaan, and Lindsay
are of special importance.
Langner's book on Egyptian popular culture6, though condescending in its
characterization of the occult as a setback to the more enlightened rational thought of
previous Islamic eras, is nevertheless a useful assemblage of much intriguing material
scattered in a variety of Islamic sources. These include historical chronicles of such
writers as Ibn al-Furat (d. 647/1249), Ibn Iyas (d. 930/1524), and al-Maqrizi (845/1442).
Among the most interesting and relevant material the book has are popular narratives
containing prophecies pertaining to the future of Ayyubid and Mamluk dynasties; two of
them, coming from al-Dawadari's Kanz al-Durar, are picked up and briefly discussed by
Holt in his review of Langner's book.7 The data collected on popular culture is divided
among five categories: eating, weekdays, festivals, divination and magic, and popular
narratives. In many ways, the sheer quantity, diversity and classification of the data
make up for the general lack of historical and literary context of the book.

Barbara Langner, Untersuchungen, see above, n. 4.

Holt, Review of Untersuchungen, see above, n. 4.

25

Boaz Shoshan's Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo is an impressive addition to

the field, focusing on popular religious practices, including Sufism and festivals, among
the commoners of Cairo under the Mamluks, using a variety of methods of analysis and
drawing on a wide array of primary and secondary sources. Equally significant is
Michael Chamberlain's study of medieval Damascus focusing on the practices of using
knowledge at the level of social classes within the Damascene medieval society, namely
the 'ulamd (religious scholars) and the a'ydn (civil nobility).9 Chamberlain approaches
his subject as a cultural sociologist, exposing the rivalries of these groups and analyzing
their socio-economic intersections and interaction with the ruling elite. However his
interesting approach and extensive use of biographical dictionaries and tabaqdt literature
is more interesting than some of his secondary sources, contextual limitations and a
skewed conceptual framework that detracts from this otherwise fascinating inquiry.
Another contributor to the field is James E. Lindsay. His work on daily life in
medieval Islamic communities offers a close look at major aspects of daily existence
across the Islamic lands and from the beginning of Islam throughout the 7th/13th
century," Given the vastness of topic and space and time, Lindsay's book is more useful

Boaz Shoshan, Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (New
York: Cambridge University press, 1993); see the book's review by Jonathan P. Berkey in the American
Historical Review 100, no. 5 (1995): 1637,
http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdf?vid=ll&hid=12&sid=0297b91c-8fc6-45ac-9bdlbbe48fa36a89%40sessionmgrl02 (accessed April 21, 2007).
9

Michael Chamberlain, Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190-1350, Cambridge

Studies in Islamic civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

10

See an excellent review of Chamberlain's book by Mona Abul-Fadl in The Middle East Journal 50,
no. 1 (1996): 137-139.
http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=23&sid=7&srchmode=l&vinst=PROD&fmt=3... (accessed July
27, 2007).
1

' James E. Lindsay, Daily life in the Medieval Islamic World, Daily Life Through History (Greenwood:
Greenwood Press, 2005).

26

as a general introduction than anything else. Perhaps more interesting is Lindsay's article
on the portrayal of Sarah and Hagar in the Damascus history of Ibn 'Asakir (d. 1176).12
The biographies of the two sacred women is an interesting example of searching for
cultural history in classical historical narratives and in further exploring the field of
sacred figures and sacred Syria (fadd 'il al-Shdm) literature.13
Some of the literature is not totally relevant to the medieval period we are
interested in, though it might look so. The use of the term 'medieval' is not always
consistent, occasionally indicating a period or periods other than the one we are interested
in here.14 One example of this potential confusion is & festschrift collection of articles
entitled, Culture and Memory in Medieval Islam, which deals with a wide range of topics
ranging in period from the Abbasids to the Fatimid dynasty.

Perhaps the most relevant

of the articles in the collection is Paul E. Walker's "textual study of symbolic objects in
medieval Islam, providing an admirable detailed account of (tales of) the careers of
several prophetic relics in the battle for legitimacy between Fatimids and their Sunni
rivals."16 Another example of this potential confusion is a book by Julia Bray on writing

James E. Lindsay, "Sarah and Hagar in Ibn 'Asakir's History of Damascus," Medieval Encounters 14,
no. 1 (2008): 1-14.
13

For other articles that use this kind of literature, see for example Paul W. Cobb, "Virtual Sacrality:
Making Muslim Syria Sacred Before the Crusades," Medieval Encounters 8, no.l (2002): 35-55; and Josef
W. Meri, "Re-appropriating Sacred Space: Medieval Jews and Muslims Seeking Elijah and Al-Khadir,"
Medieval Encounters 5, no. 3 (1999): 237-265.
14

A most recent discussion of this topic is Daniel Martin Varisco, "Making 'Medieval' Islam

Meaningful," Medieval Encounters 13, no. 3 (2007): 385-412.

15

Josef W. Meri and Farhad Daftary, eds. Culture and Memory in Medieval Islam, Essays in Honour of
Wilfred Madelung, (London: LB. Tauris & The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2003).
16

See the book's review by Nile Green in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 16, no. 1 (2006): 93-95,
http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1401032391&sid=5&Fmt=l&clientld=47045&RQT=309&VName=
PQD (accessed July 29, 2007).

27

11

and representation in Islamic historiography and other forms of prose literature.

The

title suggests a work on medieval Islamic culture, but the time-period actually covered by
the collection of articles is restricted to the formative period of the eighth and tenth
centuries.
Some very interesting research on Medieval culture and society was carried out
by Ulrich Haarmann. His effort and that of Thomas Philippe in publishing an edited
collection of articles on Mamluk society is an important work in the field. Its coverage
encompasses a large selection of subjects and goes beyond the medieval era of this study,
since it focuses on the Mamluk institution and its continuity into Ottoman Egypt rather
than a specific time-period.18 Divided into four sections, the third one called, "Mamluk
culture, science and education", the thematic categories are very fluid and overlapping
and the articles don't always reflect this organizational plan. Among the many
contributors of the book as a whole, the articles by Jonathan Berkey (on the evolution of
Mamluk culture), Ulrich Haarmann (on Mamluk horsemanship and martial arts), and
Huda Lutfi (on al-Maqrizi's description of Coptic Nile festivals) are among the most
relevant to the study of medieval Islamic culture. Other notable studies by Haarmann,
relevant to the field include his article on the Arab perception of Turks throughout

17

Julia Bray, Writing and Representation in Medieval Mam: Muslim Horizons, Routledge Studies in
Middle Eastern Literatures (New York: Routledge, 2006).
18

Thomas Philippe and Ulrich Haarmann, eds., The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society,
Cambridge Studies in Islamic civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); an excellent
review of the book was done by Mohamed H. Mohamed in the Canadian Journal of History 35, no. 1
(2000): 196-198, http://web.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=3279051&site=ehostlive (accessed September 5, 2007).

28

Islamic history and the evolution of Coptic reaction to the Muslim newcomers in
Medieval Egypt.19
One area of medieval Islamic culture that has also seen a revival of sorts in terms
of research agenda and methodology is the history of Islamic spirituality, mysticism and
religious dissent. The change has seen more interest in micro-history and case studies
and an expansion of the range of cultural phenomena under study. Here the research of
Ahmet Karamustafa can serve as a good example of originality and meticulous
scholarship. Karamustafa's investigation of peculiar mystical orders (namely the
Haydariyya and Qalandariyya) and the evolution of Islamic Sufism across the medieval
Islamic landscape points the way for future research in this field.20 Karamustafa
demonstrates the amazing richness of Islamic classical sources and the potential rewards
they can yield by considering them carefully and with an open mind to their utility,
scope, and subject matter. He also exposes the inadequacy of the approaches that ignore
such cultural experiences or offer ahistorical explanations for their existence.
Also relevant to this effort is the work of Alexander Knysh on Islamic heresies
and the life and thought of the great mystic Ibn 'Arabi,

as well as the contributions of

Josef Meri, Richard McGregor, Daniella Talmon-heller and Denise Aigle on medieval

19

Ulrich W. Haarmann, "Ideology and History, Identity and Alterity: The Arab Image of the Turk from
the Abbasids to Modern Egypt," InternationalJournal of Middle east Studies 20, no. 2 (1988): 175-196;
idem, "Regional Sentiment in Medieval Egypt," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 43,
no, 1 (1980): 55-66.
20

Ahmet T. Karamustafa, God's Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period
1200-1550 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994); see also his more recent Sufism: The
Formative Period (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
21

Alexander Knysh, "'Orthodoxy' and 'Heresy' in Medieval Islam: An Essay and Reassessment," The
Muslim World'83 (1993): 48-67; see also his Islamic Mysticism: A Short History (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000);
and his Ibn 'Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition: The making of a polemical image in medieval Islam
(New York: SUNY Press, 1998).

29

sainthood, saints and their culture of miracles, mysticism and devotional objects.
Talmon-Heller's recent work on Islamic piety is an important addition to the new more
sophisticated and sensitive treatment of medieval Islamic culture.23 Unfortunately
though, there is still a long way to go before a paradigm shift in the field of Islamic
cultural history can effectively challenge conventional wisdom.
Scholarship and Islamic Historical Chronicles
Scholarship in the field of Islamic history is plagued by its general lack of interest
in Islamic apocalyptic literature and the culture of divination and the occult, leading to
serious gaps in our knowledge and understanding of Islamic culture. This situation is
neither inevitable nor justifiable, given the rich and diverse classical sources at our
disposal. For example, most studies in the field of Islamic history utilize historical
chronicles, usually for purposes of political, economic, or social history. However these
historical works are also full of elaborate reports and anecdotes on a wide range of topics,
including magic, prophecies, heretics, pseudo-prophets, and millenarian agitations, that
for the most part haven't been used as historical sources.24 Researchers have not shown

JosefW. Meri, The Cult of Saints among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2002); Richard J. A. McGregor, Sanctity and Mysticism in Medieval Egypt: The Wafa
Sufi Order and the Legacy oflbn 'arabi (New York: State University of New York press, 2006); Daniella
Talmon-Heller, "The Cited Tales of the Wondrous Doings of the Shaykhs of the Holy Land by Diya' alDin Abu 'Abd Allh Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi," Crusades 1 (2003): 111-154; see also a
collection of 25 contributions in Miracle et kardma. Hagiographies medievales compares 2, vol. 109, ed.
Denise Aigle, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences religieuses, vol. 109 (Turnhout,
Belgium: Brepols, 2000); An itinerary of the writers and articles can be found in Christopher Melchert's
review of the book in JAOS 122, no. 3 (2002): 633-635.
23

Daniella Talmon-Heller, Islamic Piety in Medieval Syria: Mosques, Cemeteries and Sermons Unider the
Zangids and Ayyubids (11-46-1260), Jerusalem Studies in Region and Culture, Leiden: Brill Academic
Pub., 2007.
24

Examples of exceptions to this neglect include some of the work of Ulrich Haarmann, Josef Meri, and
James Lindsay, among others; see more specific references to their contributions mentioned somewhere
else in this chapter.

30

enough appreciation of the potential of these reports, scattered as they may, in informing
our understanding of the cultural history of medieval Muslim communities. Thus there is
not yet a systematic appropriation of such material in modern scholarship.
In addition to culture, the reports and anecdotes mentioned above are also
imperative to the understanding of medieval Islamic historiography, its various schools,
patterns and overall significance. But there is little evidence of a sustained scholarly
interest in using such content from historical chronicles for that purpose. And even in
cases where such content is extensive and most intriguing, such as with Ibn Kathir, the
scholarly approach seems to remain mostly unchanged. Indeed, there is much work to be
done in terms of mapping out the evolution of Islamic historical writing and the changes
it underwent during the medieval period; though some progress has been done in
studying key areas such as the language of medieval historical chronicles, their use of
sources, structure and organization of reports, nature of reportable material, and
ideological and personal biases.25
However the patterns of development of medieval Islamic historiography have not
yet been convincingly identified and analyzed. In this regard Stephen Humphreys had
presented the problem admiringly clearly:
A good synthetic study of this [historiographical] literature will not be possible
until we have a foundation of monographs dealing with the methods, concepts,
There is no one work that gives a comprehensive and persuasive review of the evolution of Islamic
historiography. For an excellent analysis of this problem and a diagnosis of the main historiographical

changes vis-a-vis the medieval Islamic period, see chapter five of R. Stephen Humphreys, Islamic History:
A Framework for Inquiry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 128-147. Further, see Franz
Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968). A more detailed treatment of
the various Islamic historiographical traditions in different periods with analysis of modern historical
writings on Islam and the Middle East can be found in Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, eds., Historians of
the Middle East, Historical Writing on the Peoples of Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1962). See
also B. Carra de Vaux's article on "Ta'rikh," in EP (vol. 8, p. 672); and the lengthy and very useful entry
by H. A. R. Gibb, s,v., "Ta'rikh," EP (vol. 9, pp. 233-245).

31

and literary structures used by particular [Muslim] authors and historiographic

"schools." Only a few such historians have benefited from such studies, however,
Oft

and these are of very uneven quality.

The narrow and selective attention to Islamic historical chronicles leaves them largely
unexplored. This means that some of the most interesting content is regularly excluded
from the active fields of study. The material in question includes such intriguing topics
as legendary histories of races and communities, fantastic genealogies, fables about
ancient figures, mythological narratives, and pre-Islamic prophetology. This unique
material is not only underused, but is often unknown to some historians. In one example,
Joachim Wach suggests that the lack of production on the part of scholars of Islamic
history in themes like myth, ritual, sacral kingship and symbolism "comes about because
the mainstream of the Islamic tradition is not notably rich in mythological expression, in
cultic development, or in the proliferation of symbolism. As for sacral kingship, there is
97

simply no Islamic exemplification of this phenomenon known to me."

One could not

be farther from the truth.

How many studies have been done on individual medieval Islamic historians?
How much do we know of the styles these chroniclers adopted, their readings or
selections from available sources, and the levels of attention they gave to different kinds
of material included in their local and universal histories? The answer unfortunately is,
very little indeed. Many medieval chronicles are perceived as little more than repetitions
of contemporaneous and earlier historians' works, and therefore are likely to be
26

R. Stephen Humphreys, Islamic History, p. 133.

27

See Joachim Wach's "Introduction: The Meaning and Task of the History of Religions
(Religionswissenschaft)," in The History of Religion: Essays on the Problem of Understanding, Essays in
Divinity, vol. 1, gen. ed. Jerald C. Brauer, eds. Joseph M. Kitagawa, Mircea Eliade and Charles H. Long
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 180-183.

32

dismissed by modern scholars. Several students of Islamic history, including Haarmann

and Gibb, have criticized this attitude. In the following quotation, Gibb shows how a
careful study of some chronicles can reveal interesting variations within specific areas of
the historical writing of a certain period, namely how historians differently combined
political chronology and biographical notices:
The principal feature [of].. .the new period.. .is the revival of the Universal
Chronicle (beginning with the Creation) or more frequently the General Chronicle
(beginning with the rise of Islam). The older and more humanistic view of
history.. .is thus recovered, although no fresh investigation.. .is made into the
history of the earlier centuries. The outlook of the scholar is.. .revealed in the
effort to combine political and biographical annals, as had indeed already been
done in some of the earlier local chronicles, such as the Damascus chronicle of
Ibn al-Kalanisi (d. 555 = 1160). The relative proportion of the two elements, of
course, varied with the interests of the writer; in some chronicles [see Ibn alDjawzi, al-Dhahabi, Ibn Dukmak] the obituary notices overshadow the political
events that the latter are often reduced to a few abrupt sentences, while in the
famous Kamil of Tzz al-Din Ibn al-Athir (d. 630 = 1233) these proportions are
reversed.28

Such careful mapping of the evolution of genres of historical writing is still a rarity.
Consequently, one can only imagine what would be learned from a thoughtful
consideration of Muslim historians. The systematic and comparative analyses of the
many typical categories and incidental details found in their writings can multiply the net
value of these sources by rehabilitating their potential as informative and reliable sources
and therefore change the way in which received scholarship approach the rich and diverse
corpus of Islamic historiography.

28

See Gibb's article, s.v.,"Ta'rikh," EP (supplement 9:230-245, esp. 240).

29

There is some progress in such studies surveying or using Islamic historiographical literature, both at
the macro-level of surveying and the more specific analysis of subjects, genres, historians, etc. For an
example of the first kind, see Tarif Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period (Cambridge:
Cambridge University pres, 1994).; and for the micro-level approach, see for example, George Makdisi,
"The Diary in Islamic Historiography," History and Theory 25, no. 2 (1986): 173-185.

33

It is true that Muslim historians were mostly great synthesizers who certainly had
to make the best use of the histories written before them. But in most syntheses they
worked on, they also managed to leave their own distinct personal and scholarly imprint;
in other words, they were not so different from today's historians, in that they had to be
equally creative observers and writers, as well as great synthesizers. Ulrich Haarmann for
example points out that despite the fact that the first volume of Ibn al-Dawadari's (d. after
736/1337) universal history Kanz al-durar wa-jdmi' al-ghurar is known to be wholly
copied from Sibt ibn al-Jawzi's (d. 654/1256) classic Mira'dt al-zamdn without
alteration, "yet even here.. .Ibn al- Dawadari cannot help adding a highly literary story to
Sibt's text, thus leaving a distinct personal and contemporary mark on this book. I am
referring to two folk legends currents in his own day: they deal with treasures hidden
T A

beneath the sphinx of Gizah."

However, modern scholarship has largely

underestimated these historians on both accounts; so neither their unique testimonies, nor
the way they reproduced or adapted earlier chronicles has attracted suitable scholarly
attention. There are hardly any studies for example on the story (or myth) of creation or
the legendary representations of historical personalities such as Alexander the Great, both
T 1

of which are regular motifs in Islamic historical chronicles.

See Ulrich Haarmann's review of Bernd Radtke's Weltgeschichte und Weltbeschreibung im

mittelalterlichen

Islam m Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 1 (1995): 133-135, p. 135,

http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=6934802&sid=7&Fmt=3&clientld=47045&RQT=309&VName=PQ
D (accessed January 19, 2008).
31

One such exception is Bernd Radtke's study of a number of historical chronicles as to their
importance to medieval Islamic cosmography, cosmology and culture entitled, Weltgeschichte und
Weltbeschreibung im mittelalterlichen Islam, Beiruter Texte und Studien, vil. 51 (Beirut and Stuttgart:
Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992); see Haarmann's informative review of the book in JAOS 115, no. 1 (1995):
133-135.

34

In contrast, a small group of scholars are taking the lead in creating a different
scholarship. And as a result of their work, Islamic medieval historiography is finally
getting the kind of attention it deserves, albeit slowly and on a fairly small scale. One
feature of this historiography that is attracting increased attention, a fact recognized by
Humphreys, is the interest medieval Muslim historians apparently had in including
certain kinds of unconventional material in their chronicles. This could be seen for
example in their continuing efforts to integrate anecdotal narratives and mythical and
legendary accounts in historical annals.
Once again, Ulrich Haarmann can be pointed out as an excellent example of
scholars charting a new approach in the field by studying unconventional aspects of
Islamic historical chronicles. Haarmann's studies in the area of Mamluk historiography
are truly refreshing.32 In addition to his meticulous scholarship in helping to publish the
pivotal chronicle of one of the most important Mamluk historians, al-'Ayni, he also made
a direct contribution to the field by making a critical edition of al-Idrisi's monograph on
the pyramids, known as Kitdb al-ahrdm (The Book of Pyramids), or more specifically,
Kitdb anwdr 'ulwfy al-ajrdmfi kashf 'an asrdr al-ahrdm, a work that further confirms the
wide interest in magic and divination among medieval Muslims both from its content and
references and from the many manuscripts Haarmann found for it.

Haarmann has also

been studying the profound influence folkloric elements and legends had in Mamluk

R. S. Humphreys, Islamic History, p. 135.

33

Ulrich Haarmann, ed., Das Pyramidencuch des Abu Ga'far al-Idrisi (st. 649/1251), Orient-Institut der
Deutschen Morgenlandischen gesellschaft, Beirut Texte und Studien, Bd. 38 (Beirut and Stuttgart: Franz
Steiner verlag, 1991).

35

historical writing.

His effort is important in excavating the historical text as a cultural

artifact. In this sense, the standard set of traditional facts sought after by traditional
historians, as well as seemingly irrelevant anecdotes and unconventional information, are
all taken equally seriously.
However, unlike the approach just described, the dominant view in our modern
scholarship still measures the value of historical writing based on the conformity of such
writings to a simple criterion of factual reporting in conventional areas of interest. The
more factual a chronicle is in terms of straightforward political, economic, and social
references, the more relevant it becomes. In other words, the value of a historical report
is contingent on the extent to which it reconstructs the basic political and socio-economic
picture and avoids topics considered to be trivial or marginal. This position is best
illustrated by Holt's evaluation of Mamluk historiography:
The limitation of this oriental historiography at the time of the
Crusades seems to us to be general to medieval Muslim (and perhaps not only
Muslim) historiography of the Middle Ages. Interest is limited to strictly
pragmatic and dynastic history, caring little for economic and social factors,
quicker to seize the exterior aspects of phenomena than to shed light on their
genesis and development; hence the well-known predilection of these authors for
details and anecdotes, which often adorn their pages to the detriment of real
historical value, and the absence in contrast of that which is taken for granted in
themselves and ignored in the enemy: institution, customs, law and economics.

Holt displays here what I am tempted to call, the curse of Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406).
Ibn Khaldun, perhaps the most famous of all Muslim historians, is regarded by many

Idem., "Turkish Legends in the Popular Historiography of Medieval Egypt," in Proceedings of the
Vlth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Visby 13-16 August, Stockholm 17-19 August, 1972, ed.
Frithiof Rundgren, Kungl. Vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademiens handlingar, Filologisk-filosofiska
serien, 15. delen (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1972), pp. 97-107.
35

P. M. Holt, "The Arabic Historiography of the Crusades," in Historians of the Middle East, eds. B.
Lewis and P. M. Holt (Londn: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 106-107.

36

scholars as a personification of the 'true' learned medieval Muslim scholar. His great
work, al-Muqaddimah, has all the qualities that seem to meet the requirements of modern
scholarship. It is a highly analytical work, very opinionated and critical of the material
presented in it, and it is conceived with a definite rationalistic conceptual framework.
And though it's not completely devoid of legendary narratives, al-Muqaddimah, unlike
the author's multi-volume historical chronicle, hardly wastes space on superfluous details
and anecdotes.
Given this reputation, Ibn Khaldun and his Muqaddimah have become the measure
of what a Muslim historian should be and a medieval chronicle should look like. A view
based on this kind of assumption is clearly anachronistic and unjustifiable. Countering
this 'curse' or removing it first requires placing Ibn Khaldun's achievement in
perspective. This means appreciating al-Muqaddimah, not as the criteria of historical
writing, but as an exceptional leap of theoretical genius. It also means recognizing what
is common between Ibn Khaldun and other historians, namely the mostly traditional plan
of the remainder of his historical chronicle. Scholars who can do that are in a better
position to consider medieval Muslim historians on their own terms, seeing them in the
full glare of their lives and works and in the context of their own times and worldviews.
Ultimately, this means to be able to regard the digressions, details and anecdotes that fill
those chronicles as integral parts of the historians' synthesis of the medieval Islamic
culture. This is now more likely to be the case, if not because of the growing influence of
36

Al-Muqaddimah is actually the introductory chapter to the world history of Ibn Khaldun, known in
short as Kitdb al- 'ibar (the book of precepts). In his rather long introduction to his history, Ibn Khaldun
articulates what he calls 'Urn al- 'umrdn (science of urbanization or socialized human existence), seen by
many as a pioneering philosophy of history or even the earliest sociological analysis of socialized human
existence. However, the historical chronicle itself is not radically different from other medieval histories,
basically following the same basic me format of medieval histories, though giving a more prominent place
for the history of the Berber and the biography of the author .

37

scholars like Haarmann, then because of the sheer increase in the edited and translated
medieval histories and their accessibility. This also reflects the growing reliability of
medieval Muslim historians and Mamluk historiography.37
Scholarship and Hadtth Literature
Another area largely ignored by modern scholars is hadtth literature. In this field,
there is a clear hesitation to consider hadith in general, and apocalyptic hadith in
particular, as a genuine historical source. The widespread use of Muhammadan
apocalyptic traditions in all genres of medieval literature has attracted minimal scholarly
interest. In the case of apocalyptic hadith, scholars seem to view it as a sort of recycling
of eschatological material taken from standard hadith collections with no specific
historical value beyond religious exhortation or justification of this or that doctrinal point.
But its constant repetition by Muslim scholars from all periods makes this material all the
more relevant. Once prophetic traditions are accepted as a potential source, the challenge
for scholars then is to find out the historical relevance of hadith literature and explain the
reasons behind its use specific situations and different times. Clearly, the study of hadith
in this regard, though highly interpretive and somewhat distant from standard historical
research, will complement historical studies that use other more established sources and
consequently enrich scholarship on Islamic history.
Similar to other categories of prophetic traditions, apocalyptic hadith has also been
mostly ignored by scholars.38 A most extensive expression of Islamic eschatology, this
37

For two examples of this growing interest, see, Sami Massoud, The Chronicles and Annalistic Sources
of the Early Mamluk Circassian Period, Islamic History and civilization, 67 (Leiden: Brill, 2007); Li Guo,
Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography: Al YuninVs Dhayl Mir 'at al-zamdn, Islamic History and civilization,
21 (Leiden: Brill, 1998). The trend is not totally new; only it's more frequent and methodical; for earlier
effort, see for example, Donald Little, "The Recovery of a Lost Source for Bahri Mamluk History: AlYusufi's Nuzhat Al-Nazir fi STrat Al-Malik Al-Nasir," Journal of American Oriental Society 94, no. 1
(1974): 42-54.

38

kind of hadiith has earned a permanent place in the canonical collections of Sahihs,
Musnads, and Sunans and is no less interesting and divergent than the thousands of other
Muhammadan traditions that deal with other topics. Yet the intriguing chapters-on/zta
wa-maldhim, the title these reports are habitually clustered under in the classical
compilations, have inspired only a small number of researchers. This is also true of the
dramatic examples of the reproduction of apocalyptic traditions that resulted in such
fascinating works as Ibn Kathir's Nihdyat and al-Qurtubi's al-Tadhkira, which remain
almost totally unstudied.
One reason for this aversion to engage hadith literature as a historical source is the
general mistrust prevalent in some scholarly circles of the sources of early Islamic
history, especially Muhammadan traditions. These scholars often express profound
doubts about the authenticity of hadiths and question the validity of its origin,
transmission and content.

For example, Schacht took Goldziher's separation between

the Sunna and the Prophet one step farther by proposing that many of the hadith
traditions were fabricated and suggesting a reverse dating method for them; thus
according to Schacht, "the more perfect the isndd, the later the tradition."40 Other

A good review of the development of hadith and the main issues involving it is L. T. Librande's
article, "Hadith," The Encyclopedia of Religion (6: 143-51). Librande also gives a useful synopsis of the
main trends in Western scholarship on hadith, as represented by Ignaz Goldziher, Joseph Schacht, Nabia
Abbott and G. H. A. Juynboll.
39

Some of the influential scholars from this school include Ignaz Goldziher, Joseph Schacht, Patricia

Crone, John Wansbrough, Henri Lammens, Michael Cook, and Lawrence I. Conrad. They are at the core

of a group known as the "revisionist orientalists," indicating their rejection of standard theories on the
interpretation of early Islamic sources and history, including Muhammad's biography. For a classic sample
of their views, see Patricia Crone and Micheal Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); John Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu: Content and
Composition of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978); Michael Cook, Early
Muslim Dogma: A Source-Critical Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
40
Joseph Schacht, "A Revaluation of Islamic Traditions," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 49
(1949): 143-154, esp. p. 147; see also the author's seminal work, The Origins of Muhammadan

39

examples range between extreme polemics and more scholarly critiques with different
degrees of plausibility and sophistication. The contributions of Juynboll and Berg can
also somewhat be counted within this category.41 The implications however for hadith
(and other early Islamic sources) are the same; that is the rejection of their reliability as
historical records.
To some extent, this critique or attack on hadith is understandable, since Muslim
scholars themselves have long acknowledged the existence of a large body of forged or
suspect hadiths and debated the best ways of distinguishing them from genuine traditions.
The critical examination of hadith among Muslim traditionists lead from an early stage to
the birth of a number of sciences devoted to the verification and evaluation of hadith
reports, their matn, i.e. substance, and their isndd, or chains of authorities or transmitters.
It is perhaps in this spirit that Ibn Kathir compiled the Nihdyat as he expressed his
concern for the spread of what he considered forged apocalyptic traditions. As such, the
book could be seen as a sort of revisionist effort by a Muslim scholar to settle this issue
by creating a comprehensive collection of these traditions, along with instructive
commentary and a critical discussion of their content, transmission, and their particular
degree of reliability within that genre.42

Jurisprudence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950), and his An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1964).
41

One example of a study that attempts to be more balanced, though still heavily skeptical of Islamic
sources, is Herbert Berg's The Development of Exegesis in Early Islam: The Authenticity of Muslim
Literature from the Formative Period, Curzon Studies in the Qur'an (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press,
2000); Another such example is G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition: Studies in Chronology, Provenance,
and Authorship of Early Hadith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); as well as, idem., Studies
on the Origins and Uses of Islamic Hadith (Brookfield: Variorum, 1996).
42

See Ibn Kathir's introduction to his Nihdyat.

40

However, scholars who espouse this lingering suspicion of hadith seem less
interested in appreciating the critical efforts of Muslim writers and collectors than in
emphasizing the blanket unreliability of hadith and its sources, usually by discrediting the
accuracy of its matn and isndd. In some cases, as is with Wansbrough, the Qur'an is also
taken to task and its perceived origins and unity are brought into question. Wansbrough
is perhaps the most sophisticated rejectionist scholar and his conclusions are the most farreaching. His idea is that in the absence of any authentic indigenous or external sources
from the first two centuries of Islam, "the seventh-century Hijaz owes its
historiographical existence almost entirely to the creative endeavour of Muslim and
Orientalist scholarship."43 In addition to this, Wansbrough considers the earliest Islamic
sources (Qur'an, tafsir, hadith, sira, Surma, etc.) as pieces of evidence constituting a
literature of a sacred or salvational history. And as such, his thesis is that, "that record
has got to be interpreted in accordance with what we know of literary criticism."44
These methodological concerns notwithstanding, the mistrust of hadith in general
seems to be also a product of a misconstrued focus on the question of authenticity. In the
quest for absolute reliability, there is a common failure to recognize the nature of hadith
material and its historical relevance. For many scholars, the fact that questions of
authenticity are not fully answered is sufficient reason for complete exclusion of the
relevant material. This means, as Librandi correctly remarks, that the way these scholars
pose the question of authenticity " may demand too much historically of hadith. By
nature, hadith are exemplary. They were judged authentic [by Muslim scholars] by
virtue of their acceptability as carriers of what the transmitters believed about the Prophet
43

Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu, p. 9.

44

Ibid., pp. 14-15.

41

and the early [Muslim] community."

This view is shared by a group of scholars who

belong to a radically different school in Islamic studies, sometimes called the

'reconstructive history' approach.46 Generally speaking, the proponents of this
orientation suggest that the documents of the early Islamic period, while subject to
criticism that can occasionally render them less than reliable, still contain the basic
patterns and events of the historical narrative of that period. For these scholars, the
kernel of what happened in the early Islamic period has been preserved and transmitted
and there are no compelling reasons to indulge in the kind of formative criticism and
literary analysis demonstrated by Wansbrough.
Despite the persistence of this problem, a modest scholarly progress was made in
the area of using hadith as historical documents, resulting in the publication of some
important studies in this field. One of the most compelling and emphatic arguments to
defend hadith (alongside three other traditions, namely adab, i.e. literature, hikma, i.e.
philosophy, and siydsa, i.e. politics) as central to Islamic historiography was offered by
Tarif Khalid in his important work on Islamic historiography.47 Though significant in

See Librandi's article, "Hadith," The Encyclopedia of Religion (6:148). For another review, with
more emphasis on the sciences of hadith criticism, see s.v. "Hadith," EP (by J. Robson, 3:23-28).
46

Among the scholars of this orientation are Montgomery Watt, Fuat Sezgin, Fazlur Rahman, Nabia
Abbott, Muhammad Mustafa al-Azami, C. H. M. Veersteegh, Harald Motzky, Fred Donner, Estelle
Whelan, and Wilferd Madelung, A sample of their important work includes, Nabia Abbott's monumental
series, Studies in Arabic Literary papyri, 3 vols. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1957-1974),
especially the second volume, Qur'anic Commentary & Tradition (1967); idem., "Hadith Literature:
Collection and Transmission of Hadith," in Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, eds.
A.F.L. Beeston, et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 289-298; M. Mustafa al-Azami,
On Schacht 's Origins of Muhammadan Jurispridence (Oxford: The Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies &
Islamic Text Society, 1996); Harald Motzky, Die Anfange der islamischen Jurisprudenz: ihre Entwicklung
in Mekka bis zur Mitte des 2./8. Jahrhunderts, Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Bd. L, 2.,
(Stuttgart: Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesellschaft: Kommissionsverlag F. Steiner, 1991), pp. ix-292; Fred
M. Donner, Narratives of Islamic Origins; The Beginning of Islamic historical Writing, Studies in Late
Antiquity and Early Islam, vol. 14 (Princeton: The Darwin Press, Inc., 1998).
47

Tarif Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period, Cambridge Studies in Islamic
civilizatrion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

42

their own right, contributions that make god use of hadith are mostly scattered and hardly
scratch the surface of the body of available evidence. Some general studies tried to use
hadith as evidence for political and socio-economic life and changes, without necessarily
focusing on apocalyptic traditions. One example of this is an anthology of studies by
Kister. The essays in the collection, mostly through analysis of individual Muhammadan
traditions, focus on various socio-economic and religious aspects of the early Islamic
period.48 While such contributions are important and help lend further credibility to
hadith, it is studies that focus on eschatological and apocalyptic traditions that are of
more concern to us here.
Apocalyptic Hadith as a Historical Source on Early Islam
An increasing number of studies are making use of eschatological traditions from
the hadith collections, especially in relation to the early history of Islam. One of the
earliest and book-size treatments in this field belongs to Paul Casanova and was
published almost a century ago.49 Since then, other scholars continued to add to
Casanova's effort. Among these, the most noteworthy are Bashear, Madelung, and Cook.
The scholars in question employ apocalyptic hadith as a primary source of information
about events, patterns, attitudes, and other historical issues. By considering individual
traditions or groups of them they explore the possibility of historical inquiry into various
aspects of the early Islamic period.50 While these are established scholars in this field,

M. J. Kister, Society and Religion from Jdhiliyya to Islam, Variorum Collected Studies Series
(Hampshire: Variorum, 1990).
49

Paul Casanova, Mohammed et la fin du monde, etude critique sur I 'Islam primilif'(Paris: P. Geuthner,
1911-1924).
50

Soliman Bashear, "Apocalyptic and Other Materials on Early Muslim-Byzantine Wars: A Review of
Arabic Sources," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, series 3, 1, no. 2 (1991): 173-207; idem, "Muslim

43

there are others with more infrequent contributions. Two such examples are Halperin and
Arjomand, who helped in their own way illuminate other important aspects of the early
Islamic apocalyptic thought and literature.51
Compared with studies in medieval Islamic apocalypticism and divination, the
studies in the field of early Islamic apocalyptic have proved somewhat more consistent.
Perhaps given the paucity of historical data, eschatological hadith can provide an
alternative source of information. This fact has encouraged some scholars to approach
apocalyptic hadith literature as a historical source, mostly following the general
guidelines suggested by P. J. Alexander in his definitive methodological essay on this
subject.52 In practice, this led to some thorough interpretative sifting of this kind of
material in search for historical clues to the formative Islamic era. The outcome of such
studies has been helpful in suggesting answers to important historical questions. In doing
so, they often offer fresh scholarly insights gleaned from pondering place-names,

Apocalypses and the Hour: A Case-Study in Traditional Reinterpretation," Israel Oriental Studies 13
(1993): 75-99; Wilferd Madelung, "Apocalyptic Prophecies in Hims in the Umayyad Age," Journal of
Semitic Studies 31 (1986): 141-186; idem, '"Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and the Mahdi," Journal of Near
Eastern Studies 40, no. 4 (1981): 291-306; idem, "Riding Beasts on Divine Missions: An Examination of
the Ass and Camel Traditions," Journal of Semitic Studies 37, no. 1 (1991): 37-75. Michael Cook, "An
Early Islamic Apocalyptic Chronicle," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 52.1 (1993): 25-29, which studies
the alleged Christian origins of some apocalyptic traditions that appear in Nu'aym's Kitdb al-fitan (book of
schisms); idem, "Eschatology and the Dating of Traditions," Princeton Papers in Near Eastern Studies, no.
1 (1992): 23-47; idem, "The Heraclian Dynasty in Early Muslim Eschatology," Al-Qantara, no. 13 (1992):
3-23; Cook also mentions here a relevant article by Jorge Aguade, "Algunos hadices sobre la ocupacion de
Alejandria por un grupo de hispano-musulmanes," Boletin de la Asociacion Espanola de Orientalistas,
no.l2(1976).
51

David J. Halperin, "The Ibn Sayyad Traditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal," Journal of the American

Oriental Society 96, no. 2 (1976): 213-225; A relevant essay by Said Amir Arjomand entitled 'Islamic
Apocalypticism in the Classical Period', is the eight chapter of volume 2 (Apocalypticism in Western
History and Culture) of The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, 3 vols., ed. Bernard McGinn (London and
New York: Continuum Book, 1999); Also of note is an article by Lawrence Conrad, "Portents of the Hour:
Hadith and History in the First Century A.H.," that, according to Garcia-Arenal, was going to be published
in Der Islam.
52

P. J. Alexander, "Medieval Apocalypses as Historical Sources." American Historical Review 73

(1968): 1997-2018.

44

eponyms, thematic emphasis, chains of transmission, and other such useful aspects of the
Islamic eschatological tradition.
Yet this selective search for historical facts embedded in apocalyptic hadith is often
done in isolation from the totality of the Islamic apocalyptic and divinatory literature. As
a result, these studies are hardly guided by a careful consideration of the form and content
of Islamic apocalyptic material. Even within hadith itself, no clear theoretical and
methodological framework exists to direct such studies, which means that differences
between types of apocalyptic traditions and their recurrent (or peculiar) themes, concepts,
and motifs have not been properly investigated. In addition, some issues still remain
largely outside the research agenda; for example the genesis of the Islamic apocalyptic
hadith, the rarity of such apocalyptic material in the Qur'an, and its relation to Jewish and
Christian apocalyptic material.53 Research into these areas could throw much needed
light on some fundamental questions regarding the origins of Islam, the veracity of the
accepted narrative of its history, and its relation to other monotheistic traditions.

In the

words of John C. Reeves, "one of the more important tasks ... involves the systematic
identification and publication of the massive number of late antiquity and early medieval
apocalyptic texts lurking in the manuscript collections of libraries and research institutes

For a somewhat relevant study in this area, see, Michael G. Morony, "Apocalyptic Expressions in the
Early Islamic World," Medieval Encounters 4, no. 3 (1998): 175-177.
54

There has been some interest in this area, though with uneven results; see for example, David Cook,
Studies in Muslim Apocalyptic, Studies n Late Antiquity and Early Islam, 21 (Princeton: The Darwin Press,
2002); idem., "An Early Muslim Daniel Apocalypse," Arabica 49 (2002): 55-96; idem., "Tamim al-Dari,"
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61 (1998): 20-28; idem., "the Apocalyptic Year
200/815-16," in Apocalyptic Time, ed. Albert Baumgarten (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000), 41-68.

45

around the world."

This is not only true of the non-Islamic apocalypses meant by

Reeves, but certainly also of Islamic apocalyptic literature as well.

Studies on Islamic Apocalypticism and Divination
One of the important and relatively recent contributions to the field is an anthology on
early Islamic divination edited by Emilie Savage-Smith.56 This is an addition to the
literature that is most welcome and way overdue. The volume contains contributions on a
wide variety of topics relating to magic and divination. Some of the best known scholars,
such as Charles Burnett, are included. Though the title refers to 'early Islam', the range of
articles is actually much wider, with some that deal with the medieval period; for
example, Yahya J. Michot's on Ibn Taymiyya and astrology, George Saliba's on the role
of astrologers in medieval Islam, and the editor's own article on geomancy in medieval
Islamic culture. It is hoped that this kind of collaborative effort would inspire other
similar projects.
There are very few full-length studies published on Islamic apocalyptic traditions
and divination. In addition to Casanova's work on the signs of the Hour, the one book
that merits mention here is Toufic Fahd's La divination arabe.51 This is an immensely
important work in the field, especially for understanding the full range of Islamic
divinatory beliefs and practices, their pre-Islamic proto-types or origins, and their
55

John C. Reeves, Trajectories in Near Eastern Apocalyptic: A Postrabbinic Jewish Apocalypse

Reader, Resources for biblical Study, 45 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005), p. 24. It is almost
ironic that Reeves, in a forthcoming book from Equinox, entitled, Prolegomena to a History of
Manichaeism,

is supposed to be using Islamic sources to study such an ancient religion, while these sources

are yet to be fully cultivated for the study of Islamic history itself.
56

Emilie Savage-Smith , ed., Magic and Divination in Early Islam: the Formation of the Classical
Islamic Period (Aldershot: Ashagte, 2004).
57
Toufic Fahd, La divination arabe, Etudes religieuses, sociologiques etfolkloriques sur le milieu natif
de I'Islam, La Bibliotheque Arabe, Collection Hommes et Societes (Paris: Sindbad, 1987). The first edition
of the book was published in Leiden in 1966.

46

survival into later periods.

Equally important are Fahd's meticulous and lengthy

articles in The Encyclopedia of Islam, explaining key apocalyptic ideas and related terms
and names.59 The true importance of Fahd's efforts lies in providing a concise
description of the main concepts of Islamic divination and its elementary bibliography.
His is the most systematic scholarly treatment so far of this subject and its cultural
context. And without his invaluable work, the study of Islamic occult sciences,
divination, and apocalypticism would be rendered much more difficult.
Similarly important contributions were published in the Encyclopedia of Islam by
a number of leading scholars of Islamic civilization, including, Nallino, Macdonald,
Madelung, Goldziher, Carra de Vaux, Abel and Anawati.60 Their articles, published
mostly before Fahd's work, are devoted to defining concepts crucial to the field,
including for exampley'q/r (divination), qiydma (apocalypse, resurrection), al-Mahdi (the
divinely-guided one, i.e. the savior, redeemer), al-Dajjal (the deceiver, i.e. the
Islamic equivalent of the Antichrist), malhama (fateful war or apocalypse), 'Urn ahkam
al-nujum or tanjim (astrology), 'Urn al-huruf (numerology), among other potentially
interesting subjects.61 As often is the case, to get a fuller scope and treatment, these
entries should be read with their equivalents in other existing encyclopedic sources,
58

A somewhat similar line of analysis has been followed by Jaakko Hameen-Anttila in his, "Arabian
Prophecy," in Prophecy in its Ancient Near Eastern Context: Mesopotamian, Biblical, and Arabian
Perspectives, SBL Symposium Series 13, ed. Martti Nissinen et al., (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature,
2000), pp. 115-146. Hameen-Anttila however is more interested in affirming that Muhammad was a riddaprophet whose message was then biblicalized. This meant that the pre-Islamic forms of divination that
informed Islam could only survive later on as sub-cultural or marginal sectarian phenomena within the
mainstream Islamic culture.
59

See for example his excellent entry on jafr in s.v., "Djafr," EP (2:375-77).

60

See for example Nallino's s.v., "Astrology," EP (1:494-497); to which should be added his lectures at
the Egyptian University published as 'Ilm al-falak, tdrikhuhu 'ind a'- 'Arabfi al-qurun al-wustd (astrology,
its history among the Arabs in medieval centuries) in Rome in 1911.
61

See D. B. McDonald's article, s.v., "Sihr," EP (7:409-17).

47

especially The Short Encyclopedia of Islam, The Encyclopedia of Religion, and Islam
Ansiklopedisi.
It should be said though that many of these articles suffer from the limited pool of
resources consulted by the authors. One example of this is the unfortunate lack of
interest shown by an experienced Arabist and scholar like McDonald in his article on sihr
(magic). Much of McDonald's discussion of Islamic magic depends on the views of Ibn
Khaldun and al-Ghazali, and to a lesser degree on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi. However, none
of the many Muslim magicians or occultists are consulted and their opinions on their
own science is never mentioned. Not only that, but al-Buni's simiyd' (alchemy) is
contrasted by McDonald with a contemporary magician and is then dismissed by him as
'childish'. Yet, these contributions diverge widely in their quality, rigor, length,
approach and usefulness. Such shortcomings notwithstanding, the input of these scholars
and that of Fahd remain indispensable.
Furthermore, these encyclopedias are generally short on the biographies of those
directly involved in this literature. For example, there are no equally informative parallel
articles in the Encyclopedia of Islam (or any other publication) on Muslim occultists,
divinators, and apocalyptic characters. The biographical entries on such people, unless
they enjoy name recognition or happen to be of prominence in some other field, tend to
be very brief or nonexistent. But rare as they are, these contributions can be very useful;
so even when little is gleaned from them, their lists of primary and secondary sources
may still have some value. And together with the topical articles, they constitute some
sort of a basic catalogue of essential terms and names for scholars working in the field.

48

In addition to these scattered but important articles, there is no alternative to consulting

the three great bio-bibliographical dictionaries of Islamic studies: Hajji Khalifa's (a.k.a.
Katib Celebi), (d. 1068/1657) Kashf al-zunun 'an asdmi al-kutub wa-lfuniin (Clearing
the Doubts on the Names of Books and Arts); Carl Brockelman's Geschichte der
arabischen Litteratur; and Fuat Sezgin's Geschichte des arabischen schrifttums.

The

information these impressive surveys provide on a wide variety of Islamic writings and
authors (and in the case of Katib Celebi and Sezgin, on arts and sciences too) is
invaluable. This is particularly relevant in relation to unpublished Islamic writings
surviving in manuscript libraries around the world. On the other hand, these dictionaries
are by no means exhaustive or nearly as complete a record of Islamic works as can be.
Furthermore, they are occasionally inaccurate or simply wrong.
Apocalypses as Historical Sources of the Ottoman Period
Much of the research completed in the field of analyzing Islamic apocalypses as
historical sources is narrow in scope and very disconnected. In addition to some of
research in the early Islamic period, the exception in this regard include Casanova's
treatise on apocalyptic hadith, Fahd's landmark book on Islamic divination, and most
recently the work of Cornell Fleischer, especially his forthcoming book on prophecy and
ideology in the 16th century Ottoman world.63 His research, based mostly on little known

62

Hajji Khalifa (=Katib Celebi), Kashf al-zunun 'an asdmi al-kutub wa-al-funun, ed. and trans. Gustav

Flugel as Lexicon Bibliographicum

et Encyclopaedicum,

7 vols. (Leipzig and London: Oriental Translation

Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1835-58); Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur,
Original ed., 2 vols. (Weimar: E. Felber, 1898-1902). 3 supplement vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1937-42).
Rev. ed. of vols. 1-2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1943-49); Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrittums, 9
vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967-1984), esp. vol. 4 (Alchimie, Chemie, Botanik, Agrikultur bis ca. 430 H.)
and vol. 7 (Astrologie, Meteorologie und Verwandtes bis ca. 430 H.).
63

Cornell H. Fleischer, A Mediterranean Apocalypse: Imperialism and Prophecy, 1453-1550 (Berkeley:

University of California Press, forthcoming); see also his article, "The Lawgiver as Messiah: The Making
of the Imperial Image in the Reign of Suleyman," in Suleyman the Magnificent and His Time: Acts of the

49

or newly discovered manuscripts focuses on the use of apocalyptic prophecy as part of a

millenarian image-making and cross-religious ideology in the age of Suleyman the
Magnificent. Fleischer's work should be an important contribution towards the study of
Ottoman and Mediterranean cultural history. It will also undoubtedly add to the
momentum of comparative studies that seek to examine parallel cultural entities and
phenomena on both sides of the Mediterranean for periods and conditions when such
comparison is in order.64 And finally, his work is an affirmation of the significance of the
study of Islamic apocalypticism and divination as legitimate research subjects in their
own right. This study was also predated by interesting findings regarding the presence of
millennial and apocalyptic tendencies in the intellectual and political culture of 15th-16th
century Ottoman Empire.65 And most recently, Fleischer has published a study, largely

Parisian Conference Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais 7-10 March 1990, ed. Gilles Veinstein (Paris:
La Documentation Francais, 1992), pp. 159-163; and his "Seer to the Sultan: Haydar-i Remmal and Sultan
Suleyman," in Cultural Horizons; A Festschrift in Honor ofTalat Halman, vol. 1, ed. Jayne L. Warner
(Syracuse: Syracuse University press, 2001), pp. 150-167.
64

One study that cites Fleischer's work to support its own comparative analysis of a very different
subject is Walter G. Andrews and Mehmet Kalpakli, "The End of an Age: A Stab at Cross-Cultural, SocioEconomic, Literary History," Symposium: Braudel Revisited: The Mediterranean World, 1600-1800,
Cultural Transmissions in the Mediterranean World, UCLA, USA, April 11, 2003; especially their
introduction (part I) entitled, "Renaissance, Renaissances, and the Age of the Beloved," including
references to Fleischer's forthcoming study, esp. pp. 3-4. See also The Age of the Beloved: Love and the
Beloved in early Modern Ottoman Turkish and European Literature, Culture and Society (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2005). For a foundational work on this kind of approach, see Fernard Braudel's studies,
especially his The Mediterranean

and the Mediterranean

World in the Age of Philip II, vol. 1, trans. Sian

Reynolds (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

65

Cornell Fleischer, "The Lawgiver as Messiah: The Making of the Imperial Image in the Reign of
Suleyman," in Soliman le magnifique et son temps, Suleyman the Magnificent and his Time, Recontres de
l'Ecole du Louvre, ed. Gilles Veinstein (Paris: La Documentation Francaise, 1992), pp. 159-77; idem,
Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600), Princeton
Studies on the Near East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), esp. chapter four: Toward the
millennium: War, apocalypse, and history (1583-92/991-1000), pp. 109-42.

50

based on newly discovered manuscript material, on the companion-diviner of Sultan

Suleyman and his role in apocalyptic speculation at the Ottoman court.66
Research on Medieval Islamic Apocalypses
In the field of work dealing directly with medieval Islamic divination and apocalypticism,
the most important contribution perhaps is still Richard Hartmann's study of some early
7th/13th century Islamic apocalypses. The study includes an important examination of
versions of the very popular Malhamat Ibn 'Aqab, one of the most foundational of all
Islamic apocalypses of the medieval period. Hartmann also considers some variations of
the equally popular and influential Malhamat Ibn 'Arabi, also recognized as part of Ibn
'Arabi's work Muhddarat al-abrdr wa-musdmarat al-akhydr (Lecturing the Virtuous and
Entertaining the Good-natured).

Hartmann's article makes the best use of what was

then a very limited body of primary and secondary source available to him. As a result
his contribution contains one of the most relevant and specialized analysis of any specific
medieval Islamic malhama published to date.
In addition to his treatment of the above-mentioned apocalypses, Hartmann
briefly considers the pseudo-Ibn 'Arabi's apocalyptic verse Sayhat al-bumfi hawddith alRum {The owl's boom on the events in Rum) and Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam.

In

doing so, Hartmann provides an important discussion of a number of points, inspired by

66

Cornell H. Fleischer, "Seer to the Sultan: Haydar-i Remmal and Sultan Suleyman," in Cultural
Horizons: A Festschrift in Honor ofTalat S Halman, vol. 1, ed. Jayne L. Warner (Syracuse: Syracuse
University Press, 2001), pp. 150-167.
67

Richard Hartmann, Eine islamische Apokalypse aus der Kreuzzugszeit: Ein Beitrag zur GafrLiteratur, in Schriften der Konigsberger Gelehrten Gesellshaft, Geisteswissen schaftliche Klasse, 1-3,
Berlin, 1924. This is to my knowledge the earliest lengthy modern study of Islamic apocalyptic traditions
from the medieval period and outside the hadith literature.
68

Both malhamas are part of the apocalyptic corpus extensively analyzed by Fleischer; see his
forthcoming book, A Mediterranean Apocalypse. Ibn Talha's apocalypse, al-Durr al-munazzam fi al-sirr
al-a'zam, will be the central theme of the next chapter of this study.

51

the specific malhamas as much as by Islamic apocalypticism and its divinatory sciences
in general. The issues' range reflects the author's attempt to convey as comprehensive an
understanding of these writings as possible. It includes for example a commentary on the
meaning oiBanu al-Asfar (literally, the Yellow People), an excavation of the roots of the
legend of Ibn 'Aqab the person (the presumed original author of the malhama bearing the
same name), and an informed excursion on Islamic occult sciences and methods of
divination, including numerology, magic, and astrology.69
Other Miscellaneous Research in the Field
Much of the literature published on Islamic divination and apocalypticism is
dispersed between and within categories of subjects, time-frames, languages, and
publications. While the continued, though intermittent, existence of such research is in
itself a positive sign, it is still far from inspiring a consistent scholarly attention. This
situation can be illustrated for example in the important contributions of Abel, Gotzfeld,
Vajda, and Fodor, which have elicited few scholarly citations and virtually no
70

responses.

The point is further highlighted once we consider an essay by Bernard

McGinn on the role of a Muslim prophecy known by the name of the Son of Agap in

It is worth noting here that in his discussion of astrology Hartmann mentions the early prophetic work
of al-Kindi described in,the preceding chapter; However he gives a slightly different title for Otto Loth's
edited version of al-Kindi's treatise, thus referring to it as Al-Kindi ah astronom ... instead of Al-Kindi ah
astrolog...; See Hartmann's study, p. 108; and see the previous chapter of this thesis.
70

A. Abel, "Changement politiques et litterature eschatologique dans le monde musulman," in Studia

Islamica 2 (1954), pp. 23-43; idem, "Un hadit sur le prise de Rome dans la tradition eschatologique de
l'islam," in Arabica, v 91958), pp. 1-14; idem, "L'apocalypse de Bahira et la notion islamique de Mahdi,"
in Annuaire de I'institut de philology et histoire orientale (Bruxelles) 3 (1935), pp. 1-12; idem, art.,
"Dadjdjal," EI2, 2:75-76; Sophia Grotzfeld, " Daniyal in der arabischen Legende," in Festgabe H. Wehr,
Wisebaden, 1969, pp. 23-43; G. Vajda, "Quelques observations sur Malhamat Daniyal," in Arabica, xxiii
(1976), pp. 84-87; A. Fodor, Malhamat Daniyal, ed. and tr. in The Muslim East: Studies in Honour of
Julius Germanus, ed. G. Kaldy-Nagy, Budapest, 1974, pp. 85-133.

52

propelling the Fifth Crusade.71 Though the article is written by one of the most
prominent scholars in the field of Western apocalypticism and has been in publication
since 1979, the interest shown by Islamicists in this work has been less than minimal. I
have been able through my research to identify the prophecy analyzed by McGinn as the
key Islamic apocalypse of Ibn 'Aqab, the same work analyzed by Hartmann as we
mentioned above. Originally, the first chapter of this dissertation was devoted to this
subject; but eventually was removed to become a separate research paper.
The works of Remke Kruk and Van Lent are valuable additions in the effort
towards focusing scholarly attention on medieval apocalyptic material other than the
customary hadith literature. Kruk's essay deals with the apocalyptic section of the text of
a treatise by the medieval physician Ibn al-Nafis's (d. ca. 687/1288). The work is known
as al-Risdla al-Kdmiliyya, and the part in question is assumed to present an attempt at
legitimizing the rule of the great Mamluk Sultan Baybars I (r. 6591260-676/1277) by
79

depicting him as an eschatological figure.

Lent, a student of Kruk, seems to continue

from where Becker stopped many years ago by examining the mutual influences between
Coptic prophecies and Islamic culture. Lent has apparently done his doctoral research on
medieval Copto-Arabic apocalypses in Muslim Egypt.

One would hope that more

71

Bernard McGinn, "Moslem, Mongols, and the Last Days," in Visions of the End, pp. 149-157.

72

Remke Kruk, "History and Apocalypse: Ibn al-Nafis' Justification of Mamluk Rule," in Der Islam,

72:2 (1995), pp. 325-337. The al-Risala al-Kamiliyya fi al-sira al-nabawiyya (also known as Fadil Ibn

Natiq) was edited and translated by M. Meyerhof and J. Schacht as The Theologus Autodidacticus of Ibn alNafis, Clarendon Press, Oxford: 1968.
73

1 haven't been able to get exact information on Lent's dissertation; however see his other piece
referred to by Kruk, A. M. J. M. van Lent, "Apocalyptische eschatologie in post-faraonisch Egypte" (M.A.
thesis, University of Leiden, 1993). A relevant work is Carl Heinrich Becker, "Das Reich der Ismeliten im
koptischen Danielbuch," in Nachrichten von der Kbniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen
(Berlin, 1916), pp. 6-57.

53

studies like these would help build up a qualitatively different kind of scholarship, one
that is more original and analytical and less repetitive and fragmented.
Among the sources mentioned by Kruk is an article by Madelung on the Imamate
in connection with sultan Baybars I.74 Kruk describes this as, "highly relevant to the
subject of this paper;" but as it became available to her only too late she apparently was
not able to incorporate Madelung's findings into her study. I did not have much luck
trying to obtain a copy of Madelung's article. Another relevant piece of research is a
conference paper by Mercedes Garcia-Arenal dealing with Millenarian tendencies in
Islam.75 This is a rather general paper, somewhat sketchy and unfocussed; yet its
bibliography is interesting and potentially valuable.
One of the most active scholars in the field of Islamic occult, especially its impact
on Western literature and history, is Charles Burnett. He has to his credit a growing
number of important contributions. Within the last decade or so he edited and translated
(along with K. Yamamato) a major work of the famous Muslim astrologer Abu
Ma'shar.

Burnett's interest in medieval Islamic divination has resulted in a number of

articles, some of which were collected and published in one book.77 Among his highly
relevant studies is one that is concerned with an alleged correspondence between al-Kindi
74

Wilfred Madelung, "A Treatise on the Imamate Dedicated to the Sultan baybars I," in Proceedings of
the 14th Congress of the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, ed. Alexander Fodor, Part 1,
29th August-3rd September 1988, The Arabist: Budapest Studies in Arabic 13-14 (Budapest, 1995), pp. 91102.
75

Mercedes Garcia-Arenal, "Millenarism and Messianism in Islam" (Paper delivered at the European
Science Foundation workshop on Individual and Society in the Mediterranean Muslim World, Sitges,
Spain, 25-27 May 1995), pp. 30-36.
76

K. Yamamato & Charles Burnett, eds. And trans., Abu Ma'shar on Political Astrology: The Book of
Religion and Dynasties, 2 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000).
77

Charles Burnett, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and
Christian Worlds, Variourum Collected Studies Series (Hampshire: Variourum, 1997).

54

and Frederick II's astrologer Theodore.

Another informative article by Burnett deals

with medieval European translators from Arabic, whose work included a large corpus of
astrological literature.79 To this should be added the important work on this subject of
Carmody, Thorndike, Kibre, and Flint.80
Kenneth Setton contributed an important study on the role of prophecies in
shaping the Western imagination and views of Islam and Muslims, especially during the
Ottoman period.81 In it he offers a brief but very useful review of the European
perceptions and ideas of Islam. He then devotes the bulk of his book to the study of
apocalyptic prophecies in terms of informing the Western outlook of the Islamic
dominion, especially in relation to the fate of the Ottoman Turks. Other studies that
ventured in this direction include the classic work of Norman Daniel on the perception of
Islam in the Western mind. Here the proportions are reversed, and prophecies are dealt
with only as one area of evidence for illustrating the Western world view regarding Islam
and Muslims.

In contrast to Setton however, Daniel doesn't refer to Islamic prophecies.

78

Idem., "An Apocryphal Letter from the Arabic Philosopher al-Kindi to Theodore, Frederick H's
Astrologer Concerning Gog and Magog, the Enclosed Nations, and the Scourge of the Mongols," Viator 15
(1984): 151-67.
79

Idem., "A Group of Arabic-Latin Translators Working in Northern Spain in the Mid-12th Century,"
Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society (1977): 62-108; idem., "Arabic Divinatory Texts and Celtic Folklore:
A Comment on the Theory and Practice of Scapulimancy in Western Europe, Cambridge Medieval Celtic
Studies 6 (1983): 31-42; idem., "Hermann of Carinthia and the Kitdb al-Istamdtis: Further Evidence for the
Transmission of Hermetic Magic, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 44 (1981): 167-169.
80

F. J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation (Berekeley:

University of California Press, 1995); Lynn Thorndike and Pearl Kibre, A Catalogue oflncipits

of

Mediaeval Scientific Writings in Latin, rev. and aug. 2nd ed. (London: Mediaeval Academy of America,
1963, first printed in 1937); Valerie I. J. Flint, "The Transmission of Astrology in the Early Middle Ages,"
Viator 2\ (1990): 1-27.
81

Kenneth Setton, Western Hostility to Islam and Prophecies of Turkish Doom (Philadelphia: American
Philosophical Society, 1992).
82

Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1960).

55

Contributions on Occult Sciences, Divinators, and Millenarian Movements

Interest in Islamic astrology and occult sciences has attracted some scholars, including
Doutte, Sender, Pingree, and others. Doutte published an important study of the magical
practices in modern North Africa. The study includes extensive references to al-Buni's
Shams al-ma 'drif. Two essays by Servier and Etienne complement Doutte's work.84
Equally important work was done by Pingree on another of the popular magical treatises,
namely the pseudo-al-Majriti's Ghdyat al-haktm.S5 Other contributors, with a wide range
of focus and detail, dealt with a number of issues relating to Islamic divination and the
occult during different time periods.86 As for more recent full-length studies, John
Eberly's book on the history of alchemy, particularly in its relation to Islamic messianic
thought and heretical movements, is an important contribution.

83

Edmond Doutte, Magie et religion dans I'Afrique du Nord, La Societe Musulmane du Maghrib (Paris:
J. Massionneuve and P. Geuthner S. A., 1984, first pub. Algeria: A. Jourdan, 1908). We already mentioned
al-Buni's book in connection with Malhamat Ibn 'Aqab, and will say more about it in the next chapter.
84

J. Servier, "line ouverture sur le monde: magic et religion en Afrique du Nord. Une technique
divinatoire: la geomancie," Eranos 46 (1977): 287-339; B. Etienne, "Magie et therapie a Casablanca,"
Anuaire de I'Afrique du Nord18 (1979): 261-284. For more sources on geomancy, see Toufic Fahd's
excellent article, "Khatt," EI2, 4:1128-1130.
85

D. Pingree, "Between the Ghdya and Picatrix, 1: The Spanish Version," Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes 44 (1981): 27-56; idem., "Some Sources of the Ghdyat al-hakim," Journal of the
warburg and Courtauld Institutes 43 (1980): 1-15. For an important view on the confusion surrounding the
authorship of Ghdyat al-haktm (Picatrix), see J. Vernet's s.v., "Al-MadjntT," EP (5:1109-1110).
86

See for example the brief note on Islamic occult sciences in art. "Occultism," The New Encyclopedia
Brittanica, Macropaedia, 25 (1991):76-98, esp. 84. See also Abdulla Ali Ibrahim, "Sahir and Muslim
Moral Space," International Journal of Middle East Studies 23 (1991): 387-399; D. M. Hart, "Magic,

Witchcraft... in Morocco...," British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin 14 (1988):183-193;
Raymond Aaron Silverman, "Arabic Writing and the Occult," in Brocade of the Pen: The Art of Islamic
Writing, ed. Carol Garrett Fisher (East Lansing: Kresge Art Museum, Michigan State University, 1991), pp.
19-30; M. Virolles-Souibes, "Trois sequences divinatoires. Premiere partie: pddictions en arabe,"
Litterature Orale Arabo-Berbere 13 (1982): 147-170; M. J. L. Young, "An Arab Almanac of Favourable
and Unfavourable Days," Journal of Semitic Studies 27 (1982): 261-279 [MS in Leeds University Library.]
87

John Eberly, The Mystical Islamic Essence of the Sacred Art of Alchemy (Sophia: Parennis, 2005).

56

Among the subjects of the occult, one of the most interesting is magic, magical
squares, and talismans throughout Islamic history. Examples of this sort of research
interest include articles dealing with al-Buni and al-Majriti, few of which we mentioned
above. However, perhaps the best work done in this area can be found in the
Encyclopedia of Islam and, in some cases, in other encyclopedias.88 This cumulative
effort, though still modest, has been directed primarily towards the central ideas and
concepts defining the methods and techniques of Islamic divination and occult sciences.
These should be added to other sources cited earlier. Combined together, they form a
corpus that is the back bone of the available literature on these sciences as they appear in
Islamic culture.
Significant contributions to this literature include articles written by such authors
as Sesiano, Levi-Provencal, Fahd, and Macdonald. Their essays address an array of key
ideas in the field. They include for example writings dealing with the following topics:
awfdq (magic squares; sing, wafq), khatt (geomancy),fcyTXchirognomy),kihdna
(divination in general), istikhdra (making a choice by means of divine inspiration,
rhapsodomancy, or dreams), 'Urn al-ikhtildj (palmoscopy or palmology), hdtif(a
prophetic voice announcing an oracle or future happening), qiydfa (physiognomancy or
the recognition of signs of paternity and analysis of genealogical lines, also known as
qiydfat al-bashar; and the examination of traces on the ground, also known as qiydfat al-

88

See for example D. B. Macdonald's article, "Sihr," EP (7:409-417); cf, art. "Sihr," Shorter
Encyclopedia of Islam, edited on behalf of the Royal Netherlands Academy, eds. H. A. R. Gibb and J. H.
Kramers (Ithaca: Cornell A. M. Goichon's article, "Hikma," EP (3:377-378); J. Ruska's article, "Tilsam,"
EP (8:767); also cf., Toufic Fahd's article (translated from French by David M. Weeks), " Magic in Islam,"
The Encyclopedia of Religion (9:104-109); A. M. Goichon's article, "Hikma," EP (3:377-378); J. Ruska's
article, "Tilsam," EP (8:767); G. S. Colin's article, "Hisab al-Djummal," EP (3:468); D. S. Margoliouth's
article, "Divination (Muslim)," Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics ( 8:816-818).

57

athar),firdsa (divination by a variety of means including palmistry, palmomancy, birth

marks and beauty spots, foot prints, etc.), and fa'l (cledonism, natural omen).
There is also some emerging interest in this field among Arab scholars writing in
Arabic. This literature is generally buried in obscure scholarly Arabic publications and
therefore it is harder to locate. However, few of the studies I came across deserve to be
mentioned here. Among these is a relatively long article by Sulayman Mahmud on
awfdq.90 Another relevant study is one devoted to a particular talisman popular among
modern Egyptians.91 Other studies (also in Arabic) on complementary aspects of Islamic
divinatory culture are scattered in little known books and journals.
Part of the literature on Islamic divination and occult sciences deals with the
people most intimately involved with this sort of culture, i.e. the occultists, apocalyptic
writers, and the main characters of apocalyptic scenarios. The characters in question of
See for example, J. Sesiano, "Herstellungsverfahren magischer Quadrate aus islamischer Zeit (II),"
Sudhoffs Archiv 65: 251-256. See also E. Levi-Provencal's article "Wafk," EP (8: 1081-1083); T. Fahd's
s.v., "Khatt," EP (4:11281130); idem., s.v. "Kaff," EP (4:405-406); idem., s.v., "KMna," EP (5:99-101);
idem., s.v., "Istikara, " EP (5:259-260); idem., s.v., "Ikhtilaj," EP (3:1061); idem., s.v., "Hatif," EP (3:273);
idem., s.v., "Kiyafa," EP (5:234-235); idem., s.v., "Firasa," EP (2:916-917); idem., s.v., "Fa'l," EP (2:758760); cf., D. B. Macdonald's article, "Fa'l," EP (3:46-47).
90

Sulayman Mahmud, "al-Murabba 'at al-sihriyyafi al-turdth al- 'arabi: bayna al- 'Urn wa- 'l-khurdfa
[magical squares in the Arab tradition: between science and myth]," al-Funun ctl-sha'biyya 47 (1995): 3151.
91

Ibrahim Ahmad Kamil, "Hirz tdj al-malik al-Andazun: Imtizdj al-hikdya al-sha'biyya bi- 'l-l'tiqddfi
al-hirz [the talisman of the crown of king Andazun: the mixing of the folk tale with the belief in
talismans]," Al-Funun al-sha 'biyya 47 (1995): 52-64. It is worth noting here that king al-Andazun is
described in the story as an invincible king of the unbelievers protected by a powerful talisman. The king
kills fifty Muslim knights until confronted by 'AIT bin Abi Talib, who kills him with the help of angel
Gabriel.
92

See for example, Muhammad Rajab al-Najjar, "al-Tibb al-nabawibayna al-tibb al-'ilmiwa-al-tibb alsha'bi [prophetic medecine between scientific medicine and folkloric medicine]," al-Funun al-sha'biyya46
(1995): 30-55; Siham Bint 'Abdullah Wadi, al-Tayr wa- 'l-tiydrafi al-qur 'an wa-al-sunna (divination
through nacromancy in qur'an and sunna) (Cairo: Maktabat al-Sunna, 1994); al-SSdiq al-Nayhum, "a/hikma al-khafiyya: al-din qabla anyukhdi'uhu al-sahara li-ahwd' al-siydsa [hideen wisdom: religion
before its subordination by magicians to the whims of politics]," al-Ndqid5% (1993): 4-9; 'Abdulmun'im
Muhammad Shaqraf, 'Urn al-jafrfi al-isldm, ma lahu wa-md 'alayhi wa-md 'aldqatuhu bi- 'Urn al-ghayb
(divination in Islam, its advantages and disadvantages and its relation to the unknowable) (Matabi' alAhram al-Tijariyya, 1987).

58

course can be real seers and divinators, legendary characters with some factual
background, or fictitious personages inspired by devotional activities, magical spells,
specific predictions or prophecies, or apocalyptic events. However some of the most
interesting topics have not been studied yet. One such example is the legendary character
of Ibn 'Aqab, whom we mentioned above in relation to Hartmann's article on medieval
apocalypses. To my knowledge, there is virtually no research about this supposed
companion of the Prophet and teacher of his two grandsons in modern scholarship.93
Other legendary and fictional characters seem to have attracted a bit more interest, though
still relatively limited. The most cited character is that of the apocalyptic figure al-Dajjal
(the Islamic Antichrist).94 Other characters, some of which can also be found in the
Western tradition, that get a fair amount of attention, include

for example Daniyal

(Daniel) and Hirmis (Hermes Trismegistus).95

For many modern scholars, there is an obvious appeal in the study of a movement
that has an ideological or sectarian dimension to it. Yet only a small number of studies
has been produced on such movements from the medieval Islamic period. Generally,
more attention has been given to apocalyptic movements with some degree of political
success or social impact, such as the Almohads and the Fatimids. Both movements

93

There is no entry for this character in the Encyclopedia of Islam. The most relevant comment about
Ibn 'Aqab remains that of Richard Hartmann in his important essay on Islamic maldhim.
94

For the only study of the idea of al-Dajjal as portrayed in specific hadlths (and in relation to the

supposedly historical character of Ibn Sa'id or Ibn Sayyad), see David Halperin's study mentioned above.

See also the entries for the article "Antichrist" in the Encyclopaedia Biblica (1:178-184), Encyclopedia of
Religion (1:321 -323), The New Encyclopaedia Britannica (Micropaedia, 1:450). Only the second source
has a brief note on al-Dajjal. More information on this figure can be found in B. Carra De Vaux, s.v., "AlDadjdjal," EP (2:886-887); s.v., "Al-Dadjdjal," Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam (p. 67); and A. Abel, s.v,
"Al-Dadjdjal," EP (2:76-77).
95

On the Islamic version of prophet Daniel, see G. Vajda's article, "Daniyal," EP (2:112-113); B. Carra
De Vaux, s.v., "Daniyal," EP (2:914-915). On Hermes in the Islamic tradition, see for example M.
Plessner's article, "Hirmis," EP (3:463-465).

59

appear to be focal points of repeated references in a number of important medieval

maldhim; however the interest in investigating the specific prophetic or apocalyptic
aspects of these movements has been relatively limited. For example, only a small
number of studies, in addition to the standard entries of major encyclopedias, deal with
the prophetical dimension of the Almohads and the fascinating career of its charismatic
Berber leader and Mahdi claimant Ibn Tumart (d. 1130).96 Similarly, the fragmented
scholarship on the Fatimids has yielded in the last decade more room to consolidate their
regional and periodic histories and also look more deeply at certain aspects of the
Fatimids' ideological and religious orientation.

However, studies on the Fatimid era

have not yet used popular apocalyptic material associated with this dynasty and its
leaders, especially al-Hakim, to shed more light on its worldview and place its messianic
reputation in the larger picture of Islamic medieval literature.98
Another movement that received some attention is the Hurufiyya, an order of
dervishes who placed the huruf'(the Arabic alphabetical letters) and their supposed
mystical and numerical values at the heart of their doctrine." Some of the most colorful

See several contributions on this topic in as part of special editions of Revue des Mondes Musulmans
et de la Mediterranee, Mahdisme et Millenarisme en Islam, no. 91-94, July 2000, including for example,
Tilman Nagel, "Le Mahdisme d'Ibn Tumart et d'Ibn QasT: une Analyse Phenomenologique," pp. 125-136;
Maribel Fierro, "Le Mahdi Ibn Tumart et al-Andalus," pp. 107-124; Michael Brett, "Le Mahdi dans le
Maghreb Medieval; l'elaboration de la L6gitimite Almohade," pp. 93-106. All three articles published
online 23 July 2004 and are accessible at http://remmm.revues.org/document252.html.
97

Some of the more interesting work in this regard has been done by Michael Brett; see his excellent
review of the literature on the Fatimids and his interpretation of their Isma'ili and Imamate connections in
his article, "The Realm of the Imam: The Ffltimids in the Tenth Century," Bulletin of the School of Oriental

and African Studies, 59, no, 3 (1996): 431-449; idem, "The MTm, the 'Ayn, and the Making of Isma'ilism,"
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 57, no. 1 (1994): 25-39.
98

One of the discoveries I made during my research for this project was the full text of an apocalypse
known as al-Malhama al-Hdkimiyya. One of my future projects is to publish a critical copy with textual
analysis of this work, probably as part of a series of several related and newly-discovered apocalyptic texts.
99

For an insightful and important study of like-minded groups who shared with hurufiyya some of their
beliefs, see Ahmet T. Karamustafa, God's Unruly Friends.

60

Muslim scholars who showed clear interest in prophecies and apocalyptic writing were
Hurufis. 'Abdulrahman al-Bistami (d. 858/1454), of whom we will say more in the
following chapter, was one of the most renowned Hurufi masters.100 Bistami's teacher,
Shaykh Badruddin (or Bedreddin) Mahmud bin Qadi Samawna (d. 819/1416), had
similar interests and was executed for his communalistic doctrines and the social uprising
he inspired under the Ottomans. Marginal consideration is given to this movement in
Trimingham's book on sufi orders and there is a brief note on it in a book by John P.
Brown.101 A fuller treatment of the group is given by A. Bausani in his article in the
Encyclopedia of Islam.102 Another relatively recent full study on hurufism is Bashir
Shhzad's important book on Astarabadi

. in this area is There is also a brief explanation

of the movement along with a useful collection of references, published in Turkish,

which must be added here to the list of sources.I04
Occasionally, lesser known movements become the subject of serious research, as
is the case for example with Shahzad Bashir's study of the Nurbakhshiyya.1

However,

some movements are less fortunate, since they hardly merit a mention or an examination
by scholars. Though sometimes the scarcity of information or the obscurity of the group

For more on Bistami's life and works, see Cornell H. Fleischer, A Mediterranean Apocalypse.
101

J. Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971), esp. chapter
3, "The Foundation of the Td'ifas" pp. 67-104; John Porter Brown, The Darvishes or Oriental
Spiritualism, ed. by H. A. Rose (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1968), 1st pub. (London: Oxford University
press, H. Milford, 1927), esp. pp. 222-224.
102

Alessandro Bausani, s.v., "Hurufiyya," in EP (3:600-601).

103

Bashir Shahzad, Fazlallah Astarabadi and the Hurufis (Oxford: Oneworld Publication, 2005).

104

AbdUlbaki Golpinarh, Hurufilike Metinleri Katalogu (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1973).

105

Shahzad Bashir, Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions: The Nurbakhshaiya Between Medieval and
modern Islam (University of South Carolina Press: 2003).

61

or movement may be the cause of this, this is not always the case. There is evidence that
historically well-documented and important or interesting movements suffered the same
fate. The fact that such movements often caused a lively debate among Muslim scholars
trying to sort Out their nature on the scales of belief and heresy haven't been as
contagious to modern scholarship as one expects.
Lack of information is not an excuse. The classical sources may not always have
complete chapters on these groups and movements, but between them they often have
enough scattered bits of data that adds up to a significant revelation. Two such examples
are the movements of the 'Adawites (al-'Adawiyya) and the Shahrazurids (alShahrazuriyya). Both groups flourished in the 7l /13th century and left their mark in the
historical records from that era. The first of these owes its name to its founder the mystic
Shaykh'Adiyy.106 The second one is a Kurdish movement that tried and failed to
establish a rival caliphate in Gaza. Its followers declared allegiance to a claimant of the
Caliphate who supposedly was the grandson of an obscure man known as 'the Strange
Prince' (al-amir al-gharib). This mysterious figure, who died in 614/1217, apparently
claimed to be the son of the caliph al-Nasir Ahmad.107 Robert Irwin lists the Shahrazuri
Kurds among the mercenary groups of Central Asian origins (like the Khwarazmians)
who were increasingly employed by the Ayyubids as auxiliaries in the first half of the
7th/13th century.108 To the best of my knowledge, there are no full-length studies on either

106
This is most likely the same sufi master and founder of the YazidT order Shaykh 'Adiyy bin Musafir
(d. in 555/1160 or 557/1162 and is buried in Lalesh near Mosul), who is credited with founding the order
that would eventually develop into the Druz sect.
107

See for example, al-'Ayni, 'Iqdal-jumdn,fl tdrikh ahl al-zamdn. 5 vols, ed. Muhammad Muhammad
Amin (Cairo: Al-Hay'a al-Misnya al-'Amma lil-Kitab, 1987), 1:335-337.
108

See his remark in The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate 1250-1382
(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), p. 12.

62

of these two groups, though there are references to them in the course of studies focusing
on relevant subjects.109
Concluding Remarks
Nowhere the state of modern scholarship on Islamic divination and occult sciences is
more apparent than in the virtual lack of comprehensive studies on the subjects that fall
under their rubrics. This is still very much the case, some ninety years after Casanova's
book on eschatological hadith and almost five decades since the publication of Toufic
Fahd's La divination arabe. The forthcoming study of Cornell Fleischer, A
Mediterranean Apocalypse, would be another crucial marker in this slowly expanding
and crystallizing field. However, a doubling of research and effort by scholars can help
bring about a genuine turn around; and nothing less than a sea change in how modern
scholars study Islamic culture and its literature is needed here. The first step in this
approach would be to recognize Islamic divination and occult sciences as integral to
Islamic culture and not merely marginal or borrowed phenomena; and next to explore the
vast Islamic literature on this field, including hadith, make it available, and study it,
diligently, methodically and with as fresh a perspective as possible.
The contributions mentioned above are signs of some progress and in some ways
prepared the way for further research. However, they don't represent a systematic
scholarly endeavor. It is also disappointing that the response to some original and
thorough studies in the field, such as Hartmann's, has been muted or non-existent.

109

On the life of Sheikh 'Adiyy and origins of his movement, see John S. Guest, A History of the Yazidis
(London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1993).
110

One study where one would've expected some reference to Hartmann's article is the only other
detailed study of an Islamic apocalypse published recently, i.e. David Cook's "An Early Muslim Daniel
Apocalypse"( referred to above); however Cook makes no mention of Hartmann's article.

63

One idea that might help anchor research in the field is to collect the currently dispersed
contributions on Islamic divination (or a critical selection of them) and publish them in
especially edited, themed, and updated anthologies. So far, no anthologies have been
published on Islamic prophecies, apocalypticism, divination, or occult sciences; the
closest being the collection of articles on pre-and early Islamic magic and divination,
edited by Emile Savage-Smith.'''
Contrasted with the overwhelmingly vast and rich Islamic sources on divination
and apocalypticism, the current situation of modern scholarship in the field is
inexcusable. When everything is considered, only a small number of studies deserve to
be counted as original and intellectually interesting. Admittedly, many sources are not
easily available, especially Islamic works that exist in the form of unpublished sources or
manuscripts. However, plentiful published sources exist and are hardly tapped by
researchers. I hope that this study, by building on what has been accomplished and using
published and unpublished sources, will be a small but distinct contribution to the field.

' " See note no. 56 above.

64

CHAPTER THREE
THE PROPHECY OF IBN TALHA AND THE VENERATION OF AHL ALBAYT

Ayyubids and Mamluks: A Brief Sketch of the 7th/13th Century

Towards the middle of the 7th/13th century, in 648/1250 to be exact, the
inauguration of Mamluk rule in Egypt signaled the beginning of the demise of the
Kurdish House of Ayyub. The change was more internal than dramatic, as the new breed
of Muslim rulers came from within the Turkish slave soldiers of the deposed dynasty.
Mamluk Sultans first secured Egypt, then gradually expanded their realm in Syria. Some
Ayyubid principalities though, such as Hamah and Hisn Kayfa, survived for a long time
after that. As a result of the Mamluk take over, the political center of the Islamic
dominion in the eastern Mediterranean shifted decisively from Damascus to Cairo.
Moreover, the fragmentation and civil wars of the Ayyubids, especially in the last thirty
years of their era, came to be replaced by a more cohesive and successful political system.
Within a few decades of this dynastic change, the elements of a strong and unified
Muslim empire, encompassing Egypt, Bilad al-Sham and Arabia, seemed to be more or
less in place. Soon after the Mamluks started their rule they distinguished themselves by
neutralizing the Mongol threat, when they repulsed their invading forces at 'Ayn Jalut in
658/1260. They also brought the century to a propitious closure with the complete
recovery of the Holy Land from the crusaders. Much of this strategic accomplishment
was the fruit of the tireless campaigns of the legendary Baybars I (r. 658-676/1260-1277),
who in the course of his relatively long rule led some thirty-eight separate military

65

expeditions, twenty-one of them against the Franks.1 His assertive policies were
continued by his successors, especially Qalawun (r. 678-689/1279-1290) and his son alAshraf Khalil (r. 689-693/1290-1293), who took the last of the crusaders' strongholds,
Acre, in 690/1291.
In sharp contrast with the relative stability and strength the Mamluks seemed to
have brought, the first half of the century was a period of chaos and internal fighting for
the Muslims of those regions. The Ayyubid princes, especially after the death of alKamil in 635/1238, were unable to agree on the line of succession. They fought
incessantly, drawing in other external forces as their interests dictated. The competing
and mutually mistrustful Ayyubid militias further complicated these divisions. It was a
standard practice for rulers and princes to acquire their own private armies. The resulting
militias were made up of mostly Turkish and Kurdish troops, whose loyalties were in the
first place personal, i.e. to their masters and comrades.
These armies did not vanish with the death of their masters, but rather continued
to be part of the political scene as they sought to look after their interests. This meant, for
example, that "the rivalries between Asadiyya (from Asad al-Din Shirkuh, [d. 569/1173]),
Salahiyya [from Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi, d. 589/1193], 'Adiliyya [from al-'Adil, d.
615/1218], Kdmiliyya [from al-Kamil, d. 635/1238], Ashrafiyya [from al-Ashraf. d.
648/1250] etc. [would] play a great part in the quarrels between Ayyubid pretenders."2
But even in the midst of such turmoil, the Ayyubids managed for the most part to hold
their ground against external dangers and even scored some impressive victories.

See G. Wiet's article "Baybars I," Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, 1:1124-26.

From Claud Cahen's article, "Ayyubids," EP (1: 796-807, esp. p. 802).

66

The Fifth Crusade for example was repulsed at the hands of al-Kamil and the crusaders
were forced to withdraw and give up Damietta in 618/1221. Yet some two decades later
another important achievement by a similar private army was the recapture of Jerusalem
by al-Salih Ayyub with the help of his Khwarizmian allies in 642/1244. Jerusalem had
been until then in Christian hands since al-Kamil conceded the city peacefully to
Frederick II in 626/1229 during the Sixth Crusade.3 But perhaps the most spectacular
triumph by the Ayyubid forces was the destruction of the Seventh Crusade of St. Louis.
The campaign ended with the capture and eventual ransom of the French King Louis IX
himself in 648/1250.
During this crusade, which lasted more than a year and came very close to
succeeding, the groundwork for the rise of the Mamluks as the new Islamic powerhouse
in the eastern Mediterranean was laid down. Al-Salih Ayyub, the last capable Ayyubid
Sultan, died, and his wife Shajar al-Durr and son Turan Shah took charge. Their
leadership and the combined efforts of al-Salih's Turkish officers Fakhr al-Din Yusuf,
Faris al-Din Aqtay and Baybars al-Bunduqdari helped win the war against the Franks.
But it was in the aftermath of this victory that a series of plotted killings claimed within
ten years the lives of Turan Shah, his step-mother Shajar al-Durr, and the first two
Mamluk rulers, Shajar al-Durr's husband Izz al-Din Aybeg (d. 655/1257) and Qutuz (d.
658/1260). It's generally accepted that the first of these murders, that of Turan Shah (d.

Actually, the first time Jerusalem was recovered by the Muslims since its surrender by al-Kamil was by
al-Nasir Da'ud, ruler of Karak, in 638/1240. However the crusaders regained control of it two years later
with the help of al-Nasir himself in exchange for their help against al-Salih Ayyub, who turned to the
Khwarizmians for assistance.

67

648/1250) at the hands of Baybars and Aqtay, effectively brought to an end the rule of the
Ayyubid dynasty in Egypt and paved the way for the rise of the Mamluk Sultanate. The
chaos of this transitional period is reflected in contemporary literature, including
European sources.4 This instability finds confirmation in a detailed study by Marcus
Milwright of Ayyubid Kerak in the mid-7th/13 century.5
The Prophecy of Ibn Talha
Shortly before the Mamluks wrestled control from the Ayyubids, a Muslim
scholar, Kamal al-Din Muhammad bin Ahmad Ibn Talha (d. 652/1254), completed a
short treatise known as al-Durr al-munazzam fl al-sirr al-a 'zam (the knitted gems on the
greatest secret). The work is an apocalyptic prophecy that forecasts the imminent evils
believed to precede the end of the world. This end, according to Ibn Talha, would arrive
about a century after his own time. It would come as the conclusion of natural and human
disasters and crises in anticipation of Judgment Day. The work did not survive as an
independent text, but was preserved as part of other apocalyptic and occult compendia.
The most common and popular of these works is the Miftdh al-jafr al-jdmi' of the
Ottoman scholar 'Abdurrahman al-Bistami (d. 856/1452).6 The text of al-Durr is usually
located at the opening chapter of Miftdh.

In an interesting story told by Joinville, who wrote an account of the Crusade of St. Louis, the Muslim
officers, after Killing Turan Shah, supposedly considered among the candidates for the Sultanate of Egypt
King Louis IX. Joinville says that if it wasn't for the Mamluks' perception of Louis's militant Christian
faith and their fears that he might force them to convert to Christianity they would have asked the King to

be the Sultan of Egypt; something that the King would sure have accepted! See Jean Sire de Joinville, The
History of St. Louis, trans. Joan Evans (Montgomeryshire: Newton, 1937), p. 109.
5

Marcus Milwright, "Central and Southern Jordan in the Ayyubid Period: Historical and Archaeological
Perspectives," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2006.
6

There are numerous manuscripts of Miftdh, most of them in the libraries of Istanbul. For a semicomplete listing of them, see the bibliography of this dissertation. For the purposes of this study, all
references to Miftdh and al-Durr al-munazzam are based on MS Hafid Efendi 204 of Istanbul's
68

It is worth mentioning here that Bistami's treatise is a masterpiece of divinatory

and apocalyptic writing, showing the author's encyclopedic knowledge of the Islamic
apocalyptic tradition and his brilliance in interpreting much of it from a contemporary
point of view. In this sense, the work is an astonishing synthesis and reinvention of the
Islamic prophetic and apocalyptic lore, including some of the most original work of
Bistami himself, in the medieval Islamic era and the early Ottoman period. It is also one
of the central apocalyptic texts used by Cornell Fleischer in his ground-beaking study of
prophecy and ideology in the age of Suleyman the Magnificent.
Ibn Talha's prophecy also occurs in the magical compendium of al-Buni's (d. c.
622/1225) work Shams al-ma 'drifal-kubrd (sun of the consummate knowledge).7 But as
I will show soon, the authenticity of the inclusion of al-Durr in al-Buni's book is highly
questionable. Unfortunately, there is not yet a published critical copy of Shams alma 'drif'and the task of authenticating much of the material this collection includes
continues to be a difficult one indeed, and perhaps even impossible.8
The problematic nature of this compendium was acutely recognized by Toufic
Fahd. In his discussion of al-Buni's treatise, Fahd states that, "II faudrait une longue
etude critique des temoins manuscrits les plus anciens et une analyse detaillee de leur

Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, unless otherwise noted. This particular manuscript, copied in 879/1474, is to my
knowledge the earliest surviving version of Bistami's (and by implication, Ibn Talha's) work. In the case of
the particular manuscript I'm using in this study, al-durr occupies folios 2-6 (my numbering; librarian's

pagination is erroneous, starting with number 1 on folio 5).

7

Ahmad bin 'All al-Buni, Shams al-ma'drifal-kubrd wa-latd'ifal-' aw dr if (Beirut: al-Maktaba alThaqafiyya, n.d.), pp. 48-50.
8

See Toufic Fahd, La divination arabe: Etudes religieuses, sociologiques etfolkloriques sur le milieu
natifde I'Islam, La Bibliotheque Arabe Collections, ed. Pierre Bernard, Collection Hommes et societes
(Paris: Sindbad, 1987, orig. pub. 1966), pp. 230-33.

69

contenu, pour pouvoir determiner le noyau primitif de l'oeuvre et les additions et

amplifications qu'elle subit du vivant de l'auteur et apres sa mort."9 On the other hand, I
believe that other references made by al-Buni to Ibn Talha and his work seem to be
genuine and may even help us understand how Ibn Talha's prophecy was written.
Ultimately, one would probably want to consult a genuinely original copy of al-Buni's
book. Fahd's analysis seems to hint at this possibility as he mentions one manuscript
which, if one believes its colophone, would have been copied during the author's lifetime.
If this is the case, then the manuscript in question is probably an authentic version of
Shams al-ma 'drif.
The contents of al-Durr can be divided into four sections: First, a story of
receiving the kashf (vision) of a mysterious "tablet" revealed to a dear friend of the author
and the latter's meditation over the matter culminating in his own unveiling of its
meaning;11 Second, a graphic representation of the mysterious tablet, basically a circle
divided by two triangles, each occupying one half, filled and surrounded with Arabic
letters, divine names and Qur'anic verses;12 Third, the writer's interpretation of the
circle's symbols, based on /mrw/"(numerological) calculations, as depicting years and
events of special importance in Islamic history, starting with al-bi 'tha (the genesis of
Muhammad's message) and ending with al-qiydma (the apocalypse);13 And fourth, an

Ibid, p. 230.

10

The reference here is to MS Manisa, Genel 1445, allegedly copied in 618/1221 and consisting of 60
folios; see La divination, pp. 230-31.
" Al-Durr al-munazzam, in Miftdh al-jafr, fols. lb-2a.
12

Ibid., fol. 2b.

13

Ibid., fols. 2b-5a.

70

explanatory note showing, by the use of numerological techniques applied to divine

names, how to calculate the numerical value of the ten symbolic pointers of the circle.
These pointers are believed to be hiding the supposed 'iddat al-mudda (the number of the
[remaining] period; i.e. the length of the time left from the total age of the world).14
The Dating of Ibn Talha's Prophecy
The dating of the prophecy can be derived from the chronology it presents in its
third section. The last identifiable date among the prophecy's historical events is its
reference to the "extinction of the power of the Khwarizmians...at the gate of Hims;"15
which must be an allusion to the Battle of al-Qasab by the lake of Hims in the month of
Muharram of 644/May 1246. In it the combined forces of the Ayyubid princes al-Mansur
Ibrahim of Hims and al-Nasir Yusuf of Aleppo inflicted a devastating defeat on the
Khwarizmian army and killed their commander Berke Khan.16 The mention of this battle
concludes a series of other recognizable references; the last three of which concern the
"extinction of the state of the Egyptian Fatimid caliphs" in 570/1174, the "disappearance
of the kingdom of the Franks from Jerusalem" in 583/1187 "at the hands of the Sultan
King al-Nasir Salah al-Din [Saladin]," and "the defeat of Sultan Jalal al-Din Khwarizm
Shah and the end of his kingdom" in 627/1229 by the advancing Mongol armies.17

14

Ibid., fob. 5a-6a.

15

Ibid., fol. 4b.

16

For more details on this decisive encounter and what it meant to both sides, see R. Stephen
Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus, 1193-1260 (Albany, New York:
State University of New York Press, 1977), pp. 283-88, esp. pp. 286-87.
17

Al-Durr al-munazzam, in Miftdh al-jafr, fols. 4b-5a.

71

The dates calculated for the time after the year 644/1246, i.e. the years 656/1258,
660/1261, 677/1278, 693/1293, and 728/1327, are all obvious predictions.18 Their
description is couched in very general terms and, unlike the previous part of the
chronology, none of these predictions include any specific signifiers or explicit names of
rulers, dynasties, or localities. For example the year 656/1258 is described as "a year of
renewed severe chaos, humongous confusion, and discord that cannot be greater, and God
knows better."19
The fact that the year 656/1258 was the date of the fall of Baghdad and the
destruction of the Abbasid Caliphate by the Mongols seems to be a pure coincidence.
The death of Ibn Talha four years before the event, in 652/1254, would leave no room for
it to be a historical reference by the author. Moreover, the possibility of a later ex-eventu
revision of the prophecy to include the date 656 by someone other than Ibn Talha is very
improbable. The description given to the year doesn't even come close to express the
magnitude of the event in question. It simply speaks of discord and bewilderment and
neither makes mention of Abbasids, nor of Mongols, nor of the end of any state, dynasty
or caliphate. The absence of potential specific references in the remaining dates further
strengthens the idea of these years being pure predictions.
More predictions are given following the citing of the year 728/1327, but only as
directions for numerological calculations based on the prophecy's diagram of section two
above. No more years are given explicitly numerically. The general description is not
essentially different from the earlier predictions of the specifically identified dates. The
18

Ibid., fols. 5a-5b.

19

Al-Durr, in Miftdh, fol. 5a.

72

tone also is similarly pessimistic and catastrophe-oriented. The years corresponding to

these calculations are pictured as full of tribulations, schisms, bloodshed, "and the
appearance of corruption, and the ruination of localities, which is the beginning of the
ruination of the world." This reaches its climax in the rise of the savior al-Mahdi and his
eternal nemesis the Antichrist, followed by the nihdyat al-nihdya (end of the end) and the
apocalypse.20
One conclusion to be drawn from the above is that the prophecy ofal-durr almunazzam was written sometime between the Battle of al-Qasab in 644/1246 and the
death of Ibn Talha in 652/1254. Actually, given the author's apparent preoccupation with
the fortunes of the Khwarizmians, we may be able to guess the date even a bit more
specifically. The setbacks of the Khwarizmians did not end with al-Qasab. The historical
evidence tells us that they were yet routed again later in the month of Jumada al-Akhira of
the same year near al-Salt by Fakhr al-Din Ibn al-Shaykh. Unless Ibn Talha, for some
unknown reason, excluded this event from his catalogue of Khwarizmian misfortunes,
one is tempted to think that he finished writing the text of the prophecy between
Muharram and Jumada al-Akhira of the year 644 A.H.
Conflicting Evidence of the Prophecy's Authenticity
Some of the available evidence ofal-durr gives rise to questions of authenticity.
The most interesting (and problematic) clue is the reference to the prophecy in al-Buni's

Ibid., fols. 5a-5b; in Arabic, wa-zuhur al-fasdd wa-khardb al-bildd, wa-huwa biddyat khardb aldunyd.

73

91

Shams al-ma 'drif, a book whose author died around 622/1225.

There are two main

references to Ibn Talha's prophecy in al-Buni's book, neither of which can be confidently
accepted as genuine. The first one reproduces sections one and two of the prophecy, but
with noticeable differences from the standard text of Miftdh al-jafr. The phrasing in alBuni's work varies, sometimes considerably; the story of the tablet and the revelation (the
first section) is longer; and the diagram, despite being similar in many aspects, is not
identical.22 The tablet vision story and the circle digram constitute about the first half of
the book's sixth chapter, "ft al-khalwa wa-mdyakhtassu bihi arbdb al-i 'tikdfdt al-musildt
HI- 'ulwiyydt (on solitude and what is the specialty of the self-secluders which lead to the
higher realms)." One curious difference, for example, is that the story in Shams refers to
the vision receiver and Ibn Talha in the third person; whereas Ibn Talha narrates the story
in the first person in Miftdh. Another difference is the explicit reference to the city of
Halab (Aleppo) as the location of the story in al-Buni's work; something that is absent
from al-Bistami's account.23
The second reference in Shams gives a somewhat different account of the tablet
vision and revelation of section one and supplies another diagram. The diagram, known
as da 'irat al-ihdta (comprehensive or surrounding circle), appears in many (but not all) of
the manuscript copies of Miftdh al-jafr as a separate illustration.24 The reference occurs
21

The exact date of al-Bunt's death cannot be determined with certainty; see T. Fahd, La divination, p.

230, n. 2, which is based on a further reference to a comment by Franz Rosenthal in his translation of Ibn
Khaldun's al-Muqaddimah, vol. 3, p. 172, n. 807.
22

Al-Bunt, Shams al-ma'drif, pp. 48-50.

23

Ibid.

24

Ibid., pp. 328-30.

74

as part of the book's 33rd chapter, "ft shark asrdr dd 'irat al-ihdta al-ma 'rufbi 'l-durr almunazzamfi shark asrdr al-ism al-a 'zam wa-md yazhar 'anhd min al-ta 'sildt wa 7tafri'dt (on explaining the secrets of the comprehensive circle, known as the knitted gems
on the exposition of the secrets of the greatest name, and what comes out of it of roots
and branches." The same chapter continues with much divinatory material that is also
part of al-Bistami's Miftdh, including two malhamas, one of which is Malhamat Ibn
'Aqab.25
And the third reference is to the third section of the prophecy, that is to the
predictions, which terminate here with the Mongol victory over Jalaluddin Khwarizm
Shah in 627/1229 and are often worded differently.
unnumbered chapter,ftma'rifatal-jafr

The reference makes up an

al-ladhidhakarahu al-imdm Ja'far al-Sddiq (on

the knowledge of the divination mentioned by Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq [d. 148/765]). This
chapter is followed by another one on jafr "as taken from the hearts of knowers"; a
chapter on the science of zd'irja (planetary conjunctions), numerology and horoscopes; a
chapter on interpretation of /*wrw/(letters) and awfdq (magical squares); and other
97

chapters on such relevant subjects.

Based on the information above, al-Buni died about four years before the
Khwarizmian defeat; consequently it would have been impossible for al-Buni to have had
any knowledge of the prophecy, even if we allowed him a few more years of life.
25

Ibid., pp.330-342. A useful reference to the web of connections between these books and authors can
be found in Richard Hartmann, "Eine Islamische apokalypse aus der kreuzzugszeit ein Beitrag zur GafrLiteratur," Schriften der Konigsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft, Geisteswissenschafliche Klasse (Berlin:
Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft furpolitik und Geschichte M. B. H., 1924), pp. 1-116, esp. 109.
26

Shams, pp. 342-343.

27

Ibid., pp. 343-345, 345-350, 350-355 in the same order.

75

However, there is a slight possibility that al-Buni could have had some knowledge of the
prophecy. For this possibility to make sense we have to assume that the prophecy al-Buni
knew did not have the part containing the predictions. This in turn would lead us to
hypothesize that Ibn Talha composed al-Durr al-munazzam in stages over a relatively
long period of time. This theory is not entirely inconceivable, as the first two references
in al-Buni's book do not mention the predictions section.
Furthermore, the two sections repeat the story of the tablet vision but with many
variations. The first one clearly names Ibn Talha as the vision interpreter and circle
drawer.

According to this version, Ibn Talha first gives the seeker an explanation; but

another vision in which the seeker sees 'Ali and the Prophet prompts him to go back to
Ibn Talha, who then produces the circle to the seeker. When the man asks Ibn Talha why
he didn't show him the circle the first time, the latter explains that he didn't want the man
to share it with other people. Ibn Talha then asks God for forgiveness and appends the
circle to the exposition. It is noteworthy that this exchange doesn't occur in any other
versions of al-Durr, and namely in none of the copies of Miftdh.
Yet the second version seems to suggest that al-Buni, during a trip to Bilad alSham (Syria) learned of the tablet from a devout man who had seen it in a vision.
Consequently, al-Buni himself received the secret interpretation of the tablet and the
permission to reveal it from Caliph 'Ali and Prophet Muhammad through a vision of his
own.29 The devout stranger meets the author in Aleppo and is described as a rajul min alabddl (a man from God's friends). He addresses the author by his first name, i.e, Ahmad.
28

Ibid., pp. 48-50.

29

Ibid., pp. 328-330.

76

The Prophet and 'All appear to al-Buni while 'Ali is telling Muhammad about the circle
and the tablet. The Prophet then tells the author that this is how they were shown to him
in al-lawh ql-mahfuz (the eternal tablet) by the angel Gabriel. And when al-Buni asks for
license to make public the meaning of the circle, the Prophet grants it to him.
The same passage containing the second reference appears, with a slight variation,
in a long quotation from Shams al-ma 'drif, which is contained in a manuscript collection
on divination.

Al-Buni's reference seems to be genuine, though it is quite difficult to

determine its exact phraseology and place in the author's works. For the benefit of a more
detailed knowledge of the story as it appears in the manuscript, the following is a semicomplete reproduction of the account as told by al-Buni.
And this letter [i.e. the first letter alij) is the key to the greatest name; and I
mention its relations on its own as it relates to an interesting anecdote. Because
when I traveled and migrated from Egypt and came to visit Jerusalem, it occurred
to me to visit al-Sham and Mount Lebanon, and to visit Aleppo; and as I was
doing this, a man from the chosen ones confronted me and greeted me and said to
me: O' Muhadhdhabuddin Ahmad, I want to enrich you with a benefit that is
precious in value...So I said to him: yes; and the old man said: As I was in one of
my retreats...a tablet was revealed to me, which I could observe and see what was
written in it; and I found in it lines and a circle and a name.
Then a spirit of light appeared to me and gave it to me; so I took it, and my
worries increased as I didn't understand it. And during that state my eyes
overcame me and I saw Commander of the Faithful 'Ali bin Abi-Talib standing
before me. He greeted me and I answered his greeting, and he said to me: where
is the tablet; and I said: here it is. So he took it and kissed it and praised it and
said to me: know that this tablet contains the secret of creation and the knowledge
of the divine mysteries and that it encompasses the divination, which I authored
and called 'the tablet of destiny and fate;' because in it is the secret of the one
thousand and six hundred source and the principle of the greatest name and the
cycle of the Aqtdb and Caliphs.
Then he handed to me the circle and put his blessed hand on the name of the
divinity and said: this is the principle of the greatest name, and he departed and
left me. And here I am bringing it to you. So I took it from him. And I

Istanbul MS, Top Kapi Saray, Revan 1765, fols. 195b-198a.

77

mentioned it in the Middle Shams al-ma 'drif'but did not relate the remainder of
the occasion in what I have written. So I am telling it in this book in its
completion and in detail, and I'm relating what it contains of divinatory secrets
and numerological lights with a permission from the Messenger...Because I saw
him in sleep and Commander of the Faithful 'All was telling him about the circle
and the tablet, and he [the Prophet] said: That is how I saw it in the Eternal Tablet,
and it was Master [archangel] Gabriel who showed me its secret in this manner;
and I told him I wanted to decipher it and he said: do. I then woke up from my
sleep and mentioned it in this book ...And I mentioned the letter alif and its
relations from this point of view. And with this exposition of this meaning I
complete the first part of this book.3'

A very similar account of the story is given in the printed Shams al-ma 'drif; yet there are
some differences. In the printed version, for example, the devout man calls the author
'Ahmad,' without the title 'Muhadhdhabuddin' and is overcome by 'sleep' instead of'my
eyes'. Another difference is that in the printed version caliph 'Ali takes the tablet and
kisses it, but, unlike the manuscript version, there is no mention of praising it. Also the
tablet here is said to contain sirr al-haqiqa (secret of the truth) instead of the manuscript's
The text in Arabic reads: "wa-inna hddhd al-harf miftdh al-ism al-a 'zam; wa-laqad dhakartu
nisbatahu bi-mufradihi li-annajihi ishdratun latifa. Wa-dhdlika anni lammd rahaltu wa-hdjartu min Misra
wa-ji 'tu ild ziydrati Bayt al-Maqdis, warada 'indi anni azuru al-Ahrdma wa-Jabala Lubndna wa-azuru
Halab; fa-[fi]md and kadhdlikd, idh bi-rajulin min al-abddl [qad] ta 'arrada li wa-sallama 'alayya waqdla li:ydMuhaddhdhabaddin Ahmad, uridu an uthifaka bi-fd'idatinjalilat al-miqddr,..; fa-qultu lahu:
na 'am; fa-qdla al-shaykh: baynamd and kuntu/i ba'di khalawdti...idh kushifa li 'an lawhin ushdhiduhu
wa-ard ma huwa maktubunfihi, fa-wajadtufihi khututan wa-dd "iratan wa-hurufan wa-asmd 'a. Thumma
tamdththala liya ruhan nitrdniyyan fa-ndwalani iyydhu, fa-akhadhtutu.wa-qad zdda bi qalaqi wa-lam
a 'rifuhu; fa-baynamd and ka-dhdlika idh ghalabatni 'aynayya, wa-ra 'aytu amira l-mu 'minina 'Ali bin AbiTdlib wa-huwa wdqifun qibali; fa-sallama 'alayya, fa-raddaytu 'alayhi l-saldma, fa-qdla li: ayna l-lawh?
Fa-qultu: ha huwa. Fa-akhadhahu wa-qabbalahu wa-ista 'zamahu wa-qdla li: i 'lam anna hddhd l-lawh
fihi sirru l-khaliqati wa-ma 'rifatu l-asrdri l-ildhiyya; wa-qadjama 'a l-jafra l-ladhi alluftuhu wasammaytuhu bi-lawhi l-qadd 7 wa- 'Iqadari, fa-innajihd sirru l-alfl wa-sittumd 'ati masdarin wa-mabda 7 lismi l-a 'zami wa-dawrati l-aqtdbi wa- 'l-khulafd'. Thumma ndwalani al-dd 'irata wa-hattayadahu lsharifata 'aid ismi l-dhdti wa-qdla li: hddhd mabda'u l-ismi l-a'zami, wa-dhahaba wa-khalldni: wa-hd and

qadji 'tuka bi-hd; fa-akhadhtuhd minhu. Wa-qad dhakartuhdfi Shamsi l-ma 'drift l-wustd, wa-lam adhkuru
tatmima l-mundsabati [fij-md bayyanndhu mina l-ta 'lif Wa-inni adhkuruhdfi hddha l-mu 'allafi bi- 'ltamdmi 'aid wajhi l-tafsili, wa-adhkuru mdfhd min l-asrdri l-jafriyyati wa-ma [tadammanat?] mina lanwdri l-harflyya; wa-dhdlika bi-idhnin mina l-rasuli...wa-dhdlika annira'aytuhufl-'l-nawmi... wa-amiru
l-mu 'minina 'Aliyyan yadhkuru lahu l-dd 'irata wa- 'l-lawha; fa-qdla [al-rasulu]: hdkadhd ra 'aytuhafi llawhi l-mahfuzi, wa-qad arani sirr aha al-sayyid Jibril 'aid hddhihi l-sura, wa-qultu lahu uridu an
ashrahahdfa-qdla: if'al. Wa-qad intabahtu mina l-nawmi wa-dhakartuhdji hddhd l-kitdb... wa-inni
dhakartu harfa l-alift wa-nisbatihi min hddha l-ma'nd; wa-bihddhd l-sharhi li-hddhd l-ma'nd utimmu lfasla l-awwala min hddhd l-kitdbf Ibid., fols. 196b-197a.
78

sin al-khaliqa (secret of creation); and when the Prophet asks for permission to make its
secrets public, archangel Gabriel's answer here is, "no problem," as opposed to the "do"
of the manuscript.
But perhaps the most interesting difference is in the author's reference to an
earlier mention of the story. While al-Buni refers in the manuscript to Shams al-ma 'drif
al-wustd (the middle Shams al-ma 'drif) as the earlier place of mention, the equivalent
statement in the printed version is simply, "wa-qad dhakartuhdfi awwal al-kitdb ijmdlan,
wa-hdhund tafsilan [and I mentioned it in the beginning of the book in summary, and
right now in detail]."

Al-Buni's reference to the earlier and briefer mention of the story

is probably to his first telling of the tablet vision incident, including the identification of
Ibn Talha as the person deciphering the mystical circle in his al-Durr al-munazzam.
The manuscript reference above seems more authentic. Its allusion to the "Middle
Shams al-ma 'drif as the earlier place of reference to the story might be linked to another
book, that is an earlier and smaller rendition of Shams al-ma 'drif. This would be, as the
name suggests, al-wustd (the middle) rendition, which logically must have followed an
even earlier smaller version, al-sughrd (the small), and was eventually followed by the
more comprehensive Shams al-ma 'drifal-kubrd, the source we are considering here.
It is very likely that the earlier reference to the story in the printed Shams alma 'drifal-kubrd might have actually originated in the middle version of the book. This
means that the printed version (or the manuscript it was based on) is a synthesis of the

32

Shams al-ma 'drif, p. 329.

33

Ibid., pp. 49-50. Unfortunately the earlier mention of the occasion is not quoted in the manuscript and
thus could not be compared with its printed counterpart,

79

two (or perhaps more) versions of al-Buni's book, bringing them together, probably with
much addition and alteration, into one. This again shows the obvious need for a critical
edition of this important work.
More Evidence of the Authenticity of al-Durr and a Mention of Akhmimi
In addition to al-Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr and al-Buni's Shams al-ma 'drif, there is
more evidence to support the authenticity of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam. In this
regard, al-Bistami provides another important testimony. In one of his major magical
works, namely Shams al-dfdqfi 'Urn al-hurufwa'l-awfdq (Sun of the Horizons on the
Science of Numerology and Magical Squares), Bistami gives the following biographical
account of Ibn Talha:
And as for the Shaykh Kamal al-Din Ibn Talha of Nasibin, the Shafi'i, the legal
opinion scholar, he was among the lofty elders of al-Sham and the great knowers
and noble accomplishers. [He was] the worker of plentiful miracles and
astonishing states of being. And he was unequalled in his time in the science of
numerology and divine names; and [he was] one of those to whom God had
shown the essences in the realm of seeing and for whom God had altered the
ordinary states [of being] and made him speak with the divine wisdom; may God
keep his secret sacred. And he did [write] the commentary on the circle, which
the tongue of Godly wisdom had bestowed upon his master, Shaykh Abi'Abdillah
Muhammad bin al-Hasan al-Akhmimi, and called it al-Durr al-munazzam Jt alsirr al-a zam?A

According to this account, al-Bistami suggests that the man who first received the
tablet vision was Ibn Talha's master al-Akhmimi. Bistami gives no clear sources for this
bit of information, though its context suggests he is copying or rewriting from a
Istanbul MS, Suleimaniya Kutuphanesi, Hakimoglu 535, fols. 7a-7b. The Arabic text reads: "Waammd al-ShaykhKamdl al-Din bin Talha al-Nasibinial-Shqfi'ial-Muftifa-huwa min a'ydn mashdyikh ahl
al-shdm wa-akdbir al- 'drifin wa-nubald' al-muhaqqiqtn, sahib al-kardmdt al-wdfira wa 'l-ahwdl al-bdhira.
wa-kdna wdhida 'asrihfi 'Urn al-hurufwa'l-asmd', wa-huwa ahadu man qalaba Alldhu lahu al-a 'yan fi
'dlam al- 'aydn wa-kharaqa Alldhu lahu al- 'dddt wa-antaqahu bi-hikmat al-ildhiyydt, Qaddasa Alldhu
sirrah, wa-qadsharaha al-dd 'ira al-lati alqdhd lisdn al-hikma al-rabbdniyya 'aid shaykhihi al-Shaykh Abi
'Abdillah Muhammad bin al-Hasan al-Akhmimi, wa-sammdhd bi'l-durr al-munazzam fi al-sirr al-a'zam.'"
80

biographical dictionary of mystics. The passage provides brief biographies of al-Buni,

Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili (d. c. 656/1258), Abu al-Hasan 'All al-Harrani, Qutb al-Din alIshbili, Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi, Kamal al-Din Ibn Talha, Abu Abdullah alAkhmimi, al-Ghazzali, Abu 'Abdullah Muhammad bin Khafif al-Shirazi, Abu al-'Abbas
Ahmad bin Sahl' Ata' al-Adami, Abu 'All al-Daqqaq, and finally Abu al-Mughith Hasan
binMansural-Hallaj.35
It is difficult to reconcile Bistami's identification of al-Akhmimi with al-Buni's
account above. It would be out of character for al-Buni to refer to a great master like alAkhmimi as simply "a devout man" without at least naming him. And it is even more
unusual that a master would take his vision to be explained to him by one of his disciples.
This further complicates the vexed question of the authentic narrative of the tablet vision
story. As to where exactly Bistami found this intriguing reference to Akhmimi remains,
at least for now, a mystery.
It should be noted though that before the series of short biographical notes on the masters
mentioned above, Bistami gives a very long list of books he consulted on 'Urn al-huruf'(very
similar to the list he puts forth in his Durrat tdj al-rasd IT), including Ibn Talha's al-Durr almunazzam?6 Bistami also makes the following interesting reference to al-BunT's work in his
introduction:
When, thanks to Almighty God, the authoring of my book was completed...! asked
Almighty God to grant me permission...to finish it with useful anecdotes and unique

35

Ibid., fols. 4b-9b.

36

None of the books, all of which are on numerology and magic, listed by Bistami in this preface is
identified by author.

81

additions from the book Shams al-ma 'drifwa-latd 'ifal- 'awdrif, and with charming gems
37

and shining spots from the book.

A commentary on al-Durr al-munazzam
There is evidence to suggest that al-Durr was the subject of a hurufi commentary.
The work, which exists in manuscript form, is an explication of at least one section of Ibn
Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam. It occurs in a collection of hurufi works and is concerned
with the part of the prophecy on numerological calculations that serve as the basis for the
chronology of primary historical predictions.38 The third tract of the collection has the
title, al-Nahj al-aqwamfi sharh al-durr al-munazzam min 'Urn al-huruf (The best
method in the explication of al-Durr al-munazzam in the science of numerology).

It is

attributed to a certain scholar and shaykh named Abdullah bin 'Aziz bin Ibrahim al[Rusali?] al-Mawsili (i.e. from the city of Mosul).
The section containing al-Nahj starts with a couple of anecdotes followed by what
looks like the beginning of the text of the treatise. The opening paragraph gives the
author's view of the secret of the cryptic phrase alifldm mim Allah based on the parallels
between divine names and the numerological values of Arabic letters.40 While the hurufi
calculations continue, a drawing of the familiar circle from Ibn Talha's al-Durr almunazzam (the first circle) is introduced to deduce the number 990. This is followed by
37

"Lamina kamula bi-hamdi 'l-Ldhi ta 'did ta 'lift al-musammd bi-Lawdmi' anwdr al-qulub wa-jawdmi'

asrar al-ghiryub... istakhartu 'l-Laha ta 'did.. .fi takmilihi bi-fawd 'id mufida wa-zawd 'id farida min kitdb

Shams al-ma 'drifwa-latd 'ifal 'awdrif wa-durar bahiyya wa-ghurar saniyya min al-kitdb;" Istanbul MS,
Suleimaniya Kutuphanesi, Hakimoglu 535., fol. 2a.
38

Istanbul MS, Es'ad Efendi 3642, fols. 140b-148a.

39

Ibid., fol. 138b; the text of the tract ends on fol. 153a.

40

Ibid., fol. 138b.

82

an observation on the Prophetic tradition, "bu 'ithtu and wa 'l-sd 'atu ka-hdtayni [I and the
Hour were sent forth like these two [meaning the middle and the second fingers]." In it,
the author shows the remaining time before the coming of the End based on an answer of
a certain shaykh, Muwaffaquddin Ahmad bin Yusuf al-Kawashi, to his question about
this specific hadith.41
The next section of al-Nahj is entitled, "From the Book of al-Durr al-munazzam."
It is attributed to Ibn Talha and opens with the text on the fourteen Quranic mystical
letters plus the drawing of the circle (the first one, again) bearing alifldm mim42 Once
the meaning of these letters is deciphered, the author, describing himself as al-shdrih [the
commentator], makes a reference to the opinion of one of Ibn Talha's students, namely alIrbili, on a specific numerological point from al-Durr. Al-Irbili is quoted as saying that
what 'Ali meant in his allusion (in the vision at the outset of al-Durr1?) was the letter jim,
because its value is three, which must refer to alifldm mim, the three letters of the first
principle from which the Great Name is deduced.43
The Evidence from Ibn Talha's Other Works and Biographies
One of the most important confirmations of Ibn Talha's authorship ofal-Durr almunazzam comes from another book by the author himself. In his Matdlib al-sulfl
mandqib al-rasul, a book devoted to singing the praises of 'Ali bin Abi Talib and 'Alid
Imams, Ibn Talha seems to make an indirect reference to al-Durr. The Matdlib is
described as the fruit of Ibn Talha's effort to replace an earlier book, Zubdat al-maqdlji
41

Ibid., fol. 139b.

42

Ibid., fol. 140a.

43

Ibid.

83

fadd 'il al-dl, which dealt with the same subject and somehow got lost.44 The point is
made in his introduction to Matdlib, which, like that of al-Durr, invokes 'Ali and the
decipherment of secrets. The paragraph in question goes as follows:
And I took upon myself during the days of exile the authoring of a book whose
sections would reveal the gems of their [i.e. the House of the Prophet] virtues; so I
commenced it...and I made the number of its chapters the number of the Imams...
And I called it Zubdat al-maqdl fifadd 'il al-dl (the cream of discourse on the
virtues of the house)...But the wheels of fate from the risks of travel were set in
motion and stole it, and the assassin hand changed it, and the soul freaked out
many times in despair; so once the heavenly mercy reached me...and I distanced
myself from the worldly possessions...a devout man saw 'All the Commander of
the Faithful...and he asked him questions relating to the sacred [meanings?] and
their Godliness; and 'Ali answered him with words; so he said, O Commander of
the Faithful I haven't gotten the knowledge of it; so he referred him to me so that I
explain that to him and elaborate on what he summarized; so he came to me and
narrated for me the truth of the interference in answering what he has been asked;
and I responded to his ['All's] orders...by complying, and I started immediately
to look for the answer to that question; and after having done disposing of the
duty of my intervention and compiling with his commanding order to unearth its
answers and explain its names, I took it upon myself to author this book in
gratitude to what he [i.e. 'Ali] deserves, after he singled me out with his goodness
and entrusted me to take his place in explaining and clarifying forms of divine
knowledge; and so that to replace the book which the aggressive hand of time had
assassinated.45

44

Istanbul MS, Yeni Cami 899, fol. 2a-3a. The lost treatise was apparently put together during what Ibn
Talha terms ayydm al-ightirdb (days of exile or living abroad). The author is less clear about how it got
lost, though it seems as if it was stolen or forcibly confiscated from him.
45

Ibid., fols. 2b-3a. The Arabic text reads: "Wa-iltazamtu ayydma 'l-ightirdbi ta'lifa kitdbin tutli'u
matdli'uhu dardrifadilatahum,fa-shara'tufihi...wa-ja'altu
'iddata abwdbihi 'iddata a'immatihim...faajrat adwdr al-aqddr min akhtdr al-asfdr ba 'da aqdiyatiha, fasalabathu wa-ghayyarathu yadu 'l-ightiydl,
wa-jarra'at al-nafsu mirdran bi-hasratiha; fa-lammd adrakatni al-ra'fatu al-rabbdniyya...M>a-a'radtu 'an
matd' al-dunyd...ra'd ba'du al-Sdlihina 'Aliyyan Amira 'l-Mu'minin...fa-sa'alahu masd'Ha tata'allaqu
bi'l-ma['dni?]al-qudsiyyawa-rububiyyatihd, fa-ajdbahubi-kalimatin;fa-qdlaydAmira
'l-Mu'minin, lam
uhit 'ilman bi-ma 'rifatihd; fa-ahdlqhu 'alayyafi an ashraha dhdlika lahu, wa-ufassila minhu ma
ajmalahu; fa-hadara ladayya wa-qassa 'alayya haqiqata 'l-hiwdlafijawdbi md sa 'alahu, qabiltu amrahu
...bi'l-imtithdl wa-bddartufi 'l-waqtiwa'l-hdl ild istikhrdji 'l-jawdbi'an dhdlika 'l-su'dl; waba'da qiydmi
bi-wdjibi 'l-hiwdla wa-qadd 'ihd wa-imtithdli amrihi 'l-mutd 'a bi-istikhrdji ajwibatihd wa-sharhi asmd 'ihd,
alzamtu nafsi ta 'Ufa hddha 'l-kitdba qiydman bi-haqqihi... idh khassanl bi-ihsdnihi wa-ja 'alani ahlan liistindbatihi iyydyafi sharhi ashkdlin min 7- 'ilmi 'l-luduniyyi wa-tibydnihi, wa-liyakuna khalafan 'an
dhdlika 'l-kitdbi 'l-ladhlghdlahu 'l-dahru bi-yadi 'udwdnih..."
84

This account is informative in more than one way: first, it includes a rare
reference by Ibn Talha himself to the vision story of al-Durr al-munazzam; second, it
provides some clues that help situate al-Durr al-munazzam within the author's life and
works; third, it proves that Ibn Talha had undergone a decisive change when he embraced
asceticism; and fourth, it highlights the unmistakable interest and devotion of the author
to the House of the Prophet, 'Ali, and the Twelve Imams as models of piety and sources
of esoteric knowledge. I will in the following sections address each point in more detail.
Ibn Talha's Reference to al-Durr and the Question of Akhmimi
The quoted passage above has Ibn Talha's own reference to the vision story that
prefaced the writing of al-Durr al-munazzam and it strongly echoes the content of the
story as we know it from al-Buni and Bistami. The basic elements are there: the
reception of a vision by another person, the designation by 'Ali of Ibn Talha as the
interpreter, and the latter's interpretation of the vision. Significantly, Ibn Talha refers
here to the vision receiver as ba 'd al-Sdlihin (a good or devout man) without naming him.
This further exposes to skepticism Bistami's identification of the man in question as
Muhammad bin al-Hasan al-Akhmimi, whom he describes as Ibn Talha's sufi master.
Akhmimi is one of the celebrated mystics and wonder makers of medieval Islam. Among
the miraculous feats attributed to him is that the Prophet handed him once a loaf of bread in a
dream. Akhmimi ate some of it as the Prophet looked on and then put the remainder next to him.
He then woke up to find the remaining piece of bread actually sitting next to him. And according

to a report by the mystic al-Minawi, Akhmimi is also supposed to have said, "God has revealed

85

to me the [hidden] truths of the prayers of things, so that I have seen the trees and stones with
their different prayers."46
We have no reports of the supposed relationship between Ibn Talha and Akhmimi,
save for Bistami's. Given the fairly long time span between the dates of death of both
men (Ibn Talha in 652/1254 and Akhmimi in 684/1285), with Ibn Talha some thirty years
earlier at the age of sixty-eight, it is more probable that Akhmimi was a student of Ibn
Talha than the other way around. Akhmimi is portrayed in the sources as a sufi (mystic)
and zdhid (ascetic), living on the slopes of Mount Qasiyun in Damascus and enjoying a
great mystical reputation.

The two men apparently shared a love for the ascetic life

style and lived in Damascus around the same period. So it might not have been altogether
impossible for them to have met. However, no mention is made of Akhmimi as a teacher
or a student of Ibn Talha in the few biographical notices of them in the classical sources.
Al-Durr and Other Books by Ibn Talha
The quotation shows the place of al-Durr al-munazzam in relation to two other
works by the same author, namely the lost Zubdat al-maqdl and the extant Matdlib al-sul.
Chronologically, al-Durr al-munazzam (or its first version) was composed after Zubdat
al-maqdl had gone missing and before Matdlib al-sul came to be written. There is no
mention of Zubdat al-maqdl anywhere else besides Ibn Talha's own statement. Yet we

See Yusuf bin Isma'il al-Nabhani, JdmV kardmdt al-awliyd' [a compendium of the saints' miracles], 2
vols., ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad (Beirut: Dar al-Ffkr, 1992), 1: 270. The Arabic text reads: "Atla'aniAlldhu
'aid haqd 'iq adhkdr al-ashyd' hattd ra'aytu al-ashjdr wa 'l-ahjdr mukhtalifdt al-adhkdr."
47

According to one source, "wa-lil-ndsifihi 'aqidatun 'azima [and people had a great belief in him];"
see Shamsuddin Muhammad ibn Ahmad bin 'Uthman al-DhahabT's (d. 748/1348) al- 'Ibarfi khabar man
ghabar, 4 vols., ed. Abu Hajar Muhammad al-Sa'id ibn Basyuni Zaghlul, (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al'Ilmiyya, 1985), 3:375.

86

have no reason to doubt his claims, especially given the sense of pain and grief he
expresses regarding the tragic loss of his book.
The sequence of the other three known books of Ibn Talha cannot be determined
with certainty in relation to al-Durr al-munazzam, nor to the other two books. These
include Kitdb al- 'Iqd al-farid li 'l-malik al-Sa 'id (book of the unique necklace for the
King al-Sa'id), Nafd 'is al- 'andsir li-majdlis al-malik al-Ndsir (the precious elements for
the gatherings of King al-Nasir) and Miftdh al-faldhfi i 'tiqdd ahl al-Saldh (the key of
success to the doctrine of the devout ones).
However, it is perhaps possible to place them correctly in the general scheme of
things in light of a major shift in Ibn Talha's life, i.e. his renunciation of worldly affairs in
exchange for the simple life of an ascetic, which we will explain shortly. More
specifically, the first two works, which belong to the genre of panegyric mirrors for
princes, were most probably written before he turned to ascetic life; whereas the third
book, Miftdh al-faldh, a seemingly mystical work, would most probably had been
produced during Ibn Talha's years of mystical pursuit.
Interestingly, the author's biographies never mention all of his works, but almost
always refer to al-Durr al-munazzam. Ibn al-Tmad al-Hanbali, for example, in his
relatively long notice on Ibn Talha mentions only Kitdb al- 'Iqd al-farid and al-Durr almunazzam fi ism Allah al-a 'zam.49 Another main biographical dictionary from that
period, al-Dhahabi's (d. 748/1347) al- 'Ibar, only refers to al-Durr al-munazzam, or, more
48

The books are mentioned in the article, "Abu Salim al-Nasibi" in Khayr al-Din al-ZiriklT, al-A 'lam:
Qdmus tardjim..., 11 vols, plus supplement, 6th rev. ed. (Beirut: Dar al-'Ilm lil-Malayin, 1984), orig. pub.
1927-28, 6:175; cf. Abu al-Falah 'Abdulhayy Ibn Ahmad Ibn al-'Imad al-Hanbali (d. 1089/1679) in his
Shadhardt al-dhahabfi akhbdr man dhahab, 8 vols., 2nd rev. ed. (Beirut: Dar al-Masira, 1979), 5:259.
(Hereafter cited as Shadhardt al-dhahab).

87

exactly, to the drawing of the circle which came to characterize this work. Al-Dhahabi,
after a fairly sympathetic report on Ibn Talha, attributes to him "the circle of letters, a
means of going astray and a torment."50 It is very clear from this evidence that Ibn
Talha's reputation was linked to al-Durr al-munazzam. It is interesting and revealing that
an apocalyptic and numerological tract proved more popular than the author's other
works, including his mystical and mirrors for princes books. In some ways, this brief
work with its enigmatic drawing had become the definitive legacy of Ibn Talha long
before it was incorporated into Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr.
Ibn Talha as Jurisconsult, Courtier, Ascetic and Diviner
As we have already mentioned, the account from the introduction to Matdlib also
points clearly to an important change in Ibn Talha's life. The fact in question is the
author's adoption of some form of zuhd, or asceticism. This shift most probably took
place prior to his vision interpretation that resulted in the production of a\-Durr almunazzam. It is clear from the available sources that before this shift in life style, Ibn
Talha seemed to have lived a fairly active and visible life. The little we know about him
tells of an accomplished and well-traveled scholar. He showed an impressive range of
interests and occupied several public positions and came to be recognized as an
accomplished scholar and public figure.
Ibn Talha was born c. 582/1186, apparently in Nasibin, and studied in Nisapur
under the direction of al-Mu'ayyad bin Muhammad al-Tusi (d. 617/1220) and Zaynab al-

49

Ibn al-'Imad al-HanbalT, Shadhardt al-dhahab, 5:259-60.

50

In the original Arabic, "wa-lahu da 'irat al-huruf, daldlun wa-baliyya;" see al-Dhahabi, al- 'Ibarji
akhbdr man ghabar, 3:269.

88

Sha'riyya (d. 615/1218). He reportedly demonstrated a particular genius in the

theological areas of fiqh, usul, and khildf. Like most of his period's scholars, he did much
travel, studying and teaching. Ibn Talha became a renowned Shafi'i mufti (jurisconsult).
He also served as the khatib (preacher) of Damascus after the death of the qddi (judge)
Jamal al-Din Muhammad al-Dawla'i in 635/1237. He later lost the preachership and was
appointed as qddi in Nasibin in the Jazira and subsequently in Aleppo where he died in
652/1254.51
At one instance in his career, in 636/1238 when he was still the preacher at the
Umayyad Mosque of Damascus, Ibn Talha became an important political player. He was
chosen by the prince of Damascus, al-Jawad Yunus (d. 637/1239), as his emissary to the
prince of Hisn Kayfa, al-Salih Ayyub (d. 647/1249). His mission was part of the complex
negotiations and power struggle amongst Ayyubid princes involved in the third Ayyubid
civil war of 635-643/1238-1245. Ibn Talha was to propose an exchange of territories,
which would have delivered Damascus to al-Salih and al-Jazira to al-Jawad, as a way of
dissuading the new Sultan al-'Adil Abu Bakr II (d. 645/1247) from his demand that alJawad should relinquish his claim to Damascus. Apparently the ambitious al-Salih
agreed to the offer, but the deal fell through after al-Jawad reneged on his promise.

51

See al-Hanbali, Shadhardt al-dhahab, 5:259-60; al-Dhahabi , al-'Ibar, 3:269; idem, Tahdhib siyar

a'ldm al-nubald', 3 vols., 1st. ed., ed. Shu'ayb al-Arna'ut et al. (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Risala, 1991) 3:300;
Ibn Kathir, al-bidaya wa-'l-nihdya, 13:198; Badr al-Din Mahmud al-'Ayn!(d. 855/1451), "iqd al-jumdn ft
tdrtkh ahl al-zamdn, 5 vols., ed. Muhammad Muhammad Amin (Cairo: al-Hay'a al-Misriyya al-'Amma lilKitab, 1987) 1:94; and al-Zirikli, al-A 'lam, 6:175.
52

Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols, pp. 246-47. The account is based on Ibn Shaddad's (d.
631/1234) Mufarrij al-kurub, Sibt Ibn al-jawzi's (d. 654/1257) Mir'at al-zamdn, and al-Makin Ibn al'Amid's La chronique des Ayyoubides.

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Another political opportunity presented itself to Ibn Talha in 648/1250, four years
before his death, when he was offered the vizierate of Damascus. He either refused it
outright or accepted it only for two days before he resigned and went into seclusion to
live the anonymous life of an ascetic. According to al-Hanbali, "and in the year 648, his
[Ibn Talha's] assignment to the ministry was written, but he apologized and refused.
However this was not accepted from him, so he took charge of it for two days. Then he
secretly slipped away, left behind [his] monies and possessions, wore a cotton dress and
disappeared. And nobody knew where he went."53
Even after many centuries, Ibn Talha's act of non-acceptance of the highest
ministerial position and unequivocal turn to zuhd still seems remarkable. As unusual as it
seems, the decision had not received a satisfactory explanation in any of the classical
sources. It would be interesting to know if choosing an ascetic life was primarily born
out of Ibn Talha's desire to avoid government service, or out of a genuine sufi pursuit that
simply coincided with the vizierate offer, or something else altogether different.
Examined in the context of the historical moment in question, Ibn Talha's
decision might be seen as the result of his disillusionment with politics and worldly
affairs. The vizierate offer was made to him at a time of high political trouble. It
coincided with the crisis of succession after the murder of Turan Shah by the Bahri
Mamluks and the al-Nasir Dawud's (d. 656/1258) attempt to reunite al-Sham,
independent of the new rulers in Egypt. For Ibn Talha, the hopelessness of the situation

53

Al-HanbalT, Shadhardt al-dhahab, 5:259. The Arabic reads: "wa-fi sanat thamdnin wa-arba In wasittimd 'a kutiba taqliduhu bi 'l-wazdra, fa-i 'tadhara wa-tanassala, fa-lam yuqbala minhu; fatawalldhd
yawmayn thumma insalla khifyatan wa-taraka al-amwdl wa 'l-mawjud wa-labisa thawban qutniyyan wadhahaba fa-lam yudrd ayna dhahab."

90

was bitterly demonstrated in his failed mission of reconciliation. Furthermore, the

continued unraveling of the Ayyubid political unity, which seemed to accelerate after the
death of al-Kamil Muhammad in 635/1237, could have only heightened Ibn Talha's sense
of pessimism and resignation. Against this background, the solitary and pious life
promised by asceticism might have just offered Ibn Talha the kind of solace and
alternative path he needed for individual salvation.
In addition to the grim political reality, Ibn Talha's decision to retreat into the
seclusion of zuhd might have been also inspired by his prophetic speculation. It is
important here to note that his perception of his contemporary times was infused with the
evils and tribulations characteristic of the End-time period. According to the predictions
ofal-Durr al-munazzam the year 648/1250, i.e. the year he received the offer to the
vizierate, is projected as a year that belongs more to apocalyptic time. It sits between the
last historically identifiable prediction (the defeat of the Khwarizmians near Hims in
644/1246) and the first apocalyptic prediction of the year 656/1258, which will bring
renewed turmoil, discord and confusion.
It is likely that by then Ibn Talha had not yet written al-Durr al-munazzam, wholly
or partially; however he would have probably already developed a keen apocalyptic
awareness of his contemporary time. For a true apocalyptist, that time would have
probably looked more like a time for piety and redemption than for ministries and
political appointments. Whether it was his own prophetic pronouncements regarding the
evolution of that period, or the actual historical events around him, Ibn Talha seemed to
have had sufficient reasons to become convinced that he was living an apocalyptic time of
turbulence and witnessing the prelude to the Last Days.
91

Evidence of Ibn Talha's interest in divination comes not only from al-Durr almunazzam and Bistami. Al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1374), after reporting Ibn Talha's
credentials in the religious sciences, states that, "he [i.e. Ibn Talha] joined in the
hallucination of numerology."54 Another confirmation of this side of the man's life is
supplied by Ibn al-Tmad al-Hanbali. According to him, "[Ibn Talha] was thought to have
worked with numerology and magical squares, and that he had mined things from the
[realm of] the unknown."

However, al-Hanbali then adds that Ibn Talha had turned

away from these sciences, as evidenced by these verse lines:

If an astrologer's judgment in some case is so decisive,
you should throw [that] back at him
As nobody can tell what God may decide,
so follow me and don't rely on him
Don't rely on the sayings of astrologers,
and leave things to God and surrender
And know that if you make a planet the cause of a happening,
you are no more a Muslim.
To the best of my knowledge, this interesting account from al-Hanbali about Ibn Talha's
repentance is not supported by any other source. I also wasn't able to authenticate the
verses attributed to him in the standard sources for medieval Islamic poetry.

54

Al-DhahabT, Tahdhib siyar a'ldm al-nubald\ 3:300. The Arabic reads, "wa-ldkinnahu dakhalafi
hadhaydn 'Urn al-huruf."
55

Al-Hanbali, Shadhardt al-dhahab, 5:259; in Arabic: "wa-qadnusiba ild al-ishtighdl bi-'ilm al-huruf
wa 'l-awfdq, wa-annahu yastakhriju ashya 'a min al-mughayyabdt."
56

Ibid., 5:259-60; in Arabic:

Idhd hakama 'l-munajjimuft'l-qaddyd
Fa-laysa bi- 'dlimin md-Alldhu qddin
La tarkunanna ild maqdli munajjimi
Wa- 'lam bi-annaka inja 'alta li-kawkabin

92

bi-hukmin hdziminfa-'rdud 'alayhi

fa-qallidni wa-la tarkun ilayhi
wa-kil 'l-umura ild 'l-Ildhi wa-sallimi
tadbira hddithatin fa-lasta bi-muslimi

Ibn Talha and the Historical Moment of the Khwarizmians

Ibn Talha's interest in divination must be viewed in tandem with his historical
consciousness. As often is the case, prophecies are made and unmade to express the
hopes and fears of people who see historical changes as episodes in the unfolding of a
sacred history. Ibn Talha demonstrates his active interest in the historical drama of his
time. His interest is focused, for good reasons, on the role of the Khwarizmians. He is
clearly obsessed by their presence and shaken by the destruction they brought to Syria,
especially in light of the larger looming danger of the Mongols. As a result, the fortunes
of the Khwarizmians occupy a central place in Ibn Talha's prophecy, namely in the
contemporary part of the prophecy's chronology.
In addition to al-Durr, the subject of the Khwarizmians is mentioned at length in
another of Ibn Talha's works, a book on government and policy, written for the Ayyubid
king al-Nasir, and known as Nafd 'is al- 'anasirP After explaining his doctrine on the
Sultanate as a divine secret and the Sultan as God's shadow on earth, Ibn Talha uses the
Khwarizmian case as an example to illustrate his point. He basically explains the threat
they pose to show the significance of the Sultanate in terms of the spread of stability,
peace, prosperity, free passage, trade, and morality. This need is absolute and the
Sultanate's role is beyond doubt. The catastrophic impact of the Khwarizmians testifies
to the truth of this principle. This is how Ibn Talha presents this point:

The full title is Nafd 'is al- 'anasir li-majdlis al-malik al-Nasir (the precious elements for the
gatherings of king al-Nasir), which is found in the Istanbul MS, Velieddin 2648, fols. la-141a, copied in
777 AH (1375 CE) from a copy copied from a copy by the author. The book is probably written in 644 AH
as it includes (fol. 13 lb) a table listing the first parts of the Hijrl months of the passing years, from the
beginning to the year 644 AH. Part of the table however is missing.

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And the signs of this situation and proofs of this statement have become apparent
with [the rise of] these Khwarizmians, who have extended their greedy hands to
possess the land and divide it and whose union has become stronger by their
organization and rallying around the great and small [men] of [various] localities.
Therefore they pillaged, killed, violated, and stole and extracted their monies until
[those in] the farthest horizons trembled (in fear) of them, and the people from
Egypt to Iraq feared them, regardless of their number...But none of them could do
anything to defend themselves...until God inspired the Sultanic, Kingly, Nasiri,
Salahi power...and it did a perfect job in guarding the land and people...and it
prepared to meet the Khwarizmians an army of its forces like the stream when its
waters gush forward...and in their command was a person experienced in wars.58

Ibn Talha then goes on to give a poetic description of the war against the Khwarizmians,
trying at the same time to demonize them and paint them as treacherous and far from
being good Muslims. He thus refer to them as "those who departed from the right path
and reveled in the ways of evil," and as "the disloyal ones." The Sultan's victory over
them is hailed, and as a result of their decisive defeat the land has been supposedly
cleansed from their filth, the lost prosperity returned to people's loves, and security and
peace were finally restored.59
It is noteworthy here that two centuries after the time of Ibn Talha, Bistami also
attributed a clear eschatological significance to the Khwarizmians, or more specifically to
their next to last great Sultan, 'Ala'uddin Muhammad Khwarizmshah (d. 617/1220), who
reigned during 596-617/1200-1220. For Bistami, Sultan 'Ala'uddin was al-qd'im 'aid
Ibid., fols. 82b-83a. The text in Arabic reads:
Wa-qadzaharat makhdyilu hddhihi al-hdla wa-dald'il hddhihi al-maqdla; fa-inna hd'uld' alKhawdrizmiyya al-lathina kdnat nufusuhum qad maddat atmd 'aha ild tamalluk al-bildd waigtitd 'ihd wa-taqawwat 'usbatuhum bi-intizdmihd wa-ijtimd 'ihd 'aid 'uzamd' al-jihdt warn 'a 'ihd; fa-fataku wa-safaku wa-hataku, fa-nahabu amwdlahd wa-jama 'uhd hattd rajafat
minhum nawd 'ib al-dfdq wa-khdfathum al-bardyd md-bayna Misra wa-l- 'Iraq, ma 'a kathrat man
bihd min al-khald'iq...fa-md minhum man istatd'a 'an nafsihi daf'an.,.ild an harraka Alldhu al'azamdt al-Sultdniyya al-Malakiyya al-Ndsiriyya al-Saldhiyya...fa-qdmat akmala qiydmfi
hirdsat al-bildd wa- I- 'ibdd...wa-jahhazat li-liqd' al-Khawdrizmiyyajayshan min 'asdkirihd ka-lsayli idhd taddfa 'a lujdjuh...wa-qad malaka zimdma umurihimu man huwa khabirun bi-l-hurub.

94

ra 's al-md 'a al-sddisa (the lord of the head of the sixth hundred [years of the Hijrt
calendar]).60 In other words, he was the mujaddid (renewer or reviver) of Islam at the
beginning of the seventh Hijri century. As such, he was the barrier between the Mongols
and the Islamic heartlands. Therefore, when God decreed that the Mongols should be on
the ascendance, He executed His will by bringing death to the Sultan.61
Ibn Talha's Devotion to AhlAl-Bayt
The paragraph quoted earlier from Ibn Talha's introduction to Matdlib al-sul
establishes him as a strong devotee of AM al-Bayt (the House of the Prophet) and an
enthusiastic admirer of 'All and the Imams. Despite being a proud Shafi'i Sunni scholar,
the central place that 'Ali and the Imams inhabit in Ibn Talha's thought is unmistakable.
'Ali appears almost as a connecting thread between the works of Ibn Talha. He is also
featured prominently in the tablet vision story of al-Durr al-munazzam. Moreover, 'Ali is
of course mentioned first among the Imams to whom Ibn Talha dedicated two more
works, the lost Zubdat al-maqdl fi fadd 'il al-dl and the extant Matdlib al-sul Ji mandqib
al-rasul. And, as we indicated earlier, Matdlib al-sul was specifically composed in
gratitude to 'Ali for allowing the author to be the interpreter of the tablet vision and to
compensate for the lost treatise of Zubdat al-maqdl.
Similarly, the Imams inspire both the subject matter and the structure of Matdlib
al-sul. As such, the book contains twelve chapters, reflecting the number of the Imams of
59

Ibid., fols. 83a-83b.

60

The last Khwarizmian Sultan was Jalauddin MengubersT (d. 627/1230), who actually stood up to the
Mongols and the remnants of his army rampaged throughout Syria in the following years.
61

BistamT, Kitdb mafdtlh asrdr al-hurufwa-masdbih al-akwdr (keys of the secrets of letters and lanterns
of darkness), Istanbul MS, Fatih 4489, fols. la-90b, esp. 59b.

95

the Twelver Shi'ites. It follows in its organization the plan of the missing Zubdat almaqdl as Ibn Talha himself makes clear in the introduction to Matdlib, as mentioned
earlier. The first chapter covers various aspects of 'All's career in twelve section; while
the other eleven chapters deal with the rest of the Imams much more briefly, ending with
Abu al-Qasim Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan.62
For Ibn Talha, 'All is a figure of exceptional qualities. He is a virtuous person par
excellence, as well as a supreme knower and miracle maker. Among his many
superhuman kardmdt (wonders, miracles), Ibn Talha lists 'All's ability to foretell the
future, including his predicting of the month in which he was going to be killed.63 'All's
famed eloquence and oratory skills are also dealt with at length, illustrated with many
examples from his speeches and snippets of his wisdom. He even attributes to him the
well-known saying about the 'circle of justice', starting here with, "the world is a garden,
whose fence is the s hart'a."

It's no wonder then that 'All would serve as the vision

inspiration for Ibn Talha's prophecy.

Concluding Remarks
Ibn Talha's apocalypse is a fine specimen of a sophisticated and popular genre of
apocalyptic literature that characterized the 7th/13th century Islamic culture. The work
shows the clear intersections between prophetic literature, the occult, especially
numerology, and the Shi'ite heritage of esoteric knowledge and charismatic Imams acting
as seers or inspirations. It is quite conceivable that much similar material was produced,
62

The sections on 'Alt take up most of the Yeni Cami 899 manuscript, spreading over fols. 17b-123b.
The remaining eleven Imams are treated in less than 20 folios, from 123b-143a.
63

Istanbul MS, Yeni Cami 899, fol. 80b.

96

relying on well-known themes and motifs and responding to religious agitation, political
needs, or dynastic struggles and using the occult to craft its language of prophecy. Aldurr al-munazzam typifies these elements. This fact plus the prophecy's inherent
authority, given the stature of its author, helped make it into a masterpiece or
foundational apocalyptic text for such future mystics and apocalyptists as Bistami.
At the core of this tradition or legacy was the wide spread belief in the inheritance
of Ahl al-Bayt from the Prophet himself and through 'All of a secret knowledge usually
referred to as the books of jafr. It was believed that this knowledge allowed them and a
select group of their venerators to divine the future and reveal the mysteries of things to
come down to the last days of history.
Typically the influence of Ahl al-Bayt appeared more inspirational in the moral,
theological, mystical, or eschatological sense of the word. And when 'All or some other
Imam appeared to people in dreams or visions, it wasn't always to make a political point
(with or without the aid of jafr); but also to offer an example, teach a lesson, give an
advice, remind, intercede, solve a mystery, or simply give authority and justification to
something being said or written. However, the many stories and anecdotes referring to
the members of Ahl al-Bayt in medieval Islamic sources have yet to be really sifted,
sorted out, and studied, before we have a clear picture of how this literature functioned
and impacted medieval Islamic culture.
As a historical source, al-Durr offers a window to the political and cultural
realities of the medieval Islamic period. The chaotic final decades of the Ayyubid dynasty
and the devastation of the gangs and mercenaries roaming the Islamic heartland is a major
64

Ibid., fol. 103a. This treatment takes place in the tenth chapter, starting on fol. 80b.
97

concern. Additionally, the religious culture is revealed to be extraordinarily fluid, with

pourous denominational categories and wide spread hybrid belief systems, especially in
the relation between Sunnism and Shi'ism. Deep and passionate devotion to AM al-Bayt
was widely cultivated among Sunnis. The popular nature of this devotion points to an
interesting phenomenon that defies the traditional Sunni-Shi'i division of Islamic
doctrines and sensibilities.
Finally, for many Muslims of that period, this devotion might have gone hand in
hand with the popularity of jafr and prophetic speculation. At least this seems to be the
case with Ibn Talha (and to some extent even al-Bistami). This may not explain away the
whole question of the special devotion to the House of the Prophet among Sunnis at the
time; yet there is a connection here that cannot be brushed aside.
This connection challenges the Sunni-Shi'i dichotomy and calls for a
reconsideration of the medieval religious map as well as the meaning of the concepts
hitherto used to describe the medieval Islamic culture. It also challenges the trivial
treatment given so far to the place and significance of prophesying (including apocalyptic
prophecies) and the esoteric and occult sciences associated with them. Thus any serious
rethinking of the medieval religious landscape cannot proceed properly without taking
this issue into consideration. This includes, most importantly, giving credence to the
cultures (or sub-cultures) of prophecies, occult sciences, and apocalypticism.
In the next two chapters, we will elaborate more on the two central issues at hand
here: the reputation of AM al-Bayt as a house of divination; and the extraordinary
devotion and loyalty it inspired among other medieval Sunni scholars like Ibn Talha.

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CHAPTER FOUR
DIVINATION AND THE SUBLIME REPUTATION OF AHL AL-BA YT

Muhammad, Hadith, and the Legacy of AM Al-Bayt

The interest shown by Ibn Talha in 'Ali and the Imams is an example of the
legacy ofAhl al-Bayt within the Islamic divinatory tradition. The evidence seems to
suggest that what is true at the level of this one scholar is probably true of the larger
intellectual and religious environment of that time-period. This means that the
propagation of the House of the Prophet as a house of divination went hand in hand with
the evolution of the occult and divinatory literature. It also means that the appropriation
ofAhl al-Bayt, their famed secret books and cast of superhuman figures, was as wide
spread among Muslims of Sunni persuasions as those of Shi'i sensibilities.
It is of course almost inevitable that the Prophet's family would figure
prominently in the Islamic divinatory literature. As we shall explain momentarily, the
Prophet himself came to be regarded as a diviner par excellence. His legacy in this
respect is that of a revealer of esoteric knowledge and a primary source of prophecies.
And to the extent that Muhammad engaged in prognosticating the signs of the Hour and
the end of time he established himself as a seer and authority on unearthing the unknown
and predicting the future.
No Islamic eschatology is possible without the hadith; and it is here, particularly
in the extensive accounts on fitan wa-maldhim found in all hadith compendia, that
Muhammad's persona as an esotericist is grounded. It should be noted that this
reputation is constructed in contradistinction with the Prophet's more common identity as

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an ordinary man who is simply bringing forth a divine message. And despite the
emphasis of traditional Muslim prophetology on the human and ordinary qualities of
Muhammad (including his occasional errors), his extraordinary knowledge (and deeds)
were equally celebrated in religious folklore and scholarship.1
It is clear from the above that the legacy of A hi al-Bayt as a house of divination
had been already firmly established by the 7th/13th century. Muslims interested in the
occult or apocalyptic speculation found it only natural to grant a special role in this
respect to members of the House of the Prophet.2 In tandem with this veneration was the
emergence of authoritative sources considered to be the sources of the secret knowledge
of the Prophet's family. Using this literature to express different interests and objectives,
Muslim scholars produced a fascinating body of divinatory writings, including
prophecies of apocalyptic significance. Such contributions became part of a growing
divinatory discourse, which in turn perpetuated in Islamic lore and literature this
connection between AM al-Bayt and divination as much as they expressed it.
The Special Prestige and Knowledge of AM Al-Bayt
Following from what we learned so far, the question still needs to be asked, what
exactly is this special status that the House of the Prophet occupies in matters of
divination? One answer comes from Toufic Fahd:
The particular veneration which, among the Shi'as, the members of the Prophet's
family enjoy, is at the base of the belief that the descendants of Fatima have
inherited certain privileges inherent in Prophethood; prediction of the future and
1

The sources that detail the Prophet's divine knowledge and superhuman actions tend to do that as part
of narratives that also combine one or more members of AM al-Bayt, especially his cousin 'AIT; see for
example the legendary portrait of both men in works such as Ghazdt hisn Wddi al-Mahwd.
2

1 am using the designation 'House of the Prophet' or 'AM al-Bayf here quite liberally. Most of the
traditional Islamic sources would only count Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, his cousin 'AIT, and his
grandsons Hasan and Husayn as members of AH al-Bayt. However 1 take exception to this view in my
study and expand the term to include the five people mentioned above plus their descendants.

100

of the destinies of nations and dynasties is one of these privileges. The Shi'i
conception of prophecy, closely connected with that of the ancient gnosis...made
the prophetic afflatus pass from Adam to Muhammad and from Muhammad to the
'Alids/
Fahd's statement is informative; however the veneration he speaks of was to be
found not only among Shi'ites, but also Sunnis. However, overall the value and meaning
of the House of the Prophet is most inspirational and significant to the Shi'a. Their
particular belief in the reputation of AM al-Bayt could be traced to specifically to the
struggle of the 'Alids for the Caliphate and their subsequent persecution. The most
poignant symbol of this belief has been the evolution of the office of the Imam, with all
the political, intellectual, spiritual, and emotional significance it carried over for Shi'a
devotees for centuries. In it, i.e. the Imamate, the 'Alids ultimately gave the most
compelling expression of their messianic expectation of the raj 'a, or return. This
supposedly refers to the inevitable return of the absent Imam, the awaited redeemer
known as al-Mahdi, at the end of time to right the wrongs and establish the legitimate and
just rule of the true religion. Until then, a series of Imams, inspired by the Mahdi, will
guide and lead the community of the faithful.
With this mainly political role also developed the belief in an equally absolute and
infallible knowledge of these Imams. More importantly, these Imams were all believed
to descend from the House of the Prophet. Their special brand of knowledge was a
matter of lineage, justifying their exceptional status and becoming instrumental in helping
them reclaim their usurped right to the leadership of the Islamic umma or nation. The
dream of absolute justice was to come true one day, seen as the defining moment of a
golden age of religious renewal and prosperity. However, the coming of this glorious age
3

See Touflc Fahd, art. "Djafr," EP (2:375-77).

101

will usher in the end of history. Thus apocalyptic dreams, expectations of the signs of the
Hour, and foretelling of the future in general came to be inseparably linked to AM al-Bayt
and their unrivaled knowledge.
The most striking feature of this knowledge is its esoteric nature. Esoteric
knowledge might have served as an alternative political weapon after the Shi'a defeat in
the war of succession following the death of Prophet Muhammad. The conviction that
AM al-Bayt are in possession of secret books of divination could have had a special
meaning for the 'Alids and their sympathizers. It would have helped them keep alive a
cause that seemed all but lost. This is how Toufic Fahd describes the emergence of the
Shi'i esoteric knowledge, usually known as jafr, or jafr wa-jdmi'a, in the aftermath of the
' Alid defeat by the Umayyads:
An esoteric literature of apocalyptic character arose, created in order to bolster the
hopes of the adepts, who were near to despair, and to sustain in the minds of the
ruling Caliphs that quasi-religious respect which they felt they should owe to the
descendants of the daughter of the Prophet. This literature appears in different
forms, all grouped under the generic name of djafr, to which is often added the
noun djdmi 'a or the adjective djdmi '.4

At the level of doctrine, this special science would have originally supplemented the key
theological belief in the Imams' extraordinary knowledge. This knowledge included first
of all the understanding of the bdtin, or hidden, meaning of the Qur'an and the various
requirements of faith as pertaining to the lives of Muslims. But such unique
epistemological function also denoted the Imams' ability to divine the mysteries of the
future and know al-ghayb, or the unknowable.5 In this sense the Imam was not only the

See Toufic Fahd, art. "Djafr," EP (2:375-377).

For further explanation of this idea and the other senses of the use of ghayb, see D. B. Macdonald and
Loui Gardet's article, s.v. "Al-Ghayb," EP (2:1025).

102

expected revealer of the secrets of religious belief and practice that guide the believers;
but he would have qualified, by the powers invested in him, to function as a diviner
capable of predicting or foreseeing future events.
In the Islamic divinatory lore, the jafr wa-jdmi 'a was eventually summarized in a
tablet in which jafr represented qadd", or fate, and jdmi 'a serveed as the book oiqadar,
or destiny, showing all past, present and future happenings. In other words, the jafr was
perceived as a symbol of the universal intellect, whereas the jdmi 'a pointed to the
universal soul.6 As a result, "the djafr tends to be a vision of the world on a supernatural
and cosmic scale. Deviating from its original form of esoteric knowledge of an
apocalyptic nature, reserved to the Imams who were the heirs and successors of 'All, it
became assimilated to a divinatory technique accessible to the wise whatever their origin,
particularly to the mystics."7 In other words, the science of divination was eventually
passed on to other Muslims who were not members of the House of the Prophet.
This is a very important moment in the history of Islamic divination. It broke the
initial monopoly of divinatory knowledge that was exclusive to designated members of
the House of the Prophet. As a result, other people, besides the Prophet, 'All, and other
Imams could now claim the mantle of divinators and use their superhuman knowledge to
make predictions of future events. However the ultimate authenticity and legitimacy of
these people rested mostly with AM al-Bayt. It is common that such people are presented
with some sort of association to one member (or more) of the House of the Prophet. This

Fahd, art. "Djafr," EP. Fahd here is quoting Hajji Khalifa (Katib CelebT); see the latter's Kashfalzunun 'an asdmial-kutub wa'l-funun, ed. and trans. Gustav Flugel as Lexicon Bibliographicum et
Encyclopaedicum, 7 vols. (Leipzig and London: Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland,
1835-58), 2:603 ff.
7

Fahd, art. "Djafr," EP.

103

association does not proceed only through some narrow claim to jafr wa-jdmi 'a, but also
often, as we witnessed with Ibn Talha, through a personal invocation of some sort of
contact with descendants of the Prophet's family.
The Allegory of Ibn 'Aqab in Relation to Jafr wa-Jami'a
One story from Islamic lore perhaps best represents the proto example illustrating
the passing of divinatory knowledge from AM al-Bayt to a larger circle of Muslims. It
shows the symbolic moment of transition as well as the problematic inherent in the
transmission of divinatory powers to non-members of Ahl al-Bayt, no matter how close
they might have been to them. The example is a popular story of how the legendary Ibn
'Aqab, a standard authority on malahim, or apocalypses, received the kind of knowledge
that allowed him to become the malahim composer he was. Ibn 'Aqab is described in the
story as mu 'allim al-sibtayn (that is, tutor of the two grandsons, meaning 'All's two sons
and the Prophet's grandsons al-Hasan and al-Husayn).8 This is how the legend is related
in the classical sources:
And as for the tutor of the two grandsons, he was Ibn 'Aqab; and he is buried in
Cairo, and his tomb is visited [as a shrine]. And it was said that Gabriel...had
brought the Prophet[...], as he sat in the mosque, two apples from Paradise.
Then [his grandsons] al-Hasan and al-Husayn came in and he gave one to alHasan and the other one to al-Husayn. Then they brought the two apples to their
tutor and he ate them and God granted him the knowledge of the unknowns. And
the Prophet said to him, " O' Ibn 'Aqab, make [dates] earlier and later [i.e., don't
give the exact dates of future happenings]." And this story is well-known in
Egypt and Syria, among the laymen and the more distinguished.9

The story is told by al-Bistami in Miftdh al-jafr, Istanbul MS, Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 26a. It is also
found in the non-critical edition of al-Bfini's Shams al-ma'drif, p. 341, at the conclusion of the verse
constituting Malhamat Ibn 'Aqab.
9

Miftdh al-jafr, Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 26a.

104

The story's symbolism is almost perfect. It brings together the three most fundamental
elements of Islamic divination: the Prophet, the House of the Prophet, and others who
were fortunate enough to receive the gift of prophesying from them one way or another.
At the center of it all however is the Prophet. He, by virtue of his excellence and the
preference shown to him by God, is the main gate to this kind of knowledge. He is the
starting point of this divine gift of the power to predict and foresee the future. And he is
also the beginning of its transfer, first into his own house, and then inadvertently outside
of it, by handing in the jafrwa-jdmi 'a, symbolized by the two apples. Furthermore, he is
also the overseer of how this knowledge should be handled, guiding Ibn 'Aqab into the
sanctioned ways of foretelling the future.10
Prophet Muhammad: The Quintessential Diviner
Historically, the figure of the Prophet Muhammad has always been a central point of
reference to the belief in the divinatory abilities of his descendants. The many hadiths
found in the sections dealing.with fttan wa-maldhim prophesying future happenings to the
end of time are the heart and soul of the Islamic divinatory tradition. In them, according
to Bistami, "[the Prophet] had told of the conquests that will happen after him at the
hands of the Muslims in the time of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs, and of the schisms,
which refraining to talk about is the best of the best, and of the hadiths regarding the
fateful wars and such things [...]. And he told of the fateful wars of the Byzantines, and
they happened; and [he told] of the fighting against the Turks, and it happened."11
Statements attributed to the Prophet's companions confirm this knowledge. In one
10

There are seemingly parallels between this story and the myths of Adam and Eve's expulsion from
paradise and Prometheus stealing of divine fire, as well as other folk stories with similar motifs. However,
it is not our purpose here to deal with this topic.
11

Istanbul MS, Hafid Efendi 204, Miftah al-jafr, fol. 26

105

example, Hudhayfa Ibn al-Yamman, an early companion and traditionist, is supposed to

have said, "By God, Allah's Prophet has not left one commander of one army till the
coming of the Hour without mentioning his name, the name of his father, and the name of
his tribe."12
In addition to such Muhammadan prophecies and apocalyptic predictions
included in the body of hadith, the Prophet's esoteric knowledge is also introduced in
religious folk stories and anecdotes found in various classical sources. One of the stories
most frequently reported is one in which Muhammad's knowledge of the historical
duration of Islam is challenged by some Jewish sages. This is how Bistami tells the story
in Miftdh al-jafr.
Al-Kindi reported in his book in which he investigated the fortunes of the religion
of the Arabs that the rabbis of the Jews came to the Prophet [...] and said, "we
have learned that [the mysterious Qur'anic letters] alifldm mim were revealed to
you." He said, "yes." [And they said], "do you expect us to enter a religion
whose duration is seventy-one years?" And he said, "there was revealed to me
other than this." And they said, "and what is it?" And he said, "alifldm mim sad
and alifldm mim rd' and hd' mim and kdfhd' yd' 'ayn sad." So they took off
from him saying, "your matter has perplexed us, O' Muhammad."13
12

Miftdh al-jafr, fol. 26; cf. Nu'aym Ibn Hammad, Kitdb al-jitan, ed. Suhayl Zakkar (BeirutiDaY al-FTkr,
1993), pp. 12-13, 17; Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddimah, 2:827. For similar Prophetic statements of future
happenings and apocalyptic predictions one should consult the classical hadith collections (both the sahihs
and sunans) as well as Ibn KathTr's Nihdyat al-biddya wa-'l-nihdya and al-Qurtubi's (d. 671/1272) alTadhkirafi ahwdl al-mawtd wa-umur al-dkhira, which are among the most comprehensive in this respect.
13

Miftdh al-jafr, fol. 28b; cf, Pseudo-Maslama al-Majritl, Ghdyat al-hakim, Istanbul MS, Hafid Efendi
461, fol. 113b, where the author also claims to have found the story in al-Kindi's Risdla on the duration of
the kingdom of the Arabs. The latter reference gives the names of the Jewish rabbis as Huyayy bin Akhtab,
Abu Yasir Ibn Dirar, and Ka'b bin Asad. Ibn Khaldun relates the story with some differences and more
details and attributes it to the siyar (autobiographies) of Ibn Ishaq (d. 151/768). Here Huyayy's name is
Hayy, Abu yasir is Hayy's brother Yasir, and Ka'b is not mentioned. The two brothers, after hearing about
alifldm mim, calculate their numerical value (seventy-one) and find it too short, which prompt them to go
to the Prophet to ask him about it. In expressing their perplexion, they say here, "Your matter has confused
us O' Muhammad; so we don't know if you were given little or much [time];" then after they leave, Abu
Yasir suggests that, "who knows, may be he was given the numerical value of all of them [i.e. the letters],
which is nine-hundred and four years;" al-Muqaddimah, 2:825-26. The value as given here is obviously a
mistake, as it should be 903, based on the Maghrebi hisdb al-jummal (numerological calculation); or 693,
based on the Mashreqi hisdb al-jummal, as is the case with al-Kindi in his risdla fi mulk al- 'Arab wakammiyyatihi [An Epistle on the Rule of the Arabs and Its Duration]; see the editor's note on this question,
al-Muqaddimah, 2:825-26, nn.1068, 1069 and 1070.

106

Considering the complete hadith literature, one finds that the Prophet is credited not only
with the knowledge of the leaders of future schisms and duration of Islam, but that he is
also shown to be capable of predicting the totality of history. In another common hadith,
on the authority of Hudhayfa Ibn al-Yamman, the Prophet is portrayed as an awesome
diviner. He is said to have stood up and spoke to his companions one day and "left
nothing [that will happen] till the coming of the Hour that he didn't mention; [This was]
remembered by those who remembered it and was forgotten by those who forgot it."14
There is an uncanny similarity here between this speech by the Prophet and the
speech by 'Ali bin Abi Talib in Kufa, mentioned and recorded in full by Bistami in his
Miftdh al-jafr, to which we will give more attention shortly. While the Prophet's specific
prophecies are scattered through many hadiths and none is included in this particular
tradition, 'All's mirror speech gives numerous predictions in one very long burst of
prophesying.15 In more than one way, 'Ali (and others from AM al-Bayt) simply
continued the divinatory legacy of the Prophet; either by reproducing or building on his
prophetic pronouncements. Alternatively they continued the process by supplying new
insights into the unknowable future using their status as the natural inheritors of the
Prophet's exclusive esoteric science.

See for example, Nihdyat al-biddya, 1:20-22, where also various versions of the tradition are given
with different chains of transmission, not all on Hudhayfa's authority; Kitdb al-fitan, p.13, where the
transmission goes back to Abu Sa'id al-Khidn; al-Muqaddimah, 2:827, where Ibn Khaldun points out the
two ways of reporting the tradition with Hudhayfa and Abu Sa'id, the first adopted in Sahih al-Bukhdri and
the second in Sunan al-Tirmidhi.
15

'All's speech can be found in Miftdh al-jafr, fols. 8b-l lb.

107

Multiple Sources of the Secret Knowledge of AM Al-Bayt

Muhammad however was not the only source available for the prophetic
speculation of his descendants. The chain of transmission of the 'Alids' esoteric sciences
sometimes went back to pre-Muhammadan prophets or sages, including Adam himself.
Bistami goes to great lengths in his work al-Durra al-ndsi 'afi kashf 'ulum al-jafr aljdmi 'a (the clear pearl in uncovering the sciences of the comprehensive divination) to
give this knowledge the legitimacy of past prophets and ancient history.16 For Bistami,
the core ofjafr is 'Urn al-huruf (numerology), including the techniques of using letters
and numbers, as well as the relevant 'Urn al-asmd' (science of divine names). The patron
saint of these sciences in the Islamic era is of course 'Ali bin Abi Talib, who is said to
have handed down the sources of the secret sciences in codes and symbols using a variety
of methods known only to those who are experts in these matters.17
However, before 'All inherited this knowledge, it had presumably passed through
a long chain of ancient figures, prophets, sages and philosophers. Two traditions had
emerged in dealing with this heritage among hurufi masters: one is Oriental, based on the
method of hukamd' ahl al-Mashriq (the sages of the Orient, i.e. those hailing from
Islamic lands east of the Mediterranean, especially Bilad al-Sham, Mesopotamia and
16

The work is part of a magnificent divinatory collection in the Suleymaniya's Istanbul MS Hafid
Efendi 461, fols. 247b-345a. The title given to Bistamf's work on fol. 247b, where it starts, states
erroneously al-durra al-bddi'a instead of al-durra al-ndsi'a.

The mistake is repeated at least once after

that on fol. 249a. The manuscript has eight treatises on such varied divinatory and magical sciences as jafr,
aqldm (ancient script), awfaq (magical squares), and adwiya ([magical] medicines), which are clearly listed
in on fol. la. The same folio also bears various stamps and notes of ownership, including one by the
Ottoman scholar Mustafa 'Alt (d. 1600). On 'All's interest in relevant millennial and apocalyptic ideas, see
chapter four of Cornell H. Fleischer's Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian
Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), esp. pp. 134-37. The manuscript
was copied in 1001/1592.
17

Al-BistamT, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, Istanbul MS HafTd Efendi 461, fol. 249a.

108

Arabia); and the second is Western, based on the methods of hukamd' ahl al-Maghrib
(the sages of the Maghrib; i.e. those hurufis from Egypt and the Islamic lands known
collectively as Bilad al-Maghrib). The first group uses the Arabic alphabetical sequences
alif, bd', td', thd'; while the second one relies on the alphabetical arrangement abjad,
hawwaz, leading to different numerological approaches, letter values, and calculations.
The following is a list of hurufi books that are believed to be the most significant among
the sages of the Orient, as supplied by Bistami:18
1, 2, & 3- Al-jafr al-jdmi' wa- 1-nur al-ldmi' (the comprehensive divination and the
shining light), Sifr al-khafdyd (the book of mysteries), and Kitdb that al-dawd 'ir wa 7suwar (the book of circles and pictures), all attributed to Asaf bin Barakhya bin Shamu'il
minister of Solomon, who is also said to have brought [to Yemen?] the legendary throne
of Queen Balqis.19
4- Sifr Adam (the book of Adam).20
5- Sifr Shith (the book of Seth).
6- Sifr Nuh (the book of Noah).
7- Sifr Ibrahim (the book of Abraham).21

18

Ibid., fols. 254b-56a.

19

Cf. Toufic Fahd, La divination arabe, p. 222, especially n. 5, which provides important observations
and more references to this figure's role in the medieval biblical occult tradition.
20

For an informative discussion of this supposed source and other important references to its presence in

other ancient and biblical traditions plus other manuscript versions of it, see Fahd, La divination arabe, pp.

222-23, esp. n. 1 and 2, p. 223.

21

These asfdr (books) of the biblical prophets are also recounted in other works of Bistami, especially
his important treatise Miftdh al-jafr, see for instance Istanbul MSs, Es'ad Efendi 1984, fol. 14a; Hafid
Efendi 204, fol. 8b. For another impressive listing of such divinatory works provided by Bistami, see his
other treatises; especially important here are Shams al-dfdqfi 'Urn al-hurufwa- 'l-awfdq, Istanbul MS,
Hakimoglu 533, fols. 3a-4a; Durrat al-dfdqfi 'Urn al-hurufwa-'l-awfdq, Istanbul ms, Nuruosmaniye 2826,
fols. 3b-5a, and his autobiographical work Durrat tdj al-rasd'il wa-ghurrat minhdj al-wasd'il, Istanbul MS,
Nuruosmaniye 4341/1/4905, fols. 13a-20b. The list in this latest source is perhaps the most detailed and

109

8- Kitdb kanz al-asrdr wa-dhakhd 'ir al-abrdr (the book of the treasure of secrets and the
munitions of the virtuous) attributed to Hirmis al-Haramisa (Hermes of the Hermeses),
with the almost compulsory adjective, al-muthallath bi- 'l-hikma (literally: thrice
endowed with wisdom; i.e. Trismegistus), described as a prophet, a sage and a king and
identified with Prophet Idris (probably Enoch).
9- Sharh Tankalusha al-Bdbili (the commentary of Tankalusha the Babylonian).23
10- Shuruh Thdbit bin Qurra al-Harrdni wa-Hunayn bin Ishdq al- 'Abbddi (the
commentaries of Thabit bin Qurrah of Harran and Hunayn bin Ishaq al-'Abbadi), said to
be a highly reputed treatise on magical squares and numerology.
11- Kitdb al-zand (the book of the fire stick?) attributed to Zaradasht al-Farisi (Zoroaster
the Persian), who is described as having lived after the time of Moses in the age of
Kushtasb (the Persian king Gushtasp).24 He was also "the first to ever have worshipped
fire, as he thought... it was a divine inspiration, and he thought of himself as a prophet

comprehensive of all, with many more names and anecdotes than the one we quoted above. Some of the
supposed authors names mentioned here but not in the quoted list include Buqratis (or Biqratis), that is
Hippocrates (or, less likely, Picatrix), 'Atarid al-Babili, the Greek Queen Qilubatra (Cleopatra), the Indian
sage Kanka (or Kinka or Kunka), al-Majriti, the mystic Jabir bin Hayyan, Ja'far al-Basri, Suqratis
(Socrates), Luqman, etc.
22

Bistamf in another work gives the name of Hunayn bin IshSq al-'Abbadi as the alleged translator (into
Arabic) of this book of Hermes; see his Durrat tdj al-rasd 'il wa-ghurrat minhdj al-wasd 'il, Istanbul MS,
Nuruosmaniye 4341/1/4905, fol. 15a. For further discussion of the fascinating career of Hermes and his
occult reputation in Islamic sources, see M. Plessner's article 'Hirmis,' EP (3:463-65); Fahd, La divination
arabe, esp. pp. 225, 481, 489,494-95.
23

Cf. Fahd, La divination arabe, pp. 481-82. Tankalusha is also mentioned as the author of a treatise in

Persian and Arabic on prophetic medicine, known as Ndfi' al-mubtadi' (benefit to the novice) and is in the
Leiden University Library (MS, Or.22.964).
24

Both Zoroaster and Gushtasp are mentioned in al-FirdawsT's epic, the Shah-namah. Al-QazwM (d.
682/1283) in his cosmographical masterpiece 'Ajd'ib al-makhluqat wa-ghard'ib ai-mawjuddt (ed. Faruq
Sa'd, Beirut: Dar al-Afaq al-Jadida, 1983) mentions the latter king as Vishtaspa and relates the story of the
old, massive, and sacred cypress tree of the village of Kashmar, which was supposedly ordered cut down
by the Caliph al-Mutawakkil (d. 861). According to the story it was Vishtaspa who planted the tree, and its
felling was such a bad omen that the Caliph was killed soon after that.

110

among the prophets, so he went to the people and asked them to worship fire. And it is
said he and some of his people entered a fire and did not burn."25
12- Kitdb al-thamara (the book of benefit) attributed to Batlimus (Ptolemy), "who
claimed that every thirty-six thousand years the planets' summits are shifted and the star
formations complete one revolution."
13- Kitdb al-astumdtis and Kitdb al-ahtumdkhis attributed to Aristutalis (Aristotle), "who
is said to be the mind shaper of Alexander the Greek; and he mentioned in it four
talismans."27
14- Kitdb al-ashnutds and Kitdb al-malldtis of Kitash the Indian, also known as Kitash
the Spiritual, who lived in the time of king Adriyarus. He is reputed to have invented alniranjdt (i.e. magical incantations) and to have lived for eight hundred and forty years.
15- Kitdb al-Hardimus (the book of Hardimus).
16- Kitdb al-afdliq (the book of wonders?).
17- Kitdb Sardsim al-Hindi (the book of Sarasim the Indian).
18- Kitdb Saqba bin Ddmir al-Hindi (the book of Saqba bin Damir the Indian), who is
in

said to have invented chess to king Bahram.

25

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, Istanbul ms, Hafid Efendi 461, fol. 254b.

26

Ibid. See also Fahd's note on this book in his La divination arabe, pp. 233-34.

27

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, fol. 255a.

28

Ibid., fol. 255b.

29

Ibid. A very interesting divinatory text, introduced as the Kitdb Asrdsim al-Hindiyya (the book of
Asrasim the Indian), is part of Istanbul MS, Hamidiyye 189, fols. 318b-347a. In it Asrasim (or Ashrasim, as
the name is spelled sometimes) is identified as a woman sage with special knowledge of all sorts of
sciences and Byzantine, Greek, and Indian gospels, including that of Khablama the son of Seth. She is also
known as Ruqiyya. Asrasim's book has ten maqdldt (essays, chapters) on astrology, alchemy, numerology,
ancient scripts, cryptology, herbology, talismans, and related topics; see Hamidiyye 189, fols. 318b-319a.
30

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, fol. 255b.

Ill

19- Kitdb al-sirr al-khafiyy (the book of the hidden secret) attributed to Nihalis the Sage,
"the first to ever philosophize in Egypt and the first to recover the hidden sunken ships by
way of divine inspiration."31
20- Kitdb al-Zaradasht (the book of Zarathustra, or Zoroaster in its Hellenic form) on
numerology, in which was mentioned the qualities of al-wafq al-muthannd (the 2 x 2
magical square).
21 - Khdfiyat Sdmur bin Asnu' al-Hindi (the secret book of Samur bin Asnu' the Indian).
22- Khdfiyat Afldtun al-ildhi (the secret book of Plato the divinely-inspired).33
23- Kitdb sirr al-khafiyy (the book of the hidden secret) by Arsamidis (i.e. Archimedes?)
the Sage, "the first to make the fire-throwing machines"34.
24- Kitdb sirr al-asrdr wa-niir al-anwdr (the book of secret of secrets and light of lights)
by Fithaghurus (i.e. Pythagoras) the Sage, who was said to have been born by a virgin
and that the monks have predicted his birth. He is also credited with putting forth the
principles of the science of music and its melodies after hearing the rhythms of the
celestial movements because of the purity of his soul and intelligence of his heart.35
25- Khdfiyat al-Imdm Ja'far al-Sddiq (the secret book of Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq).

31

Ibid.

32

Ibid, fol. 256a.

33

Ibid.; cf. Fahd, La divination arabe, pp. 223-24. The content of the book is part of the Istanbul
manuscript Hamidiyye 189, fols. 260b-283a, where it is called Khdfiyat al-hakim al-fdylasuf Afldtun, wahiyafi

'Urn al-harf (the secret book of the wise philosopher Plato, which is on numerology). It begins with a

fascinating legend telling how Plato came to discover the science of huruf. The story involves Plato
finding mysterious tablets and then having them deciphered by a one-thousand years-old sage after serving
him for ten years; see fols. 260a-261b.
34

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, fol. 256a.

35

Ibid.

36

Ibid. See also Fahd's reference to the same book in La divination arabe, p. 222.

112

26- Kitdb Sufydn al-Thawri (the book of Sufyan al-Thawri).

27- Kitdb Jdbir bin Hayydn al-Sufi (the book of Jabir bin Hayyan the mystic).
28- Kitdb al-Shdmil (the book of comprehensive [science]) by imam al-Sakaki.
29- Kitdb Sham 'un (the book of Sham'un).
30- Kitdb Sdddt (the book of Sadat).
31- Kitdb al-Shih (the book of the wormwood plant?) by Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi.37

In contrast, Bistami also provides a list of hurufi works authored according to the
in

method of the Maghribites.

Topping the list again is al-Jafr al-jdmi', here with the

added note that some scholars have devised from it a table to symbolize the kings of
Egypt. A list often books attributed to Abu al-'Abbas al-Buni is then provided. Among
them is the famous treatise Shams al-ma 'drifwa-latd 'ifal- 'awdrif, discussed earlier in
1Q

relation to Ibn Talha.

The following works and authors are then listed:

37
For more bio-bibliographical information on these names, see Manfred Ullmann, Die Medizin im
Islam, Handbuch der Orientalistik, Abteilung I, Erganzungsband vi, Abschnitt 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970);
idem, Die Natur und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam, handbuch der Orientalistik, Abteilung I,
Erganzungsband VI, Abschnitt 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972); Alfred Siggel, Katalog der arabischen
alchemistischen Handschriften Deutschlands: Handschriften der Offentlichen Wissenschaftlichen
Bibliothek (friiher Staatsbibliothek Berlin), (Brlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1949); idem, Katalog der arabischen
alchemistischen Handschriften Deutschlands: Handschriften der ehemals Herzoglichen Bibliothek zu
Gotha (Brlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1950); idem, Katalog der arabischen alchemistischen Handschriften
Deutschlands: Handschriften der Offentlichen Bibliotheken zu Dresden, Gottingen, Leipzig und Miinchen
(Brlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1956). See also Fuat Sezgin, Medizin-Pharmazie-Zoologie-Tierrheilkunde bis ca
430 H., Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, band 3 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970); idem, Alchemie-ChemieBotanik-Agrikultur bis ca 430 H, [Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 4], (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971);
idem, Astrologie-Meterologie und Verwandted bis ca 430 H, [Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 7],

(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979). Also see Sami K. Hamameh, Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts on Medicine

and Pharmacy in the British Library (Cairo: Les esitions universitaires d'Egypte, 1975); idem, "Arabic
Manuscripts of the National Library of Medicine, Washington, D.C.," in Journal for the History of Arabic
Science 1 (1977): 72-103.
38

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, fols. 256a-57a.

39

Ibid., 256b. The other works by al-Buni mentioned here are: Latd'if al-ishdratfi asrdr al-hurufal'ulwiyydt (the gentle remarks concerning the secrets of the lofty letters), Asrdr al-adwdr wa-tashkil alanwdr (the secrets of the orbits and the formations of the lights), Tamil al-arwdhfi qawdlib al-ashbdh

113

i. Ibn al-'Arabi with a listing of two works: al-Mabddi' wa- 'l-ghdydtfi asrdr al-huruf
(the principles and purposes in the secrets of letters) and Bahr al-wuquffi 'Urn al-huruf
(the sea of comprehending the science of numerology).
ii. Kanz al-huruf '(the treasure of letters) by prophet Idris, used by Aristotle on behalf of
Alexander the Greek, and explained by Ibn Sab'in.
iii. Shams Matdli' al-qulub (the sun of the summits of hearts) by imam Abu al-Hasan alHarrani. He is praised as a master of huruf as the decipherer of the divine names for the
Sufi master Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili, and is supposed to have said that if his hizb (a
divine names talisman or Sufi prayer) was in Baghdad at the time it was attacked, it
wouldn't have fallen to the Mongols.
iv. Kayflyyat al-ittifdqfi tarkib al-awfdq (the agreed method in the construction of
magical squares), Lawdmi' al-ta 'riffi matdli' al-tasrij'(the highlights of definition on the
main points of using [names?]), and al-Mawdhib al-rabbdniyya ft al-asrdr al-ruhdniyya
(the divine gifts in the [arrival] to spiritual secrets) attributed to al-shaykh al-imam Abu
'Abdullah bin Ya'ish al-Umawi, who also explained Kitdb kanz al-asrdr (the book of the
treasure of secrets).40
v. Asrdr al-huruf (the secrets of letters) and Muhjat al-dfdqfi 'Urn al-awfdq (the heart of
the horizons in the science of magical squares) attributed to al-Jurjani.
(Bringing down the spirits into the molds of the ghosts), Mawdqit al-basd'ir wa-lata'if al-sard'ir (the
timings of the inner visions and the interesting inner selves), Mawdqif al-ghdydt fi asrdr al-riydddt (the
stations of purposes on the secrets of [spiritual] exercises), Hiddyat al-qdsidin wa-nihdyat al-wdsilin (the
guidance to the seekers and destination to the arrivals), Mawdhib al-Rahmdn wa- 'atdyd al-Manndn (the
gifts of the Merciful and the giving of the Provider), 'lint al-hudd wa-asrdr al-ibtidd' (the science of the
enlightenment and the secrets of commencing), and Qabas al-iqtidd' ild waqfal-sa 'dda wa-najm al-ihtidd'
ild sharaf al-siydda (the amber of imitation to the station of happiness and the star of guidance to the honor
of lordship).
40

Ibid., fols. 256b-57a.

114

vi. Kitdb al-zd'irja (book of planetary conjunctions) of Abu al-'Abbas al-Sabti, "which is
a wonder of the times, from which the crafty professional, once he understood its rules
[...], could deduce the divine craftsmanship known as the science of al-kimiyd' (alchemy)
and other [...] sciences; and it was said that it [i.e. alchemy) was one of the highest
regarded sciences of Idris."41
vii. Al-durr al-manzum (the threaded pearls), 'Iqd al-manzum (the threaded necklace),
Asds al- 'ulum (the foundation of sciences), Kanz al-bdhir (the fascinating treasure),
Lawdmi' al-buruq (the flashing lightenings), Izhdr al-rumuz wa-ibdd' al-kunuz (revealing
the symbols and uncovering the treasures), Qabas al-anwdr (the firebrand of lights), and
Kitdb...? (the book of [manuscript text unclear]?). The last ineligible title is attributed to
the sage Ibn Barrajan [al-Ishbili] (d. 536/1141), who was a renowned Andalusian mystic.
It is not clear if the other books are also attributed to this author or just happened to be
listed before the ineligible title of Ibn Barrajan's work.42

While the prophets (such as Adam, Moses, Idris, and Jesus) received their secret
sciences of numerology through al-wahy al-rabbdnt (divine revelation), members of the
House of the Prophet (such as al-Husayn bin 'Ali, Ja'far al-Sadiq, 'All bin al-Husayn,
and 'Ali al-Baqir) received it via al-kashf al-sarih wa- 'l-naql al-sahih (the plain
41

Ibid., fol. 257a. For more information on al-Sabti and his book, including a full reproduction of his
alchemical circle and the long verse explaining the method of using it, see Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddimah,
3:1165-96. The za'irja is a complex universal map, with concentric circles of Arabic letters and their
numerological values. The possibilities of combinations of these letters are almost infinite, and so are the

predictions of events gleaned from their mystical and symbolic fusion.

42

Ibn Barrajan is also mentioned by Bistamf in his Miftdh al-jafr al-jdmi'. There he is accredited with
the prophetic prediction of the recovery of Jerusalem by the Muslims from the Crusaders in the year
583/1187 by the secret science he inherited from Adam and his huruft conversion of the Qur'anic verse Alif
1dm mim, ghulibat al-Rum (...the Rum [here understood to mean the Franks] shall be defeated); see for
example Miftdh al-jafr, Istanbul MSs, Es'ad Efendi 1984, fol. 95b; Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 58b. Ibn
Barrajian's prophecy is mentioned by Muhammad bin Yusuf Abu Hayyan al-Andalusi (d. 745/1344) in his
Tafsir al-bahr al-muhit (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1983) on the authority of Abu Ja'far Ibn al-Zubayr.

115

unveiling and valid transmission).

Mystics and friends of God (such as Sufyan al-

Thawri, Abu Bakr al-Shalabi, Sahl Ibn 'Abdullah al-Tustari, Dhu al-Nun al-Misri)
received it by means of al-kashf'al-jaliyy wa- 1-fikr al- 'Aliyy (clear unveiling and
transcendental thought). Scholars (such as Abu Bakr al-Baqillani, al-Ghazzali, al-Tabari,
and Fakhr al-Din al-Razi) received it through al-samd' al-shq/i wa-al-qiyds al-wdfi
(satisfactory audition and complete analogy). Another way of receiving this knowledge
is through ru 'yd, mandmdt, flrdsa, and ilhdmdt (visions, dreams, physiognomy, and
inspirations), as some sages (such as Hermes, Pythagoras, Plato, and Archimedes) have
done.44
This supposed wide diffusion of numerological knowledge and related sciences
opened the door for a litany of false or suspicious authorship claims of such works.
Many of these attributions are difficult to ascertain either way. Especially problematic
are those referring to such well-known scholars as Ibn Barrajan and al-Ghazali, who were
not known for their interest in magic, numerology or divination. Al-Ghazali for example
is often listed among huruft masters, as Bistami does above; yet there is no clear evidence
to support this. A popular edition of a book on magical squares attributed to al-Ghazzali
is impossible to authenticate and is never mentioned by name by Bistami or other later or
contemporaneous authors.45

Bistami, Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a, Istanbul MS, Hafid Efendi 461, fol. 274a.
44

Ibid., fols. 274a-74b.

45

The book is published under the title al-Awfdq by Mustafa al-Babi al-Halab! in Cairo, n.d. Mention is
made however in some divinatory sources of al-Ghazzali as an authority on huruf and the qualities of
divine names and talismans. One such observation occurs in what is ostensibly a summary of a chapter
from Kitdb qabas al-asrdr (book of the sparks of secrets), attributed to al-Buni; see Istanbul MS,
Hamidiyye 189, fol. 238b. Other names given in the same summary include those of Ja'far bin Yahya, Ibn
Sab'Tn, IdrTs al-Shibli, Al-Sabt? al-Hallaj, Inadiqlis (or, Anbaduqlis, i.e. Empedocles), and Luqman the

116

Perhaps equally difficult to figure out are alleged non-Muslim authorities with no clear
historical resemblance. Names such as Tankalusha the Babylonian, Asrasim the Indian,
and Hardimus do not seem to have convincing relevance or discernible equivalences from
Babylonian, Indian or other pre- and non-Islamic cultures. However one can never rule
out the possibility that such strange names represent genuine figures imported from other
religious and cultural traditions. This is another area where the obvious need for more
research is amply demonstrated.
In addition to the many real people and apparently fictitious characters mentioned
above, an interesting reference in another work, perhaps by Bistami, offers two more
names and a connection to two Caliphs, one Umayyad and one Abbasid. The work, titled
Kitdb mafdtih asrdr 'ulum al-anbiyd' (the book of the keys to the secrets of the sciences
of prophets) introduces the science of aqldm (scripts) as follows:
And know, brother, that all you see in this book of mine of al-aqldm al-musnada
and al-aqldm al-simdwiyya and al-aqldm al-barbdwiyya are all copied in my
handwriting from an old circulating copy that was written in the handwriting of
the sage Yahuda al-Musallamani to 'Abd al-Malik bin Marwan in the year
seventy-three. And I put in it too from another copy written in the handwriting of
Ayyvib bin Salama to the Commander [of the Faithful] al-Ma'mun in the year
two-hundred and sixteen. So keep what you have received of the knowledge of
these scripts, if only for the reason that one of the virtues of this science is that its
possessor and user has access to the secrets of the sages and philosophers and
what they put forth for kings and caliphs and concealed from the common people
and the ignorant...So this is the science that should be passed on and should not be
hidden, except from those who are not from its people.46

Wise (fols. 237b-238a); also mentioned are Fithaghuruth (Pythagoras), Talis the Wise,' Ali bin Abi Talib,
and al-Buni himself (fol. 238b).
46

The work is included in a divinatory collection in a manuscript of Istanbul's Suleimaniye library,

Hafid Efendi 461, fols. 152b-76a; the quote is on fol. 154a. The description of the scripts as musnada
(transmitted, supported) may suggest that they have some form of isndd (transmission, support) by prophets
or sages; the other two descriptions, simdwiyya and barbdwiyya, seem to refer, in the order of listing, to
alchemical scripts (stmiyd' being alchemy) and Egyptian scripts (bardbi means ancient Egyptian
monuments and burial places).

117

Another of the names mentioned in this respect is that of the scholar Ja'far al-Basri.
According to Pseudo-al-Majriti, the author of the magical compendium Ghdyat al-hakim,
al-Basri had a book called Kitdb al-makhzun (the book of the stored [knowledge?]) that
he himself saw. The book was supposedly hidden with one of al-Basri's friends, who
guarded its secrets and would not let others access it. Majriti claims to have seen in the
book how al-Basri had drawn the Qur'anic verses according to the conjunctions of the
seven planets and explained the method to arrive at the 'stored name'. The name, which
God had imparted to the hearts of His friends and the rational knowers, opens in turn the
way to predicting all sorts of things, including the duration of states.47
'Ali, Ja'far, and Fatima: AhlAl-Bayfs Most Renowned Diviners
Amongst members of Ahl al-Bayt, two Imams, the first ('Ali) and the sixth (Ja'far
al-Sadiq), as well as one woman (namely 'All's wife and the Prophet's daughter Fatima),
stand out as the locus of esoteric knowledge and divination. They are repeatedly
mentioned in classical Islamic sources in relation to prophecies and kutub al-hidthdn, or
al-hadathdn; that is, books on future happenings and world changes. 'Ali and Ja'far are
often portrayed as having books ofjafr that carry their names; and Fatima has at least one
book, Mushaf Fatima (the gospel of Fatima), that for interested Muslim divinators seems
to rival in its power the Qur'an itself.
Other members of the 'Alid line of descent are occasionally mentioned in
association with this or that book of divination. One such example involves the eighth
Shi'ite Imam 'Ali bin Musa al-Rida (d. 202/817), who was appointed by the Abbasid
Caliph al-Ma'mun as his successor. It is said that 'Ali, though accepted the appointment,

47

Istanbul ms, HafTd Efendi 461, fol. 109b. Ghdyat al-hakim had been edited by H. Ritter and published
in Leipzig in 1933.

118

made it clear in his written response to al-Ma'mun that he was agreeing to the Caliph's
decision even though the jafr and the jdmi 'a (the books Shi'ite Imams use to divine the
future) indicate that the opposite decision would be the more valid one to take.48
As we mentioned earlier, 'Ali is often identified as the legitimate inheritor of the
Prophet's divine knowledge. This seems to fit conveniently with the idea of 'Ali as the
legitimate political successor to Muhammad and can be seen as a kernel of the eventually
popular belief among Shi'ites in the superhuman knowledge of the Imams. However, the
Prophet's bequeathing of his secret sciences to 'Ali is generally a distinct, though perhaps
not completely separate, matter. Sunni scholars such as Ibn Talha and al-Bistami are
comfortable dealing with it with no obvious concerns for its political implications.
In the divinatory treatise Bahjat al-dfdq wa-iddh al-lubs wa- 'l-ighldqji 'Urn alhurufwa- 'l-awfdq (joy of the horizons and clarification of the confusion and
bewilderment in the science of numerology and magical squares), also known as Mughni
al-wdji 'an jami' al-khawdji {the comprehensively sufficient alternative to all the secret
books), the author gives a catalogue of the prophets, their hurufi significance, and those
who continued their tradition. The latter group consists of members of the House of the
Prophet and sufi masters.

At the end of the prophets chain is the point where the

transmission of Muhammad's science to 'Ali is reported. Here the author dwells heavily
on'All's worthiness of this special gift:
48

See for example al-Fakhri (Cairo's edition, 1899, p. 198) as quoted by D. B. Macdonald in his article
"Djafr" in EP (2:994-95).
49

The work is found in the Istanbul MS, Hamidiye 828, copied in 1162 AH. It is a seemingly
anonymous synthesis (129 folios) of much hurufi literature that draws heavily on al-BunT and Bistami. The
author says in the introductory paragraph (fol. lb) that the main source for his science is "the father of our
Sheikh, the scholar and qutb of his time...Sheikh Muhammad al-Wali bin Sulayman..." He also makes
numerous references to Bistami, his books, and biography, as well as to detailed chains of hurufi masters.
There are two sanad mashdyikh (chain of teachers) provided for his Shaykh: one goes through BistSmT; and
the other is traced through al-Buni (fol. 9b).

119

And to him [i.e. 'All] was the Prophet's reference that, "I am the city of
knowledge, and 'All is its gate; and whoever desires knowledge, then let him seek
the gate." And al-Sanabiji reported from God's Messenger that he said, "I am the
house of wisdom, and 'All is its door." And he [i.e. 'All] is the cousin of God's
Messenger and the inheritor of the sciences of the prophets, messengers, elect,
and truthful ones, as well as the dean of the sufi masters and the authority of the
hurufi scholars [...] And he said, "ask me before you lose me, for I have between
my sides sciences like the churning seas;" and he said, "ask me about the ways of
heaven, since I know them better than the ways of earth;" and he said, "God's
Messenger had taught me from hd' mint, ghayn sin qdf[7] what will be till the
Last Day" [...] And he said, "all the secrets of God are in the heavenly books, and
all that is in the heavenly books is in the Qur'an, and all that is in the Qur'an is in
the fdtiha [the opening sura of the Qur'an], and all that is in the fdtiha is in
bismilldh [in the name of Allah], and all that is in bismilldh is in al-bd' [the first
letter of bismilldh], and all that is in al-bd' is in al-nuqta [the dot] underneath albd '. And he said, "I am that nuqta."50

These assertions are supported by a statement from the famous companion of the
Prophet and hadith narrator 'Abdullah Ibn 'Abbas. The hadith is also reported by
Bistami. In it Ibn 'Abbas first distinguishes between auspicious and inauspicious days,
citing as proof sayings by Ja'far al-Sadiq and 'All. Then he explains the extent of 'All's
knowledge by stating that "Imam 'Ali was given nine tenths of knowledge and he was the
most knowledgeable about the remaining one tenth."51 Following this, Ibn 'Abbas tells
how 'Ali spent a whole night preaching him on the qualities of the letter bd'.

50

Ibid., fol. 8a. Some of these statements are taken from Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr; cf. for example
Istanbul MS, Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 14b. The Arabic text reads: "wa-ilayhi al-ishdra bi-qawlihi salld
Alldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam, and madinat al-'Urn wa-'Aliyyu babuhd; wa-man ardda al- 'ilmafa-'alayhi bi'lbdb, wa-rawd al-Sanabiji 'an rasuli 'Llahi...annahu qdla, and ddru 'l-hikma wa- 'Aliyyun babuha. Wahuwa ibnu 'ammi rasuli 'Lldh [...] wa-wdrithu

'ulumi 'l-anbiyd' wa-'l-mursalin

wa-'l-asjiya"

wa-'l-

siddiqiin wa-'umdatu 'l-awliyd'min al-sufiyya wa-hujjatu 'l-'ulamd'min 'l-harjiyya [...] Wa-qdla[...]

,saluni qabla an tafqiduni, fa-'inna baynajanbayya 'uluman ka'l-bihdr 'l-zawdkhir; wa-qdla, saluni 'an
turuqi 'l-samd 'ifa- 'inni a 'lamu bihd min turuqi 'l-ard; wa-qdla, 'allamani rasulu 'Lldhi min hd' mim
ghayn sin qdf[??]mdyakunu ildyawmi 'l-qiydmaf...J Wa-qdla, jdmi'u asrdri 'Lldhi[...JJi 'l-kutubi 7samdwiyya, wa-jdmi'u mdfi 'l-kutubi 'l-samdwiyyafi 'l-Qur'an, wa-jdmi'umdfi 'l-Qur'anfial-fdtiha, wajdmi 'u mdfi 'l-fdtihaji bismilldh, wa-jdmi 'u mdfi bismilldh fi 'l-ba', wajdmi 'u mafi 'l-bd 'ifil 'l-nuqtati 7lati tahta 'l-bda'. Wa-qdla, and tilka 'l-nuqta. "
51

Miftdh al-jafr, Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 12a.

120

Bistami further emphasizes 'All's special status by relating how 'All once
explained the secrets of the Qur'anic surat al-fdtiha to an emissary sent by the Byzantine
Emperor Hercules to Caliph 'Umar, causing the emissary to be upset, impressed and
jealous of 'All's hurufi knowledge. He also quotes 'All as saying, "ask me about the
secrets of the unknowable, since I am the inheritor of the sciences of prophets and
messengers," adding that 'All also spoke of the mysteries of the past and the future.52
The Prophet is often reported as confirming his cousin's status. For example, he is
quoted as saying to ' Ali: "You are to me like Harun (Aron) was to Musa (Moses), except
that there are no prophets after me;" and, "I was created, along with Harun Ibn Tmran,
Yahya bin Zakariyya [John the Baptist], and 'Ali bin Abi Talib, from the same soil."53
'All's Prophecies and Jafr Sources
There are numerous prophecies attributed to 'Ali. In addition to the role of 'Ali
discussed earlier in the tablet vision of Ibn Talha, he also appears as a prophetic voice in
one of the most celebrated medieval apocalyptic writings, namely the Malhamat Ibn
'Arabi. Various versions of this malhama can be found in a number of manuscripts in the
Istanbul libraries. Most important among them include: First, Aya Sofiya 2790, where
the text is part of a seemingly royal apocalyptic collection copied magnificently in the
8th/l 5th century by the master Ottoman calligrapher ' Abdurrrahman al-Sayigh.5 And a
second version is found in the Istanbul manuscript Feyzullah 2119, where the text and
52

Ibid., fols. 12a-12b. Cf. Bahjat al-afaqfi 'Urn al-hurufwa'l-awfdq, Hamidiyye 828, fol. 7b.

53

Miftdh al-jafr, Haftd Efendi 204, fol. 12b.

54

Aya Sofiya 2790, fols. 50a-68b. The collection concludes with a beautiful piece of prose (69a-80a)
containing 'AIT bin Abi Talib's will and advice to his son al-Hasan. It also contains a very long Mamluk
malhama that doesn't occur in any other source (35b-48a); I call it al-Malhama al-Mu 'izziyya.

121

drawings of the malhama are integrated into other apocalyptic material.55 The parts are
divided under the following titles: Kitdb al-malhama li- 'l-shaykh Muhyiddin Ibn al'Arabi (a portion of it is described as Kitdb shaqq al-jayb fi-ma yata 'allaq bi-asrar alghayb); al-Malhama alshamsiyyafi kashfal- 'ulum al-khafiyyafi kashf al-asrdr min almarmuqin wa- 'l-ahrdr, supposedly composed by a certain Abu al-Siyadat Muhammad
bin Muhammad Ibn 'Ali al-Sufi al-Shafi'i in 789 AH at the request of his friend
Badruddin Abu al-Mahasin Hasan [al-Samawna'i?]. The text is also interrupted by other
works, namely: Kitdb al-namat al-akmalfi dhikr al-zaman al-mustaqbal by Shaykh alIslam Ahmad al-Maqqarri; Kitdb Hurmus al-Hardmis, which in turn seems to be
interrupted by repeated passages from Malhamat Ibn 'Arabi.
In a series of statements from the malhama, echoing the spirit and language of
'All's sermon in Kufa and other passages from Miftdh al-jafr of Bistami, 'Ali speaks to
the faithful from the pulpit, giving a series of portents of the Hour:
Listen to me and take from me and tell others: There will be invasions and terrors
and wide-spread tremors and schisms followed by agony [...] So people of the
Iraq, the battered shields with their decorated [?] arrows have come to you; and
O' people of al-Sham, let the mosque of al-Khidr be saved [?] from the people of
the Pure Virgin, and let you see the Son of Mary coming down to you, descending
on the Eastern Minaret. But there will be hunger before this, so that you shall
cannibalize each other and your rich leave the land and your poor [leave] the loan.
But with patience, your Mahdi's time has come and his age has neared, once
schisms follow in earnest and treasures follow in earnest and women are violated
and monies are short [...] And to you all the schisms of the earth will finally
arrive, and they will encircle you with their horses, men and bows; so woe to you
when you have to crawl on your knees and wish that you were gone with those
who had gone [...] And God will bring in a people whom He loves and who love
Him. How deserving for those people to come out after the state of the Kharijites;
and how near their rising is once the unruly Turks are gone. 6
55

Istanbul MS, Feyzullah 2119, fols. 352b-521b.

56

Malhamat Ibn 'Arabi, Feyzullah 2119, fol. 59b-60a. The 'Eastern Minaret' is that of the Umayyad
mosque in Damascus, the place identified by much of the Islamic apocalyptic material (including many
hadiths) as the spot where Jesus descends at the end of time to do battle against the Antichrist; cf. Miftdh

122

'All is also the focus of much prophesying in al-Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr. In one
key reference, Bistami attributes to 'All a sermon supposedly given in Kufa which
contains a long series of prophecies and signs of the Hour.57 The sermon starts with,
"Thanks be to God the maker and creator of heavens," and ends with, "Glory be to Him,
Who revives the land after its death and returns the rulerships to their [proper] houses; O'
Mansur, go forward and build the wall; It is all predetermined by Him, the Glorious and
CO

Knowlegeable."

After the initial opening, the sermon shifts into a discourse of signs of

the Hour. 'All begins this by saying, "O' people, the example has spread and the options
have become tighter, and fear has come closer and the end has come nearer."
As soon as 'All mentions some concrete signs, referring for example to the
destruction of Khurasan and conquest of Iraq, he is interrupted by a certain Suwayd bin
Nawfal, who challenges 'All by asking him if he really remembers what he is telling
them and knows its interpretation.

In response, 'All turns angry, curses the man and

reminds him of his ['All's] status. 'All's answer to Suwayd features an astonishing selfportrait, recounting his own virtues and distinguishing merits.61 The starting point for
al-jafr, fols. 12a-13a, where for example the statements regarding the people of Iraq, the Eastern Minaret,
the repeated schisms and treasures, and the unruly Turks are part of the text of Miftdh.
57

Miftdh al-jafr, fols. 8b-1 lb.

58

Ibid., fols. 9a, 1 lb. The Arabic text for both quotations is, "Al-hamdu li-Lldhi bddid'u l-samdwdti
wa-fdtiruhd" and " subhdna man yuhyi l-arda ba 'da mawtihd wa-yaruddu l-wildydta ild buyutihd; yd
Mansur taqaddam ild bind 'i l-sur, wa-dhdlika bi-taqdiri I- 'Azizi I- 'Alim."
Ibid.; in the original Arabic: "Ayyuhd l-nds, sdra l-mathal wa-daqa I- 'amal, wa-aqddma l-wajal wa-

iqtaraba l-ajal."
60

The signs and prophecies that 'Ali is relating are understood to have come from the Prophet. This is
clearly indicated before the Kufa sermon as 'All prefaced his prophesying by saying that if he told people
what he really heard "from the mouth of Abi al-Qasim [i.e. Prophet Muhammad]" they would accuse him
of being among the worst of liars; see Ibid., fol. 7a.
61

Ibid., fols. 6a-7a. The text of this self-portrait is written in a different hand-writing on the margins of
the folios. Its authenticity is attested by the fact that the sermon appears as part of all copies of Miftdh.

123

this is the statement, "I am the secret of secrets, and I am the tree of lights;" and the
conclusion is, "I am the master of the Arabs, I am the remover of distress [...] I am the
lion of the House of Ghalib, I am 'Ali bin Abi Talib." Hearing this, Suwayd utters a
great cry and drops dead.62 The speech then is continued at the pleading and requests of
those present at the mosque and more predictions of the turbulence of the last age in
various localities are put forward.
Al-Bistami makes clear that this exceptional talent of 'Ali, transmitted to him
from the Prophet Muhammad, is identified by its more common name in Islamic
divinatory literature, i.e. as 'Urn al-jafr, or the science of divination. It is the science
associated through alleged enigmatic books ofjafr with the members of the House of the
Prophet, as we have seen earlier.63 Bistami describes it at some length before he relates
the Kufa sermon:
And I mention in this book [i.e. Miftdh al-jafr],which speaks the truth, they'o/r of
the Imam 'Ali bin Abi Talib; and it is one-thousand and seven-hundred sources of
the keys of sciences and the lanterns of stars, known amongst the scholars of
hurufas al-jafr al-jdmi' wa l-nur al-ldmi'; which is the tablet of fate and destiny
for the mystics; and which is said to be the hidden knowledge and guarded secret
[...] And it consists of two glorious books: one of them was mentioned by Imam
'Ali...on the pulpit when he stood and gave the sermon in Kufa, which will be
related, God willing; and the other was related by God's Messenger [...] And he
ordered him to write it down, so Imam 'Ali [...] wrote it as scattered letters in the
method of Sifr Adam [the book of Adam] on ajafr, meaning on a hide made out
of camel skin; so it became known among people as al-Jafr al-jdmi' wa l-nur alldmi '. And it was said [it was called] al-Jafr wa l-jdmi 'a because it was found
written in it all that had happened to those who came first and what happens to
those who come last.

Ibid., fol. 10a.

See Fahd's explanation ofjafr wa-jdmi'a and our comments on this point above.
Miftdh al-jafr, fols. 7b-8a.

124

The accounts of Ibn Talha and Bistami of 'All as transmitter of a secret science
and diviner are supported by other Islamic sources. According to al-Sharif al-Jurjani in
Shark al-mawdqif'(the exposition of positions), 'All and his family were distinguished by
their knowledge ofjafr and jdmi 'a. These are defined as two books belonging to 'Ali.
The books are said to have a numerological account of all events that will take place until
the extinction of the world. They are also described as having been at the disposal of the
Imams of' Alid descent who ruled according to them.65
More details on jafr are provided by another medieval scholar, namely alKulayni. It occurs in a chapter entitled hitdb al-hujja in his most famous work Usui alkdfi (the principles of the sufficient [guide]). In it he explains jafr as a vessel from
Adam, in which was collected the knowledge of the prophets, friends of God and the
scholars of Banu Isra'il (the ancient Israelites).66 Al-Kulayni also distinguishes between
two kinds ofjafr: white jafr and red jafr: The first one includes the gospels and books of
David, Moses, Jesus, Abraham, and Fatima; and it enables the Imams to respond to
people's needs and determine right from wrong without the help of others. And the red
jafr concerns wars. 7
Indeed, 'All's name is frequently attached to works ofjafr and maldhim. The
work commonly found in manuscript form under the name al-Jafr al-jdmi' is invariably

65

As quoted in Muhsin 'Abdulnazir, Mas 'alat al-imdma wa-l-wad'fi al-hadith 'inda al-firaq alIsldmiyya [the question of imamate and the fabrication of hadtth by Islamic parties], (Beirut: al-Dar al'Arabiyya li-1-Kitab, 1983), p. 452.
66

Ibid., pp. 450-51.

67

Ibid., pp. 450-51. Al-KulaynT's claims are based on five hadiths originally narrated by Abu 'Abdullah
on the authority of al-Husayn bin Abi al-'Ala', 'Abdulmalik bin A'yan and Fudayl bin Sakra. It should be
mentioned here that all three men are severely criticized by Muhsin 'Abdulnazir as weak and untrustworthy
muhaddiths in the context of his attack on the doctrine of Imamate and the idea of the Imams' knowledge
of divine secrets; see ibid., pp. 452-55.

125

attributed to 'Ali.

It is a massive tabulation of the twenty-eight letters of the Arabic

alphabet in all of their possible hurufi combinations. In a supplemented introduction to

one copy of the work, the copyist, or perhaps an owner of the manuscript, contests the
attribution to 'Ali and claims the work to be that of Ja'far al-Sadiq, citing Ibn Qutayba's
statement in this respect as proof.69 He then gives a description of the book's method of
calculation via letters tabulation.
Basically the work gives every letter a page, every page has 28 lines, every line
shows 28 squares, and every square contains 4 letters. According to the book's plan, the
first letter reflects the particular level, the second letter the page level, the third letter the
line level, and the fourth letter the square level. This means that the first square of the
book will have 4 alifs, and the last square 4 ghayns,...etc.10 Another reference to Jafr alImdm 'Ali occurs in another manuscript. It mentions'Ali''s jafr as the source for a book
from which a series of advices are given on the most auspicious days to do certain things.
The days and activities correspond with the days of creation and the characteristics of the
created objects of the universe.71
Malhamat

'Alii

The maldhim, or apocalyptic verses, actually attributed to 'Ali exist either as separate
works or as part of other divinatory treatises. One of the most popular among them is a
68

See for example Istanbul MSs, Lala Isma'il Efendi 279; Damad Ibrahim 844; Hamidiyye 857.
The comment is on the unpaginatcd title page of MS, Lala Isma'il Efendi 279. Ibn Qutayba's satement

(decscribed here as occurring in his Adab al-katib) is said to be taken from Kitdb asmd' al- 'ulum wa-dthdr
al-rusum of Safiyyuddin Muhammad al-Tabib al-KTlam.
70

Ibid. Accordingly, it is calculated that the book's pages are 784, its lines are 784x28=21952, its squares
are 21952x28=614656, and its letters are 614656x4=2458624.
71

Istanbul MS, Hamidiyye 189, fol. 78b. For example, God created Heaven and Earth on Sunday, so
Sunday is the best day for building; and He created the Sun and the Moon, whose quality is movement (or
travel), on Monday, so Monday is the best day for travel.

126

malhama that is found both independently and, in full or in part, in other works of similar
interests, such as Miftdh al-jafr?2 It is a long poem whose lines end with the rhyming
sound mi. It begins with the lines:
How strange this life that humiliates the brave
And elevates the ignorant and demeans the scholar
You see money speaking for the dumb
I see poverty plaguing people of courage and honor
The identity of 'All as the author of the poem is revealed soon after the opening lines
mentioned above:
And I am 'Ali the cousin of Muhammad
And my grandfather is Talib and the Sumayda' Hashim
I charge at the heroes like a capable [warrior]
And I've never been a violator of [divine] sanctions7
This is a clearly Mamluk malhama, with numerous references to al-Turk (the
Turks) and prophecies, particularly regarding the ninth and tenth Hijrt centuries. After
describing a long series of schisms and disasters, the verse speaks of the appearance of
the Blue and Black Turbans (sudun wa-zurqu I- 'amd 'imi) in the mid-tenth century. Their
wretched rule comes to an end by a person from the east, leading a Fatimid army ('askaru
Fdtimi); he cleanses the earth, elevates the people of knowledge, ends apostasy, and
establishes complete justice everywhere. However this glorious era comes to end with
the rise of the Antichrist {al-Dajjdl). This is followed by the descent of Jesus in al-Sham

Ibid., fol. 79b-82b; Miftdh al-jqfr, Hafid Efendi 204, fol. 35b, where only part of the poem appears;
Sehid Ali Pasa 1817, fols. 148a-153a; Es'at Efendi 3615, fols. 216a-220b; TKS Revan Serai 1765, fols.
124b-127b. The opening lines of the verse in Arabic are:
Wamin 'ajabi l-dunyd tudhillu l-daraghimi Wa-tarfa'u dhujahlinwa-takhfidu 'Alimi
Tar a l-mdla yantiqu 'an lisani l-abkami
Ard l-faqra yuzri bi-l-luyuthi l-dardghimi
73

Sehid Ali Pasa 1817, fol. 148b. The lines in Arabic are:
Wa-and 'Aliyyun wa-ibnu 'ammiMuhammadin
Wa-Tdlibujaddiwa-l-Sumayda'uHdshimi
Asulu 'aid l-abtdli sawlata qddirin
Wa-md kuntu yawman hdtikan li-l-mahdrimi

127

and his slaying of the Antichrist in Ludd. As a result Islam is again triumphant, until
more signs of the Hour materialize, including the rise of Gog and Magog (Ya'juj waMa'juj), the destruction of Mecca by an army of unbelievers, and the appearance of the
Beast (al-Ddbba) who stamps people according to their belief as a prelude to the arrival
of Judgment Day.74
Malhamat 'Alt II and Malhamat 'Alt III
There exists a second malhama bearing the name of 'All, that seems to have been equally
popular and appears frequently in the divinatory literature of the medieval Islamic period.
It begins with the lines:
Don't you be fooled by my coming back to Hajar
For soon I will be telling you the news
If Mars rises from the land of Babylon
And the Two Stars are in conjunction, beware, beware75
The poem is also concerned with the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods, including references
to the Turks, Crusaders, and Mongols. An interesting reference is also made to alSufyani, the mysterious character and leader of a major faction in an apocalyptic Islamic
schism, as mentioned in hadith. The Sufyani and the unbelievers are confronted and
defeated by a preacher from Jayhun, who turns out to be the awaited al-Mahdi.76
A very peculiar malhama, also attributed to 'All, is actually a prose apocalyptic
text. The malhama seems to be a late Mamluk or early Ottoman apocalypse. 'All's first
prophecy, described as the first of sixty signs of the Hour, is undated; but it tells of the
death of scholars, theologians and virtuous people, the ascendancy of evil people, and the
74

Ibid., fols. 151b-153a.

75

Ibid. The verse is on fols. 136a-138b, and the quoted lines (136a) translate in Arabic:
Yaghurranakum minni ruju 'un ild Hajar
Wa- 'ammd qalilin sawfa unblkumu l-khabar
Idhd ashraqa l-Marrtkhu min ardi Bdbilin
Wa-iqtarana l-najmaynifa-l-hadhdri l-hadhar
76

Ibid., esp. 137b-138a.

128

spread of immorality. The first dated prophecy however is for the year 825 AH, when
there will be no more concern about doing the good and desisting from evil and earth
becomes too difficult for believers and as small as a bird's cage. People will lose their
moral character so that rulers turn into lions, judges into wolves, friends into dogs,
hypocrites into snakes, and believers into helpless sheep.77 The malhama begins by
relating a long series of signs of the Hour, narrated by Jabir bin 'Abdullah al-Ansari, on
the authority of 'Ali bin Abi Talib. In the course of the malhama, 'Ali provides specific
prophecies with details of events, dates, and names. For example, the year 835 AH will
see the appearance of al-Shaybani, who destroys Damascus and Hims. This is followed
by the rise of al-Baghdadi and al-Sufyani.
Five years later, the rise of a woman, al-Sa'idiyya, is predicted. She marches
from al-Sa'id (Upper Egypt) to Iraq, then to Antakiya (Antioch), where a certain 'Abbas
bin 'Utba manages to kill her. The latter is also soon killed by a man from Baghdad
called al-Abras, who then attacks Medina and kills all people bearing the name
Muhammad. But when he tries to destroy the city God repulses him and his army by
sending against them angles and a black wind. More prophecies tell of the appearance of
al-Hardhib and Sufyan bin Ahdab in 858 AH, the Antichrist in 955 AH, followed by alMahdi and Jesus. And finally the stage is set for the scourge of Ya'juj and Ma'juj, alDabba, and the rise of the sun from the west, in 965, 975 and 980 AH respectively.78
Urjuzat 'Ali
More evidence of'All's prophetic reputation surfaces in his supposed diwdn, or
collection of poetry. In one urjuza (a poem whose lines don't rhyme, but its half lines do,
77

Istanbul MS, Es'at Efendi 3792, fols. 195a-198a.

78

Ibid.

129

and is not purely in classical Arabic), 'Ali boasts about the knowledge of AM al-Bayt of
all matters, past and future.79 He also speaks of predictions of schisms, his magical
capabilities, and the signs and events characteristic of the end of time.
One prophecy concerns a bloody civil war between the Persians and the Arabs in
the ninth century AH. To escape the horrors of this schism, 'Ali suggests that people use
a talisman that he successfully used on various occasions. The talisman is identified as a
sacred circle, which he calls Jannat al-Asmd' (the [divine] names' paradise). It is said
that God had given it to him through the archangel Gabriel on the Day of Badr, the first
battle fought by Muhammad and a small band of Muslims against the Meccan
unbelievers. The talisman protected 'Ali during the fighting, thus contributing to the
great Muslim victory at Badr.
'Ali then says that he explained the qualities of the circle "in the prosperous
Kufa" in a poetic presentation which he filled with words of wisdom. He warns those
"who seek a contest" with him of death out of stubbornness and advises those who seek
oi

to know it to take it based only on his exposition of it.

However, those who question

his credibility are asked to cease their attacks, as he reminds them that the ' Alids are the
kings of the earth whose rule has become universal. Also they possess an exceptional
knowledge:
Every aspect of a prestigious science
From the beginning of the world to the Last Day
79

The diwdn containing the urjuza was printed in Cairo in the Bulaq Press in Ramadan of 1251 AH
(1835 CE); It is kept in the manuscript collection of Istanbul University Library in three identical copies
bearing the numbers 76532, 82870, and 82909. The poem is appended to the diwdn with a new pagination
(2-12) and takes all the pages (2-12).
80

Ibid., p. 7.

81

Ibid., p. 8.

130

Has become for us a real revelation

And anybody who doubted [this] has been humiliated82
'Ali provides five divine names that make the circle work: al-Fard (the Singular), al-Hayy
(the Living), al-Qayyum (the Everlasting), al-Hakam al-'Adul (the Just Judge), and alQuddus (the Most Holy). The letters of the names are supposed to surround the circle,
with each letter connected to an angel. The many ways of using the talismanic circle of
names for a variety of specific purposes are then provided at length.83 The last two pages
of the urjuza include a blistering attack on corrupt and hypocritical scholars, whose lack
of integrity and loss of morality will pave the way for the rise of the Antichrist and the
frightful schisms he will inspire.
It is worth mentioning here that two of the motifs of the urjuza, 'All's circle and
the Kufa sermon, are reminiscent of ones we have seen before. The first one, i.e. 'Ali and
his circle of divine names, evokes 'Ali and the tablet vision deciphered by Ibn Talha as a
circle of divine names and letters. The theme of mysterious or cryptic tablets is not
altogether unfamiliar. We have seen it for example in reference to the discovery of
numerology by Plato as reported in Kitdb Asrdsim. But the similarities here are more
specific, as they identify the circle and divine names. Though the names in Ibn Talha's
case are different (al-Malik, al-Wahid, al-Qahhar, etc.), the idea is strikingly the same.
The second motif is 'All's poetic explanation of the talismanic circle in a speech
at Kufa. The situation, including the stern warnings to those who suspect his reliability,
is almost identical to his prophesying sermon in Kufa in Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr. There

82

Ibid., p. 8. The Arabic text reads:

Fa-kullu ma'nd min 'uluminfdkhira
Qad sdra kashfan 'indand 'aydnd
83

min mabda'i l-dunya U-yawmi l-dkhira

wa-kullu dhi shakkin ghadd muhdnd

Ibid., pp. 9-10.

131

too 'All reveals a secret knowledge centered around signs of the Hour and engages in a
verbal confrontation with Suwayd bin Nawfal, who drops dead after he questions 'All's
prophecies and 'All answers him angrily. Whether there is a direct line of appropriation
here is hard to discern. However, the similarities may be seen as another proof of the
existence and circulation of a vibrant prophetic tradition related to AM al-Bayt.
The Jafr of Ja'far al-Sadiq
Al-Kulayni's colorful division ofjafr, mentioned above, is also found in Bistami's work
linked directly to Ja'far al-Sadiq. According to Miftdh al-jafr, Ja'far is supposed to have
said: "From us is the white jafr, the red jafr, and the comprehensivey'q/r."84 Moreover,
Bistami attributes to Ja'far another division of Jafr, namely al-jafr al-kabir (the great jafr)
and al-jafr al-saghir (the lesser jafr). The names, according to Bistami, have come from
other scholars referring to Ja'far's distinction between two chapters of the book of jafr:
the al-bdb al-kabir (the great chapter), whose numerological organization is based on the
traditional alphabetical arrangement (i.e. alif bd", td\ thd'...); and the al-bdb al-saghir
(the lesser chapter), which is organized around the popular alphabet order (i.e. abjad,
hawwaz,..,). The first one is said to have one-thousand sources of divination; whereas the
second one yields seven-hundred of them.85
The existence of such books of divination is the subject of much speculation in
Islamic sources. In one relevant article, Macdonald observes that no book of jafr is ever
mentioned in Ibn al-Nadim's (d. 385/995) Fihrist, despite his many references to Ja'far
84

Al-Bistami, Miftdh al-jafr, fol. 8a. The Arabic text is: "minnd al-jafr al-abyad, wa-minnd al-jafr alahmar, wa-minnd al-jafr al-jdmi'."
85

Ibid. The two chapters or books of divination added together make up one-thousand and sevenhundred sources, the number of sources assigned to the aforementionedyq/r al-Imdm 'Alt bin Abi Tdlib; see
Bistami's Miftdh, fol. 7b and our note above.

132

and his documentation of two books of maldhim. The two books are: Kitdb min umur almaldhim (a book on the affairs of maldhim), attributed to 'All bin Yaqtin (d. 182/798);
and another, Isma'il bin Mihran's Kitdb al-maldhim (the book of maldhim)}6
Nevertheless, Macdonald seems to suggest a close parallel between maldhim and
jafr, where a specific kind of maldhim can be discerned:
The maldhim books based upon secret tradition and on astrology [.. .go] back to
the ' Alids and are represented best by the Djafr. For, besides the Djafr ascribed to
Ja'far al-Sadik, there was also an astrological Djafr, ascribed to Ibn Ishak alKindi, dealing with the dynastic destinies of the 'Abbasids.87
Astrological divination, such as al-Kindi's, is not usually the purview of the members of
the House of the Prophet. The other strand however, as we have seen, is strongly linked
to Ahl al-Bayt, especially to 'All and Ja'far.
An early reference to Ja'far al-Sadiq's connection to a book of divination
supposedly occurs in Ibn Qutayba's (d. 276/889) Adab al-kdtib, as quoted by al-Damiri in
his Kitdb al-hayawdn (the book of animals). According to this information, "the Djafr is
said to be a book by Dja'far b. Muhammad al-Sadik (the sixth Imam, d. 168[/784]) (?),
written on the skin of a Djafr, a just weaned kid or lamb, for the information of the House
of the Prophet, containing all that they needed to know and all that was to happen until
the Last Day."

This reference though is disputed correctly by Macdonald, who couldn't

86

See D. B. Macdonald's article "Djafr," EP (2:994-95); and his article "Malahim," EP (5:188-89). The
first article states that al-Fihrist has only one reference to a book of maldhim, namely Ibn Yaqtin's; while
the second article lists the two mentioned above as occurring in the same source.
87

Art. "Malahim," EP (5:188-89).

88

See D. B. Macdonald's article "Djafr" in EP (2:994-95); cf. Istanbul MS, Lala Isma'il Efendi 279,
where the erroneous remark appears on the inside cover of the manuscript; see also the point above in
realtion to Jurjani and Kulayni on 'Ali'sy'a/r for full reference.

133

find such statement in the printed version of Adah al-kdtib and believes that al-Damiri
referred to the wrong book, without pointing out the right source.89
The disputed reference actually occurs in Ibn Qutayba's Ta'wil mukhtalif alhadith [the interpretation of disputed hadith]. The gist of Ibn Qutayba's statement is
reproduced by Ibn Khallikan in Wafaydt al-a 'ydn:
And as for Kitdb al-jafr, it was mentioned by Ibn Qutayba at the beginning of the
book Ikhtildf al-hadith, where he said after much talking: "And I wonder about
this interpretation, the interpretation of al-rawdfid [the rejectionists, i.e. extreme
Shi'ites] of the glorious Qur'an, and what they claim of the knowledge of its
mysteries by way of what they found of al-jafr, which was mentioned by Sa'd bin
Harun al-'Ajali, who was the head of the Zaydis, who said:
Can't you see that the rejectionists became divided
As they all said something bad about Ja'far
So a group of them said he was an Imam, and of them were
Groups who called him the pure prophet
And strangely I haven't seen that in the skin of their jafr
God be my witness, I disown those who subscribe to jafr
And the couplets are much longer, but I chose [...what] concerns the mention of
al-jafr. Ibn Qutayba then said [...], "And it is a skin ofjafr on which they
claimed that the Imam had written all that they'll need and will happen till the end
of time." And I say: By their saying 'the Imam' they mean Ja'far al-Sadiq [...]
And it is to this jafr that the great poet Abu al-'Ala' al-Ma'arri [d. 449/1057] was
referring when, from among some couplets of a longer verse, he said:
They wondered at the Ahl al-Bayt that
Their knowledge had come to them in the skin of a jafr
While the astrologer's mirror, though small
Has showed him every inhabited and deserted [region]90
8

" Macdonald, "Djafr," EP (2:994-95).

90

Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-a'yan, 3:240. The Arabic text for Sa'd's couplets is:
Alam tar a annal-rdjidtna tafarraqii
fa-td 'ifatun qdlu imdmun wa-minhumu
Wamin 'ajabin lam aqdihijildajafrihim

fa-kulluhumufi Ja'farin qdla munkard

tawd 'ifu sammathu l-nablyya l-mutahhara
bari'tu ild l-rahmdni mimman tqjaffara

As for al-Ma'arri's verse, the Arabic text goes like this:

Laqad 'qjibu li-ahli l-bayti lammd
wa-mir 'dtu l-munajjimi wa-hiya sughrd

atdhum "ilmuhumfl maskijafri

arathu kulla 'dmiratin wa-qafri

134

The connection between Ja'far and jafr, or at least the possibility of it, is also
discussed in Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimah. Ibn Khaldun, out of his belief in the special
status of the Prophet's descendants, sees no problem in Ja'far having a book containing
such knowledge. Similarly for him, it is possible that a book by the name al-jafr, which
turned up with Harun b. Sa'id al-'Ijli, could have come down to him from Ja'far al-Sadiq.
However, Ibn Khaldun finds no evidence to prove either case.91 Another book of Jafr
mentioned in the Muqaddima is the one supposed to be that of Ya'qub bin Ishaq alKindi.92 Ibn Khaldun maintains that the Shi'ites named it al-jafr, "following the name of
their book attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq; and in it he [al-Kindi] mentioned [...] the changes
in the Abbasid state [...] and that with its extinction shall be the extinction of the faith."
The book has apparently disappeared.
Some sources also attribute another book of jafr to Ja'far; namely a work called
al-khdfiya or Khdfiyat al-Imdm Ja'far al-Sddiq. Bistami has it listed with the long list of
hurufi books mentioned in his works and referred to earlier in this chapter.

He also

makes somewhere else a mention of al-Khdfiya fi 'Urn al-hurufas a book by Ja'far.95 The

91

Ibid; cf. Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddimah, 2:828-29. The account in the original Arabic gives Harun's
last name as al-'AjalT. It also credits him with giving Ja'far's book the name al-jafr, because of the fact that
it was written on the hide of a baby cow (or goat or lamb), i.e. a jafr. It is a book on the hidthdn al-duwal
(the changes of kingdoms) and contains the esoteric meanings of Qur'an's exegesis. Only fragments of the
book seem to surface with no shred of evidence or non-broken chain of narrators to prove that Ja'far alSSdiq is actually the author.
92

Ibn Khaldun. al-Muqaddimah, 2:834.

93

IbnKhaldun, al-Muqaddimah, 2:834.

94

One such mention is in Bistami's Kitdb al-durra al-ndsi'a in Istanbul ms, Hafid Efendi 461, fol. 256a,
to which we referred earlier in this study.
95
Bistami makes the claim in his Bahjat al-dfdqjt 'Urn al-huruf wa l-awfdq, found in Istanbul MS,
Hamidiyye 828, fol. 8b. Ja'far is mentioned here among a chain of prophets and sages who inherited and

135

book itself can be found at least in one source in Persian.

Ja'far also is regarded as an

authority on magical incantations, divine names, and alchemy. A book on the magical
characteristics of the Qur'an claims to be a synthesis of parts of a work by Ja'far called
Kitdb khawdss al-Qur 'an (book on the [esoteric] qualities of Qur'an) and two books with
similar titles by Abu Hamid al-Ghazzali and Abu 'Abdullah al-Tanrimi.97 The work
makes extensive references to Ja'far's expertise and recipes on a host of intriguing
subjects, including how to see the Prophet in a dream and the various practical purposes
to be drawn from the special influences of the letters at the beginnings of the Qur'anic
98

suras.
Ja'far is further presented as a master of the occult. He appears in one source as
the source of the alchemical knowledge of the famous alchemist Jabir bin Hayyan (d.
164/780). The fact that both men lived around the same time ( Ja'far died in 148/765)
apparently offered a convenient circumstance to establish some sort of association
between them. The interesting portrayal is to be found in a mysterious work called Kitdb
al-arkdn (the book of foundations), which is attributed to Jabir. In it, Ja'far al-Sadiq is
made to speak to Jabir personally, instructing him the science of alchemy in great detail,

developed 'Urn al-huruf, starting with Adam and ending with Bistami himself. Ja'far is said to have shown
his genius in the secret sciences even as a child of seven years-old.
96

The source is called Kitdb-i khdfiye-ijafri and is part of the Istanbul MS, Nuruosmaniye 2844, fols.
131b-148b. It is a huriifl work which starts with an explanation of the letters significance and values before
it goes on to what is supposed to be an exposition of Ja'far's numcrological techniques.
97

The book in question is Kitdb jami' khawdss asrdr al-Qur 'an wa-ta 'yid al-dhakhira al-mu 'adda linawd'ib al-zamdn (book on the qualities of the secrets of the Qur'an and the munitions prepared for the
difficulties of time) of' Abdulrahman bin 'AIT bin Ahmad al-Qurasht; see Istanbul MS, Hamidiyye 189,
fols. lb-78b. The source from al-Tamim! is perhaps the work known as Kitdb mandfi' al-Qur'an (book on
the benefits of the Qur'an), which , according to Toufic Fahd, is in the Istanbul MS, University
Kutuphanesi A 2243. For more on this and works on khawdss, see Fahd, La divinations arabe, pp. 241-43.
98

Ibid., fols. 4b, 20bff.

136

including how to mix various ingredients, liquids, and powders to create different kinds
of elixirs intended for different purposes."
The Book (or Gospel) ofFatima
In addition to 'All and Ja'far, Fatima is frequently mentioned in relation to the
divinatory powers arising from the House of the Prophet.100 In one prophetic tradition in
al-Kulayni's (d. 328/939 or 329/940) Usui al-Kdfi, the muhaddith (i.e. traditionist) Abu
'Abdullah says to Abu Basir, "In our possession is the Mushaf Fatima (gospel ofFatima);
and what is in it is three times what you have in your Qur'an. By God there is in your
Qur'an not one letter from it." The complete hadith as reported in al-Kdfi is a long one
with various parts, each introducing one of the domains of esoteric knowledge of AM alBayt. The domains in order are: A thousand chapters of knowledge with a thousand
chapters opening up from each that the Prophet taught to 'All, al-jdmi 'a, al-jafr, Mushaf
Fatima, the knowledge of what happened and of what will be to the end of time, and
finally the knowledge of whatever happens day and night, no matter how trivial it is, and
to the Day of Judgment.101 In a second hadith, also on the authority of Abu 'Abdullah,
Mushaf Fatima is an actual source to foretelling the future, as the Imam conveys to a
certain Hammad bin 'Uthman a prediction he found in it regarding the rise of the
Zanddiqa (unbelievers) in the year 128 AH; he then tells Hammad the story of how this
gospel came about in the first place:
Istanbul MS, Fatih 5309, Majmu 'aft khawdss al-ikslr wa-I-adwiya min qibal al-tibb (a collection [of

epistles] on the qualities of elixir and treatments by [the science of] medicine). Jabir's epistle in question
here is on fols. 26a-40a.
100

A recent study that deals with the special status ofFatima as an ideal symbol of feminine piety is
Mary F. Thurlkill, Chosen Among Womwen: Mary and Fatima in Medieval Christianity andShi'ite Islam
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame press, 2008).
101

Muhsin 'Abdulnazir, Mas'alat al-imdma, p. 449; see Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni (d. 941),
Usitl-i kafi, 4 vols. (Qum?: Intisharat-i Ilmiya-i Islamiye, 1989), vol. 1, ch. 40, p. 614.

137

When Almighty God took His Prophet, the sadness that befell Fatima was so great
that only the glorious and majestic God knew it. He then sent to her an angel to
relieve her grief and console her. So she related this to the Commander of the
Faithful [i.e. Caliph 'All], and he said, 'if you sensed that [i.e. the angel's
approach] and heard the [i.e. his] voice, then let me know'. So when the angel
came back to Fatima, she informed her husband, who wrote down everything he
heard [from the angel], until he created from this a gospel. And the Imam ['All]
commented on this by saying, 'Though it has nothing of the [knowledge of] the
permissible and the prohibited, it has the knowledge of what will be'.

The same story is told, with slight variations, in another tradition by the same Abu
'Abdullah. This other version gives the angel's name as Jibra'il (Gabriel). It also states
specifically that the Angel's speech that 'All wrote down included telling Fatima about
her father (i.e. the Prophet), his place [in paradise], and what will happen to her
1 0^

descendants after her.

Another hadith points out that Mushaf Fatima shows the names of the kings of the
earth and their father's names; and yet in another one the book is introduced as part of the
al-jafr al-abyad (the white divination) mentioned earlier by Ja'far al-Sadiq.104 This
tradition seemed to have originated in the hadith collection of Hasan al-Saffar, known as
Basd 'ir al-darajdt. According to this source, the al-jafr al-abyad, in addition to Mushaf

102

Ibid., pp. 449-50.

103

Ibid., p. 450.

104

Ibid. These hadiths must be seen in the context of the claims and counter claims between various
groups of the ' Alid partisans. Abu 'Abdullah, the main authority here, is not only confirming the divine
knowledge of the Imams, but also discrediting the Zaydis, one of the important Shi'ite faction.
Commenting on the tradition with the kings' names, he tells Fudayl bin Sakra that he read the book
containing the kings' names and found that the sons of al-Hasan (the other son of 'AIT from whose
descendants the Zaydis arose) were not among them. Abu 'Abdullah also challenges the Zaydis to reveal
the Mushaf Fatima, which supposedly has Fatima's will, since they know there is nothing in it for them.

138

Fdtima, contains all the previous scriptures, including the Suhuf Ibrahim (Scrolls of
Abraham), al-Zabur (the Psalms), al-Tawrdt (the Torah), and al-Injil (the Bible).

Other examples of AM al-Bayfs Use of Jafr

Islamic sources are full of examples of the various ways in which the famed and
enigmatic books of divination, ascribed to this or that member ofAhl al-Bayt, were used,
either by members of the House of the Prophet or by others. Many such examples
revolve around the prophesying activities of 'All and his descendants. For instance, alHaythami (d. 974/1566) relates how 'All before doing battle with an army of fourthousand Kharijites correctly predicted that no more than ten of them will get away and
no more than ten of his men will be killed.106
Other reports speak of Ja'far al-Sadiq's predictions of what will happen to his
relatives, all of which supposedly were proven to be correct.107 One story tells of how
Yahya bin Zayd bin 'All Zayn al-'Abidin, one of the Zaydi Imams, was warned of his
impending death if he goes to Khurasan by his cousin Zayd; yet he refused to listen and
went there, only to be killed soon after in fulfillment of Zayd's prediction.108
The alleged prophecies and predictions of AM al-Bayt were also used extensively
in Islamic polemics for various ideological goals. They were certainly put to good use by
the ' Alids to discredit their enemies and drum up support for their claim to the Caliphate.
105

The al-jafr al-ahmar (red jafr) contains the weapons of the Prophet wrapped in a leather parchment;
see Muhammad ibn al-Hasan Abu Ja'far al-Qummi al-Saffar's work, Basd 'ir al-Darajdtfifadd 'il dl
Muhammad, ed. Muhsin KUchah Baghi al-Tabnzi (Qum: Maktabat Ayatullah... al-Mar'ashT al-Najafi,

[1983]).
106

Ahmad bin Hajar al-Haytharni al-Makki, al-Sawd'iq al-muhriqaft al-radd 'aid ahl al-bida' wa-lzandaqa, wa-yallhi kitdb Tathir al-jindn wa-l-lisdn 'an al-huzur wa-l-tafawwuh bi-thalb sayyidind
Mu'dwiya bin AbiSufydn, ed. Abdulwahhab Abdullatif (Cairo: Maktabat al-QShira, n.d.).
107

Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddimah, 2:829.

139

The sheer fact that members of AM al-Bayt enjoyed a virtual monopoly over the
knowledge of the future was in itself a potent political weapon. However this advantage
was further enhanced when the 'Alids used this tradition to effectively attack their
opponents. Predictions attributed to the Imams, as well as composed hadiths, were
circulated in various forms in pursuit of polemical purposes. They often specified names
of people and places and portrayed them according to political considerations.
One way of doing this was to show how opponents of AM al-Bayt sometimes
could realize or acknowledge their mistake in light of the validity of such prophecies.
This was held to be true, even if the person was, at least technically, part of the House of
the Prophet. The Prophet's widow, 'A'isha, who fought against 'Ali and his army in
contestation of his appointment to the Caliphate, was one such person. An anecdote in
some sources tells of how 'A'isha foresaw her impending defeat foretold in a prophetic
hadith known as hadith al-Haw 'ab. She allegedly recognized this matter on her way to
Basra with her main allies Talha and al-Zubayr before the Battle of the Camel, in which
'Ali's forces decimated her rebellious army. As they approached a place called alHaw'ab, which is a water well close to Basra that belonged to Banu Kilab, 'A'isha heard
dogs barking. She asked about the name of the place and was told it was al-Haw'ab.
Upon knowing that, 'A'isha became distressed and told her companions that she must be
the intended person in a relevant hadith, which says, "Pity her whomever of you to be
barked at by al-Haw'ab dogs while marching in a brigade towards the east." The story
says that 'A'isha then wanted to turn back and only continued her march after much

140

insistence from her companions who finally convinced her that she was not al-Haw'ab
109

woman.
Another interesting and frequently mentioned polemical use of the jafr tradition is
related to the founding of al-Muwahhidun (Almohad) dynasty in the Maghrib. The
pioneering figure in Almohad movement was Abu 'Abdullah Muhammad bin 'Abdullah
Ibn Tumart al-Harghi (d. 524/1130). Ibn Tumart claimed to be a descendant of the House
of the Prophet, namely of the line of al-Hasan bin 'All bin Abi Talib.110 He also believed
he was a reformer with a special mission and called himself al-Mahdi.''' His preaching
activities across the Maghrib in favor of a new puritanical Islamic order were legendary.
And the vocal opposition he showed to what he saw as un-Islamic practices and his brave
admonishing of princes and rulers looked like a precursor to the career of Ibn Taymiyya
1 19

two centuries later.

Though he himself never saw the actual rise of Almohad power,

he is perceived to be the main ideological force behind it.

See for example the story mKitdb al-bad' wa-l-tdrikh (the book of genesis and history) of alMutahhar bin Tahir al-MaqdisT (d. c. 966), wrongly attributed to Abu Zayd Ahmad bin Sahl al-Balkh? (d.
934), 6 vols., ed. Clement Imbault Huart (Paris, Ecole des langues orientales vivantes; Publications, 4e Se.,
V, 1899) 5:211-12; the text is identical in the Istanbul manuscript of the same source in the Suleymaniye
Kutuphanesi, Yusuf Aga, fol. 93a.
110

There is an interesting account of this question in Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimah in the context of
elucidating the role of 'asabiyya (social solidarity), which for Ibn Tumart was linked with his Berber tribe
rather than his legendary 'AIM genealogy. See a summary of the argument with a very informative
commentary in Marshal Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 2:482-84.
See Ibn Tumart's biography in Shams al-Din Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn wa-anba' abnd' al-

zamdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, 8 vols. (Beirut: DSr al-Thaqafa, 1972), 5:45-55; a summary statement of the
account is found in D. S. Margoliouth's article, "Mahdi" in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912), 4:336-40.
112

See for example the story of Ibn Tumart's confrontation with the ruler of Marrakesh Abu al-Hasan
'All bin Yusuf bin Tashufin in Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, 5:49-50. On two occasions, Ibn Tumart
argues with the king's advisors and makes clear his objections to the moral decay of state and society. One
specific case that is mentioned here is his criticism to the widespread practice of women's unveiling their
faces in public, including the king's own daughter (or sister).

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Ibn Tumart's claims were apparently inspired, at least in part, by his alleged
acquaintance with a book ofjafr belonging to Ahl al-Bayt. According to Ibn Khallikan,
quoting from al-Mughrib 'an sirat muluk al-maghrib, Ibn Tumart came across a book
called kitdb al-jafr, which was one of the books of the House of the Prophet. In it he
found the description of a noble man who will rise in the Maghrib in a place called alSus. The book also indicated that the man is a descendant of the Prophet and specified
the letters forming the name of the place where he will live and gets buried. It also
identified the letters of the name of a man who was supposed to rise after the Hijri year
five-hundred to become his assistant. Ibn Tumart eventually saw all of these predictions
come true; and the other anticipated man turned out to be Abu Muhammad
'Abdulmu'min bin 'All al-Qaysi al-Kumi, the successful Almohad commander and first
ruler of the Almohad state.113 The same account is confirmed by Ibn Khaldun, who says
that the prophecy regarding the appearance of a man from the descendant s of Ahl al-Bayt
after the year 500 AH who will be buried in a place whose name bears the letters TINML
is true.114 According to him, this person would be called al-Qa'im bi-awwal al-amr (the
lord of the initial stage of the matter) and the letters of his successor would be
BDMUMN.115
Concluding Remarks on the Popularity of Ahl al-Bayt
Members of Ahl al-Bayt were naturally held in high esteem by fellow Muslims as
religious symbols by virtue of their kinship and relation to the Prophet. Traditions tell of
113

Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, 5:45-55, esp. p. 48. For a biography o f Abdulmu'min, see ibid.,
3:237-41, where the story of the jafr book found by Ibn Tumart is mentioned briefly on p. 238.
114

Vincent J. Cornell, "Understanding is the mother of ability: Responsibility and action in the doctrine
of Ibn Tumart," Studia Islamica, Paris, Fasc. LXVI, 1987, pp. 71-103.
115

Ibid.

142

their devotion to Muhammad and his care and love for them; and of his injunction to
Muslims to trust them and protect them and to stand not against them.116 In addition to
this, it is believed that the Prophet passed on his prophetic knowledge of revealing the
mysteries and divining the future to the people of his house. The Shi'i collections of
hadith, such as al-Kulayni's, furnish many narratives to support this point.117 This
knowledge, regardless of its exact form (prophetic hadith, red jafr, white jafrjdmi 'a,
Mushaf Fdtima, etc.) effectively made AM al-Bayt into the embodiment of the most
extraordinary esoteric knowledge. As a result, they were elevated into an enduring
symbol and repository of divinatory traditions. This reputation translated into magical
and predictive powers, which were then passed on to fellow Muslims, usually aided by
some sort of connection or communication with AM al-Bayt themselves.
With their excellence now extended into the realm of prophesying personal
destinies and unveiling future events, AM al-Bayt became an intimate and regular feature
of the Islamic culture of divination. Their jafr and secret books of knowledge gave a
sacred and legitimate quality to the huruji techniques, astrological calculations, and
alchemical methods. Centuries after its inception, and by the Islamic seventh century, a
body of prophetic literature was apparently in full bloom, serving as a main source of
inspiration for Muslim mystics, diviners and writers.
To some extent, this tradition, especially in relation to 'All and his family, was
not completely separate from the edifying literature produced in praise of AM al-Bayt in
116

See for example the classical Qur'anic tafsirs (exegeses) of the verse from 42:23, "Say: No reward
do I ask of you for this except the love of those near of kin," where exegetes generally agree that the kin
mentioned here refers to AM al-Bayt, Some scholars even specify the identities of members of the House of
the Prophet meant here, usually naming 'All, Fatima and their two sons, Hasan and Husayn; see for
example, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, al-Sawd'iq al-muhriqa; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir; and Abu Nu'aym,
Hilyat al-awliyd', all of whom are Sunni.
117

See al-Kulayni, al-kdfi, ch. 40, traditions 1-8.

143

general. From early on, with the intensification of the political crisis of succession and
the resulting suffering of the House of the Prophet, the lives of these people became
highly symbolic. And for centuries before medieval times, this situation has provided a
favorite subject for legend-making and inspired an incredible elaboration and
embellishment of their stories. Unfortunately, some of the finest examples of this
literature are still unpublished or undiscovered.118
The tradition itself consisted mainly of hadtth-based stories and hagiographical
anecdotes of the secret knowledge of the House of the Prophet, their outstanding moral
authority, and their exemplary devotedness. The resulting stories cultivated the prestige
and prophetic image of 'All and his descendants and employed them in the service of
various causes, which were perhaps as diverse as the personal histories and motives of
those individuals who pursued them. Certainly preaching the religious doctrine and
objectives of the 'Alids against their ideological opponents was always at the forefront of
such causes. However, as we mentioned before, the veneration of the House of the
Prophet was more than a pure ideological matter. More specifically, their linkage with
the science of jafr and the prediction of future events has attracted a growing number of
scholars and other interested people, including, most interestingly, non-Shi'ites. In the
following chapter of this dissertation, we will have a closer look at how more Sunni
scholars, following in the footsteps of Ibn Talha, have made divination, apocalypticism
and the love of AM al-Bayt a real part of their lives and medieval Islamic culture.

A legendary sira (biography) of 'All,filledwith superhuman deeds and unimaginable adventures,

was unearthed in the course of doing research for this study in a long-forgotten manuscript collection in
Istanbul in the summer of 1994. It is called Ghazdt Hisn Wddi al-Mahwd (the campaign against fortress of
Wad! al-Mahwa). To my knowledge, the work has not been mentioned in other sources before.

144

CHAPTER FIVE
The Cult of Ahl Al-Bayt Amongst Sunni Scholars

Popularity of the Ahl al-Bayt edifying literature

Although clearly designated as a Shafi'i, Ibn Talha's devotion to Ahl al-Bayt, as
we explained earlier, shows the overlap of his Shi'i sympathies with his Sunni madhhab.
The House of the Prophet for him is both an object of unconditional love and praise and
a fountainhead of esoteric knowledge and prophecies. These prophecies are not simply a
recounting of Muhammadan traditions normally found in the hadith chapters on fttan wamaldhim. Ibn Talha's forecasting of the future goes beyond that, usingj'q/r and hurufi
methods to express his involved interest in historical events and an intimately personal
reflection on his contemporary times. This kind of devotion to Ahl al-Bayt is more
intellectually informed than the typical repeating of their virtues and prophecies.
The career of Ibn Talha is an important chapter of the story of Islamic prophecies
and apocalyptic speculation. However, it was by no means an exceptional episode. Ibn
Talha's devotion to the House of the Prophet and his prophecy are part of a wider
medieval literature that embraced Ahl al-Bayt and their jafr and huruf legacy. One result
of this situation was the emergence of a fascinating literature that celebrated the House of
the Prophet and used their prophetic sciences to forecast the future, predict changes in the
life of Islamic communities, and keep an eye on the fulfillment of the Signs of the Hour
and the imminent approach of the Last Days.
In addition to Ibn Talha, other important scholars, similarly Sunni Shafi'is, also
expressed strong interest in Ahl al-Bayt plus one or another aspect of their divinatory
145

legacy. In his article on al-Mahdi, W. Madelung speaks of this phenomenon and

mentions as examples the names and works of Ibn Talha, al-Ganji, and Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi,
among other later Sunni authorities. He goes on to describe them as "Sunni scholars
[who] supported the Imami belief that the Twelfth Imam was the expected Mahdi."1 In
the remainder of this chapter I intend to provide a brief overview of two of these Sunni
scholars, plus a closely linked Shi'i scholar, from the 7th/13th century who shared with Ibn
Talha his distinct devotion to the House of the Prophet. The three scholars are: alSulami, al-Ganji, and al-Irbili, whose lives span the second half of that century and their
works invariably illustrate this doctrine.
Yusuf bin Yahya al-Sulami
The first of these scholars is Yusuf bin Yahya bin 'All al-Maqdisi al-Shafi'i alSulami (d. 2nd half of 7th/l 3th c). There is not much information about al-Sulami, except
the fact that he was a Shafi'ite and that he authored an interesting work entitled 'Iqd aldurarft akhbdr al-muntazar (the pearl necklace on the affairs of the awaited one), which
he apparently finished in 658 A.H.2 The work seems to be intended as a comprehensive
overview of all things concerning the awaited Islamic savior al-Mahdi, from his physical
description to his exact role at the end of days.
In his book, al-Sulami argues against what he takes as two common
misperceptions: That the deteriorating situation of his contemporary times will only
continue and get worse; and that al-Mahdi and the expected Jesus are one and the same
person. Both views are present in the well-known Muhammadan tradition stating that,
1

See Wilfred Madelung's article "al-Mahdi," EP (5:1230-38, esp. pp. 1236-37).

The book was published in Beirut by Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya in 1983; see the Publisher's reference
in the introduction to the brief biography of the author quoted from al-Zirikli's Mu'jam al-mu 'allifin, who
gives the book's title as Iqd al-durarfi akhbdr al-Mahdi al-muntazar.

146

"Things will only get harder, life more desperate, and people more ungenerous; and the
Hour will rise only upon those people who are wicked; and the Mahdi is none than Jesus
the son of Mary." Al-Sulami clearly stresses in the introduction to the book his rejection
of both of these views:
And one of them [i.e. my friends] claimed that the fires of wars but increase in
intensity [...] and the situation but increases in hardship [...] and they insisted on
not departing from this meaning and on clinging to the robes of hadiths that are
found to be in conformity with this meaning. So I said to him: We accept the
validity of these hadiths [...] but there is nothing in them to indicate that this
matter will continue until the coming of the Hour, and its undoing may happen
when the Mahdi comes forth [...] And his [i.e. al-Mahdi] appearance may happen
in these years, because anything, once it gets tighter, is bound to be relaxed. So
he said: there are among people those who deny this completely, and those who
claim that there is no Mahdi except Jesus the Son of Mary [...] So I said to him:
As for those who deny all of this wholesale, they must be ignored, as they have no
evidence whatsoever to support them. And as for those who claim that "there is
no Mahdi except Jesus the son of Mary" and insist on the validity of this hadith
steadfastly, it is possible that they erred in this way because of protectionism and
confusion and the wide spread circulation of this hadith [...] But how could it be
elevated to the degree of validity that which is a discredited hadith?4

Al-Sulami then tries to undermine the isndd of the hadith citing various authorities and
arguments before he moves on to other parts of the book.
The book itself is organized in twelve chapters, with some chapters broken down
into three, four, or eight parts. The number of the chapters, as in the case of Ibn Talha's
The Arabic text reads: Idyazdddu l-amru ilia shiddatan, wa-ld l-dunyd illd idbdran, wa-ld l-ndsu illd
shuhhan, wa-ld taqumu l-sd 'atu illd 'aid shirdri l-nds, wa-ld l-Mahdiyy illd 'Isd ibn Maryam; see alSulami, 'iqd al-durar, p. 6, n. 2, where the text of the hadith is given, plus references to its place in some of
the standard hadith collections.
Al-Sulami, 'Iqd al-durar, pp. 5-7.; in Arabic: Faza 'ama ba 'duhum anna ndr al-harb la tazdddu illd

tadarruman [...] wa-ldyazdddu l-amru illd shiddatan [...] wa-asarra 'aid 'adam mufdraqat hddhd lma 'nd, wa-tashabbatha bi-adhydli l-ahddith al-wdrida ft hddhd al-ma 'na. Fa-qultu lahu: nahnu nusallim
bi- sihhat hddhihi l-ahddith [...J wa-ldkin laysajihd mdyadullu 'aid istimrdr hddhd l-amr ild an taqum alsd 'a, wa-la 'alia zawdlahu yakunu 'inda khuruji l-imdm al-Mahdi [...] wa-la 'alia zuhurahufi hddhihi alsinin qadyaqa', fa-kullu amrin idhd ddqa ittasa'. Fa-qdla: inna man yunkir hddhd kullahu bi-l-kulliyya,
wa-minhum manyaz'am an "la Mahdi illd 'isd ibn Maryam"[...J Fa-qultu lahu: ammd manyunkir hddhd
kullahu bi-l-kulliyya fa-la iltifdta ilayhi, idh layu 'lam lahufi dhdlika mustanad yarji 'u ilayhi. Wa-ammd
man za 'ama an "Id Mahdi illd 'isd ibn Maryam " fa-rubbamd awqa 'ahufi dhdlik al-himya wa-l-iltibds wakathrat taddwul hddhd l-hadith [...] Wa-kayfayartaqi ild darajat al-sahih wa;huwa hadlthun munkar?

147

Matdlib al-sul, reflects the author's reverence to the twelve ' AIM imams. The following
is a listing of the titles of these twelve chapters:
Ch. 1: On showing that he is a descendant of the Prophet and is of his blood.
Ch. 2: On his name, countenance, and nickname.
Ch. 3: On his justice and apparel.
Ch. 4: On the schisms that come about to indicate his reign.
Ch. 5: On the fact that God will send someone to prepare for him before his rule.
Ch. 6: On the miracles demonstrated by him during his rule.
Ch. 7: On his dignity (i.e. dignified lineage) and sublime status.
Ch. 8: On his generosity and youthfulness.
Ch. 9: On his conquests and biography.
Ch. 10: On the fact that Jesus the Son of Mary (peace be upon him) will pray
behind him, swear his allegiance to him, and descend to assist him (in battle).
Ch. 11: On the differing accounts on the duration of his period.
Ch. 12: On the schisms occurring during his days and after the end of his time.5
Al-Sulami makes no mention of Ibn Talha or his work. This is somewhat
surprising, since both men were Shafi'i scholars who lived around the same time in
Damascus and shared a clear interest in Ahl al-Bayt.6 On the other hand, he uses
extensively and refers by name to works of other scholars on divination and
apocalypticism, including Nu'aym Ibn Hammad's Kitdb al-fltan, al-Bayhaqi's Kitdb alba 'th wa-l-nushur, al-Maqqari's Kitdb al-sunan, al-Isfahani's Sifdt al-Mahdi, and Ibn al-

See the index at the end of al-Sulami, 'Iqd al-durar, pp. 457-460.

It is clear from al-Sulami's colophon to his treatise that he finished its writing in 658 AH in Damascus;
see 'Iqd al-durar, pp. 349-350.

148

Munadi's Kitdb al-maldhim.1 Additionally, al-Sulami makes use of an impressive range

of other works of hadith, geography, history, theology, language, and biography. It is
worth noting here that Ibn al-Munadi's book is one of the earliest collections of hadith on
schisms and fateful wars marking the end of time. The reference to al-Maqqari is also
interesting, since this scholar's name is frequently mentioned in medieval and Ottoman
sources as one of the commentators or expositors {shurrdh) of the [pseudo?-] Ibn Arabis
famed apocalyptic work al-Shajara al-Nu 'mdniyyafi al-dawla al- 'Uthmdniyya.
Muhammad bin Yusuf al-Ghanji
Another scholar with Shi'ite affiliation and 'Alid loyalties is Abu 'Abdullah al-Shafi'i
Muhammad bin Yusuf bin Muhammad bin al-Fakhr al-Ganji (d. 658/1259). His main
works on the subject the House of the Prophet and apocalyptic or eschatological
yearnings contain two treatises: Kifdyat al-tdlib fi mandqib 'Alt bin Abi Tdlib (the
seeker's satisfaction on the merits of 'All bin Abi Talib), and al-Baydnji akhbdr sahib alzamdn (the manifesto on the news of the lord of time).8 Al-Ganji was murdered in a
Damascus mosque, apparently because of his 'Alid sympathies as well as his
collaboration with the Mongols and their deputies. The account of the killing is reported
by many writers, including al-Dhahabi, Abu Shama, Al-Yunini, and Ibn Kathir. This is
how Abu Shama al-Maqdisi (d. 665/1266), for example, relates the story:
And in the 29th of Ramadan al-Fakhr Muhammad bin Yusuf bin Muhammad alGanji was killed in the mosque. And he was among the learned mflqh [exegesis]
and hadith, but he was a smart mouth and had a leaning towards the madhhab alrdfida [the belief of the rejectionists, i.e. the 'Alids]. He collected [or compiled]
7

For specific references to these works, see the index of 'Iqd al-durar, pp. 451-455.

The two works were edited by Muhammad Hadi al-Amini and published in one volume by al-Matba'a
al-Haydariyya in al-Najaf in 1970 (2nd. ed.). Kifdyat, which is a long work, is placed first (pp. 1-472),
followed by al-Baydn, which is a relatively smaller work (pp. 473-581).
9

The accounts are reproduced in the editor's introduction to Kifdyatjp. 14-15.

149

for them books that were in agreement with their aims and he used them to curry
favor with the chiefs amongst them in the Islamic and Tatar states. He then
worked with al-Shams al-Qummi on what the latter has been asked [to do by the
Mongols], namely to collect the property of the absentees and others [from
Damascus]. So some of those who were harmed by him stood to him and incited
against him after the dawn prayer, so he was killed and his abdomen split open.
Also were killed those like him who were the helpers of the oppressors, such as
al-Shams bin al-Masakini and Ibn al-Bughayl, who hired working animals.10

Approximately sixty or so teachers and muhaddiths are mentioned by al-Ganji,

whom he had met, studied with, or listened to hadiths from them in the many cities and
countries he visited. Among these scholars is Ibn Talha.'' Al-Ganji specifically
mentions him, along with the traditionist Muhammad bin Mahmud Ibn al-Najjar (from
Baghdad), as narrators of a hadith affirming 'All's piety and generosity. Al-Ganji
describes Ibn Talha as hujjat al-isldm, shaft 'iyyu l-zamdn (the ideologue of Islam, the
Shafi'ite of the age) and states that he heard the reported hadith from him when Ibn Talha
was a judge in Aleppo.12 Though it is not clear if the two men had a passing encounter or
something resembling a teacher-student relationship, the fact that they were at least
acquainted with each other at one point is indeed intriguing.
The book itself is a remarkable scholarly achievement. It is perhaps the most
thoroughly researched and elaborate biography of' Ali Ibn Abi Talib in existence. AlGanji utilizes in Kifdyat an astonishing array of sources, often citing multiple authorities
from various scholarly fields to support one report or anecdote relating to 'All's life,
character, or deeds. The overall outcome is a fascinating and very sympathetic narrative

The quote is from Abu Shama's al-Dhayl 'aid al-rawdatayn (the addendum to the two gardens) and is
produced by the editor in the introduction to Kifdyat, p. 14.
" Kifdyat, pp. 17-24 has a list of these teachers prepared by the editor as part of the introduction. The
reference to Ibn Talha is on p. 22.
12

Kifdyat, pp. 231-232.

150

of the Prophet's cousin, portrayed as a true example in every sense of the word. The
author does this in one-hundred and twelve chapters into which the book is divided. The
following is a sample of the titles of some of these chapters:
Chapter One: On the validity of his [i.e. 'All's] oration at the spring called
Khumm.
Chapter Four: On proving that loving or hating 'Ali is a sign of loving or hating
the Prophet.
Chapter Seven: On the intensity of God's love for 'Ali.
Chapter Ten: On the apostasy of those who curse 'Ali.
Chapter Twenty-Three: On the Prophet's likening 'Ali to the prophets in their
merits.
Chapter Forty: On showing that 'Ali was the first to fight against the oppressors.
Chapter Forty-Nine: On showing that 'Ali was given nine-tenths of knowledge.
Chapter Fiftey-Three: On the designation of 'Ali as the master of the Arabs.
Chapter Sixty: On the allotment to 'Ali of a palace opposite the Prophet's palace
in Paradise.
Chapter Seventy-Eight: On showing that the Prophet gave [his daughter] Fatima
in marriage to 'Ali by divine request.
Chapter Ninety-Four: On the Prophet's saying to 'Ali: You are amongst my
nation the most knowledgeable in the Sunna.
Chapter One-Hundred and One: On his advices [to others].
Chapter One-Hundred and Eight: On his genealogy down to Adam the Father of
Humanity.

151

Chapter One-Hundred and Twelve: On the place of his burial and the differences
concerning this matter.13
According to the author, the book was written following a lecture or presentation
he gave in the hadith school Dar al-Hadith al-Muhajiriyya in the al-Mashhad al-Sharif in
al-Hasba', Mosul in 647 AH. The lecture was attended by the most learned and
important among the city's leaders. It ended up with a sermon on the virtues of AM alBayt, during which some of those in audience objected to a key hadith used by al-Ganji.
As a result, al-Ganji decided to author the book as a more effective way of answering
such objections and suspicions relating to 'All's character and place in Islamic history.14
The book is dedicated and copied in the chancery of "mawldnd al-Sdhib al-A 'zam, Sharaf
Al Rasul Allah, Tdjuddin Abu l-Ma 'all Muhammad bin Nasr Amir al-Mu 'mining
Al-Ganji's other treatise, al-Baydn fi akhbdr sahib al-zamdn, is equally
impressive in its scholarly acumen and the number of sources it uses. It is also dedicated
to the same Tajuddin, the Caliph's deputy in Irbil.16 The introduction to al-Baydn and the
end of Kifdyat suggest that al-Baydn was written soon after (or simultaneously with)
Kifdyat. "What prompted me to author the previous one [i.e. Kifdyat] and the following
one [i.e. al-Baydn]" al-Ganji says, "is what I hope to receive of the great rewards at the

Ibid., pp. 40-49.

14

Ibid., pp. 36-37. The editor of the work, Muhammad al-Amini, suggests that the lecture given by al-

Ganji was commissioned by Dadruddin Lu'lu', the governor of Mosul, who also built the al-Mashhad al-

Sharif in al-Hasba' in 615 AH.

15

Kifdyat, p. 40. The man in question is Abu 1-Makarim Muhammad bin Nasr bin Yahya al-Hashimi al'AlawT, who was then the Caliph's deputy in Irbil. He was killed by orders of the Sultan in Siyah Kuh after
the fall of Baghdad in 656 AH.
16

Al-Baydn, in Kifdyat, pp. 475-476. Tajuddin is described as fakhr umara' Al rasul Allah (the pride of
the princes of the House of the Prophet).

152

Day of Reckoning, and to benefit from the intercession of the Prophet and his family."17
And at the conclusion of Kifdyat he states that the book that is to follow the one he
finished on 'All was going to deal with the Imam al-Mahdi in a single book which he
called al-Baydnfi akhbdr sahib al-zamdn.n
The author makes a deliberate effort to present his arguments as independent of
the Shi'i method of argument and line of evidence. He says that in writing his book, he
"stripped off of it the Shi'i ways as the construction of the [logical] argument is stripped
[of falsehood], since all that the Shi'a receive with acceptance, though soundly
transmitted, is but the oil of their lighthouse and the falcon of their homeland, so arguing
on the basis of something else would be stronger." 9 In other words, al-Ganji, though
convinced by the validity of the Shi'i traditions on this subject, is deliberately seeking a
non-Shi'i approach to prove the same point. His conscious attempt in this regard is
evidence of the dissatisfaction and perhaps hostility among certain Sunni circles towards
perceived 'Alid sympathizers. Yet this wasn't enough to save him. And at the end, it
seems that both his 'Alid sympathies and political ambition in the form of collaboration
with the Mongol administration brought about his undoing.
Al-Baydn consists of twenty-five chapters devoted to all matters relating to the
messianic figure of al-Mahdi. The following is a sample of the titles of the chapters in
question:
Chapter One: On his [al-Mahdi's] rising at the end of time.
17

Ibid., p. 475.

18

Ibid., p. 472.

19

Ibid., p. 476. The text in Arabic reads: "wa- 'arraytuhu 'an turuq al-Shi'a ta'riyat tarkib al-hujja, idh
kullu md talaqqathu al-Shi 'a bi-l-qubul, wa-in kdna sahih al-naql, fa-innamd huwa kharitu manarihim wakhudariyyatu dhimdrihim, fa-kdna l-ihtijdju bi-ghayrihi akaddu. "

153

Chapter two: On his [the Prophet's] saying that "al-Mahdi is of my decent from
the offspring of Fatima."
Chapter Five: On the support of the people of the east {ahl al-mashriq) for alMahdi.
Chapter Eleven: On responding to those claiming that al-Mahdi is the Messiah
Son of Mary.
Chapter Fourteen: On the name of the village from which al-Mahdi will arise.
Chapter Sixteen: On the king who will appear with al-Mahdi.
Chapter Twenty: On al-Mahdi's conquest of Constantinople.
Chapter Twenty-Five: On proving the possibility of al-Mahdi's being alive since
his disappearance.20
The last chapter identifies al-Mahdi with the disappeared Imam of the Twelver
Shi'ites. Again, this important perspective is noted by W. Madelung in his article on alMahdi mentioned above. In it he explains the position of al-Ganji' as well as others,
including Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi:
In 648/1250-1 the Syrian Shafi'i traditionist Miuhammad b. Yusuf al-Ghandji
[...] composed [the book] al-Baydnfi akhbdr sahib al-zamdn in which he proved
the Mahdiship of the Twelfth Imam relying solely on Sunni traditions [...] Sibt
Ibn al-Djawzi, shortly before his death in 654/1256 in Damascus, wrote his
Tadhkirat khawdss al-umma bi-dhikr khasd 'is al-a 'imma assembling reports from
Sunni sources about the virtues of 'All and his descendants, especially the Twelve
Imams, and at the end affirmed that the Twelfth Imam was the Lord of the time,
the Expected Ka'im and Mahdi.

20

Ibid., pp.476-478.

21

See Wilfred Madelung's article, "al-Mahdi," EP (5:1230-1238).

154

This position is virtually identical to Shi'i ideology and is indeed very different
from the traditional Sunni view on this matter. The common Sunni view tends to either
identify al-Mahdi with Jesus or expect the awaited Muslim savior to be a member of AM
al-Bayt, but someone who is yet to be born.22 Al-Ganji's Shi'i sympathies are attested
for by the biographer Ibn Aybak al-Safadi. In his biographical note on al-Ganji he
describes him as "a scholar and muhaddith, but also one who gravitated towards .
rejectiomsm [i.e. Shi'ism] and composed books on Shi'ism."

Al-Safadi also presents

five couplets of poetry attributed to al-Ganji in praise of 'All bin Abi Talib as further
evidence of his Shi'i affiliations. The lines basically tell how the Prophet cured an eye
condition that 'Ali had once, how blessed the Prophet's cousin was, and then how
Muhammad gave him a special standard to help him conquer fortresses and also called
him al-wasiyy al-mu 'dkhiyd (i.e. the brotherly heir).24
A

'Alt bin 'Isa al-Irbili

The final figure to consider here is Baha'uddin Abu al-Hasan 'Ali bin Tsa bin Abi alFath al-Irbili (d. 692/1293), a renowned scholar and student of al-Ghanji.25 Al-Irbili is
commonly described as a Shi'i scholar; however we decided to include him here to
illustrate the striking similarities between this group of Sunni and Shi'i scholars, and
22

For examples of this view, see Ibn Khaldun's al-Muqaddimah, vol. 2, pp. 787-821; Ibn Hajar alHaytham! al-Makkf's, al-Sawd'iq al-muhriqa, pp. 162-169.
23

Salah al-Din Ibn Aybak al-Safadi, al-Wdft bi-l-wafaydt, ed. Sven Dedering, Das biographische
Lexikon des Salahaddin Khalil Ibn Aibak as-Safadi, Bibliotheca Islamica 6 (Wiebaden: Franz Steiner
Verlag GMBH, 1959); rep. 1970, vol.6, part 5, entry 2334, p. 254.

See a biographical note and a list of primary sources containing his biography in 'Umar Rida Kahhala,
Mu 'jam al-mu 'allifin: Tardjum musannifi al-kutub al- 'arabiyya (Beirut: Dar Ihya' al-Turath al-'ArabT,
n.d.), 7:163; see also al-Zirikli, al-Vldm, 4:318; Ibn Aybak al-Safadi, al-Wdfi bi l-wafaydt, ed. Muhammad
al-Hugairi, Das biographische Lexikon des Salahaddin Halil Ibn Aibak As-Safadi, Bibliotheca Islamica
6/21 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Wiebaden GMBH, 1988), entry 250, p. 378.

155

because he is closely connected to Ibn Talha and al-Ganji. Al-Irbili's most impressive
intellectual contribution is a work known as Kashf al-ghumma ft ma 'rifat al-a 'imma
(unveiling the confusion on knowing the imams).26 This work is similar to works of
Sunni scholars mentioned above in that it is a massive treatise, showing exceptional
learning and encyclopedic knowledge of sources. Its main subject matter is the lives of
the twelve Imams. Consequently, it is divided into chapters that start with the Prophet,
followed by a review of the virtues of the Bani Hashim, and then an explanation of the
meanings of the terms al-dl and al-ahl.
Al-Irbili's presentation of the Shi'i Imams starts with an extensive coverage of
'Ali bin Abi Talib, with various aspects of his life, character, and privileged status
explained at length and supported by hadiths and anecdotes. He goes on after that to give
other Imams their due, addressing them almost with the same attention he shows with
'Ali, before he ends with a section on al-Mahdi. Each Imam is described in full, with
citations of a multitude of reports on such topics as their birth, lineage and names (and
nicknames), proof of Imamate, merits and virtues, family and children, miracles, words
of wisdom and prayers, and death.27 Some parts of the book are particularly interesting,
such as the fabulous material he provides on the Eighth Imam ' Ali al-Rida, Among the
miracles he attaches to al-Rida is the intriguing story of a certain Abu Isma'il al-Sindi,
who came all the way from Sind in search of a learned man of the Arabs and was directed
to al-Rida. As the man didn't speak any Arabic, the Imam spoke to him in his "Sindi"
tongue and then asked God to bestow on him the knowledge of Arabic, touched his lips,
26

Baha'uddTn al-Irbili, Kashf al-ghumma ft ma'rifat al-a'imma, 2 vols., ed. Hashim al-RasulT (Tibriz:
Maktabat Bant Hashim, 1381 A.H.); printed at al-Matba'a al-'Ilmiyya in Qumm.
27

See Al-Irbili, Kashf al-ghumma, vol.2, pp. 265-339.

156

and the man spoke fluently in Arabic fight then and there.

Other miracles mentioned

include al-Rida's ability to understand birds languages, determining fetus's gender,

knowing other people's secret thoughts and dreams, and his prior knowledge of his death
and the place of his burial.29
In presenting his material, Al-Irbili draws on numerous sources from both Sunni
and Shi'i authorities. The many anecdotes he offers on every conceivable topic, down to
the minute details, regarding the Imams lives and careers make for a very lively and
passionate narrative. Yet, despite his strong feelings for the subject, al-Irbili is keenly
aware of the differences of his sources, often pointing them out directly while providing
his own commentary or criticism. All of this should be seen as part of the central purpose
of the book, namely to sing the praises of AM al-Bayt and their descendants. This is how
the objective of the treatise is described in the words of al-Irbili himself:
And since God [...] has shown me the right path [...] He placed my passion for
the House of His Prophet, when passions have gone different ways, and [made]
my opinion in them, where opinions became confused, and [determined] my
loyalty to them, when loyalties multiplied [...] And I confessed my loyalty [to
them] when others were hiding my mouth, as they are my munitions and
supplement [...] And I have always wanted to collect a compendium in which I
mention snippets of their news and summaries of their characteristics and
legacies, but obstacles have hindered the objective [...] until the book's moment
has arrived, and God wanted it to be realized after having it postponed[...] So I
wrote down its main points and details [...] And I mostly depended on quoting
from the popular books, so that it is more likely to be received by acceptance and
in harmony with the common view once the fundamentals are consulted. The
reason is that the argument, once the adversary had it established, and the virtue,
once the disputant had it confirmed by writing it down, would have a stronger
hand, a better purpose, and a purer source [...] And I took from the books of our
companions that which the majority hasn't mentioned [...] And as for the
Commander of the Faithful ['All] and [his sons] al-Hasan and al-Husayn [...]
there is enough of their merits and virtues in their books that is perhaps sufficient.
But as for the remainder of the Imams [...] it is rare that a group of their top
Ibid., p. 304.
Ibid., pp. 304-305.

157

followers and scholars know their names, and if they did know, they couldn't
count them in order. However they are so keen to learn the [names of]
transmitters of stories and poetry, and to write long books about this [...] and
even [they want] to know [all about]the transvestites, the mad, the storytellers, the
teachers and the like [...] but avoid [knowing] the descendants of their
grandfather the Prophet and their father the successor ['Ali] and their mother
Fatima [...] And if some of them are said to be lovers of Ahl al-Bayt, they deny
[it] and apologize [for it]; and if they saw a book containing their [Ahl al-Bayt's]
news and virtues, they would consider it nonsense and rip it off to pieces. May
God protect us from corrupt views and false believes.30

Al-Irbili makes many mentions of both Ibn Talha and al-Ganji in his book. He
repeatedly cites Ibn Talha to authenticate several reports concerning 'All's life,
knowledge offiqh, and kardmdt (miracles).

These include 'All's prediction of his own

impending death the morning he was assassinated and also his foreknowledge of the
name of the killer. Al-Irbili also quotes a couplet by Ibn Talha on this subject in which
he stresses that 'All's miracles, as sublime as they can be, are the lesser of his numerous
merits and virtues.

Ibn Talha is also similarly cited to support reports on other Imams,

including for example al-Hasan bin 'Ali.

Interestingly, one source describes al-Irbili as

a student of Ibn Talha.34 This reference seems consistent with another intriguing mention
of al-Irbili as an author (or co-author?) of a commentary on Ibn Talha's prophecy al-Durr
al-munazzam, known as al-Nahj al-aqwam. Though a direct relation between the two
men seems unlikely, it is not altogether impossible.

30

Kashf, 1:3-6. The complete introduction is much longer and goes from p. 2 to p. 7.

31

See for example Kashf, 1:58, 135-36, 166, 276-77.

32

Kashf, 1:276-77.

33

Kashf, 1:519-20.

Al-Nahj, fol. 140b.

35

See the chapter on Ibn Talha's prophecy above.

158

As for al-Ganji, al-Irbili quotes heavily from him and clearly states that he read
al-Ganji's book Kifdyat al-tdlib and that the author certified him as one of his book
readers in Irbil in 648/1250.36 Many hadiths relating to 'All and Fatima and the virtues
of the House of the Prophet are introduced by al-Irbili on the authority of al-Ganji. These
traditions deal with such topics as the love felt by Muslims for 'All, the Prophet's
announcement to Fatima that 'All would be his successor and that al-Mahdi would be
from the descendants of al-Husayn, and that it was incumbent on Muslims to stick with
'Ali in the times of trouble that he foresaw coming after him.37
Al-Irbili is credited with other important works, though none is related to the
theme of Ahlal-Bayt. These books include two published works: al-Tadhkira alfakhriyya (the Fakhriyya treatise), named after his first nickname, Fakhruddin, and
Risdlat al-tayf '(an epistle on the apparition), a literary compilation of prose and verse
dealing with the theme of the lovers' imagination of their beloved and their experiences
with their apparitions inhabiting the many forms of natural phenomena.
Shi'i Tendencies Among Sunnis During the 7th/13th Century
The writers mentioned above, with their multiple denominational identities and
interest in divination, formed a significant link in the Islamic prophetic tradition. They
were part of a group of'hybrid' Muslim scholars, blending Sunni and Shi'i beliefs and
practices while centering their creed around the complete devotion to Ahl al-Bayt and the
' Alids. Their collective experiences seem to emphasize two important facts: First, that
36

Kashf, 1:108-111.

37

See for example, Kashf, 1:139, 152-54, 161, 170-71, 372-73, 376-77.

38

Al-Sahib BahS'iiddin al-Munshi' al-Irbili, al-Tadkkira al-fakhriyya, ed. Nun Hammudt al-Qaysi and
H&tim Salih al-Damin (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub, Maktabat al-Nahda al-'Arabiyya, 1987); Baha'uddin Abu
al-Hasan 'All bin 'Isa al-Irbili, Risdlat al-tayf ed. HabTb Rashid Jabir (Beirut: Published by editor, 1996).

159

the Islamic religious culture in the 7 A3 century was still flexible enough to
accommodate mixed forms of Sunni-Shi'i orientations; in other words, Sunni madhhabs
and Shi'ism have not yet developed into mutually exclusive sectarian schools; And
secondly, the passionate loyalties to Ahl al-Bayt and the jafr tradition they represented
gave an extra impetus to encourage divinatory activities and justified apocalyptic
speculation among scholars of that period. The appeal of Islamic occult and
apocalypticism in that period, as well as the identities of Muslim scholars who were
intimately involved in that tradition, cannot be properly understood without fully
accounting for these facts.
The overlapping of madhhabs and religious affiliations seems to be more or less a
regular feature of the medieval Islamic period. Being a member of a Sunni school of
thought apparently didn't exclude the appreciation, contemplation or full embrace of
ideas and influences that might have been construed as Shi'i in nature or sympathy.
Judging from the evidence, a fairly sizable number of people had what one might call
mixed Sunni-Shi'i affiliations, straddling the traditional divide between the two main
denominations of Islam. This is of course not such an exceptional situation, especially in
relation to Sufism, where the special reverence for Ahl al-Bayt has produced colorful and
diversified forms of piety and religious allegiances. According to Hodgson, for example,
'Alid loyalist notions were especially taken up by Sufis. He points out the example of
'Umar Suhravardi (d. 631/1234), who reflects in his writings, as in the following
statement, this special association:
Adam was to propagate the Shari'ah [Islamic law], while his son, Seth, was to
propagate the Sufi way as the inner truth of the Shari'ah-a notion of the relation
between the two patriarchs that we first come upon among the Isma'ilis, who
projected back to all the great prophets the special relation they recognized
160

between Muhammad and ' Ali, who propagated the inner meaning of
Muhammad's Shari'ah.39
This seems to have been also true of the highest level of political institutions.
Hodgson provides an interesting account of the efforts of the caliph al-Nasir (d.
622/1225) in Baghdad to win over the Shi'ites in his desire to unite all Muslims under a
revived Abbasid Caliphate. He apparently succeeded in attracting the bulk of the
Isma'ilis into the larger Sunni tradition via their leaders pledges. Furthermore, the Caliph
tried to appeal to non-Sunnis to consolidate his position.
Al-Nasir.. .showed on several occasions his strong leaning toward 'Alid loyalism,
and a special respect for 'Ali; he built the shrine at Samarra over the spot where
the Twelfth Imam was said to have disappeared. (He was even accused of being a
Shi'i.) It was through such circles that 'Alid-loyalist ideas were permeating
Sunnism generally.
This and other cases show the extent to which 'Alid loyalism and the environment
of Shi'i sympathies have pervaded the political and intellectual culture of the 7th/13th
century. As Hodgson puts it, "the 'Alid loyalism was expressed in a special honor paid to
all Fatimid ' Alids and particularly to the main figures in the Ja'fari line, as well as in
other, more subtle ways. Sunni theorists recognized a 'good Shi'ism', which ought not to
be objected to."41 But even the defining Shi'i doctrine of Mahdism was adopted and used
effectively by Sunnis. One example to be mentioned in this respect is the case of the
39

Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3 vols.
(Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1977), 2:283. Unlike the controversial theosophist
Yahya Suhrawardi, whose pantheistic views lead to his execution in Aleppo in 1191, 'Umar, who founded
the Suhrawardiyya Sufi order, was considered a model of Sunni Islam and often enjoyed the patronage of

princes and rulers.

40

Ibid., 2:283-84. Al-Nasir brought the Isma'ili state into an alliance with the Caliphate by accepting
the 'conversion' of the leader of the Isma'ili Imamate at Alamut in Daylaman from Shi'ism to Sunnism.
This also meant a change of political alliance from the Khwarizmshahs to the Caliphal state. The rest of
the Isma'ilis followed their leader, regardless of the sincerity of their new conviction; see ibid., 2:281.
41

Ibid., 2:446.

161

reformer Ibn Tumart, of whom we spoke earlier. In addition to his puritanical Zahiri
Sunni ideals, Ibn Tumart also integrated other trends of thought, including philosophical
and Shi'i ideas. The impact of such Shi'i influences must have contributed to the
culmination of his campaign by declaring himself the apocalyptic savior al-Mahdi.42
Examples of Other Sunni Scholars with Shi'i Affinities
Islamic sources have no shortage of examples of other scholars who expressed
some form of 'Alid loyalism or another, though not always with the same degree of detail
or devotion. Indeed Hodgson believes that "a touch of'Alid loyalism" has become a
typical feature of Sunnism in this particular medieval period.43 Though this claim
requires further verification, examples of its validity are not hard to come by. In a
discussion of the Sufi school of wujudism (unity of being), Hodgson presents the case of
'Alauddawlah Simnani (d. 736/1336), one of the most outspoken opponents of the
Wujudi school and also a Sunni with 'Alid loyalties. According to Hodgson, "Simnani
seems to have thought of 'All as his own master infiqh, presumably ascribing to him a
tutiorist position, taking the most rigorous of the positions found in any of the four
madhhabs."44
More examples of scholars with mixed Sunni-Shi'i loyalties can be found in the
classical sources. One such example, Al-'Adl Abu al-Qasim Jibril bin Muhammad bin

42

Ibid., 2:267.

43

Ibid., 2:463.

44

Ibid. The example of Simnani has some striking parallels with Ibn Talha, at least as far as the careers
of both men are concerned. Like Ibn Talha, Simani had a strong association with the court, working for the
Mongols and ultimately retired from the peak of political success into a simple ascetic life. He seemed to
have done that after having a vision on the battle field while fighting with his monarch. He eventually
became a respected pillar of the Kubrawiyya Sufi tarlqah, and, like Ibn Talha before his retreat to zuhd,
served as political mediator; see ibid.

162

Mana'a bin Malik al-Irbili (d. 589/1193), is described as having Shi'ite tendencies,
avoiding people, plus writing poems in praise of the House of the Prophet.45 Another
man, Abu al-Hasan 'All bin Muhammad bin Mahmud bin Hibatullah al-Kafarazi (d. after
600/1203), is said to have been a "Shaft 'tfthi maylun ild al-tashayyu' [a Shafi'i with a
Shi'i tendency]." He asked the Prophet in a dream about the Prophet's companions and
the response he received singled out'Ali bin AM Talib for the most praise. 'All is
described in the Prophet's answer as "my brother, my cousin, my daughter's husband, my
grandsons' father, and the inheritor of my knowledge."46
Another such person is Abu al-Fadl' Abdulrashid bin ' Abdulmalik bin Abi Ja'far
al-Amuli (d. 622/1225), who is reported to have been a devout Sufi shaykh with Shi'i
tendencies. 7 The qddi (judge) of Baylaqan, Abu al-Fadl Khudadhadh bin Abi al-Qasim
bin Khudadhadh bin Ya'qub bin Muhammad al-Baylaqani (d. after 606/1209), apparently
saw 'Ali in a dream relating to him a hadith directly without intermediaries: "The Hour
will not come until the [number of the] men in the mosques decreases and the women
increases;" and in another dream 'Ali scolded the judge for beating up a boy who
quarreled with his brother; and yet in a third one a shaykh deciphers to him the esoteric
meaning of the otherwise well-known exclusive honorific title of'Ali, i.e., karrama
Allahu wajhahu (may God bless his face).48

Al-Mubarak bin Ahmad Ibn al-Mustawfi (d. 1239), Tarikh Irbll, al-musammd nabdhat al-balad alkhdmil bi-man waradahu min al-amdthil, ed. Sami ibn al-Sayyid Khammas Al-Saqqar (Baghdad: WazSrat
al-Thaqafah wa-1-Iiam, 1980), p. 74.
46

Ibid., pp. 93-94.

47

Ibid., pp. 199-200.

48

Ibid., p. 101.

163

Concluding Remarks
We may never know exactly how the legacy of AM al-Bayt as holders and
transmitter of divinatory science came about and then carried over into subsequent
Islamic centuries. It is quite conceivable that much of the material produced in this
context has become from an early stage an integral part of the lore of the House of the
Prophet, and continued to be handed down through generations and groups of devotees of
the House of the Prophet orally and in writing. Yet it is very clear that at the core of this
legacy was the wide spread belief in the inheritance of AM al-Bayt from the Prophet
himself and through 'All of a secret knowledge usually referred to as the books ofjafr
wa-jdmi 'a. The jafr allowed the House of the Prophet and a select group of their
venerators to enjoy the status of being able to divine the future and reveal the mysteries
of things to come down to the last days of history. From this cultural core an expanding
web of more specific ideas and motifs emerged, with various members of the House of
the Prophet being linked to definite prophetic books, visionary episodes, and other such
experiences. Some of these threads proved to be more popular and hence found its way,
in various shapes and forms, into different kinds of Islamic medieval literature.
These motifs were apparently fashioned a bit differently in various situations, but
often showed some similarities. As we have seen above, some of these generic ideas,
such as 'All's circle of destiny and his prophesying speech at Kufa, are fairly discernible.
For example, works like Ibn Talha's al-Durr al~munazzam, al-Bistami's Miftdh al-jafr,
and 'All's urjuza, though divergent in genre, time-frame and purpose, all used motifs and
even exact material derived from the cult of the House of Prophet. The degree to which
this literature served as a point of reference and source of inspiration is remarkable,

164

especially considering its ability to cross denominational lines, geographical zones, and
cultural and social identities. On the other hand, more research is needed to settle and
account for the many cases of divination invoking AM al-Bayt and their jafr, including a
comparative analysis of texts, writers, and time-periods. This would be a crucial step
towards understanding how and why these themes were appropriated as well as their
impact on medieval culture and religiosity.
Even with an abundance of material from medieval Islamic culture, some
elements of this literature are definitely more problematic, mostly for lack of data and
unreliability of sources. One such example is the Mushaf Fdtima and its connection to
the totality of the jafr literature. Though its existence as part of the legacy of the House
of the Prophet is indisputable, there is substantially less information about Mushaf
Fdtima in the classical sources. Except for al-Kulayni's explanation, only a handful of
brief references exist regarding this mysterious work. Furthermore, al-Bistami never
included it among the various long lists of prophetic books he provided in his works. As
a result, the relevance of this element is somewhat obscure and the questions it poses
demand even more extensive research.
The love and esteem bestowed on members of AM al-Bayt had a multitude of
reasons, not the least their familial closeness to the Prophet. This reverence took various
forms and degrees of devotion and intensity. The ideological da 'wa (preaching) for the
'Alids as the rightful heirs of the Islamic polity was only one such form of devotion.
Other ways of expressing loyalty to the House of the prophet were not necessarily as
purely political in purpose or character, including perceiving AM al-Bayt as a source of
prophetic knowledge or a catalyst for prophetic inspiration.

165

Typically, there was a powerful connection between prophecy and ideology, as

the occult sciences of the Prophet and his descendants, namely jafr wa-jdmi 'a, came to
serve this or that cause or aspect of Shi'i political campaign. Yet oftentimes the influence
of Ahl al-Bayt appeared more inspirational in the moral, theological, mystical, or
eschatological sense of the word. And when 'All or some other Imam appeared to people
in dreams or visions, it wasn't always to make a political point, but also to offer an
example, teach a lesson, give an advice, solve a mystery, or simply give authority and
justification to something being said or written.
The large number of anecdotes referring to the careers of members of Ahl al-Bayt
in medieval Islamic sources has yet to be really sifted, sorted out, and researched
thoroughly. However, a cursory reading of relevant sources and examination of samples
of such material, as we did in this study, seem to indicate that a deep and rich devotion to
Ahl al-Bayt was also cultivated among more groups of Sunnis than has been suspected.
The cross-denominational nature of this devotion points to a cultural phenomenon that
defies the traditional Sunni-Shi'i division of Islamic doctrines and sensibilities. The
scholars we examined here are clear examples of these mixed loyalties or 'hybridized'
religious identities during that era of medieval Islamic history.

166

CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS

The continued interest in divination and apocalyptic prophecies among Muslims

can be traced throughout the 7th/13th century. This interest clearly predates this time
period; yet it seems to have now acquired distinct appeal and sophistication. Muslim
divinators used a variety of forms and techniques to deliver their messages. Much of this
effort was restricted to the traditional functions of entertainment, fortune telling,
problem-solving and healing as prescribed in astrology, geomancy, numerology and other
similar methods of magic and augury. The magical works of al-Buni (particularly his
Shams al-ma 'drif) contain some of the best surviving examples of this tradition.
But this was just one trend; another trend, divining the future of dynasties, states
and religions, emerged also very early in Islamic history and by the 7l /13 l century had
managed to assert itself as an integral part of Islamic culture, literature and lore. Using
the same occult sciences, diviners and apocalyptists sought to answer pressing communal
concerns and historical questions as well as accommodate individual passions, fears,
hopes and agitations. In doing that, Muslim divinators and scholars collected and
energized eschatological hadith, either to study it, publicize it, or as in the case of Ibn
Kathir, to 'refine' it and refute 'objectionable' parts of it.
From the eschatological world of hadith and the occult sciences prophecies were
born. The apocalypses and oracles of this literature were as varied as the circumstances,
methods and personalities of those involved in producing and circulating them.
Oftentimes oracles were anonymous (as for example in the case of Al-Malhama AlHdkimiyya); other times they bore the name of some legendary figure (as in the case of
167

apocalypses attributed to 'All or Ibn 'Arabi and Malhamat Ibn 'Aqab). Some
apocalypses were rewritten and synthesized (as one finds in Al-Buni's and Bistami's
works); and some were authentic new prophecies produced by scholars in verse or prose
(as is the case with Bistami's and Ibn Talha's prophecies). In all situations, writers,
copiers and propagandists used prophecy as a medium expressing their ideological and
political agendas, sectarian affinities, religious worldviews, personal eschatological
yearnings and contemporary visions and sentiments concerning typical religious matters,
political expectations, and important communal events and issues.
This interest was shared by a range of Muslims, including scholars and mystics
who mastered the methods of divination. The product of their labor was an impressive
literature that permeated Islamic medieval culture, its sciences, and worldview. This
literature was comprised of different kinds of writings, including magical books,
horoscope manuals, astrological treatises, alchemical works, and a considerable corpus
devoted to jafr, maldhim and huruf, some of it had a distinct interest in apocalypticism or
matters related to the End Time or the Last Days. The interest in the occult and the
apocalyptic was popular and intense enough to spill over from the standard collections of
hadith and specialized occult and eschatological compilations into other kinds of Islamic
writings. Full chapters or fragments of anecdotes on apocalypticism and related issues
found their way into historical chronicles, literary treatises, polemical works, poetry
collections, medicine books, war manuals, and other popular medieval genres such as
fadd 'il al-bulddn, travelogues, hagiographical works, and biographical dictionaries.
The cumulative impact of this literature points to a definitive interest by medieval
Muslims in propagating the magical sciences and using them to divine their personal and

168

communal futures, predict the result of fateful encounters between competing dynasties
and communities, among other things. Divination seemed to have had a universal appeal,
attracting people from a variety of backgrounds and with different orientations and
denominations. It is significant that many of the scholars who contributed to this
tradition were reputed Sunnis from different backgrounds. Three of the scholars we
discussed in this study, namely Ibn Talha, al-Ganji, and al-Sulami, plus other ones
mentioned briefly, demonstrate the strong interest of medieval Sunni scholars in
divination and apocalypticism. Equally important is the total affinity these scholars
showed to AM al-Bayt, the Shi'i Imams, and the esoteric sciences associated with them.
The propagation of apocalyptic language and prophecies within medieval Islamic
culture and across its denominational divide is certainly more prevalent than previously
thought. It shows an intriguing aspect of popular cultural and scholarly interpretation
among 7th/l 3th century Muslim scholars. Analyzing this shared language in its different
manifestations can help unveil more of the strands and components of medieval Islamic
culture. This new understanding is a step towards revising the common but rather
unsatisfactory view that medieval Islamic culture was dominated by a conservative Sunni
ideology. The evidence gleaned from this study points to a different direction. Sunni
scholars seemed comfortable working in occult sciences, writing prophecies, and
professing their love and devotion to the House of the Prophet. This devotion is often
expressed in ways that are almost identical to those found in standard Shi'i literature.
Another important conclusion concerns the flexibility of Islamic eschatology and
divination in terms of accommodating and incorporating elements from pre-Islamic, and
non-Islamic (especially biblical) lore and literature. Ibn Kathir's critique of apocalyptic

169

hadith and Ibn Qayyim's condemnation of astrology may be seen as signs of the
weakening orthodox views in the face of an ever more popular and credible culture of
borrowing and synthesis that seem to have dominated the medieval Islamic scholarship
and religiosity. Criticisms and accusations of heresy and deviation from the supposedly
prescribed principles of Islamic belief, piety and practice sound hollow and futile once
we realize the extent to which non-Islamic material, such as Isrd 'iliyydt, was integrated
into Islamic hadith and divinatory and apocalyptic literature.1 Ironically, the
encyclopedic efforts of scholars like Ibn Kathir and Al-Qurtubi may have actually
contributed to the preservation and spread of'objectionable' hadith and related
apocalyptic and divinatory material.
The evidence overwhelmingly supports the necessity for a conceptual redefinition
of Sunnism (and by implication, other religious denominations) in that period. Medieval
Islamic religious culture wasn't a black and white tapestry; to the contrary, there existed a
whole spectrum of shades of religiosity, even within the same madhhab. Scholars may
have shared the identity of belonging to the Sunni denomination, but then differed in
many other ways. Indeed, those who had radically different notions of divination and
apocalyptic hadith (among other things) were occasionally frowned upon and harshly
criticized; but they were generally tolerated and rarely ostracized or condemned. And in
spite of their very peculiar ways, these scholars seemed to have managed to find a
comfortable niche for themselves and their "hybrid" brand of devotion within the
evolving Sunni "mainstream" thinking.

There is research suggesting that a somewhat similar situation may have existed in medieval India,
where barriers separating cultural and religious identities seemed to have been much more fluid and
overlapping than scholars assumed them to be; see Sushil Mittal, Surprising Bedfellows: Hindus and
Muslims in Medieval and Early Modern India (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2003).

170

This can be seen clearly in the dramatic difference between Ibn Talha and Ibn
Kathir and how they conceptualized and cultivated their respective Sunni affiliations.
Their divergence is not one of degree, but rather of substance. It shows two respected
and popular Sunni scholars demonstrating considerable disagreement in dealing with
questions of divination and apocalyptic tradition. The implication of this case (and other
similar ones) on our scholarship is significant. Most importantly, it brings into question
the validity of the prevalent view of Sunni Islam during the medieval period. This view
is now increasingly challenged and the emergence of an alternative perspective seems
inevitable. The contrasting outlooks of these scholars who inhabited the same
denominational and cultural spaces cast severe doubts on the claim that a rigid Sunni
orthodoxy was a defining feature of medieval Islamic culture; this assumption can be
seen now as virtually untenable.
The popular appeal of astrology, magic, numerology, and apocalyptic maldhim
confirms the need to reexamine the standard view of medieval Sunnism described above.
The spread of' Alid loyalty and divination among medieval Sunni scholars reveal the
medieval Islamic religious milieu to be sufficiently dynamic and fluid. Consequently, the
borderlines between Sunni thought and practice and Shi'i and occult tendencies are more
blurred than what we have been led to believe. Ironically perhaps, if there was really a
"triumph of Sunnism," defining medieval Islamic history, as the standard view of
scholarship on this subject seems to hold, then it is really its triumph in harboring and
tolerating such a remarkable mix of ideas. And this would have been the outcome of how
Sunni scholars and believers were able to define themselves and their world view in
terms different from those we seem to have imposed on them. In rising above the

171

sectarian and doctrinal divide, they demonstrated an openness of mind and flexibility of
spirit, enough to accommodate and appreciate a diversity of perspectives and
orientations, including those seemingly alien and suspicious.
This remarkable ability to think out-of-the-box and flexible self-definition is
clearly visible in the works we considered in this study, especially those belonging to the
Sunni scholars discussed earlier. Their writings, spanning the entire 7th/13th century,
capture the continuity and significance of divination and apocalyptic thought in the
medieval Islamic culture. The cases of Ibn Talha, al-Ganji, al-Sulami, and al-Irbili help
frame the Islamic apocalyptic tradition at different points in time and from relatively
different perspectives. Such perspectives are not always easily discernible in purely
ideological references or monolithic religious terms that fit the traditional lines of
argument regarding Islamic history and medieval culture. The stories of these scholars
moreover represent a remarkable intellectual continuity and parallels of patterns of
thought and religious orientation that is uniquely cross-denominational and excitingly
unhindered in its use of the sacred texts of Islam as well as the alien imports and
unwelcome products of its own occult and divinatory culture. Moreover, the four
scholars, through their shared devotion to AM al-Bayt and varied interest in divination
and apocalyptic matters, embody a historical pattern that needs much more research and
investigation. Considering the lives and works of these scholars and others like them
would offer a more accurate and interesting tapestry of that historical period, both in
terms of how we see it and how contemporary scholars perceived it and the language they
used to describe its changes.

172

In addition to the scholars themselves, at the heart of this pattern is the language
or discourse in which the historical consciousness of Ibn Talha and others like him told
their stories and registered their fears, yearnings, hopes, doubts, and resignations. The
almost universal language in this context is that of the sacred medium, both traditional
and unconventional, or even highly controversial. The Islamic occult sciences and
divination, namely huruf 'and jafr, were almost invariably this language of choice. This is
perhaps one of the richest and most fascinating elements of the medieval Islamic culture.
The favorable reception this language received among Sunnis and Shi'is, its intimate link
to the House of the Prophet, and the criticism and objections it generated among many
scholars makes it all the more interesting. As a result, the study of apoalypticism, its
language and discourse is no less important than the study of the areas of inquiry reserved
traditionally to the study of medieval Islamic culture.
Despite the growing shift in the research agenda, the state of affairs in the field
remains disappointing. With the exception of a small group of scholars who showed
genuine interest in unearthing this tradition and investigating its historical relevance,
Islamic apocalyptic literature has mostly remained outside the realm of active research
scholarship. It is quite perplexing that despite its richness, pervasiveness and persistence,
the vast corpus of literature that makes up the Islamic divinatory and apocalyptic tradition
has remained so marginal. It is abundantly clear that neither in medieval Islamic studies,
nor in Ayyubid and Mamluk scholarship, is there a serious effort to give Islamic
divination and apocalyptic literature the attention they deserves.

173

In 1951 Otto Neugebauer called upon historians to seriously undertake "the study
of wretched subjects," i.e. occult sciences, magic, astrology and alchemy.2 This comment
is now less relevant to western historians since the study of the occult has become very
much established in Western scholarship; however it couldn't be truer of the field of
Islamic history. Medieval Islamic culture, portrayed and projected so far through the
prism of a narrow and preconceived scholarship, is no more sensible or tenable. This
study shows the extent to which important and exciting historical evidence has been left
out of the scholarly focus and the discontents of this selectivity, willful or otherwise. By
resurrecting new evidence from the divinatory and apocalyptic literature of medieval
Islamic, a different vision of the culture, perhaps even the history of that era would be
possible and even more credible. In a sense, a more meaningful picture of the medieval
Islamic world is yet to be constructed; one where scholars, sciences, religious
denominations, sectarian conflicts, dynastic rivalries, and the fears and hopes of the
multitude of people who shared those times can take their nuanced and colorful places
within a grander narrative of medieval Islamic culture. I hope that this study is a small
contribution and a modest stimulator to this most desirable and doable objective. It
remains to be seen how this line of inquiry and emerging field of study within Islamic
history will turn out to be; this is one future that is indeed hard to divine.

As quoted in the review of Bruce T. Moran's Distilling Knowledge: Alchemy, Chemistry, and the
Scientific Revolution, New Histories of Science, Technology, and Medicine (Cambridge & London:
Harvard University Press, 2005) by Laura Ackerman Smoller in Medieval Encounters 12.1 (2006), p. 124;
Neugebauer's remark was made in his , "The Study of Wretched Subjects," Isis 42 (1951), reprinted in the
author's Neugebauer, Astronomy and History: Selected Esays (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1983), p. 3.

174

Figure 1: First folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi 461,
introducing the prophecy's story of the tablet vision

175

L ^ T ^ ^ ^ ^ u ^ i - k .-i7t^j it: i.

Figure 2: Second folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, describing the author's vision of Imam 'Ali

176

j?ttixi*&msiiitaBtiai*x/ies^^
-

>&.

'^L:^-?C.AY'^
^"-yi^X_/'~j

tf-v

>M

Figure 3: Third folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, showing the mystical "circle of names and letters."

177

Figure 4: Fourth folio of Ibn Talha's al-Durr al-munazzam, Istanbul MS. Hafid Efendi
461, where the author starts deciphering the mystical circle

178

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