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Contents
Articles
Philippic
Demosthenes
Philip II of Macedon
28
Philippicae
36
Cicero
39
Mark Antony
54
References
Article Sources and Contributors
67
69
Article Licenses
License
70
Philippic
Philippic
A philippic is a fiery, damning speech, or tirade, delivered to condemn a particular political actor. The term
originates with Demosthenes, who delivered several attacks on Philip II of Macedon in the 4th century BC.
Cicero consciously modeled his own series of attacks on Mark Antony, in 44 BC and 43 BC, on Demosthenes's
speeches, and if the correspondence between M. Brutus and Cicero is genuine [ad Brut. ii 3.4, ii 4.2], at least the fifth
and seventh speeches were referred to as the Philippics in Cicero's time. They were also called the Antonian Orations
by Aulus Gellius.
It is ironic that they were named after a series of speeches that failed to effectively warn the Greeks of the danger of
Philip of Macedon. (Philip's son was Alexander the Great, one of the greatest conquerors of all time.) After the death
of Caesar, Cicero privately expressed his regret that the murderers of Caesar had not included Antony in their plot,
and he bent his efforts to the discrediting of Antony. Cicero even promoted illegal action, such as legitimatizing
Octavian's private army. In all, Cicero delivered 14 Phillipics in less than two years. Cicero's focus on Antony,
however, would contribute to his downfall as he failed to recognize the threat of Octavian to his republican ideal.
Cicero's attacks on Antony were neither forgiven nor forgotten, with the result that he was subsequently proscribed
and killed in 43 BC. His head and hands were publicly displayed in the Roman Forum to discourage any who would
oppose the new Triumvirate of Octavian, Mark Antony and Lepidus. Cicero's fate stands in marked contrast to that
of Demosthenes, who suffered no punishment for his philippics. Philip and Alexander, as conquerors of Greece,
could have had Demosthenes killed - but they were not that vindictive, and did not punish anyone for mere words.
However, Demosthenes later committed suicide rather than be captured by Alexander's men, who were not as
forgiving, and wanted him dead for his leadership in Athens' rebellion.
According to Tacitus, the well-known Roman historian, this work, together with the Pro Milone, In Catilinam, and In
Verrem, made Cicero's name, and much of his political career sprang from the effect of these works. Others would
have it that the Pro Ligario, in which Cicero defends Ligarius before Caesar, was the vehicle of his renown.
Demosthenes
Demosthenes
Demosthenes
384BC
Athens
Died
322BC
Island of Kalaureia (present-day Poros)
Demosthenes
(English
pronunciation:
/dms.niz/,
Greek:
,
Dmosthns
Greek
pronunciation:[dmostns]; 384322BC) was a prominent Greek statesman and orator of ancient Athens. His
orations constitute a significant expression of contemporary Athenian intellectual prowess and provide an insight
into the politics and culture of ancient Greece during the 4th centuryBC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studying
the speeches of previous great orators. He delivered his first judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which he argued
effectively to gain from his guardians what was left of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes made his living as a
professional speech-writer (logographer) and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legal suits.
Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his time as a logographer, and in 354BC he gave his first public
political speeches. He went on to devote his most productive years to opposing Macedon's expansion. He idealized
his city and strove throughout his life to restore Athens' supremacy and motivate his compatriots against Philip II of
Macedon. He sought to preserve his city's freedom and to establish an alliance against Macedon, in an unsuccessful
attempt to impede Philip's plans to expand his influence southwards by conquering all the other Greek states. After
Philip's death, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new King of Macedonia,
Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction. To
prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent his men to track
Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, in order to avoid being arrested by Archias, Antipater's
confidant.
The Alexandrian Canon compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace recognized
Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likened Demosthenes to a blazing
thunderbolt, and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech, living passions, copiousness,
readiness, speed".[1] Quintilian extolled him as lex orandi ("the standard of oratory"), and Cicero said about him that
inter omnis unus excellat ("he stands alone among all the orators"), and he also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator"
who lacked nothing.[2]
Demosthenes
Demosthenes
Education
Between his coming of age in 366BC and the trials that took place in
364BC, Demosthenes and his guardians negotiated acrimoniously but
were unable to reach an agreement, for neither side was willing to
make concessions.[18] At the same time, Demosthenes prepared
himself for the trials and improved his oratory skill. As an adolescent,
his curiosity had been noticed by the orator Callistratus, who was then
at the height of his reputation, having just won a case of considerable
importance.[19] According to Friedrich Nietzsche, a German philologist
and philosopher, and Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major Greek
historian, Demosthenes was a student of Isocrates;[20] according to
Cicero, Quintillian and the Roman biographer Hermippus, he was a
student of Plato.[21] Lucian, a Roman-Syrian rhetorician and satirist,
lists the philosophers Aristotle, Theophrastus and Xenocrates among
his teachers.[22] These claims are nowadays disputed.[c] According to
Plutarch, Demosthenes employed Isaeus as his master in Rhetoric,
even though Isocrates was then teaching this subject, either because he
could not pay Isocrates the prescribed fee or because Demosthenes
believed Isaeus' style better suited a vigorous and astute orator such as
himself .[23] Curtius, a German archaeologist and historian, likened the
relation between Isaeus and Demosthenes to "an intellectual armed
alliance".[24]
It has also been said that Demosthenes paid Isaeus 10,000drachmae (somewhat over 1.5talents) on the condition
that Isaeus should withdraw from a school of Rhetoric which he had opened, and should devote himself wholly to
Demosthenes, his new pupil.[24] Another version credits Isaeus with having taught Demosthenes without charge.[25]
According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, a British classical scholar, "the intercourse between Isaeus and Demosthenes as
teacher and learner can scarcely have been either very intimate or of very long duration".[24] Konstantinos Tsatsos, a
Greek professor and academician, believes that Isaeus helped Demosthenes edit his initial judicial orations against
his guardians.[26] Demosthenes is also said to have admired the historian Thucydides. In the Illiterate Book-Fancier,
Lucian mentions eight beautiful copies of Thucydides made by Demosthenes, all in Demosthenes' own
handwriting.[27] These references hint at his respect for a historian he must have assiduously studied.[28]
Speech training
According to Plutarch, when Demosthenes first addressed himself to the people, he was derided for his strange and
uncouth style, "which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and
disagreeable excess".[29] Some citizens however discerned his talent. When he first left the ecclesia (the Athenian
Assembly) disheartened, an old man named Eunomus encouraged him, saying his diction was very much like that of
Pericles.[30] Another time, after the ecclesia had refused to hear him and he was going home dejected, an actor
named Satyrus followed him and entered into a friendly conversation with him.[31]
As a boy Demosthenes had a speech impediment: Plutarch refers to a weakness in his voice of "a perplexed and
indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing his sentences much obscured the
sense and meaning of what he spoke."[29] There are problems in Plutarch's account, however, and it is probable that
Demosthenes actually suffered rhotacism, mispronouncing (r) as (l).[32] Aeschines taunted him and referred to
him in his speeches by the nickname "Batalus",[d] apparently invented by Demosthenes' pedagogues or by the little
boys with whom he was playing.[33] Demosthenes undertook a disciplined program to overcome his weaknesses and
Demosthenes
improve his delivery, including diction, voice and gestures.[34] According to one story, when he was asked to name
the three most important elements in oratory, he replied "Delivery, delivery and delivery!"[35] It is unknown whether
such vignettes are factual accounts of events in Demosthenes' life or merely anecdotes used to illustrate his
perseverance and determination.[36]
Career
Legal career
To make his living, Demosthenes became a professional litigant, both as a "logographer", writing speeches for use in
private legal suits, and advocate ("synegoros") speaking on another's behalf. He seems to have been able to manage
any kind of case, adapting his skills to almost any client, including wealthy and powerful men. It is not unlikely that
he became a teacher of rhetoric and that he brought pupils into court with him. However, though he probably
continued writing speeches throughout his career,[e] he stopped working as an advocate once he entered the political
arena.[37]
"If you feel bound to act in the spirit of that dignity, whenever you come into court to give judgement on public causes, you must bethink
yourselves that with his staff and his badge every one of you receives in trust the ancient pride of Athens."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 210)The orator's defense of the honor of the courts was in contrast to the improper actions of which
Aeschines accused him.
Judicial oratory had become a significant literary genre by the second half of the fifth century, as represented in the
speeches of Demosthenes' predecessors, Antiphon and Andocides. Logographers were a unique aspect of the
Athenian justice system: evidence for a case was compiled by a magistrate in a preliminary hearing and litigants
could present it as they pleased within set speeches; however, witnesses and documents were popularly mistrusted
(since they could be secured by force or bribery), there was little cross-examination during the trial, there were no
instructions to the jury from a judge, no conferencing between jurists before voting, the juries were huge (typically
between 201 and 501 members), cases depended largely on questions of probable motive, and notions of natural
justice were felt to take precedence over written lawconditions that favoured artfully constructed speeches.[38]
Since Athenian politicians were often indicted by their opponents, there wasn't always a clear distinction between
"private" and "public" cases, and thus a career as a logographer opened the way for Demosthenes to embark on his
political career.[39] An Athenian logographer could remain anonymous, which enabled him to serve personal
interests, even if it prejudiced the client. It also left him open to allegations of malpractice. Thus for example
Aeschines accused Demosthenes of unethically disclosing his clients' arguments to their opponents; in particular, that
he wrote a speech for Phormion (350 BC), a wealthy banker, and then communicated it to Apollodorus, who was
bringing a capital charge against Phormion.[40] Plutarch much later supported this accusation, stating that
Demosthenes "was thought to have acted dishonorably"[41] and he also accused Demosthenes of writing speeches for
both sides. It has often been argued that the deception, if there was one, involved a political quid pro quo, whereby
Apollodorus secretly pledged support for unpopular reforms that Demosthenes was pursuing in the greater, public
interest[42] (i.e. the diversion of Theoric Funds to military purposes).
Demosthenes
"While the vessel is safe, whether it be a large or a small one, then is the time for sailor and helmsman and everyone in his turn to show his
zeal and to take care that it is not capsized by anyone's malice or inadvertence; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, zeal is useless."
Demosthenes (Third Philippic, 69)The orator warned his countrymen of the disasters Athens would suffer, if they continued to remain
idle and indifferent to the challenges of their times.
Between 355351BC, Demosthenes continued practicing law privately while he was becoming increasingly
interested in public affairs. During this period, he wrote Against Androtion and Against Leptines, two fierce attacks
on individuals who attempted to repeal certain tax exemptions.[46] In Against Timocrates and Against Aristocrates,
he advocated eliminating corruption.[47] All these speeches, which offer early glimpses of his general principles on
foreign policy, such as the importance of the navy, of alliances and of national honor,[48] are prosecutions (graph
paranmn) against individuals accused of illegally proposing legislative texts.[49]
In Demosthenes' time different political goals developed around personalities. Instead of electioneering, Athenian
politicians used litigation and defamation to remove rivals from government processes. Often they indicted each
other for breaches of the statute laws (graph paranmn), but accusations of bribery and corruption were ubiquitous
in all cases, being part of the political dialogue. The orators often resorted to "character assassination" (diabol,
loidoria) tactics, both in the courts and in the Assembly. The rancorous and often hilariously exaggerated
accusations, satirized by Old Comedy, were sustained by innuendo, inferences about motives, and a complete
absence of proof; as J.H. Vince states "there was no room for chivalry in Athenian political life".[50] Such rivalry
enabled the "demos" or citizen-body to reign supreme as judge, jury and executioner.[51] Demosthenes was to
become fully engaged in this kind of litigation and he was also to be instrumental in developing the power of the
Areopagus to indict individuals for treason, invoked in the ecclesia by a process called "".[52]
In 354BC, Demosthenes delivered his first political oration, On the Navy, in which he espoused moderation and
proposed the reform of "symmories" (boards) as a source of funding for the Athenian fleet.[53] In 352BC, he
delivered For the Megalopolitans and, in 351BC, On the Liberty of the Rhodians. In both speeches he opposed
Eubulus, the most powerful Athenian statesman of the period 355 to 342BC. The latter was no pacifist but came to
eschew a policy of aggressive interventionism in the internal affairs of the other Greek cities.[54] Contrary to
Eubulus' policy, Demosthenes called for an alliance with Megalopolis against Sparta or Thebes, and for supporting
the democratic faction of the Rhodians in their internal strife.[55] His arguments revealed his desire to articulate
Athens' needs and interests through a more activist foreign policy, wherever opportunity might provide.[56]
Although his early orations were unsuccessful and reveal a lack of real conviction and of coherent strategic and
political prioritization,[57] Demosthenes established himself as an important political personality and broke with
Eubulus' faction, a prominent member of which was Aeschines.[58] He thus laid the foundations for his future
political successes and for becoming the leader of his own "party" (the issue of whether the modern concept of
political parties can be applied in the Athenian democracy is hotly disputed among modern scholars[59]).
Demosthenes
From this moment until 341BC, all of Demosthenes' speeches referred to the same issue, the struggle against Philip.
In 349BC, Philip attacked Olynthus, an ally of Athens. In the three Olynthiacs, Demosthenes criticized his
compatriots for being idle and urged Athens to help Olynthus.[68] He also insulted Philip by calling him a
"barbarian".[g] Despite Demosthenes' strong advocacy, the Athenians would not manage to prevent the falling of the
city to the Macedonians. Almost simultaneously, probably on Eubulus' recommendation, they engaged in a war in
Euboea against Philip, which ended in stalemate.[69]
Demosthenes
Case of Meidias (348BC)
In 348BC a peculiar event occurred: Meidias, a wealthy Athenian, publicly slapped Demosthenes, who was at the
time a choregos at the Greater Dionysia, a large religious festival in honour of the god Dionysus.[45] Meidias was a
friend of Eubulus and supporter of the unsuccessful excursion in Euboea.[70] He also was an old enemy of
Demosthenes; in 361BC he had broken violently into his house, with his brother Thrasylochus, to take possession of
it.[71]
"Just think. The instant this court rises, each of you will walk home, one quicker, another more leisurely, not anxious, not glancing behind
him, not fearing whether he is going to run up against a friend or an enemy, a big man or a little one, a strong man or a weak one, or
anything of that sort. And why? Because in his heart he knows, and is confident, and has learned to trust the State, that no one shall seize or
insult or strike him."
Demosthenes (Against Meidias, 221)The orator asked the Athenians to defend their legal system, by making an example of the defendant
[72]
for the instruction of others.
Demosthenes decided to prosecute his wealthy opponent and wrote the judicial oration Against Meidias. This speech
gives valuable information about Athenian law at the time and especially about the Greek concept of hybris
(aggravated assault), which was regarded as a crime not only against the city but against society as a whole.[73] He
stated that a democratic state perishes if the rule of law is undermined by wealthy and unscrupulous men, and that
the citizens acquire power and authority in all state affairs due "to the strength of the laws".[71] There is no consensus
among scholars either on whether Demosthenes finally delivered Against Meidias either on the veracity of
Aeschines' accusation that Demosthenes was bribed to drop the charges.[h]
Peace of Philocrates (347345BC)
In 348BC, Philip conquered Olynthus and razed it to the ground; then conquered the entire Chalcidice and all the
states of the Chalcidic federation that Olynthus had once led.[74] After these Macedonian victories, Athens sued for
peace with Macedon. Demosthenes was among those who favored compromise. In 347BC, an Athenian delegation,
comprising Demosthenes, Aeschines and Philocrates, was officially sent to Pella to negotiate a peace treaty. In his
first encounter with Philip, Demosthenes is said to have collapsed from fright.[75]
The ecclesia officially accepted Philip's harsh terms, including the renouncement of their claim to Amphipolis.
However, when an Athenian delegation arrived at Pella to put Phillip under oath, which was required to conclude the
treaty, he was campaigning abroad.[76] He expected that he would hold safely any Athenian possessions which he
might seize before the ratification.[77] Being very anxious about the delay, Demosthenes insisted that the embassy
should travel to the place where they would find Philip and swear him in without delay.[77] Despite his suggestions,
the Athenian envoys, including himself and Aeschines, remained in Pella, until Philip successfully concluded his
campaign in Thrace.[78]
Philip swore to the treaty, but he delayed the departure of the Athenian envoys, who had yet to receive the oaths
from Macedon's allies in Thessaly and elsewhere. Finally, peace was sworn at Pherae, where Philip accompanied the
Athenian delegation, after he had completed his military preparations to move south. Demosthenes accused the other
envoys of venality and of facilitating Philip's plans with their stance.[79] Just after the conclusion of the Peace of
Philocrates, Philip passed Thermopylae, and subdued Phocis; Athens made no move to support the Phocians.[80]
Supported by Thebes and Thessaly, Macedon took control of Phocis' votes in the Amphictyonic League, a Greek
religious organization formed to support the greater temples of Apollo and Demeter.[81] Despite some reluctance on
the part of the Athenian leaders, Athens finally accepted Philip's entry into the Council of the League.[82]
Demosthenes was among those who adopted a pragmatic approach, and recommended this stance in his oration On
the Peace. For Edmund M. Burke, this speech landmarks a moment of maturation in Demosthenes' career: after
Philip's successful campaign in 346BC, the Athenian statesman realized that, if he was to lead his city against the
Macedonians, he had "to adjust his voice, to become less partisan in tone".[83]
Demosthenes
In 343BC, Macedonian forces were conducting campaigns in Epirus and, in 342BC, Philip campaigned in
Thrace.[87] He also negotiated with the Athenians an amendment to the Peace of Philocrates.[88] When the
Macedonian army approached Chersonese (now known as the Gallipoli Peninsula), an Athenian general named
Diopeithes ravaged the maritime district of Thrace, thereby inciting Philip's rage. Because of this turbulence, the
Athenian Assembly convened. Demosthenes delivered On the Chersonese and convinced the Athenians not to recall
Diopeithes. Also in 342BC, he delivered the Third Philippic, which is considered to be the best of his political
orations.[89] Using all the power of his eloquence, he demanded resolute action against Philip and called for a burst
of energy from the Athenian people. He told them that it would be "better to die a thousand times than pay court to
Philip".[90] Demosthenes now dominated Athenian politics and was able to considerably weaken the
pro-Macedonian faction of Aeschines.
Battle of Chaeronea (338BC)
In 341BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he sought to
renew its alliance with Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes' diplomatic
manoeuvres, Abydos also entered into an alliance with Athens. These
developments worried Philip and increased his anger at Demosthenes.
The Assembly, however, laid aside Philip's grievances against
Demosthenes' conduct and denounced the peace treaty; so doing, in
effect, amounted to an official declaration of war. In 339BC Philip
made his last and most effective bid to conquer southern Greece,
The battle of Chaeronea (map designed by Marco
assisted by Aeschines' stance in the Amphictyonic Council. During a
[91]
Prins and Jona Lendering
) took place the
meeting of the Council, Philip accused the Amfissian Locrians of
autumn of 338BC and resulted in a significant
victory for Philip, who established Macedon's
intruding on consecrated ground. The presiding officer of the Council,
supremacy over the Greek cities.
a Thessalian named Cottyphus, proposed the convocation of an
Amphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon the
Locrians. Aeschines agreed with this proposition and maintained that the Athenians should participate in the
Congress.[92] Demosthenes however reversed Aeschines' initiatives and Athens finally abstained.[93] After the failure
of a first military excursion against the Locrians, the summer session of the Amphictyonic Council gave command of
the league's forces to Philip and asked him to lead a second excursion. Philip decided to act at once; in the winter of
339338BC, he passed through Thermopylae, entered Amfissa and defeated the Locrians. After this significant
victory, Philip swiftly entered Phocis in 338BC. He then turned south-east down the Cephissus valley, seized
Elateia, and restored the fortifications of the city.[94]
Demosthenes
At the same time, Athens orchestrated the creation of an alliance with Euboea, Megara, Achaea, Corinth, Acarnania
and other states in the Peloponnese. However the most desirable ally for Athens was Thebes. To secure their
allegiance, Demosthenes was sent, by Athens, to the Boeotian city; Philip also sent a deputation, but Demosthenes
succeeded in securing Thebes' allegiance.[95] Demosthenes' oration before the Theban people is not extant and,
therefore, the arguments he used to convince the Thebans remain unknown. In any case, the alliance came at a price:
Thebes' control of Boeotia was recognized, Thebes was to command solely on land and jointly at sea, and Athens
was to pay two thirds of the campaign's cost.[96]
While the Athenians and the Thebans were preparing themselves for war, Philip made a final attempt to appease his
enemies, proposing in vain a new peace treaty.[97] After a few trivial encounters between the two sides, which
resulted in minor Athenian victories, Philip drew the phalanx of the Athenian and Theban confederates into a plain
near Chaeronea, where he defeated them. Demosthenes fought as a mere hoplite.[i] Such was Philip's hatred for
Demosthenes that, according to Diodorus Siculus, the King after his victory sneered at the misfortunes of the
Athenian statesman. However, the Athenian orator and statesman Demades is said to have remarked: "O King, when
Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites? [an obscene soldier
of the Greek army during the Trojan War]" Stung by these words, Philip immediately altered his demeanour.[98]
10
Demosthenes
Delivery of On the Crown
"You stand revealed in your life and conduct, in your public performances and also in your public abstinences. A project approved by the
people is going forward. Aeschines is speechless. A regrettable incident is reported. Aeschines is in evidence. He reminds one of an old
sprain or fracture: the moment you are out of health it begins to be active."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 198)In On the Crown Demosthenes fiercely assaulted and finally neutralized Aeschines, his formidable
political opponent.
Despite the unsuccessful ventures against Philip and Alexander, the Athenians still respected Demosthenes. In
336BC, the orator Ctesiphon proposed that Athens honor Demosthenes for his services to the city by presenting
him, according to custom, with a golden crown. This proposal became a political issue and, in 330BC, Aeschines
prosecuted Ctesiphon on charges of legal irregularities. In his most brilliant speech,[104] On the Crown, Demosthenes
effectively defended Ctesiphon and vehemently attacked those who would have preferred peace with Macedon. He
was unrepentant about his past actions and policies and insisted that, when in power, the constant aim of his policies
was the honor and the ascendancy of his country; and on every occasion and in all business he preserved his loyalty
to Athens.[105] He finally defeated Aeschines, although his enemy's objections to the crowning were arguably valid
from a legal point of view.[106]
Case of Harpalus and death
In 324BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted huge treasures,
absconded and sought refuge in Athens.[k] The Assembly had initially
refused to accept him, following Demosthenes' advice, but finally
Harpalus entered Athens. He was imprisoned after a proposal of
Demosthenes and Phocion, despite the dissent of Hypereides, an
anti-Macedonian statesman and former ally of Demosthenes.
Additionally, the ecclesia decided to take control of Harpalus' money,
which was entrusted to a committee presided over by Demosthenes.
The site of the temple of Poseidon, Kalaureia,
When the committee counted the treasure, they found they only had
where Demosthenes committed suicide.
half the money Harpalus had declared he possessed. Nevertheless, they
decided not to disclose the deficit. When Harpalus escaped, the
Areopagus conducted an inquiry and charged Demosthenes with mishandling twenty talents. During the trial,
Hypereides argued that Demosthenes did not disclose the huge deficit, because he was bribed by Harpalus.
Demosthenes was fined and imprisoned, but he soon escaped.[107] It remains unclear whether the accusations against
him were just or not.[l] In any case, the Athenians soon repealed the sentence.[108]
"For a house, I take it, or a ship or anything of that sort must have its chief strength in its substructure; and so too in affairs of state the
principles and the foundations must be truth and justice."
Demosthenes (Second Olynthiac, 10)The orator faced serious accusations more than once, but he never admitted to any improper actions
and insisted that it is impossible "to gain permanent power by injustice, perjury, and falsehood".
After Alexander's death in 323BC, Demosthenes again urged the Athenians to seek independence from Macedon in
what became known as the Lamian War. However, Antipater, Alexander's successor, quelled all opposition and
demanded that the Athenians turn over Demosthenes and Hypereides, among others. Following his request, the
ecclesia adopted a decree condemning the most prominent anti-Macedonian agitators to death. Demosthenes escaped
to a sanctuary on the island of Kalaureia (modern-day Poros), where he was later discovered by Archias, a confidant
of Antipater. He committed suicide before his capture by taking poison out of a reed, pretending he wanted to write a
letter to his family.[109] When Demosthenes felt that the poison was working on his body, he said to Archias: "Now,
as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied.
11
Demosthenes
But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though
Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as the temple unpolluted." After saying these words, he passed
by the altar, fell down and died.[109] Years after Demosthenes' suicide, the Athenians erected a statue to honor him
and decreed that the state should provide meals to his descendants in the Prytaneum.[110]
Assessments
Political career
Plutarch lauds Demosthenes for not being of a fickle disposition. Rebutting historian Theopompus, the biographer
insists that for "the same party and post in politics which he held from the beginning, to these he kept constant to the
end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to forsake his life than his purpose".[111]
On the other hand, Polybius, a Greek historian of the Mediterranean world, was highly critical of Demosthenes'
policies. Polybius accused him of having launched unjustified verbal attacks on great men of other cities, branding
them unjustly as traitors to the Greeks. The historian maintains that Demosthenes measured everything by the
interests of his own city, imagining that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens. According to
Polybius, the only thing the Athenians eventually got by their opposition to Philip was the defeat at Chaeronea. "And
had it not been for the king's magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone
even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes".[112]
"Two characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectable character...must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he must
maintain to the end the policy whose aims are noble action and the pre-eminence of his country: and at all times and in every phase of
fortune he must remain loyal. For this depends upon his own nature; while his power and his influence are determined by external causes.
And in me, you will find, this loyalty has persisted unalloyed...For from the very first, I chose the straight and honest path in public life: I
chose to foster the honour, the supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to stand or fall with them."
Demosthenes (On the Crown, 32122)Faced with the practical defeat of his policies, Demosthenes assessed them by the ideals they
embodied rather than by their utility.
Paparrigopoulos extols Demosthenes' patriotism, but criticizes him as being short-sighted. According to this critique,
Demosthenes should have understood that the ancient Greek states could only survive unified under the leadership of
Macedon.[113] Therefore, Demosthenes is accused of misjudging events, opponents and opportunities and of being
unable to foresee Philip's inevitable triumph.[114] He is criticized for having overrated Athens' capacity to revive and
challenge Macedon.[115] His city had lost most of its Aegean allies, whereas Philip had consolidated his hold over
Macedonia and was master of enormous mineral wealth. Chris Carey, a professor of Greek in UCL, concludes that
Demosthenes was a better orator and political operator than strategist.[114] Nevertheless, the same scholar
underscores that "pragmatists" like Aeschines or Phocion had no inspiring vision to rival that of Demosthenes. The
orator asked the Athenians to choose that which is just and honorable, before their own safety and preservation.[111]
The people preferred Demosthenes' activism and even the bitter defeat at Chaeronea was regarded as a price worth
paying in the attempt to retain freedom and influence.[114] According to Professor of Greek Arthur Wallace Pickarde,
success may be a poor criterion for judging the actions of people like Demosthenes, who were motivated by the ideal
of political liberty.[116] Athens was asked by Philip to sacrifice its freedom and its democracy, while Demosthenes
longed for the city's brilliance.[115] He endeavored to revive its imperilled values and, thus, he became an "educator
of the people" (in the words of Werner Jaeger).[117]
The fact that Demosthenes fought at the battle of Chaeronea as a hoplite indicates that he lacked any military skills.
According to historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his time the division between political and military offices
was beginning to be strongly marked.[118] Almost no politician, with the exception of Phocion, was at the same time
an apt orator and a competent general. Demosthenes dealt in policies and ideas, and war was not his business.[118]
This contrast between Demosthenes' intellectual prowess and his deficiencies in terms of vigor, stamina, military
skill and strategic vision is illustrated by the inscription his countrymen engraved on the base of his statue:[119]
12
Demosthenes
13
Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were, The Macedonian would not have conquered her.
Oratorical skill
In Demosthenes' initial judicial orations, the influence of both Lysias and
Isaeus is obvious, but his marked, original style is already revealed.[24] Most
of his extant speeches for private caseswritten early in his careershow
glimpses of talent: a powerful intellectual drive, masterly selection (and
omission) of facts, and a confident assertion of the justice of his case, all
ensuring the dominance of his viewpoint over his rival. However, at this early
stage of his career, his writing was not yet remarkable for its subtlety, verbal
precision and variety of effects.[120]
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of
rhetoric, Demosthenes represented the final stage in the development of Attic
prose. Both Dionysius and Cicero assert that Demosthenes brought together
the best features of the basic types of style; he used the middle or normal type
style ordinarily and applied the archaic type and the type of plain elegance
where they were fitting. In each one of the three types he was better than its
special masters.[121] He is, therefore, regarded as a consummate orator, adept
in the techniques of oratory, which are brought together in his work.[117]
According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes
"affects no learning; he aims at no elegance; he seeks no glaring ornaments;
he rarely touches the heart with a soft or melting appeal, and when he does, it
is only with an effect in which a third-rate speaker would have surpassed
him. He had no wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our acceptance of these terms.
The secret of his power is simple, for it lies essentially in the fact that his
political principles were interwoven with his very spirit."[122] In this
judgement, Peck agrees with Jaeger, who said that the imminent political
decision imbued the Demosthenes' speech with a fascinating artistic
power.[123] From his part, George A. Kennedy believes that his political
speeches in the ecclesia were to become "the artistic exposition of reasoned
views".[124]
Demosthenes was apt at combining abruptness with the extended period, brevity with breadth. Hence, his style
harmonizes with his fervent commitment.[117] His language is simple and natural, never far-fetched or artificial.
According to Jebb, Demosthenes was a true artist who could make his art obey him.[24] For his part, Aeschines
stigmatized his intensity, attributing to his rival strings of absurd and incoherent images.[125] Dionysius stated that
Demosthenes' only shortcoming is the lack of humor, although Quintilian regards this deficiency as a virtue.[126] In a
now lost letter of his, Cicero, though an admirer of the Athenian orator, he claimed that occasionally Demosthenes
"nods", and elsewhere Cicero also argued that, although he is pre-eminent, Demosthenes sometimes fails to satisfy
his ears.[127] The main criticism of Demosthenes' art, however, seems to have rested chiefly on his known reluctance
to speak extempore;[128] he often declined to comment on subjects he had not studied beforehand.[122] However, he
gave the most elaborate preparation to all his speeches and, therefore, his arguments were the products of careful
study. He was also famous for his caustic wit.[129]
Demosthenes
14
Besides his style, Cicero also admired other aspects of Demosthenes's works, such as the good prose rhythm, and the
way he structured and arranged the material in his orations.[130] According to the Roman statesman, Demosthenes
regarded "delivery" (gestures, voice etc.) as more important than style.[131] Although he lacked Aeschines' charming
voice and Demades's skill at improvisation, he made efficient use of his body to accentuate his words.[132] Thus he
managed to project his ideas and arguments much more forcefully. However, the use of physical gestures wasn't an
integral or developed part of rhetorical training in his day.[133] Moreover, his delivery was not accepted by
everybody in antiquity: Demetrius Phalereus and the comedians ridiculed Demosthenes' "theatricality", whilst
Aeschines regarded Leodamas of Acharnae as superior to him.[134]
Rhetorical legacy
Demosthenes' fame has continued down the ages. Authors and scholars
who flourished at Rome, such as Longinus and Caecilius, regarded his
oratory as sublime.[135] Juvenal acclaimed him as "largus et exundans
ingenii fons" (a large and overflowing fountain of genius),[136] and he
inspired Cicero's speeches against Mark Antony, also called the
Philippics. According to Professor of Classics Cecil Wooten, Cicero
ended his career by trying to imitate Demosthenes' political role.[137]
Plutarch drew attention in his Life of Demosthenes to the strong
similarities between the personalities and careers of Demosthenes and
Marcus Tullius Cicero:[138]
The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their
natural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war, and at the
same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure
beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their country,
and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty
of their countrymen.
During the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Demosthenes had a reputation for eloquence.[139] He was read more than
any other ancient orator; only Cicero offered any real competition.[140] French author and lawyer Guillaume du Vair
praised his speeches for their artful arrangement and elegant style; John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, and Jacques
Amyot, a French Renaissance writer and translator, regarded Demosthenes as a great or even the "supreme"
orator.[141] For Thomas Wilson, who first published translation of his speeches into English, Demosthenes was not
only an eloquent orator, but, mainly, an authoritative statesman, "a source of wisdom".[142]
In modern history, orators such as Henry Clay would mimic Demosthenes' technique. His ideas and principles
survived, influencing prominent politicians and movements of our times. Hence, he constituted a source of
inspiration for the authors of the Federalist Papers (series of 85 articles arguing for the ratification of the United
States Constitution) and for the major orators of the French Revolution.[143] French Prime Minister Georges
Clemenceau was among those who idealized Demosthenes and wrote a book about him.[144] For his part, Friedrich
Nietzsche often composed his sentences according to the paradigms of Demosthenes, whose style he admired.[145]
Demosthenes
Notes
a. According to Edward Cohen, professor of Classics at the University of Pennsylvania, Cleoboule was the
daughter of a Scythian woman and of an Athenian father, Gylon, although other scholars insist on the genealogical
purity of Demosthenes.[156] There is an agreement among scholars that Cleoboule was a Crimean and not an
Athenian citizen.[157] Gylon had suffered banishment at the end of the Peloponnesian War for allegedly betraying
Nymphaeum in Crimaea.[158] According to Aeschines, Gylon received as a gift from the Bosporan rulers a place
called "the Gardens" in the colony of Kepoi in present-day Russia (located within two miles (3km) from
Phanagoria).[4] Nevertheless, the accuracy of these allegations is disputed, since more than seventy years had elapsed
between Gylon's possible treachery and Aeschines speech, and, therefore, the orator could be confident that his
audience would have no direct knowledge of events at Nymphaeum.[159]
b. According to Tsatsos, the trials against the guardians lasted until Demosthenes was twenty four.[160] Nietzsche
reduces the time of the judicial disputes to five years.[161]
c. According to the tenth century encyclopedia Suda, Demosthenes studied with Eubulides and Plato.[162] Cicero
and Quintilian argue that Demosthenes was Plato's disciple.[163] Tsatsos and the philologist Henri Weil believe that
15
Demosthenes
there is no indication that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato or Isocrates.[164] As far as Isaeus is concerned,
according to Jebb "the school of Isaeus is nowhere else mentioned, nor is the name of any other pupil recorded".[24]
Peck believes that Demosthenes continued to study under Isaeus for the space of four years after he had reached his
majority.[122]
d. "Batalus" or "Batalos" meant "stammerer" in ancient Greek, but it was also the name of a flute-player (in ridicule
of whom Antiphanes wrote a play) and of a song-writer.[165] The word "batalus" was also used by the Athenians to
describe the anus.[166] In fact the word actually defining his speech defect was "Battalos", signifying someone with
rhotacism, but it was crudely misrepresented as "Batalos" by the enemies of Demosthenes and by Plutarch's time the
original word had already lost currency.[167] Another nickname of Demosthenes was "Argas." According to Plutarch,
this name was given him either for his savage and spiteful behavior or for his disagreeable way of speaking. "Argas"
was a poetical word for a snake, but also the name of a poet.[168]
e. Both Tsatsos and Weil maintain that Demosthenes never abandoned the profession of the logographer, but, after
delivering his first political orations, he wanted to be regarded as a statesman. According to James J. Murphy,
Professor emeritus of Rhetoric and Communication at the University of California, Davis, his lifelong career as a
logographer continued even during his most intense involvement in the political struggle against Philip.[169]
f. "Theorika" were allowances paid by the state to poor Athenians to enable them to watch dramatic festivals.
According to Libanius, Eubulus passed a law making it difficult to divert public funds, including "theorika," for
minor military operations.[48] E.M. Burke argues that, if this was indeed a law of Eubulus, it would have served "as a
means to check a too-aggressive and expensive interventionism [...] allowing for the controlled expenditures on other
items, including construction for defense". Thus Burke believes that in the Eubulan period, the Theoric Fund was
used not only as allowances for public entertainment but also for a variety of projects, including public works.[170]
As Burke also points out, in his later and more "mature" political career, Demosthenes no longer criticized
"theorika"; in fact, in his Fourth Philippic (341340BC), he defended theoric spending.[171]
g. In the Third Olynthiac and in the Third Philippic, Demosthenes characterized Philip as a "barbarian", one of the
various abusive terms applied by the orator to the King of Macedon.[172] According to Konstantinos Tsatsos and
Douglas M. MacDowell, Demosthenes regarded as Greeks only those who had reached the cultural standards of
south Greece and he did not take into consideration ethnological criteria.[173] His contempt for Philip is forcefully
expressed in the Third Philippic 31 in these terms: "...he is not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even
a barbarian from any place that can be named with honour, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was
never yet possible to buy a decent slave." The wording is even more telling in Greek, ending with an accumulation of
plosive pi sounds: ,
, ,
.[174]
h. Aeschines maintained that Demosthenes was bribed to drop his charges against Meidias in return for a payment
of thirty mnai. Plutarch argued the Demosthenes accepted the bribe out of fear of Meidias' power.[175] Philipp
August Bckh also accepted Aeschines account for an out-of-court settlement, and concluded that the speech was
never delivered. Bckh's position was soon endorsed by Arnold Schaefer and Blass. Weil agreed that Demosthenes
never delivered Against Meidias, but believed that he dropped the charges for political reasons. In 1956, Hartmut
Erbse partly challenged Bckh's conclusions, when he argued that Against Meidias was a finished speech that could
have been delivered in court, but Erbse then sided with George Grote, by accepting that, after Demosthenes secured
a judgment in his favor, he reached some kind of settlement with Meidias. Kenneth Dover also endorsed Aeschines'
account, and argued that, although the speech was never delivered in court, Demosthenes put into circulation an
attack on Meidias. Dover's arguments were refuted by Edward M. Harris, who concluded that, although we cannot be
sure about the outcome of the trial, the speech was delivered in court, and that Aeschines story was a lie.[176]
i. According to Plutarch, Demosthenes deserted his colors and "did nothing honorable, nor was his performance
answerable to his speeches".[177]
16
Demosthenes
j. Aeschines reproached Demosthenes for being silent as to the seventy talents of the king's gold which he allegedly
seized and embezzled. Aeschines and Dinarchus also maintained that when the Arcadians offered their services for
ten talents, Demosthenes refused to furnish the money to the Thebans, who were conducting the negotiations, and so
the Arcadians sold out to the Macedonians.[178]
k. The exact chronology of Harpalus' entrance in Athens and of all the related events remains a debated topic
among modern scholars, who have proposed different, and sometimes conflicting, chronological schemes.[179]
l. According to Pausanias, Demosthenes himself and others had declared that the orator had taken no part of the
money that Harpalus brought from Asia. He also narrates the following story: Shortly after Harpalus ran away from
Athens, he was put to death by the servants who were attending him, though some assert that he was assassinated.
The steward of his money fled to Rhodes, and was arrested by a Macedonian officer, Philoxenus. Philoxenus
proceeded to examine the slave, "until he learned everything about such as had allowed themselves to accept a bribe
from Harpalus." He then sent a dispatch to Athens, in which he gave a list of the persons who had taken a bribe from
Harpalus. "Demosthenes, however, he never mentioned at all, although Alexander held him in bitter hatred, and he
himself had a private quarrel with him."[180] On the other hand, Plutarch believes that Harpalus sent Demosthenes a
cup with twenty talents and that "Demosthenes could not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, ... he
surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus."[181] Tsatsos defends Demosthenes' innocence, but Irkos
Apostolidis underlines the problematic character of the primary sources on this issueHypereides and Dinarchus
were at the time Demosthenes' political opponents and accusersand states that, despite the rich bibliography on
Harpalus' case, modern scholarship has not yet managed to reach a safe conclusion on whether Demosthenes was
bribed or not.[182]
m. Blass disputes the authorship of the following speeches: Fourth Philippic, Funeral Oration, Erotic Essay,
Against Stephanus 2 and Against Evergus and Mnesibulus,[183] while Schaefer recognizes as genuine only
twenty-nine orations.[184] Of Demosthenes' corpus political speeches, J.H. Vince singles out five as spurious: On
Halonnesus, Fourth Phillipic, Answer to Philip's Letter, On Organization and On the Treaty with Alexander.[185]
n. In this discussion the work of Jonathan A. Goldstein, Professor of History and Classics at the University of Iowa,
is regarded as paramount.[186] Goldstein regards Demosthenes's letters as authentic apologetic letters that were
addressed to the Athenian Assembly.[187]
Citations
[1] Longinus, On the Sublime, 12.4, 34.4
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277279
[2] Cicero, Brutus, 35 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#35), Orator, II. 6 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator.
shtml#6); Quintillian, Institutiones, X, 1. 76 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio10. shtml#1)
* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277
[3] H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 56
[4] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 171 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=171)
[5] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 11
[6] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 172 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=172)
[7] O. Thomsen, The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes, 61
[8] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0074:speech=27:section=4)
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3
[9] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 6 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0074:speech=27:section=6)
[10] Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 3, 59 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0074:speech=29:section=59)
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3
[11] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 18
[12] Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847c
[13] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 77 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=77)
[14] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 162 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=162)
17
Demosthenes
[15] Aeschines, On the Embassy, 149 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=2:section=149);
Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, XIII, 63
* C.A. Cox, Household Interests, 202
[16] Aeschines, On the Embassy, 148150 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=148), 165166 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=165)
* A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, 15
[17] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 11.1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=11:section=1)
[18] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3 (passim); "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[19] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.13 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=5:section=1)
[20] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233235; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396398
[21] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=5:section=5)
[22] Lucian, Demosthenes, An Encomium, 12
[23] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=5:section=4)
[24] R. C. Jebb, The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0077:chapter=19:section=4)
[25] Suda, article Isaeus (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?login=guest& enlogin=guest& db=REAL& field=adlerhw_gr&
searchstr=Iota,620)
[26] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 83
[27] Lucian, The Illiterate Book-Fancier, 4
[28] H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 1011
[29] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6.3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=6:section=3)
[30] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=6:section=4)
[31] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 7.1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=7:section=1)
[32] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211, note 180
[33] Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 126 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=1:section=126);
Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 99 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=99)
[34] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 67 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=6:section=1)
[35] Cicero, De Oratore, 3. 213 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 02. 0120:book=3:section=213)
* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 51718
[36] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 16
[37] Demosthenes, Against Zenothemis, 32 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0076:speech=32:section=32)
* G. Kennedy, Greek Literature, 514
[38] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 498500
* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 263 (note 275)
[39] J Vince, Demosthenes Orations, Intro. xii
[40] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 173 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=173);
Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 165 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=165)
[41] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 15
[42] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 516
[43] A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, xivxv
[44] Packard Humanities Institute, IG 2 1612.301-10 (http:/ / epigraphy. packhum. org/ inscriptions/ main)
* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 167
[45] S. Usher, Greek Oratory, 226
[46] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 177178
[47] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 2930
[48] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 116117
[49] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 7 (pr.)
[50] E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", 117118; J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, I, Intro. xii; N. Worman, "Insult and
Oral Excess", 12
[51] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 9, 22
[52] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 187
[53] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 2930; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 88
[54] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174175
[55] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 180183
18
Demosthenes
[56] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 180, 183 (note 91); T.N. Habinek, Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory, 21; D.
Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 72
[57] E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 36
[58] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 181182
[59] M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy, 177
[60] D. Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 69
[61] Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, 121 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0074:speech=23:section=121)
[62] Demosthenes, For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 24
[63] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 17; On the False Embassy, 319
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 184 (note 92)
[64] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 11
* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 519520
[65] Demosthenes, First Philippic, 10
[66] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 183184
[67] First Philippic 28, cited by J. H. Vince, p. 84-5 notea.
[68] Demosthenes, First Olynthiac, 3; Demosthenes, Second Olynthiac, 3
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185
[69] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185187
[70] Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174 (note 47)
[71] Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 7880 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0074:speech=21:section=78)
[72] J. De Romilly, Ancient Greece against Violence, 113117
[73] H. Yunis, The Rhetoric of Law in 4th Century Athens, 206
[74] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 56
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 187
[75] Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 34 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=2:section=34)
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[76] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 15
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102103
[77] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 2527
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102103
[78] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 30
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102103
[79] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 31
* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102105; D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[80] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 36; Demosthenes, On the Peace, 10
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[81] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 43
[82] Demosthenes, On the False Embassy, 111113
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12
[83] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 188189
[84] Demosthenes, Second Philippic, 19
[85] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History 750-323 BC, 480
[86] Pseudo-Plutarch, Aeschines, 840c
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12 (in fine)
[87] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 17
[88] Demosthenes (or Hegesippus), On Halonnesus, 1823 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0070:speech=7:section=18)
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13
[89] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 245
[90] Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 65
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13
[91] http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alexander/ alexander_pic/ alexander_pics. html
[92] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 149, 150, 151
* C. Carey, Aeschines, 78
19
Demosthenes
[93] C. Carey, Aeschines, 78, 11
[94] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 152
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 283; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 4142
[95] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 153
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284285; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 4142
[96] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical World, 317
[97] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 18.3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=18:section=3)
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284285
[98] Diodorus, Library, XVI, 87 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084:book=16:chapter=87:section=1)
[99] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 285, 299
[100] L.A. Tritle, The Greek World in the Fourth Century, 123
[101] P. Green, Alexander of Macedon, 119
[102] Demades, On the Twelve Years, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0066:speech=1:section=17)
* J.R. Hamilton, Alexander the Great, 48
[103] Plutarch, Phocion, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0057:chapter=17:section=1)
[104] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 301; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[105] Demosthenes, On the Crown, 321
[106] A. Duncan, Performance and Identity in the Classical World, 70
[107] Hypereides, Against Demosthenes, 3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0140:speech=5:fragment=3); Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25.226.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01.
0039:chapter=25:section=2)
* I. Apostolidis, notes 1219, 1226 & 1229 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 717726; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 303309; D.
Whitehead, Hypereides, 359360; I. Worthington, Harpalus Affair, passim
[108] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 27.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=27:section=4)
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 311
[109] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=29:section=1)
[110] Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847d
[111] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=13:section=1)
[112] Polybius, Histories, 18, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0234:book=18:chapter=14)
[113] K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396398
[114] C. Carey, Aeschines, 1214
[115] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 318326
[116] A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom , 490
[117] J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 120122
[118] T.B. Macaulay, On Mitford's History of Greece, 136
[119] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 30
* C.Carey, Aeschines, 1214; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396398
[120] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 514-15
[121] Cicero, Orator, 76101 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator. shtml#76); Dionysius, On the Admirable Style of Demosthenes,
46
* C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 39
[122] H.T. Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.
0062:alphabetic+ letter=D:entry+ group=4:entry=demosthenes-harpers)
[123] W. Jaeger, Demosthenes, 123124
[124] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 519
[125] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 166 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=139)
[126] Dionysius, On the Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 56; Quintillian, Institutiones, VI, 3.2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/
text?doc=Perseus:text:2007. 01. 0063:book=6:chapter=3:section=2)
[127] Cicero, Orator, 104 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ orator. shtml#104); Plutarch, Cicero, 24. 4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts.
edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0016:chapter=24:section=4)
* D.C. Innes, "Longinus and Caecilius", 262 (note 10)
[128] J. Bollansie, Hermippos of Smyrna, 415
[129] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 8.14 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=8:section=3)
[130] C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 3840
[131] Cicero, Brutus, 38 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#38), 142 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut.
shtml#142)
[132] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233235
[133] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 238 (note 232)
20
Demosthenes
[134] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 139 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002&
query=section=#519); Plutarch, Demosthenes, 911 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01.
0039:chapter=9:section=1)
[135] D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", passim
[136] Juvenal, Satura, X, 119
[137] C. Wooten, "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes", 37
[138] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=3:section=1)
[139] A.J.L. Blanshard & T.A. Sowerby, "Thomas Wilson's Demosthenes", 4647, 5155; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.
[140] G. Gibson, Interpreting a Classic, 1
[141] W. A. Rebhorn, Renaissance Debates on Rhetoric, 139, 167, 258
[142] A.J.L. Blanshard & T.A. Sowerby, "Thomas Wilson's Demosthenes", 4647, 5155
[143] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 352
[144] V. Marcu, Men and Forces of Our Time, 32
[145] F. Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, 247
* P.J.M. Van Tongeren, Reinterpreting Modern Culture, 92
[146] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 26; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 6667
[147] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 2627
[148] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 28
[149] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 2, 60
[150] C.A. Gibson, Interpreting a Classic, 1; K.A. Kapparis, Apollodoros against Neaira, 62
[151] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 500
[152] G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 514
[153] G Kennedy, "Oratory", 510
[154] I. Worthington, Oral Performance, 135
[155] "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.; F. Blass, Die Attische Beredsamkeit, III, 1, 281287
[156] E. Cohen, The Athenian Nation, 76
[157] E. Cohen, The Athenian Nation, 76; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.
[158] E.M. Burke, The Looting of the Estates of the Elder Demosthenes, 63
[159] D. Braund, "The Bosporan Kings and Classical Athens", 200
[160] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 86
[161] F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 65
[162] Suda, article Demosthenes (http:/ / www. stoa. org/ sol-bin/ search. pl?search_method=QUERY& login=guest& enlogin=guest&
page_num=1& user_list=LIST& searchstr=Demosthenes& field=hw_eng& num_per_page=25& db=REAL)
[163] Cicero, Brutus, 121 (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ cicero/ brut. shtml#121); Quintilian, Institutiones, XII, 2. 22 (http:/ / www.
thelatinlibrary. com/ quintilian/ quintilian. institutio12. shtml#2)
[164] K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 84; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 1011
[165] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 4.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=4:section=4)
* D. Hawhee, Bodily Arts, 156
[166] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 4.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=4:section=4)
* M.L. Rose, The Staff of Oedipus, 57
[167] H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211 (note 180)
[168] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 4.5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=4:section=5)
[169] "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 90; H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 17
[170] E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 175, 185
[171] Demosthenes, Fourth Philippic, 3545 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0070:speech=10:section=35)
* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 188
[172] Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac, 16 and 24; Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 31
* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13; I. Worthington, Alexander the Great, 21
[173] D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13
* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 258
[174] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes I, 242-43
[175] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 52 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0002:speech=3:section=52);
Plutarch, Demosthenes, 12. 2 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=12:section=2)
* E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", 118
[176] E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", passim; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 28
[177] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20; Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 845f
[178] Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 239240 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0002:speech=3:section=239); Dinarcus, Against Demosthenes, 1821 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.
21
Demosthenes
01. 0082:speech=1:section=18)
[179] I. Apostolidis, note 1219 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 719720; J. Engels, Hypereides, 308313; I. Worthington,
Harpalus Affair, passim
[180] Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2. 33 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.
0160:book=2:chapter=33:section=4)
[181] Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25.4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0039:chapter=25:section=4)
[182] I. Apostolidis, note 1229 (with further references), in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 725; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes,
307309
[183] F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, III, 1, 404406 and 542546
[184] A. Schaefer, Demosthenes und seine Zeit, III, 111, 178, 247 and 257; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 6667
[185] J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, 268, 317, 353, 463
[186] F.J. Long, Ancient Rhetoric and Paul's Apology, 102; M. Trap, Greek and Latin Letters, 12
[187] J.A. Goldstein, The Letters of Demosthenes, 93
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doi:10.1080/00397678608590798. Retrieved 2011-11-08.
Yunis, Harvey (2001). Demosthenes: On the Crown. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-62930-6.
Yunis, Harvey (2005). "The Rhetoric of Law in Fourth-Century Athens". The Cambridge Companion to Ancient
Greek Law edited by Michael Gagarin, David Cohen. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-81840-0.
Further reading
Adams, Charles Darwin (1927). Demosthenes and His Influence. New York: Longmans.
Brodribb, William Jackson (1877). Demosthenes. J.B. Lippincott & co..
Bryan, William Jennings (1906). The world's famous orations (Volume 1). New York: Funk and Wagnalls
Company.
Butcher, Samuel Henry (1888). Demosthenes. Macmillan & co..
Clemenceau, Georges (1926). Demosthne. Plon.
Easterling P. E., Knox Bernard M. W. (1985). The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Cambridge
University Press. ISBN0-521-21042-9.
Kennedy, George A. (1963). Art of Persuasion in Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University press.
Murphy, James J., ed. (1967). Demosthenes' "On the Crown": A Critical Case Study of a Masterpiece of Ancient
Oratory. New York: Random House.
Pearson, Lionel (1981). The art of Demosthenes. Chico, CA: Scholars press. ISBN0-89130-551-3.
External links
Art of Speech (http://library.thinkquest.org/C001146/curriculum.php3?action=item_view&item_id=22&
print_view=1)
Britannica, 11th Edition (http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/DEM_DIO/DEMOSTHENES.html)
Britannica online (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9029911)
Lendering, Jona (http://www.livius.org/de-dh/demosthenes/demosthenes.html)
Pickard A.W. (http://www.third-millennium-library.com/readinghall/GalleryofHistory/DEMOSTHENES/
DOOR.html)
His era
Beck, Sanderson: Philip, Demosthenes, and Alexander (http://www.san.beck.org/EC22-Alexander.html)
Blackwell, Christopher W.: The Assembly during Demosthenes' era (http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/
article_assembly?page=7&greekEncoding=UnicodeC/)
Britannica online: Macedonian supremacy in Greece (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-261110/
ancient-Greek-civilization)
Smith, William: A Smaller History of Ancient Greece-Philip of Macedon (http://www.ellopos.net/elpenor/
greek-texts/ancient-greece/history-of-ancient-greece-19-philip.asp)
Miscellaneous
26
Demosthenes
SORGLL: Demosthenes, On the Crown 199-208; read by Stephen Daitz (http://www.rhapsodes.fll.vt.edu/
demosthenes.htm)
Libanius, Hypotheses to the Orations of Demosthenes (http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/
article_libanius?page=33&greekEncoding=Unicode)
Works by Demosthenes (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Demosthenes) at Project Gutenberg
27
Philip II of Macedon
28
Philip II of Macedon
Philip II of Macedon
Basileus of Macedon
Reign
Greek
Born
382 BCE
Birthplace
Pella, Macedon
Died
Place of death
Aigai, Macedon
Buried
Aigai, Macedon
Predecessor
Perdiccas III
Successor
Wives
Audata
Phila
Nicesipolis
Philinna
Olympias
Meda of Odessa
Cleopatra Eurydice
Offspring
Cynane
Philip III
Alexander the Great
Cleopatra
Thessalonica
Europa
Caranus
Royal House
Argead dynasty
Father
Amyntas III
Mother
Eurydice I
Philip II of Macedon
Philip II of Macedon (Greek: ' phlos, "friend" + hppos, "horse"[1]
transliterated Philippos; 382336 BCE), was king (basileus) of Macedon from 359 BCE until his assassination in
336 BCE. He was the father of Alexander the Great and Philip III.
Biography
Philip was the youngest son of the king Amyntas III and Eurydice I. In his youth, (c. 368365 BCE) Philip was held
as a hostage in Thebes, which was the leading city of Greece during the Theban hegemony. While a captive there,
Philip received a military and diplomatic education from Epaminondas, became eromenos of Pelopidas,[2][3] and
lived with Pammenes, who was an enthusiastic advocate of the Sacred Band of Thebes.
In 364 BCE, Philip returned to Macedon. The deaths of Philip's elder brothers, King Alexander II and Perdiccas III,
allowed him to take the throne in 359 BCE. Originally appointed regent for his infant nephew Amyntas IV, who was
the son of Perdiccas III, Philip managed to take the kingdom for himself that same year.
Philip's military skills and expansionist vision of Macedonian greatness brought him early success. He first had to
re-establish a situation which had been greatly worsened by the defeat against the Illyrians in which King Perdiccas
himself had died. The Paionians and the Thracians had sacked and invaded the eastern regions of the country, while
the Athenians had landed, at Methoni on the coast, a contingent under a Macedonian pretender called Argeus.
Using diplomacy, Philip pushed back Paionians and Thracians promising tributes, and crushed the 3,000 Athenian
hoplites (359). Momentarily free from his opponents, he concentrated on strengthening his internal position and,
above all, his army. His most important innovation was doubtless the introduction of the phalanx infantry corps,
armed with the famous sarissa, an exceedingly long spear, at the time the most important army corps in Macedonia.
Philip had married Audata, great-granddaughter of the Illyrian king of Dardania, Bardyllis. However, this did not
prevent him from marching against them in 358 and crushing them in a ferocious battle in which some 7,000
Illyrians died (357). By this move, Philip established his authority inland as far as Lake Ohrid and the favour of the
Epirotes.[4]
He agreed with the Athenians, who had been so far unable to conquer Amphipolis, which commanded the gold
mines of Mount Pangaion, to lease it to them after its conquest, in exchange for Pydna (lost by Macedon in 363).
However, after conquering Amphipolis, he kept both the cities (357). As Athens declared war against him, he allied
with the Chalkidian League of Olynthus. He subsequently conquered Potidaea, this time keeping his word and
ceding it to the League in 356. One year before Philip had married the Epirote princess Olympias, who was the
daughter of the king of the Molossians.
In 356 BCE, Philip also conquered the town of Crenides and changed its name to Philippi: he established a powerful
garrison there to control its mines, which granted him much of the gold later used for his campaigns. In the
meantime, his general Parmenion defeated the Illyrians again. Also in 356 Alexander was born, and Philip's race
horse won in the Olympic Games. In 355354 he besieged Methone, the last city on the Thermaic Gulf controlled by
Athens. During the siege, Philip lost an eye. Despite the arrival of two Athenian fleets, the city fell in 354. Philip
also attacked Abdera and Maronea, on the Thracian seaboard (354353).
29
Philip II of Macedon
30
Philip II of Macedon
With key Greek city-states in submission, Philip turned to Sparta; he sent them a message, "You are advised to
submit without further delay, for if I bring my army into your land, I will destroy your farms, slay your people, and
raze your city." Their laconic reply: "If". Philip and Alexander would both leave them alone. Later, the Macedonian
arms were carried across Epirus to the Adriatic Sea.
In 345 BCE., Philip conducted a hard-fought campaign against the Ardiaioi (Ardiaei), under their king Pluratus,
during which he was seriously wounded by an Ardian soldier in the lower right leg.[5]
In 342 BCE, Philip led a great military expedition north against the Scythians, conquering the Thracian fortified
settlement Eumolpia to give it his name, Philippopolis (modern Plovdiv).
In 340 BCE, Philip started the siege of Perinthus. Philip began another siege in 339 of the city of Byzantium. After
unsuccessful sieges of both cities, Philip's influence all over Greece was compromised. However, he successfully
reasserted his authority in the Aegean by defeating an alliance of Thebans and Athenians at the Battle of Chaeronea
in 338 BCE, while in the same year, Philip destroyed Amfissa because the residents had illegally cultivated part of
the Crisaian plain which belonged to Delphi.
Philip created and led the League of Corinth in 337 BCE. Members of the League agreed never to wage war against
each other, unless it was to suppress revolution. Philip was elected as leader (hegemon) of the army of invasion
against the Persian Empire. In 336 BCE, when the invasion of Persia was in its very early stage, Philip was
assassinated, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his son Alexander III.
31
Philip II of Macedon
Pausanias.
Many modern historians have observed that all the
accounts are improbable. In the case of Pausanias, the
stated motive of the crime hardly seems adequate. On
the other hand, the implication of Alexander and
Olympias seems specious: to act as they did would
have required brazen effrontery in the face of a military
personally loyal to Philip. What seems to be recorded
in this are the natural suspicions that fell on the chief
beneficiaries of the murder; their actions after the
murder, however sympathetic they might seem (if
actual), cannot prove their guilt in the deed itself.
Further convoluting the case is the possible role of
The entrance to the "Great Tumulus" Museum at Vergina.
propaganda in the surviving accounts: Attalus was
executed in Alexander's consolidation of power after
the murder; one might wonder if his enrollment among the conspirators was not for the effect of introducing political
expediency in an otherwise messy purge (Attalus had publicly declared his hope that Alexander would not succeed
Philip, but rather that a son of his own niece Eurydice, recently married to Philip and brutally murdered by Olympias
after Philip's death, would gain the throne of Macedon).
Marriages
The dates of Philip's multiple marriages and the names of some of his wives are contested. Below is the order of
marriages offered by Athenaeus, 13.557be:
32
Philip II of Macedon
33
Archaeological findings
On November 8, 1977, Greek archaeologist Manolis
Andronikos found, among other royal tombs, an
unopened tomb at Vergina in the Greek regional unit of
Imathia. The finds from this tomb were later included
in the travelling exhibit The Search for Alexander
displayed at four cities in the United States from 1980
to 1982. It is generally accepted that the site at Vergina
was the burial site of the kings of Macedon, including
Philip, but the debate about the unopened tomb is
ongoing among archaeologists.
The initial suggestion that the tomb might belong to
Philip II was indicated by the greaves, one of which
was shaped in a way consistent with fitting a leg having
a misaligned tibia (Philip II was recorded as having
broken his tibia). What is viewed as possible proof that
the tomb indeed did belong to Philip II and that the
surviving bone fragments are in fact the body of Philip
II comes from forensic analysis of the remains of the
skull. By wax casting the skull was reconstructed,
showing apparent damage to the right eye caused by
the penetration of an object (historically recorded to be
an arrow).[7]
Eugene Borza and others have suggested that the
unopened tomb actually belonged to Philip's son, Philip
Arrhidaeus, and Philip was probably buried in the
simpler adjacent tomb, which had been looted in
antiquity. Disputations often relied on contradictions
between "the body" or "skeleton" of Philip II and
reliable historical accounts of his life (and injuries), as
well as analyses of the paintings, pottery, and other
artifacts found there.[8]
According to a study published in 2000,[9] the style of the artifacts of the royal tomb date 317 BCE., a generation
after Philip II's assassinations. Moreover, according to paleoanthropologist Antonis Bartsiokas of the Anaximandrian
Institute of Human Evolution at the Democritus University of Thrace in Voula, Greece, and assistant professor at the
Democritus who used a technique called macrophotography to study the skeleton in meticulous detail, the features
identified by Musgrave, Prag, and Neave are simply normal anatomical quirks, accentuated by the effects of
cremation and a poor reassembly of the remains. "The bump, for example," says Bartsiokas, "is part of the opening
in the skull's frontal bone called the supraorbital notch, through which a bundle of nerves and blood vessels pass."
Most people can feel this notch by pressing their fingers underneath the ridge of bone beneath the eyebrow. The
bone at the site of the "injury" is simply the frontal notch and also shows no signs of healing in the bone fabric, a
problem for Bartsiokas given that the wound was inflicted 18 years before Philip II's death.
Instead, according to Borza, Tomb I, also known as the Tomb of Persephone may have contained the remains of
Phillip II and his family. If this theory is true, then the golden weaponry and royal objects found in Tomb II may
have belonged to Alexander the Great. [10]
Philip II of Macedon
Hatzopoulos (2008) summarized the studies involved in the dispute around the tomb and argued that claims against
Philip II are scientifically baseless. Moreover, he indicated that personal and political issues had confused the
debate.[11]
Musgrave, et al. (2010)[12] showed that there is no valid evidence Arrhidaeus could have been buried in the
unopened tomb, hence those who made those claims, like Borza, Palagia and Bartsiokas, had actually misunderstood
certain scientific facts which led them to invalid conclusions. Musgrave's study of the bones of Tomb II of Vergina
found that the cranium of the male was deformed possibly by a trauma, a finding that is consistent with the history of
Philip II.[13]
Legacy
Cult
The heroon at Vergina in Greek Macedonia (the ancient city of Aegae ) is thought to have been dedicated to
the worship of the family of Alexander the Great and may have housed the cult statue of Philip. It is probable that he
was regarded as a hero or deified on his death. Though the Macedonians did not consider Philip a god, he did receive
other forms of recognition by the Greeks, such as at Eresos (altar to Zeus Philippeios), Ephesos (his statue was
placed in the temple of Artemis), and Olympia, where the Philippeion was built.
Isocrates once wrote to Philip that if he defeated Persia, there was nothing left for him to do but to become a god;[14]
and Demades proposed that Philip be regarded as the thirteenth god; however, there is no clear evidence that Philip
was raised to the divine status accorded his son Alexander.[15]
Monuments
In June 2012, two new statues of Philip II were erected in the republic of Macedonia, one at Skopje and one at
Bitola.[16]
Fictional portrayals
Thomas Sundell's Bloodline of Kings: a Novel of Philip of' Macedon is a historical epic beginning with Philip's
birth and ending with that of his son, Alexander. Published by Crow Woods, 2002.
David Gemmell's fantasy novels, Lion of the Macedon(1991) and The Dark Prince (1992), feature Philip as a
character.
References
[1] Online etymology Dictionary Philip (http:/ / www. etymonline. com/ index. php?term=Philip)
[2] Dio Chrysostom Or.49.5 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Dio_Chrysostom/ Discourses/ 49*. html#5)
[3] Homosexualities by Stephen O. Murray,University of Chicago Press, page 42 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=GfH6Nc8HHFwC&
pg=PA42& dq=Dio+ Chrysostom+ 49. 5+ Pelopidas+ Philip+ eromenos& sig=qXX4eIC8XaRtS4zNW3dkI5Oma_4)
[4] The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 6: The Fourth Century BC by D. M. Lewis, 1994, page 374, ISBN 0-521-23348-8: "...The victory
over Bardylis made him an attractive ally to the Epirotes, who too had suffered at the Illyrians' hands, and his recent alignment ..."
[5] Ashley, James R., The Macedonian Empire: The Era of Warfare Under Philip II and Alexander the Great, 359323 BCE., McFarland, 2004,
p.114, ISBN 0-7864-1918-0
[6] Diodorus Siculus, The Library of History, 16.91-95 (http:/ / www. holoka. com/ diodorus on philip. htm)
[7] See John Prag and Richard Neave's report in Making Faces: Using Forensic and Archaeological Evidence, published for the Trustees of the
British Museum by the British Museum Press, London: 1997.
[8] National Geographic article outlining recent archaeological examinations of Tomb II (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2008/ 04/
080423-alexander-great. html).
[9] Not Philip II of Macedon, Angela M.H. Schuster senior editor of ARCHAEOLOGY. (http:/ / www. archaeology. org/ online/ features/
macedon/ )
[10] "Alexander the Great's "Crown," Shield Discovered?" (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2008/ 04/ 080423-alexander-great.
html). News.nationalgeographic.com. 2010-10-28. . Retrieved 2012-11-07.
34
Philip II of Macedon
[11] Hatzopoulos B. Miltiades, The Burial of the Dead (at Vergina) or The Unending Controversy on the Identity of the Occupant of Tomb II.
Tekmiria, vol. 9 (2008) (http:/ / www. tekmeria. org/ index. php/ tekmiria/ article/ view/ 216/ 336)
[12] The Occupants of Tomb II at Vergina. Why Arrhidaios and Eurydice must be excluded (http:/ / www. medsci. org/ v07p00s1. htm)
[13] Musgrave J, Prag A. J. N. W., Neave R., Lane Fox R., White H. (2010) The Occupants of Tomb II at Vergina. Why Arrhidaios and Eurydice
must be excluded, Int J Med Sci 2010; 7:s1s15 (http:/ / www. medsci. org/ v07p00s1. htm)
[14] Backgrounds of early Christianity By Everett Ferguson Page 202 ISBN 0-8028-0669-4
[15] The twelve gods of Greece and Rome By Charlotte R. Long Page 207 ISBN 90-04-07716-2
[16] "Novinite News: Macedonia Showered with Ancient Heroes Statues, Criticism". Retrieved 3 October 2012. (http:/ / www. novinite. com/
view_news. php?id=129536)
This articleincorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911).
Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
External links
A family tree focusing on his ancestors (http://www.american-pictures.com/genealogy/persons/per01295.
htm#0)
A family tree focusing on his descendants (http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~jamesdow/s060/
f000137.htm)
Plutarch: Life of Alexander (http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/
Alexander*/home.html)
Pothos.org (http://pothos.org), Death of Philip: Murder or Assassination? (http://pothos.org/alexander.
asp?paraID=53&keyword_id=9&title=Death of Philip: Murder or Assassination?)
Philip II of Macedon (http://virtualreligion.net/iho/philip2_mac.html) entry in historical sourcebook by
Mahlon H. Smith
Facial reconstruction expert revealed how technique brings past to life (http://www2.le.ac.uk/ebulletin/news/
press-releases/2010-2019/2010/03/nparticle.2010-03-30.2548855814?searchterm=Philip II of Macedon),
press release of the University of Leicester, with a portrait of Philip based on a reconstruction of his face.
Reconstruction of the face of Philip II by Richard Neave (http://www.rn-ds-partnership.com/Reconstruction/
philip.html)
Twilight of the Polis and the rise of Macedon (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cuOxGMoHMMY&
feature=channel) (Philip, Demosthenes and the Fall of the Polis). Yale University courses, Lecture 24 (http://
oyc.yale.edu/classics/introduction-to-ancient-greek-history/content/sessions/
session-24-twilight-of-the-polis-cont.-and). ( Introduction to Ancient Greek History (http://oyc.yale.edu/
classics/introduction-to-ancient-greek-history/))
The Burial of the Dead (at Vergina) or The Unending Controversy on the Identity of the Occupants of Tomb II
(http://www.tekmeria.org/index.php/tekmiria/article/view/216/336)
35
Philippicae
Philippicae
The Philippicae or Philippics are a series of 14 speeches Cicero gave condemning Mark Antony in 44 BC and 43
BC. The corpus of speeches were named and modeled after Demosthenes' Philippic, which he had delivered against
Philip of Macedon, and were styled in a similar manner.
Summary
1st Philippic (senatorial speech, 2 September 44): Cicero criticises the legislation of the consuls in office Mark
Antony and Publius Cornelius Dolabella, who, according to Cicero, offended the will of the late Caesar (acta
Caesaris). He demands that the consuls return to the welfare of the Roman people.
2nd Philippic (pamphlet, conceived as a senatorial speech, 24 October 44,[5] possibly published only after the
death of Cicero): Vehement attacks on Mark Antony including the accusation that he surpasses, in his political
ambition, even Lucius Sergius Catilina and Publius Clodius Pulcher. Catalogue of the "atrocities" of Mark
Antony. It is the longest of Cicero's Philippic speeches.
3rd Philippic (senatorial speech, 20 December 44, in the morning): Cicero calls on the Senate to act against Marc
Antony. He demands that the Senate shows solidarity with Octavian and Decimus Junius Brutus.
36
Philippicae
4th Philippic (speech in the public assembly, 20 December 44, in the afternoon): Cicero considers Mark Antony
as a public enemy and argues that peace with Mark Antony is inconceivable.
5th Philippic (senatorial speech, in the temple of Jupiter, 1 January 43, in the presence of the new consuls Aulus
Hirtius and Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus): Cicero urges the Senate not to send an embassy to Mark Antony
and warns against the intentions of Mark Antony; Cicero proposes that the Senate honours Decimus Junius
Brutus, Octavian and his troops, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. Cicero's proposals are declined; the Senate sends
the three ex-consuls Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, Lucius Marcius Philippus and Servius Sulpicius Rufus
to Mark Antony.
6th Philippic (speech in the public assembly, 4 January 43): Cicero considers the embassy carried out by the
Senate as a delayed declaration of war on Mark Antony; he believes that it will come after the return of the
ambassadors. He appeals to a general unanimity in the fight for freedom.
7th Philippic (senatorial speech outside of the agenda, in the middle of January 43): Cicero presents himself as an
attorney of peace, but considers war against Mark Antony as a demand of the moment. Once more, he demands
that negotiations with Mark Antony should be discontinued.
8th Philippic (senatorial speech, 3 February 43): As Mark Antony has turned down the demands of the Senate,
Cicero concludes that the political situation is de facto a war. He would rather use the word bellum (= war) than
tumultus (= unrest) to describe the current situation. He criticises the ex-consul Quintus Fufius Calenus, who
wants to negotiate peace with Mark Antony: peace under him would be the same as slavery. He proposes amnesty
to all soldiers that have joined Mark Antony before 15 April 43, but those who have joined him later should be
considered public enemies. The Senate agrees to this proposal.
9th Philippic (senatorial speech, 4 February 43): Cicero demands that the Senate honours Servius Sulpicius
Rufus, who died during the embassy to Mark Antony. The Senate agrees to this proposal.
10th Philippic (senatorial speech, in the middle of February 43): Cicero praises the military deeds of Marcus
Junius Brutus in Macedonia and Illyricum. He demands that the Senate confirms that Brutus is the governor of
Macedonia, Illyricum, and Greece together with the troops. The Senate agrees to this proposal.
11th Philippic (senatorial speech, end of February 43): Cicero castigates Dolabella for having murdered Gaius
Trebonius, the governor of Asia. He demands that the governorship of Syria is cast upon Gaius Cassius Longinus.
The Senate turns down this proposal.
12th Philippic (senatorial speech, beginning of March 43): Cicero rejects a second embassy to Mark Antony, even
though he was first ready to participate in it. The Senate agrees to this proposal.
13th Philippic (senatorial speech, 20 March 43): Cicero accuses Mark Antony for conducting war in North Italy
(Battle of Mutina). He comments upon a letter of Mark Antony to "Gaius Caesar" (= Octavian) and Aulus Hirtius.
He rejects the invitation to peace by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, referring to the "crimes" of Mark Antony. He
demands that the Senate honour Sextus Pompeius.
14th Philippic (senatorial speech, 21 April 43, immediately after the victory of the allied armies of Octavian and
Hirtius and Pansa over Mark Antony): Cicero proposes a thanksgiving festival and praises the victorious
commanders in chief and their troops. He demands urgently that Mark Antony shall be declared a public enemy
(hostis). The Senate agrees to the last proposal.
The first two speeches mark the outbreak of the enmity between Mark Antony and Cicero. Possibly, Cicero wanted
to revive his success of the attacks on the conspiracy of Catiline; at any rate, he compares Mark Antony with his own
worst political opponents Catiline and Clodius in a clever rhetorical manner. In the 3rd and 4th speeches, of 20
December 44, he tried to establish a military alliance with Octavian; the primary objective was the annihilation of
Mark Antony and the restoration of the res publica libera the free republic; to reach this goal, he favoured military
means unambiguously.
As the Senate decided to send a peace delegation, in the 5, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th speeches, he argued against the idea
of an embassy and tried to mobilise the Senate and the Roman People to war. In the 10th and 11th, he supports a
military strengthening of the republicans Brutus and Cassius, but he was successful only in the case of the first one.
37
Philippicae
In the 12th, 13th and 14th, he wanted to wipe out any doubt against his own war policy. After the victory over Mark
Antony, in the last speech he still warns against a too prompt eagerness for peace.
Consequence
Ciceros plan to drive out Antony failed, however. After the successive battles of Forum Gallorum and Mutina,
Antony and Octavian reconciled and allied with Lepidus to form the Second Triumvirate. Immediately after
legislating their alliance into official existence for a five-year term with consular imperium, the Triumvirate began
proscribing their enemies and potential rivals. Cicero and his younger brother Quintus Tullius Cicero, formerly one
of Caesar's legati, and all of their contacts and supporters were numbered among the enemies of the state though,
reportedly, Octavian argued for two days against Cicero being added to the list.[6]
Among the proscribed, Cicero was one of the most viciously and doggedly hunted. Other victims included the
tribune Salvius, who, after siding with Antony, moved his support directly and fully to Cicero. Cicero was viewed
with sympathy by a large segment of the public and many people refused to report that they had seen him. He was
eventually caught leaving his villa in Formiae in a litter going to the seaside from where he hoped to embark on a
ship to Macedonia.[7] His head and hands were publicly displayed in the Roman Forum to discourage any who would
oppose the new Triumvirate of Octavian, Mark Antony and Lepidus.
According to Tacitus, this work, together with the Pro Milone, In Catilinam, and In Verrem, were the source of
Cicero's fame, and much of his political career sprang from the effect of these works.
Literature
M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes tom. II. Recognovit brevique adnotationes critica instruxit Albertus Curtis Clark
(Scriptorvm Classicorvm Bibliotheca Oxoniensis), typogr. ND der Ausgabe Oxford 2. Auflage 1918 [o.J].
Marcus Tullius Cicero. Die politischen Reden, Band 3. Lateinisch-deutsch. Herausgegeben, bersetzt und
erlutert von Manfred Fuhrmann, Darmstadt 1993.
Stroh, Wilfried: Ciceros Philippische Reden: Politischer Kampf und literarische Imitation. In: Meisterwerke der
antiken Literatur: Von Homer bis Boethius, hrsg. von Martin Hose, Mnchen 2000, 76-102.
Hall, Jon: The Philippics, in: Brill's Companion to Cicero. Oratory and Rhetoric, hrsg. von James M. May,
Leiden-Boston-Kln 2002, 273-304.
Manuwald, Gesine: Eine Niederlage rhetorisch zum Erfolg machen: Ciceros Sechste Philippische Rede als
paradigmatische Lektre, in: Forum Classicum 2 (2007) 90-97.
References
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
38
Philippicae
39
External links
Perseus Project English translation Orations: The fourteen orations against Marcus Antonius (Philippics) (http://
www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Cic.+Phil.+1.1), C. D. Yonge, editor
The Philippic Speeches in the Latin Library (http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cicero/phil.shtml)
Cicero
Marcus Tullius Cicero
January 3, 106 BC
Arpinum, Roman Republic
Died
Occupation
Nationality
Ancient Roman
Subjects
Cicero
40
These articles cover Ancient Rome and the fall of the Republic
Mark Antony, CleopatraVII, Assassination of Julius Caesar, Pompey, Theatre of Pompey, Cicero, First Triumvirate, Roman Forum,
Comitium, Rostra, Curia Julia, Curia Hostilia
Marcus Tullius Cicero ( /ssro/; Classical Latin:[kkro]; January 3, 106 BC December 7, 43 BC; sometimes
anglicized as Tully[1]) was a Roman philosopher, statesman, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul and
constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of the equestrian order, and is widely considered one of
Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.[2][3]
His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only Latin but
European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his style.[4]
According to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly
exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language."[5] Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief schools of
Greek philosophy and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such as humanitas, qualitas,
quantitas, and essentia)[6] distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher.
Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance.[7] According to
Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliski, "Renaissance was above all things a revival of Cicero, and only after him and
through him of the rest of Classical antiquity."[8] The peak of Cicero's authority and prestige came during the
eighteenth-century Enlightenment,[9] and his impact on leading Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David
Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial.[10] His works rank among the most influential in European culture, and
today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary material for the writing and revision of Roman
history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.[11]
Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his most
important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Catiline conspiracy attempted the government
overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by executing five
conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked by civil wars and the
dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the traditional republican government. Following
Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in the ensuing power struggle, attacking him in a
series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by the Second Triumvirate and subsequently
murdered in 43 BC.
Personal life
Early life
Cicero was born in 106 BC in Arpinum, a hill town 100 kilometers (62mi) southeast of Rome. His father was a
well-to-do member of the equestrian order with good connections in Rome, though as a semi-invalid, he could not
enter public life. He compensated for this by studying extensively. Although little is known about Cicero's mother,
Helvia, it was common for the wives of important Roman citizens to be responsible for the management of the
household. Cicero's brother Quintus wrote in a letter that she was a thrifty housewife.[12]
Cicero's cognomen, or personal surname, comes from the Latin for chickpea, cicer. Plutarch explains that the name
was originally given to one of Cicero's ancestors who had a cleft in the tip of his nose resembling a chickpea.
However, it is more likely that Cicero's ancestors prospered through the cultivation and sale of chickpeas.[13]
Romans often chose down-to-earth personal surnames: the famous family names of Fabius, Lentulus, and Piso come
from the Latin names of beans, lentils, and peas. Plutarch writes that Cicero was urged to change this deprecatory
Cicero
41
name when he entered politics, but refused, saying that he would make Cicero more glorious than Scaurus
("Swollen-ankled") and Catulus ("Puppy").[14]
During this period in Roman history, to be considered "cultured"
meant being able to speak both Latin and Greek. Cicero, like most
of his contemporaries, was therefore educated in the teachings of
the ancient Greek philosophers, poets and historians. The most
prominent teachers of oratory of that time were themselves
Greek.[15] Cicero used his knowledge of Greek to translate many
of the theoretical concepts of Greek philosophy into Latin, thus
translating Greek philosophical works for a larger audience. It was
precisely his broad education that tied him to the traditional
Roman elite.[16]
The Young Cicero Reading by Vincenzo Foppa (fresco,
1464), now at the Wallace Collection
Cicero
Public career
Quaestor
His first office was as one of the twenty annual Quaestors, a training post for serious public administration in a
diversity of areas, but with a traditional emphasis on administration and rigorous accounting of public monies under
the guidance of a senior magistrate or provincial commander. Cicero served as quaestor in western Sicily in 75 BC
and demonstrated honesty and integrity in his dealings with the inhabitants. As a result, the grateful Sicilians asked
Cicero to prosecute Gaius Verres, a governor of Sicily, who had badly plundered Sicily. His prosecution of Gaius
Verres was a great forensic success[22] for Cicero. Governor Gaius Verres hired the prominent lawyer of a noble
family Quintus Hortensius Hortalus. After a lengthy period on Sicily collecting testimonials, evidence and
persuading witnesses to come forth, Cicero returned to Rome and won the case in a series of dramatic court battles.
His unique style of oratory setting him apart from the flamboyant Hortalus. Upon the conclusion of this case, Cicero
came to be considered the greatest orator in Rome. The view that Cicero may have taken the case for reasons of his
own is viable. Quintus Hortensius Hortalus was, at this point, known as the best lawyer in Rome; to beat him would
guarantee much success and prestige that Cicero needed to start his career. Cicero's oratorical skill is shown in his
character assassination of Verres and various other persuasive techniques used towards the jury. One such example is
found in the speech Against Verres I, where he states "with you on this bench, gentlemen, with Marcus Acilius
Glabrio as your president, I do not understand what Verres can hope to achieve".[23] Oratory was considered a great
art in ancient Rome and an important tool for disseminating knowledge and promoting oneself in elections, in part
because there were no regular newspapers or mass media at the time. Cicero was neither a patrician nor a plebeian
noble; his rise to political office despite his relatively humble origins has traditionally been attributed to his brilliance
as an orator.[24]
Cicero grew up in a time of civil unrest and war. Sullas victory in the first of a series of civil wars led to a new
constitutional framework that undermined libertas (liberty), the fundamental value of the Roman Republic.
Nonetheless, Sullas reforms strengthened the position of the equestrian class, contributing to that classs growing
political power. Cicero was both an Italian eques and a novus homo, but more importantly he was a Roman
constitutionalist. His social class and loyalty to the Republic ensured that he would "command the support and
confidence of the people as well as the Italian middle classes." The fact that the optimates faction never truly
accepted Cicero undermined his efforts to reform the Republic while preserving the constitution. Nevertheless, he
was able to successfully ascend the Roman cursus honorum, holding each magistracy at or near the youngest
possible age: quaestor in 75 BC (age 31), aedile in 69 BC (age 37), and praetor in 66 BC (age 40), where he served
as president of the "Reclamation" (or extortion) Court. He was then elected consul at age 43.
42
Cicero
Consul
Cicero was elected Consul for the year 63
BC. His co-consul for the year, Gaius
Antonius Hybrida, played a minor role.
During his year in office, he thwarted a
conspiracy centered on assassinating him
and overthrowing the Roman Republic with
the help of foreign armed forces, led by
Lucius Sergius Catilina. Cicero procured a
Senatus Consultum de Re Publica
Defendenda (adeclaration of martial law)
and drove Catiline from the city with four
vehement speeches (the Catiline Orations),
Cicero Denounces Catiline, fresco by Cesare Maccari, 188288
which to this day remain outstanding
examples of his rhetorical style. The
Orations listed Catiline and his followers' debaucheries, and denounced Catiline's senatorial sympathizers as roguish
and dissolute debtors clinging to Catiline as a final and desperate hope. Cicero demanded that Catiline and his
followers leave the city. At the conclusion of his first speech, Catiline hurriedly left the senate, (which was being
held in the Temple of Jupiter Stator). In his following speeches, Cicero did not directly address Catiline. He
delivered the second and third orations before the people, and the last one again before the Senate. By these
speeches, Cicero wanted to prepare the Senate for the worst possible case; he also delivered more evidence against
Catiline.[25]
Catiline fled and left behind his followers to start the revolution from within while Catiline assaulted the city with an
army of "moral bankrupts and honest fanatics". Catiline had attempted to involve the Allobroges, a tribe of
Transalpine Gaul, in their plot, but Cicero, working with the Gauls, was able to seize letters which incriminated the
five conspirators and forced them to confess their crimes in front of the Senate.[26]
The Senate then deliberated upon the conspirators' punishment. As it was the dominant advisory body to the various
legislative assemblies rather than a judicial body, there were limits to its power; however, martial law was in effect,
and it was feared that simple house arrest or exile the standard options would not remove the threat to the state.
At first Decimus Silanus spoke for the "extreme penalty"; many were then swayed by Julius Caesar, who decried the
precedent it would set and argued in favor of life imprisonment in various Italian towns. Cato then rose in defence of
the death penalty and all the Senate finally agreed on the matter. Cicero had the conspirators taken to the Tullianum,
the notorious Roman prison, where they were strangled. Cicero himself accompanied the former consul Publius
Cornelius Lentulus Sura, one of the conspirators, to the Tullianum. Cicero received the honorific "Pater Patriae" for
his efforts to suppress the conspiracy, but lived thereafter in fear of trial or exile for having put Roman citizens to
death without trial.
43
Cicero
44
Cicero
45
Cicero supported Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus as governor of Cisalpine Gaul (Gallia Cisalpina) and urged the
Senate to name Antony an enemy of the state. The speech of Lucius Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, delayed
proceedings against Antony. Antony was later declared an enemy of the state when he refused to lift the siege of
Mutina, which was in the hands of Decimus Brutus. Ciceros plan to drive out Antony failed. Antony and Octavian
reconciled and allied with Lepidus to form the Second Triumvirate after the successive battles of Forum Gallorum
and Mutina. The Triumvirate began proscribing their enemies and potential rivals immediately after legislating the
alliance into official existence for a term of five years with consular imperium. Cicero and all of his contacts and
supporters were numbered among the enemies of the state, and reportedly, Octavian argued for two days against
Cicero being added to the list.[41]
Cicero was one of the most viciously and doggedly hunted among the proscribed. He was viewed with sympathy by
a large segment of the public and many people refused to report that they had seen him. He was caught December7,
43BC leaving his villa in Formiae in a litter going to the seaside where he hoped to embark on a ship destined for
Macedonia.[42] When his killers Herennius (a centurion) and Popilius (a tribune) arrived, Cicero's own slaves
said they had not seen him, but he was given away by Philologus, a freed slave of his brother Quintus Cicero.[42]
Cicero's last words are said to have been, "There is nothing proper about what you are doing, soldier, but do try to
kill me properly." He bowed to his captors, leaning his head out of the litter in a gladiatorial gesture to ease the task.
By baring his neck and throat to the soldiers, he was indicating that he wouldn't resist. According to Plutarch,
Herennius first slew him, then cut off his head. On Antony's instructions his hands, which had penned the Philippics
against Antony, were cut off as well; these were nailed along with his head on the Rostra in the Forum Romanum
according to the tradition of Marius and Sulla, both of whom had displayed the heads of their enemies in the Forum.
Cicero was the only victim of the proscriptions to be displayed in that manner. According to Cassius Dio (in a story
often mistakenly attributed to Plutarch),[43] Antony's wife Fulvia took Cicero's head, pulled out his tongue, and
jabbed it repeatedly with her hairpin in final revenge against Cicero's power of speech.[44]
Cicero's son, Marcus Tullius Cicero Minor, during his year as a consul in 30BC, avenged his father's death, to a
certain extent, when he announced to the Senate Mark Antony's naval defeat at Actium in 31BC by Octavian and his
capable commander-in-chief, Agrippa.
Octavian (or Augustus, as he was later called) is reported to have praised Cicero as a patriot and a scholar of
meaning in later times, within the circle of his family.[45] However, it was the acquiescence of Augustus that allowed
Cicero's assassination, as Cicero was proscribed by the new Triumvirate.
Cicero
However, his career as a statesman was marked by inconsistencies and a tendency to shift his position in response to
changes in the political climate. His indecision may be attributed to his sensitive and impressionable personality; he
was prone to overreaction in the face of political and private change. "Would that he had been able to endure
prosperity with greater self control, and adversity with more fortitude!" wrote C. Asinius Pollio, a contemporary
Roman statesman and historian.[46][47]
Family
Cicero married Terentia probably at the age of 27, in 79 BC. According to the upper
class mores of the day it was a marriage of convenience, but endured harmoniously for
some 30 years. Terentia's family was wealthy, probably the plebeian noble house of
Terenti Varrones, thus meeting the needs of Cicero's political ambitions in both
economic and social terms. She had a half sister (or perhaps first cousin) named Fabia,
who as a child had become a Vestal Virgin, a very great honour. Terentia was a strong
willed woman and (citing Plutarch) "she took more interest in her husband's political
career than she allowed him to take in household affairs."[48]
In the 50s BC, Cicero's letters to Terentia became shorter and colder. He complained to
his friends that Terentia had betrayed him but did not specify in which sense. Perhaps the
marriage simply could not outlast the strain of the political upheaval in Rome, Cicero's
Marcus Tullius Cicero
involvement in it, and various other disputes between the two. The divorce appears to
have taken place in 51 BC or shortly before.[49] In 46 or 45 BC,[50] Cicero married a young girl, Publilia, who had
been his ward. It is thought that Cicero needed her money, particularly after having to repay the dowry of Terentia,
who came from a wealthy family.[51] This marriage did not last long.
Although his marriage to Terentia was one of convenience, it is commonly known that Cicero held great love for his
daughter Tullia.[52] When she suddenly became ill in February 45 BC and died after having seemingly recovered
from giving birth to a son in January, Cicero was stunned. "I have lost the one thing that bound me to life" he wrote
to Atticus.[53] Atticus told him to come for a visit during the first weeks of his bereavement, so that he could comfort
him when his pain was at its greatest. In Atticus's large library, Cicero read everything that the Greek philosophers
had written about overcoming grief, "but my sorrow defeats all consolation."[54] Caesar and Brutus as well as
Servius Sulpicius Rufus sent him letters of condolence.[55][56]
Cicero hoped that his son Marcus would become a philosopher like him, but Marcus himself wished for a military
career. He joined the army of Pompey in 49 BC and after Pompey's defeat at Pharsalus 48 BC, he was pardoned by
Caesar. Cicero sent him to Athens to study as a disciple of the peripatetic philosopher Kratippos in 48 BC, but he
used this absence from "his father's vigilant eye" to "eat, drink and be merry."[57] After Cicero's murder he joined the
army of the Liberatores but was later pardoned by Augustus. Augustus' bad conscience for not having objected to
Cicero's being put on the proscription list during the Second Triumvirate led him to aid considerably Marcus Minor's
career. He became an augur, and was nominated consul in 30 BC together with Augustus. As such, he was
responsible for revoking the honors of Mark Antony, who was responsible for the proscription, and could in this way
take revenge. Later he was appointed proconsul of Syria and the province of Asia.[58]
46
Cicero
Legacy
Cicero has been traditionally considered the master of Latin prose, with
Quintilian declaring Cicero was "not the name of a man, but of
eloquence itself. "[59] He is credited with transforming Latin from a
modest utilitarian language into a versatile literary medium capable of
expressing abstract and complicated thoughts with clarity.[60] Julius
Caesar praised Cicero's achievement by saying it is more important to
have greatly extended the frontiers of the Roman spirit than the
frontiers of the Roman empire [61] According to John William
Mackail, "Ciceros unique and imperishable glory is that he created the
language of the civilized world, and used that language to create a style
which nineteen centuries have not replaced, and in some respects have
hardly altered." [62] Cicero was also an energetic writer with an interest
in a wide variety of subjects in keeping with the Hellenistic
philosophical and rhetorical traditions in which he was trained. The
quality and ready accessibility of Ciceronian texts favored very wide
distribution and inclusion in teaching curricula as suggested by an
amusing graffiti at Pompeii admonishing "you will like Cicero, or you
Cicero about age60, from a marble bust
will be whipped" [63] Cicero was greatly admired by influential Latin
Church Fathers such as Augustine of Hippo, who credited Cicero's lost
Hortensius for his eventual conversion to Christianity[64] and St.Jerome, who had a feverish vision in which he was
accused of being "follower of Cicero and not of Christ" before the judgment seat.[65] This influence further increased
after the Dark Ages in Europe, from which more of his writings survived than any other Latin author. Medieval
philosophers were influenced by Cicero's writings on natural law and innate rights. Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's
letters provided impetus for searches for ancient Greek and Latin writings scattered throughout European
monasteries, and the subsequent rediscovery of Classical Antiquity led to the Renaissance. Subsequently, Cicero
came to be regarded synonymous with classical Latin that many humanist scholars held that no Latin word or phrase
was to be used unless it could be found in Cicero's works to the extent that Erasmus felt compelled to criticize such
extremism in his treatise Ciceronianus. His voluminous correspondence, much of it addressed to his friend Atticus,
has been especially influential, introducing the art of refined letter writing to European culture. Cornelius Nepos, the
1st century BC biographer of Atticus, remarked that Cicero's letters contained such a wealth of detail "concerning the
inclinations of leading men, the faults of the generals, and the revolutions in the government" that their reader had
little need for a history of the period.[66] Among Cicero's admirers were Desiderius Erasmus, Martin Luther, and
John Locke.[67] Following the invention of the printing press, De Officiis was the second book to be printed second
only to the Gutenberg Bible. Scholars note Cicero's influence on the rebirth of religious toleration in the 17th
century.[68]
While Cicero the humanist deeply influenced the culture of the Renaissance, Cicero the republican inspired the
Founding Fathers of the United States and the revolutionaries of the French Revolution.[69] John Adams said of him
"As all the ages of the world have not produced a greater statesman and philosopher united than Cicero, his authority
should have great weight."[70] Jefferson names Cicero as one of a handful of major figures who contributed to a
tradition of public right that informed his draft of the Declaration of Independence and shaped American
understandings of "the common sense" basis for the right of revolution.[71] Camille Desmoulins said of the French
republicans in 1789 that they were "mostly young people who, nourished by the reading of Cicero at school, had
become passionate enthusiasts for liberty".[72] Jim Powell starts his book on the history of liberty with the sentence:
"Marcus Tullius Cicero expressed principles that became the bedrock of liberty in the modern world." Legitimate
government protects liberty and justice according to "natural law." "Murray N. Rothbard praised Cicero as 'the great
47
Cicero
48
transmitter of Stoic ideas from Greece to Rome.... Stoic natural law doctrines ... helped shape the great structures of
Roman law which became pervasive in Western Civilization." Government's purpose was the protection of private
property.[73]
Likewise, no other antique personality has inspired venomous dislike as Cicero especially in more modern times.[74]
Friedrich Engels referred to him as "the most contemptible scoundrel in history" for upholding republican
"democracy", while at the same time denouncing land and class reforms.[75] Cicero has faced criticism for
exaggerating the democratic qualities of republican Rome, and for defending the Roman oligarchy against the
popular reforms of Caesar. Michael Parenti admits Cicero's abilities as an orator, but finds him a vain, pompous and
hypocritical personality who, when it suited him, could show public support for popular causes that he privately
despised. Parenti presents Cicero's prosecution of the Catiline conspiracy as legally flawed at least, and possibly
unlawful.[76]
Cicero also had an influence on modern astronomy. Nicolaus Copernicus, searching for ancient views on earth
motion, say that he "first... found in Cicero that Hicetas supposed the earth to move."[77]
Works
Cicero was declared a "righteous pagan" by the early Catholic Church, and therefore many of his works were
deemed worthy of preservation. Subsequent Roman writers quoted liberally from his works De Re Publica (On The
Republic) and De Legibus (On The Laws), and much of his work has been recreated from these surviving fragments.
Cicero also articulated an early, abstract conceptualization of rights, based on ancient law and custom. Of Cicero's
books, six on rhetoric have survived, as well as parts of eight on philosophy. Of his speeches, 88 were recorded, but
only 58 survive.
Speeches
(80 BC) Pro Roscio Amerino (In Defense of Sextus Roscius of Ameria)
(70 BC) In Verrem (Against Gaius Verres, or The Verrine Orations)
(66 BC) Pro Cluentio (On behalf of Aulus Cluentius)
(63 BC) In Catilinam I-IV (Catiline Orations or Against Catiline) Archived [78] March 2, 2005 at the Wayback
Machine
(63 BC) Pro Murena (In Defense of Lucius Licinius Murena, in the court for electoral bribery)
(62 BC) Pro Archia Poeta (In Defense of Aulus Licinius Archias the poet)
(56 BC) Pro Caelio (In Defense of Marcus Caelius Rufus): English translation
(52 BC) Pro Milone (In Defense of Titus Annius Milo)
(44 BC) Philippicae (the 14 philippics, Philippica IXIV, against Mark Antony)[79]
"De Imperio Gnaei Pompei" ("On the Command of Gnaeus Pompey", in support of Pompey's appointment to
command the Roman forces against Mithridates V)
(55 BC) De Oratore ad Quintum fratrem libri tres (On the Orator, three books for his brother Quintus)
(51 BC) De Re Publica (On the Republic)
(?? BC) De Legibus (On the Laws)
(46 BC) Brutus (Brutus)
(46 BC) Orator (Orator)
(45 BC) Academica (On Academic Skepticism)
(45 BC) De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum (On the Ends of Good and Bad Things) - a book on ethics.[80] Source
of Lorem ipsum. Title also translated as "On Moral Ends"[81]
Cicero
49
(44 BC) De Divinatione (On Divination)
(44 BC) De Fato (On Fate)
(44 BC) Cato Maior de Senectute (Cato the Elder On Old Age)
(44 BC) Laelius de Amicitia (Laelius On Friendship)
(44 BC) De Gloria (On Glory) - now lost.
(44 BC) De Officiis (On Duties)
Letters
More than 900 letters by Cicero to others have survived, and over 100 letters from others to him.
Notes
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[9]
E.g. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998).
Rawson, E.: Cicero, a portrait (1975) p.303
Haskell, H.J.: This was Cicero (1964)p.300301
Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p.244
Cicero, Selected Works, 1971, pp.24
Conte, G.B.: "Latin Literature: a history" (1987) p.199
Wooton, D. "Modern political thought" (1996) p.1
Tadeusz Zieliski. Cicero Im Wandel Der Jahrhunderte. Nabu Press.
Wood, Neal (1991). Cicero's Social and Political Thought. University of California Press. ISBN978-0-520-07427-9.
[10] Nicgorski, Walter. "Cicero and the Natural Law" (http:/ / www. nlnrac. org/ classical/ cicero). Natural Law, Natural Rights, and American
Constitutionalism. .
[11] Miriam Griffin; John Boardman, Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (15 January 2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Roman World
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=w95Nb-BJWRcC& pg=PA76). Oxford University Press. pp.76. ISBN978-0-19-285436-0. .
Cicero
50
[63] Hasan Niyazi, From Pompeii to Cyberspace - Transcending barriers with Twitter (http:/ / www. 3pipe. net/ 2011/ 05/
from-pompeii-to-cyberspace-transcending. html)
[64] Augustine of Hippo, Confessions, 3:4
Cicero
51
References
Badian, E: "Cicero and the Commission of 146 B.C.", Collection Latomus 101 (1969), 54-65.
Caldwell, Taylor (1965). A Pillar of Iron. New York: Doubleday & Company. ISBN0-385-05303-7.
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Ciceros letters to Atticus, Vol, I, II, IV, VI, Cambridge University Press, Great Britain,
1965
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Latin extracts of Cicero on Himself, translated by Charles Gordon Cooper, University of
Queensland Press, Brisbane, 1963
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Selected Political Speeches, Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain, 1969
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, De Officiis (On Duties), translated by Walter Miller. Harvard University Press, 1913,
ISBN 978-0-674-99033-3, ISBN 0-674-99033-1
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Selected Works, Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain, 1971
Cowell, F R: Cicero and the Roman Republic (Penguin Books, 1948; numerous later reprints)
Everitt, Anthony (2001). Cicero: the life and times of Rome's greatest politician. New York: Random House.
ISBN0-375-50746-9.
Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press.
Haskell, H. J. (1942). This was Cicero. Alfred A. Knopf.
March, Duane A. (1989). "Cicero and the 'Gang of Five'". Classical World 82 (4): 225234.
doi:10.2307/4350381.
Narducci, Emanuele (2009). Cicerone. La parola e la politica. Laterza. ISBN88-420-7605-8.
Plutarch Penguins Classics English translation by Rex Warner, Fall of the Roman Republic, Six Lives by
Plutarch: Marius, Sulla, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar, Cicero (Penguin Books, 1958; with Introduction and notes by
Robin Seager, 1972)
Rawson, Beryl: The Politics of Friendship: Pompey and Cicero (Sydney University Press, 1978)
Rawson, Elizabeth:
"Cicero the Historian and Cicero the Antiquarian", JRS 62 (1972), 33-45.
Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975) ISBN 0-7139-0864-5. Revised edition: Bristol
Classical Press, 1983. ISBN 0-86292-051-5. American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press,
Cicero
52
1983. ISBN 0-8014-1628-0 (hardcover); ISBN 0-8014-9256-4 (paperback).
Richards, Carl J. (2010). Why We're All Romans: The Roman Contribution to the Western World. Rowman &
Littlefield. ISBN978-0-7425-6778-8.
Scullard, H. H. From the Gracchi to Nero, University Paperbacks, Great Britain, 1968
Smith, R E: Cicero the Statesman (Cambridge University Press, 1966)
Stockton, David: Cicero: A Political Biography (Oxford University Press, 1971)
Strachan-Davidson, James Leigh (1936). Cicero and the Fall of the Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Taylor, H. (1918). Cicero: A sketch of his life and works. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co..
Wistrand, M. (1979). Cicero Imperator: Studies in Cicero's Correspondence 51-47 B.C.. Gteborg.
Yates, Frances A. (1974). The Art of Memory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN0-226-95001-8.
Macdonald, Cicero ; edited by C. (1986). De imperio (Nachdr. d. Ausg. Basingstoke 1966. ed.). Bristol: Bristol
Classical Press. ISBN0-86292-182-1.
Further reading
Everitt, Anthony (2001). Cicero. A turbulent life. London: John Murray Publishers. ISBN978-0-7195-5493-3.
Fuhrmann, Manfred (1992). Cicero and the Roman Republic. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN0-631-17879-1.
Ingo Gildenhard, Creative Eloquence: The Construction of Reality in Cicero's Speeches (Oxford/New York:
Oxford University Press, 2011).
Habicht, Christian (1990). Cicero the politician. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
ISBN0-8018-3872-X.
Parenti, Michael (2004). The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome (http://
thenewpress.com/index.php?option=com_title&task=view_title&metaproductid=1011). New York: The New
Press. ISBN1-56584-942-6.
Powell, J.G.F., ed. (1995). Cicero the philosopher : twelve papers. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
ISBN0-19-814751-1.
Shackleton Bailey, D. R. (1971). Cicero. London: Duckworth. ISBN0-7156-0574-7.
Sihler, Ernest G. (1914). Cicero of Arpinum: A Political and Literary Biography (http://books.google.com/
books?id=3TckAAAAMAAJ). New Haven: Yale University Press.
External links
General
Philosophy
"Cicero" (http://www.iep.utm.edu/cicero/) article by Edward Clayton in the Internet Encyclopedia of
Philosophy
Logic and Rhetoric in the Philosophical Works of Cicero (http://www.ontology.co/cicero-philosophy.htm)
The Philosophical Works of Cicero. A Selected Bibliography (http://www.ontology.co/biblio/
cicero-philosophy-biblio.htm)
Works by Cicero
Cicero
53
The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his
Treatise on the Laws (http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1879). Translated from the original, with Dissertations
and Notes in Two Volumes. By Francis Barham, Esq. (London: Edmund Spettigue, 184142). 2 vols. See
original text in The Online Library of Liberty (http://oll.libertyfund.org/).
The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero (http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/1736), trans. C.D. Yonge (London:
G. Bell and Sons, 191321). 4 vols. See original text in The Online Library of Liberty (http://oll.libertyfund.
org/).
Works by Cicero (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Marcus+Tullius+Cicero) at Project Gutenberg
Perseus Project (Latin and English): Classics Collection (see: M. Tullius Cicero) (http://www.perseus.tufts.
edu/cache/perscoll_Greco-Roman.html)
The Latin Library (Latin): Works of Cicero (http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cic.html)
UAH (Latin, with translation notes): Cicero Page (http://www.uah.edu/student_life/organizations/SAL/texts/
latin/classical/cicero/index.html)
De Officiis (http://www.constitution.org/rom/de_officiis.htm), translated by Walter Miller
Cicero's works (http://www.intratext.com/Catalogo/Autori/AUT76.HTM): text, concordances and frequency
list
SORGLL: Cicero, In Catilinam I; I,1-3, read by Robert Sonkowsky (http://www.rhapsodes.fll.vt.edu/cicero.
htm)
Mark Antony
54
Mark Antony
Legatus
Marcus Antonius
MANTONIVSMFMN
Born
April 20, 83 BC
Rome, Roman Republic
Died
Allegiance
Roman Republic
General
Gallic Wars
Caesar's civil war
Battle of Pharsalus
Roman-Parthian Wars
Antony's war on Parthia
Post-Caesarian civil war
Battle of Mutina
Liberators' civil war
Battle of Philippi
Final War of the Roman Republic
Battle of Actium
Otherwork
Consul of the Roman Republic 44 BC and 34 BC, Master of the Horse, Quaestor, Augur, Tribune
Mark Antony
55
These articles cover Ancient Rome and the fall of the Republic
Mark Antony, CleopatraVII, Assassination of Julius Caesar, Pompey, Theatre of Pompey, Cicero, First Triumvirate, Roman Forum,
Comitium, Rostra, Curia Julia, Curia Hostilia
Marcus Antonius, commonly known in English as Mark Antony (Latin: MANTONIVSMFMN)[1] (April 20, 83 BC
August 1, 30 BC), was a Roman politician and general. As a military commander and administrator, he was an
important supporter and loyal friend of his mother's cousin Julius Caesar. After Caesar's assassination, Antony
formed an official political alliance with Octavian (the future Augustus) and Lepidus, known to historians today as
the Second Triumvirate.
The triumvirate broke up in 33BC. Disagreement between Octavian and Antony erupted into civil war, the final war
of the Roman Republic, in 31BC. Antony was defeated by Octavian at the naval Battle of Actium, and in a brief
land battle at Alexandria. He and his lover Cleopatra committed suicide shortly thereafter. His career and defeat are
significant in Rome's transformation from Republic to Empire.
Biography
Early life
A member of the Antonia clan (gens), Antony was born on April 20, 83 BC, coinciding with Lucius Cornelius
Sulla's landing at Brundisium on the eve of the anniversary of the founding of Rome (April 21, 753 BC by twin
siblings Romulus and Remus).[2][3][4] He was the homonymous and thus presumably the eldest son of Marcus
Antonius Creticus (praetor 74 BC, proconsul 7371 BC) and grandson of the noted orator Marcus Antonius (consul
99 BC, censor 976 BC) who had been murdered during the Marian Terror of the winter of 876 BC.[3]
Antony's father was incompetent and corrupt, and according to Cicero, he was only given power because he was
incapable of using or abusing it effectively.[3] In 74 BC he was given imperium infinitum to defeat the pirates of the
Mediterranean, but he died in Crete in 71 BC without making any significant progress.[3][3][5] Creticus had two other
sons: Gaius (praetor 44 BC, born c.82 BC) and Lucius (quaestor 50 BC, consul 41 BC, born c.81 BC).
Antony's mother, Julia, was a daughter of Lucius Caesar (consul 90 BC, censor 89 BC). Upon the death of her first
husband, she married Publius Cornelius Lentulus (consul 71 BC), an eminent patrician.[3] Lentulus, despite
exploiting his political success for financial gain, was constantly in debt due to the extravagance of his lifestyle. He
was a major figure in the second Catilinian conspiracy and was extrajudically killed on the orders of Cicero in 63
BC.[3]
Antony lived a dissipate lifestyle as a youth, and gained a reputation for heavy gambling.[5] According to Cicero, he
had a homosexual relationship with Gaius Scribonius Curio.[6] There is little reliable information on his political
activity as a young man, although it is known that he was an associate of Clodius.[7] He may also have been involved
in the Lupercal cult, as he was referred to as a priest of this order later in life.[8]
In 58 BC, Antony travelled to Athens to study rhetoric and philosophy, escaping his creditors. The next year, he was
summoned by Aulus Gabinius, proconsul of Syria, to take part in the campaigns against Aristobulus II in Judea, as
the commander of a Gallic cavalry regiment.[9] Antony achieved important victories at Alexandrium and Machaerus.
Mark Antony
Supporter of Caesar
In 54 BC, Antony became a staff officer in Caesar's armies in Gaul and Germany. He again proved to be a competent
military leader in the Gallic Wars, but his personality quirks caused disruption. Antony and Caesar were the best of
friends, as well as being fairly close relatives. Antony made himself ever available to assist Caesar in carrying out his
military campaigns.
Raised by Caesar's influence to the offices of quaestor, augur, and tribune of the plebeians (50BC), he supported the
cause of his patron with great energy. Caesar's two proconsular commands, during a period of ten years, were
expiring in 50BC, and he wanted to return to Rome for the consular elections. But resistance from the conservative
faction of the Roman Senate, led by Pompey, demanded that Caesar resign his proconsulship and the command of
his armies before being allowed to seek re-election to the consulship.
This Caesar would not do, as such an act would at least temporarily render him a private citizen and thereby leave
him open to prosecution for his acts while proconsul. It would also place him at the mercy of Pompey's armies. To
prevent this occurrence Caesar bribed the plebeian tribune Curio to use his veto to prevent a senatorial decree which
would deprive Caesar of his armies and provincial command, and then made sure Antony was elected tribune for the
next term of office.
Antony exercised his tribunician veto, with the aim of preventing a senatorial decree declaring martial law against
the veto, and was violently expelled from the senate with another Caesar adherent, Cassius, who was also a tribune
of the plebs. Caesar crossed the river Rubicon upon hearing of these affairs which began the Republican civil war.
Antony left Rome and joined Caesar and his armies at Ariminium, where he was presented to Caesar's soldiers still
bloody and bruised as an example of the illegalities that his political opponents were perpetrating, and as a casus
belli.
Tribunes of the Plebs were meant to be untouchable and their veto inalienable according to the Roman mos maiorum
(although there was a grey line as to what extent this existed in the declaration of and during martial law). Antony
commanded Italy whilst Caesar destroyed Pompey's legions in Spain, and led the reinforcements to Greece, before
commanding the right wing of Caesar's armies at Pharsalus.
Administrator of Italy
When Caesar became dictator for a second time, Antony was made Master of the Horse, and in this capacity he
remained in Italy as the peninsula's administrator in 47BC, while Caesar was fighting the last Pompeians, who had
taken refuge in the province of Africa. But Antony's skills as an administrator were a poor match for his generalship,
and he seized the opportunity of indulging in the most extravagant excesses, depicted by Cicero in the Philippics. In
46BC he seems to have taken offense because Caesar insisted on payment for the property of Pompey which Antony
professedly had purchased, but had in fact simply appropriated.
Conflict soon arose, and, as on other occasions, Antony resorted to violence. Hundreds of citizens were killed and
Rome itself descended into a state of anarchy. Caesar was most displeased with the whole affair and removed
Antony from all political responsibilities. The two men did not see each other for two years. The estrangement was
not of long continuance, with Antony meeting the dictator at Narbo (45BC) and rejecting the suggestion of
Trebonius that he should join in the conspiracy that was already afoot. Reconciliation arrived in 44BC, when
Antony was chosen as partner for Caesar's fifth consulship.
Whatever conflicts existed between the two men, Antony remained faithful to Caesar but it is worth mentioning that
according to Plutarch (paragraph 13) Trebonius, one of the conspirators, had 'sounded him unobtrusively and
cautiously...Antony had understood his drift...but had given him no encouragement: at the same time he had not
reported the conversation to Caesar'. On February 15, 44BC, during the Lupercalia festival, Antony publicly offered
Caesar a diadem. This was an event fraught with meaning: a diadem was a symbol of a king, and in refusing it,
Caesar demonstrated that he did not intend to assume the throne.
56
Mark Antony
On March 14, 44 BC, Antony was alarmed when Cicero told him the gods would strike Caesar. Casca, Marcus
Junius Brutus and Cassius decided, in the night before the Assassination of Julius Caesar, that Mark Antony should
stay alive.[10] The following day, the Ides of March, he went down to warn the dictator but the Liberatores reached
Caesar first and he was assassinated on March 15, 44 BC. In the turmoil that surrounded the event, Antony escaped
Rome dressed as a slave; fearing that the dictator's assassination would be the start of a bloodbath among his
supporters. When this did not occur, he soon returned to Rome, discussing a truce with the assassins' faction. For a
while, Antony, as consul, seemed to pursue peace and an end to the political tension. Following a speech by Cicero
in the Senate, an amnesty was agreed for the assassins.
Then came the day of Caesar's funeral. As Caesar's ever-present second in command, co-consul and cousin, Antony
wanted to give the eulogy. Brutus and Cassius were reluctant at first, but Brutus decided it would be harmless,
Cassius disagreed. In his speech, he made accusations of murder and ensured a permanent breach with the
conspirators. Showing a talent for rhetoric and dramatic interpretation, Antony snatched the toga from Caesar's body
to show the crowd the stab wounds, pointing at each and naming the authors, publicly shaming them.
During the eulogy he also read Caesar's will, which left most of his property to the people of Rome: whatever
Caesar's real intentions had been, Antony presumably meant to demonstrate that contrary to the conspirators'
assertions, Caesar had no intention of forming a royal dynasty. Public opinion turned, and that night, the Roman
populace attacked the assassins' houses, forcing them to flee for their lives.
57
Mark Antony
58
Mark Antony
59
Mark Antony
defection of the provinces of Cyrenaica and Greece to his side. On September 2, the naval battle of Actium took
place. Antony and Cleopatra's navy was destroyed, and they were forced to escape to Egypt with 60 ships.
Octavian, now close to absolute power, did not intend to give them rest. In August 30BC, assisted by Agrippa, he
invaded Egypt. With no other refuge to escape to, Antony committed suicide by stabbing himself with his sword in
the mistaken belief that Cleopatra had already done so. When he found out that Cleopatra was still alive, his friends
brought him to Cleopatra's monument in which she was hiding, and he died in her arms.
Cleopatra was allowed to conduct Antony's burial rites after she had been captured by Octavian. Realising that she
was destined for Octavian's triumph in Rome, she made several attempts to take her life and was finally successful in
mid-August. Octavian had Caesarion murdered, but he spared Antony's children by Cleopatra, who were paraded
through the streets of Rome. Antony's daughters by Octavia were spared, as was his son, Iullus Antonius. But his
elder son, Marcus Antonius Antyllus, was killed by Octavian's men while pleading for his life in the Caesareum.
60
Mark Antony
61
Descendants
Through his youngest daughters, Antony would become ancestor to most of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, the very
family he had fought unsuccessfully to defeat. Through his eldest daughter, he would become ancestor to the long
line of kings and co-rulers of the Bosporan Kingdom, the longest-living Roman client kingdom, as well as the rulers
and royalty of several other Roman client states. Through his daughter by Cleopatra, Antony would become ancestor
to the royal family of Mauretania, another Roman client kingdom, while through his sole surviving son Iullus, he
would be ancestor to several famous Roman statesmen.
1. Antonia, born 50 BC, had 1 child
A. Pythodorida of Pontus, 30 BC or 29 BC 38 AD, had 3 children
I. Artaxias III, King of Armenia, 13 BC 35 AD, died without issue
II. Polemon II, King of Pontus, 12 BC or 11 BC 74 AD, died without issue
III. Antonia Tryphaena, Queen of Thrace, 10 BC 55 AD, had 4 children
a. Rhoemetalces II, King of Thrace, died 38 AD, died without issue
b. Gepaepyris, Queen of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 2 children
i. Tiberius Julius Mithridates, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 68 AD, died
without issue
ii. Tiberius Julius Cotys I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 90 AD,
had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates I, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1
child
i. Tiberius Julius Cotys II, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, had 1
child
i. Rhoemetalces, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 153
AD, had 1 child
i. Eupator, King of the Bosporan Kingdom, died 174
AD, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates II, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom, died 210 AD or 211 AD,
had 2 children
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis II, King of
the Bosporan Kingdom, died 227 AD, had
1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis
III,King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 227 AD
Mark Antony
62
ii. Tiberius Julius Cotys III, King of the
Bosporan Kingdom, died 235 AD, had 3
children
i. Tiberius Julius Sauromates III,
King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 232 AD
ii. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis IV,
King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 235 AD
iii. Tiberius Julius Ininthimeus,
King of the Bosporan Kingdom,
died 240 AD, had 1 child
i. Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis
V, King of the Bosporan
Kingdom, died 276 AD, had
3 children
i.
Tiberius
Julius
Pharsanzes, King of
the
Bosporan
Kingdom, died 254 AD
ii. Synges, King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 276 AD
iii. Tiberius Julius
Teiranes, King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 279 AD, had 2
children
i. Tiberius Julius
Sauromates IV,
King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom, died
276 AD
ii. Theothorses,
King of the
Bosporan
Kingdom, died
309 AD, had 3
children
i. Tiberius
Julius
Rhescuporis
VI, King
of
the
Mark Antony
63
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 342
AD
ii.
Rhadamsades,
King
of
the
Bosporan
Kingdom,
died 323
AD
iii. Nana,
Queen of
Caucasian
Iberia,
died 363
AD
i.
Rev
II of
Iberia
ii.
Aspacures
II of
Iberia
c. Cotys IX, King of Lesser Armenia
d. Pythodoris II of Thrace, died without issue
Mark Antony
64
A. Domitia Lepida the Elder, c. 19 BC 59 AD, had 1 child
I. Quintus Haterius Antoninus
B. Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, 17 BC 40 AD, had 1 child
I. Nero (see line of Antonia Minor below)
C. Domitia Lepida the Younger, 10 BC 54 AD, had 3 children
I. Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus
II. Valeria Messalina, 17 AD or 20 AD 48 AD, had 2 children
a. (Messalina was the mother of the two youngest children of the Roman Emperor Claudius
listed below)
III. Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix, 22 AD 62 AD, had 1 child
a. a son (this child and the only child of the Claudia Antonia listed below are the same
person)
Mark Antony
Artistic portrayals
Works in which the character of Mark Antony plays a central role include:
Dramas
William Shakespeare's Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra, and the films made from these two plays (played
by Marlon Brando and Robert Speaight, respectively).
John Dryden's All for Love
The 1934 film Cleopatra (played by Henry Wilcoxon)
The 1963 film Cleopatra (played by Richard Burton)
The TV series Xena: Warrior Princess (played by Manu Bennett)
The HBO/BBC TV series Rome (see Mark Antony (character)) (played by James Purefoy)
The Capcom Video Game Shadow of Rome, in which he is depicted as the main antagonist
The 1999 film Cleopatra (played by Billy Zane)
The 2005 TV mini series Empire (played by Vincent Regan)
Giles Coren portrayed Mark Antony in the sixth episode of the second series of The Supersizers Eat (aired BBC
One, 9:00pm Monday July 27, 2009)
BBC One docudrama Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire (played by Alex Ferns)
The 2010 EA video game Dante's Inferno as a boss alongside a giant Cleopatra in the second circle of hell (lust),
his last words to Cleopatra are "you said we'd be together for eternity" before disappearing.
Novels
Colleen McCullough's Masters of Rome series, Antony is portrayed as a deeply flawed character, a brave warrior
but sexually promiscuous, often drunk and foolish, and a monster of vanity who loves riding in a chariot drawn by
lions.
The Memoirs of Cleopatra, a novel by Margaret George
Conn Iggulden's Emperor novels
Poetry
Constantine P. Cavafy's poem The God Abandons Antony, a hymn to human's dignity, depicts the imaginary last
moments of Mark Antony while he sees his fortunes turning around.
Lytle, William Haines (18261863), Antony and Cleopatra
Notes
[1] In full, Marcus Antonius Marci Filius Marci Nepos; in English, "Marcus Antonius, son of Marcus, grandson of Marcus".
[2] In Life of Antony, 86.8, Plutarch implies that he was either born in 86 BC or 83 BC. The later date is generally accepted
[3] Huzar 1978, pp. 1011
[4] Suerbaum 1980, 327334.
[5] Scullard 1980, p. 154
[6] Eyben 1993, p. 236
[7] Eyben 1993, p. 58
[8] Huzar 1978, p. 25
[9] Weigall 1931, p. 102
[10] Together with English Literature, p. 17, Rachna Sagar ISBN 978-81-8137-092-1
[11] Sear, David R. "Common Legend Abbreviations On Roman Coins" (http:/ / www. davidrsear. com/ academy/ roman_legends. html). .
Retrieved August 24, 2007.
[12] Plutarch. Fall of the Roman Republic. London: Penguin Classics, 1958.
[13] Roller, The World of Juba II and Kleopatra Selene p. 8489
[14] Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra claimed descent from Cleopatra VII of Egypt through Silas and his father Alexio
[15] Their names are unknown, but it is known that all of them were killed by Nero, thus descent from this line is extinct
65
Mark Antony
[16] Sir Ronald Syme claims that Sergius Octavius Laenas Pontianus, consul in 131 under Emperor Hadrian, set up a dedication to his
grandmother, Rubellia Bassa.
References
Primary sources
Secondary sources
Babcock, C.L. (1965). "The early career of Fulvia". American Journal of Philology 86: 132.
Charlesworth, M. P.; Tarn, W. W. (1965). Octavian, Antony, and Cleopatra. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Eyben, Emiel (1993). Restless youth in ancient Rome. Psychology Press. ISBN0-415-04366-2.
Gowing, Alain M. (1992). The Triumviral Narratives of Appian and Cassius Dio. Michigan Monographs in
Classical Antiquity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Huzar, Eleanor G. (1978). Mark Antony: A Biography (http://books.google.com/books?id=Pos8_zvVYDUC&
printsec=frontcover&dq=biography&hl=en&sa=X&ei=HzMfT8a1KsSc2AXTouyTDw&
ved=0CFMQ6AEwBjgK#v=onepage&q&f=false). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
ISBN0-8166-0863-6.
Jones, A.M.H. (1938). The Herods of Judaea. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Lindsay, Jack (1936). Marc Antony, His World and His Contemporaries. London: G. Routledge & Sons.
Scullard, Howard Hayes (1984). From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 BC to AD 68. London:
Routledge. ISBN0-415-02527-3.
Southern, Pat (1998). Mark Antony. Stroud: Tempus Publishing. ISBN0-7524-1406-2.
Syme, R. (1939). The Roman Revolution. Oxford: Clarendon.
Weigall, Arthur (1931). The Life and Times of Marc Antony (http://books.google.co.uk/
books?id=5J8OAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+life+and+times+of+mark+antony&hl=en&
sa=X&ei=rdkjT4v1DOjS0QWj0tDNCg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=the life and times of mark antony&
f=false). New York: G.P. Putnam and Sons.
Suerbaum, Werner (1980). "Merkwrdige Geburtstage". Chiron (10): 327355.
This articleincorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911).
Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
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