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more power to impose its will on the minority, who by the same token, suffers a
diminution of its rightful membership in the Commission.
Section 18 also assures representation in the Commission on Appointments of any
political party who succeeds in electing members to the Senate, provided that the
number of senators so elected enables it to put a representative in the Commission
on Appointments. Drawing from the ruling in the case of Coseteng vs. Mitra, Jr., 12 a
political party must have at least two senators in the Senate to be able to have a
representative in the Commission on Appointments, so that any number less than 2
will not entitle such a party a membership in the Commission on Appointments. This
applies to the respondent Senator Taada.
We lay down the following guidelines accordingly:
1)
In the Senate, a political party or coalition must have at least two duly
elected senators for every seat in the Commission on Appointments.
2)
Where there are more than two political parties represented in the Senate, a
political party/coalition with a single senator in the Senate cannot
constitutionally claim a seat in the Commission.
Appointments may perform its functions and transact its business even if only ten
(10) senators are elected thereto as long as a quorum exists.
SECTION 21. The Senate or the House of Representatives or any of its respective
committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly
published rules of procedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such
inquiries shall be respected.
NeriI vs Committee on Accountability of Public Officers and Investigations
[G.R. No. 180643, March 25, 2008] Wacquisan, Franklin
FACTS: On April 21, 2007, the Department of Transportation and Communication
(DOTC) entered into a contract with Zhong Xing Telecommunications Equipment
(ZTE) for the supply of equipment and services for the National Broadband Network
(NBN) Project in the amount of U.S. $ 329,481,290 (approximately P16 Billion
Pesos). The Project was to be financed by the Peoples Republic of China.
The Senate passed various resolutions relative to the NBN deal. In the September
18, 2007 hearing Jose de Venecia III testified that several high executive officials
and power brokers were using their influence to push the approval of the NBN
Project by the NEDA.
Neri, the head of NEDA, was then invited to testify before the Senate Blue Ribbon.
He appeared in one hearing wherein he was interrogated for 11 hrs and during
which he admitted that Abalos of COMELEC tried to bribe him with P200M in
exchange for his approval of the NBN project. He further narrated that he informed
President Arroyo about the bribery attempt and that she instructed him not to
accept the bribe.
However, when probed further on what they discussed about the NBN Project,
petitioner refused to answer, invoking executive privilege. In particular, he
refused to answer the questions on:
(a) whether or not President Arroyo followed up the NBN Project,
(b) whether or not she directed him to prioritize it, and
(c) whether or not she directed him to approve.
He later refused to attend the other hearings and Ermita sent a letter to the senate
averring that the communications between GMA and Neri are privileged and that
the jurisprudence laid down in Senate vs Ermita be applied. He was cited in
contempt of respondent committees and an order for his arrest and detention until
such time that he would appear and give his testimony.
ISSUE: Are the communications elicited by the subject three (3) questions covered
by executive privilege?
HELD: The communications are covered by executive privilege.
The revocation of EO 464 (advised executive officials and employees to follow and
abide by the Constitution, existing laws and jurisprudence, including, among others,
the case of Senate v. Ermita when they are invited to legislative inquiries in aid of
legislation.), does not in any way diminish the concept of executive privilege. This is
because this concept has Constitutional underpinnings.
The claim of executive privilege is highly recognized in cases where the subject of
inquiry relates to a power textually committed by the Constitution to the President,
such as the area of military and foreign relations. Under our Constitution, the
President is the repository of the commander-in-chief, appointing, pardoning, and
diplomatic powers. Consistent with the doctrine of separation of powers, the
information relating to these powers may enjoy greater confidentiality than others.
Several jurisprudence cited provide the elements of presidential communications
privilege:
1) The protected communication must relate to a quintessential and non-delegable
presidential power.
2) The communication must be authored or solicited and received by a close
advisor of the President or the President himself. The judicial test is that an advisor
must be in operational proximity with the President.
3) The presidential communications privilege remains a qualified privilege that may
be overcome by a showing of adequate need, such that the information sought
likely contains important evidence and by the unavailability of the information
elsewhere by an appropriate investigating authority.
In the case at bar, Executive Secretary Ermita premised his claim of executive
privilege on the ground that the communications elicited by the three (3) questions
fall under conversation and correspondence between the President and public
officials necessary in her executive and policy decision-making process and, that
the information sought to be disclosed might impair our diplomatic as well as
economic relations with the Peoples Republic of China. Simply put, the bases are
presidential communications privilege and executive privilege on matters relating to
diplomacy or foreign relations.
Using the above elements, we are convinced that, indeed, the communications
elicited by the three (3) questions are covered by the presidential communications
privilege. First, the communications relate to a quintessential and non-delegable
power of the President, i.e. the power to enter into an executive agreement with
other countries. This authority of the President to enter into executive agreements
without the concurrence of the Legislature has traditionally been recognized in
Philippine jurisprudence. Second, the communications are received by a close
advisor of the President. Under the operational proximity test, petitioner can be
considered a close advisor, being a member of President Arroyos cabinet. And third,
there is no adequate showing of a compelling need that would justify the limitation
of the privilege and of the unavailability of the information elsewhere by an
appropriate investigating authority.
Respondent Committees further contend that the grant of petitioners claim of
executive privilege violates the constitutional provisions on the right of the people
to information on matters of public concern. We might have agreed with such
contention if petitioner did not appear before them at all. But petitioner made
himself available to them during the September 26 hearing, where he was
questioned for eleven (11) hours. Not only that, he expressly manifested his
willingness to answer more questions from the Senators, with the exception only of
those covered by his claim of executive privilege.
The right to public information, like any other right, is subject to limitation. Section 7
of
Article
III
provides:
The right of the people to information on matters of public concern shall be
recognized. Access to official records, and to documents, and papers pertaining to
official acts, transactions, or decisions, as well as to government research data used
as basis for policy development, shall be afforded the citizen, subject to such
limitations as may be provided by law.
Executive privilege is not a personal privilege, but one that adheres to the Office of
the President. It exists to protect public interest, not to benefit a particular public
official. Its purpose, among others, is to assure that the nation will receive the
benefit of candid, objective and untrammeled communication and exchange of
information between the President and his/her advisers in the process of shaping or
forming policies and arriving at decisions in the exercise of the functions of the
Presidency under the Constitution. The confidentiality of the Presidents
conversations and correspondence is not unique. It is akin to the confidentiality of
judicial deliberations. It possesses the same value as the right to privacy of all
citizens and more, because it is dictated by public interest and the constitutionally
ordained separation of governmental powers.
SECTION 21. The Senate or the House of Representatives or any of its respective
committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly
published rules of procedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such
inquiries shall be respected.
Garcillano vs House of Representatives [G. R. No. 170338, December 23, 2008]
Pati, Jezen
Facts: During the hype of Arroyo administration, a new controversy arises. During
the 2007 election the conversation of President Arroyo and the herein petitioner
Virgilio Garciliano, COMELEC regional director, regarding the desire of the president
to have a favorable outcome in terms of his senatoriables. Such conversation was
recorded and was played during the house of representative investigation. Because
of such turn of events, a petition was filed before the court praying that such
playing of the illegally seized communication was in violation of RA 4200 or the antiwiretapping law. Also such petition for injunction prays that the Senate committee
be prevented from further conducting such investigation for the basic reason that
there was no proper publication of the senate rules, empowering them to make such
investigation of the unlawfully seized documents.
Issue: Whether or not there was proper publication of the rules as to empower the
senate to further proceed with their investigation?
Held: No, the Supreme Court mentioned the following:
The Senate cannot be allowed to continue with the conduct of the questioned
legislative inquiry without duly published rules of procedure, in clear derogation of
the constitutional requirement.
Section 21, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution explicitly provides that "the Senate or
the House of Representatives, or any of its respective committees may conduct
inquiries in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly published rules of
procedure." The requisite of publication of the rules is intended to satisfy the basic
requirements of due process. Publication is indeed imperative, for it will be the
height of injustice to punish or otherwise burden a citizen for the transgression of a
law or rule of which he had no notice whatsoever, not even a constructive one.
What constitutes publication is set forth in Article 2 of the Civil Code, which provides
that "laws shall take effect after 15 days following the completion of their
publication either in the Official Gazette, or in a newspaper of general circulation in
the Philippines."
Respondents justify their non-observance of the constitutionally mandated
publication by arguing that the rules have never been amended since 1995 and,
despite that, they are published in booklet form available to anyone for free, and
accessible to the public at the Senates internet web page.
The Court does not agree. The absence of any amendment to the rules cannot
justify the Senates defiance of the clear and unambiguous language of Section 21,
Article VI of the Constitution. The organic law instructs, without more, that the
Senate or its committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legislation only in
accordance with duly published rules of procedure, and does not make any
distinction whether or not these rules have undergone amendments or revision. The
constitutional mandate to publish the said rules prevails over any custom, practice
or tradition followed by the Senate.
SECTION 21. The Senate or the House of Representatives or any of its respective
committees may conduct inquiries in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly
published rules of procedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such
inquiries shall be respected.
In Re Petition for Issuance of Writ of Habeas Corpus of Camilo Sabio [ G. R.
No. 174340, October 17, 2006] Pena, Czarina
FACTS: On February 20, 2006, Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago introduced Senate
Res. No. 455 directing an inquiry in aid of legislation on the anomalous losses
incurred by the Philippines Overseas Telecommunications Corporation (POTC),
Philippine Communications Satellite Corporation (PHILCOMSAT), and PHILCOMSAT
Holdings Corporation (PHC) due to the alleged improprieties in their operations by
their respective Board of Directors. Pursuant to this, on May 8, 2006, Senator
Richard Gordon, wrote Chairman Camilo Sabio of the PCGG inviting him to be one of
the resource persons in the public meeting jointly conducted by the Committee on
Government Corporations and Public Enterprises and Committee on Public Services.
Chairman Sabio declined the invitation because of prior commitment. At the same
time, he invoked Section 4(b) of E.O. No. 1 No member or staff of the Commission
shall be required to testify or produce evidence in any judicial, legislative or
administrative proceeding concerning matters within its official cognizance.
Apparently, the purpose is to ensure PCGGs unhampered performance of its task.
Gordons Subpoenae Ad Testificandum was repeatedly ignored by Sabio hence he
threatened Sabio to be cited with contempt.
ISSUE: Whether or not Section 4 of EO No. 1 is constitutional.
HELD: No.
THE POWER OF THE CONGRESS TO CONDUCT INQUIRIES IN AID OF LEGISLATION
CANNOT BE RESTRICTED BY MERE LEGISLATIVE FIAT. Dispelling any doubt as to the
Philippine Congress' power of inquiry, provisions on such power made their maiden
appearance in Article VIII, Section 12 of the 1973 Constitution. Then came the 1987
Constitution incorporating the present Article VI, Section 12. What was therefore
implicit under the 1935 Constitution, as influenced by American jurisprudence,
became explicit under the 1973 and 1987 Constitutions.
Notably, the 1987 Constitution recognizes the power of investigation, not just of
Congress, but also of "any of its committee." This is significant because it
constitutes a direct conferral of investigatory power upon the committees and it
means that the mechanisms which the Houses can take in order to effectively
perform its investigative function are also available to the committees.
It can be said that the Congress' power of inquiry has gained more solid existence
and expansive construal. The Court's high regard to such power is rendered more
evident in Senate v. Ermita, where it categorically ruled that "the power of inquiry is
broad enough to cover officials of the executive branch." Verily, the Court reinforced
the doctrine in Arnault that "the operation of government, being a legitimate
subject for legislation, is a proper subject for investigation" and that "the power of
inquiry is co-extensive with the power to legislate."
SECTION 22. The heads of departments may upon their own initiative, with the
consent of the President, or upon the request of either House, as the rules of each
House shall provide, appear before and be heard by such House on any matter
pertaining to their departments. Written questions shall be submitted to the
President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of Representatives at least
three days before their scheduled appearance. Interpellations shall not be limited to
written questions, but may cover matters related thereto. When the security of the
State or the public interest so requires and the President so states in writing, the
appearance shall be conducted in executive session.
Senate vs. Ermita [GR 169777, April 20, 2006] Cantuba, Kendi
FACTS: In 2005, scandals involving anomalous transactions about the North Rail
Project as well as the Garci tapes surfaced. This prompted the Senate to conduct a
public hearing to investigate the said anomalies particularly the alleged overpricing
in the NRP. The investigating Senate committee issued invitations to certain
department heads and military officials to speak before the committee as resource
persons. Ermita submitted that he and some of the department heads cannot
attend the said hearing due to pressing matters that need immediate attention. AFP
Chief of Staff Senga likewise sent a similar letter. Drilon, the senate president,
excepted the said requests for they were sent belatedly and arrangements were
already made and scheduled. Subsequently, GMA issued EO 464 which took effect
immediately.
EO 464 basically prohibited Department heads, Senior officials of executive
departments who in the judgment of the department heads are covered by the
executive privilege; Generals and flag officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
and such other officers who in the judgment of the Chief of Staff are covered by the
executive privilege; Philippine National Police (PNP) officers with rank of chief
superintendent or higher and such other officers who in the judgment of the Chief of
the PNP are covered by the executive privilege; Senior national security officials who
in the judgment of the National Security Adviser are covered by the executive
privilege; and Such other officers as may be determined by the President, from
appearing in such hearings conducted by Congress without first securing the
presidents approval.
The department heads and the military officers who were invited by the Senate
committee then invoked EO 464 to except themselves. Despite EO 464, the
scheduled hearing proceeded with only 2 military personnel attending. For defying
President Arroyos order barring military personnel from testifying before legislative
inquiries without her approval, Brig. Gen. Gudani and Col. Balutan were relieved
from their military posts and were made to face court martial proceedings. EO 464s
constitutionality was assailed for it is alleged that it infringes on the rights and
duties of Congress to conduct investigation in aid of legislation and conduct
oversight functions in the implementation of laws.
ISSUE: Whether or not EO 464 is constitutional.
HELD: The SC ruled that EO 464 is constitutional in part. To determine the validity
of the provisions of EO 464, the SC sought to distinguish Section 21 from Section 22
of Art 6 of the 1987 Constitution. The Congress power of inquiry is expressly
recognized in Section 21 of Article VI of the Constitution. Although there is no
provision in the Constitution expressly investing either House of Congress with
power to make investigations and exact testimony to the end that it may exercise
its legislative functions advisedly and effectively, such power is so far incidental to
the legislative function as to be implied. In other words, the power of inquiry with
process to enforce it is an essential and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative
function. A legislative body cannot legislate wisely or effectively in the absence of
information respecting the conditions which the legislation is intended to affect or
change; and where the legislative body does not itself possess the requisite
information which is not infrequently true recourse must be had to others who do
possess it.
Section 22 on the other hand provides for the Question Hour. The Question Hour is
closely related with the legislative power, and it is precisely as a complement to or a
supplement of the Legislative Inquiry. The appearance of the members of Cabinet
would be very, very essential not only in the application of check and balance but
also, in effect, in aid of legislation. Section 22 refers only to Question Hour, whereas,
Section 21 would refer specifically to inquiries in aid of legislation, under which
anybody for that matter, may be summoned and if he refuses, he can be held in
contempt of the House. A distinction was thus made between inquiries in aid of
legislation and the question hour. While attendance was meant to be discretionary
in the question hour, it was compulsory in inquiries in aid of legislation. Sections 21
and 22, therefore, while closely related and complementary to each other, should
not be considered as pertaining to the same power of Congress. One specifically
relates to the power to conduct inquiries in aid of legislation, the aim of which is to
elicit information that may be used for legislation, while the other pertains to the
power to conduct a question hour, the objective of which is to obtain information in
pursuit of Congress oversight function. Ultimately, the power of Congress to
compel the appearance of executive officials under Section 21 and the lack of it
under Section 22 find their basis in the principle of separation of powers.
While the executive branch is a co-equal branch of the legislature, it cannot
frustrate the power of Congress to legislate by refusing to comply with its demands
for information. When Congress exercises its power of inquiry, the only way for
department heads to exempt themselves therefrom is by a valid claim of privilege.
They are not exempt by the mere fact that they are department heads. Only one
executive official may be exempted from this power the President on whom
executive power is vested, hence, beyond the reach of Congress except through the
power of impeachment. It is based on her being the highest official of the
executive branch, and the due respect accorded to a co-equal branch of
government which is sanctioned by a long-standing custom. The requirement then
to secure presidential consent under Section 1, limited as it is only to appearances
in the question hour, is valid on its face. For under Section 22, Article VI of the
Constitution, the appearance of department heads in the question hour is
PRESIDING OFFICER
recognized.
(Mr.
Jamir).
Commissioner
Davide
is
MR. DAVIDE. Thank you, Mr. Presiding Officer. I have only one reaction
to the Question Hour. I propose that instead of putting it as
Section 31, it should follow Legislative Inquiries.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER. What does the committee say?
MR. GUINGONA. I ask Commissioner Maambong to reply, Mr. Presiding
Officer.
MR. MAAMBONG. Actually, we considered that previously when we
sequenced this but we reasoned that in Section 21, which is
Legislative Inquiry, it is actually a power of Congress in terms of
its own lawmaking; whereas, a Question Hour is not actually a
power in terms of its own lawmaking power because in
Legislative Inquiry, it is in aid of legislation. And so we put
Question Hour as Section 31. I hope Commissioner Davide will
consider this.
MR. DAVIDE. The Question Hour is closely related with the legislative
power, and it is precisely as a complement to or a supplement of
the Legislative Inquiry. The appearance of the members of
Cabinet would be very, very essential not only in the application
of check and balance but also, in effect, in aid of legislation.
MR. MAAMBONG. After conferring with the committee, we find merit in
the suggestion of Commissioner Davide. In other words, we are
accepting that and so this Section 31 would now become Section
22. Would it be, Commissioner Davide?
MR. DAVIDE. Yes. 84 (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)
Consistent with their statements earlier in the deliberations, Commissioners Davide
and Maambong proceeded from the same assumption that these provisions
pertained to two different functions of the legislature. Both Commissioners
understood that the power to conduct inquiries in aid of legislation is different from
the power to conduct inquiries during the question hour. Commissioner Davide's
only concern was that the two provisions on these distinct powers be placed closely
together, they being complementary to each other. Neither Commissioner
considered them as identical functions of Congress.
The foregoing opinion was not the two Commissioners' alone. From the abovequoted exchange, Commissioner Maambong's committee the Committee on Style
shared the view that the two provisions reflected distinct functions of Congress.
Commissioner Davide, on the other hand, was speaking in his capacity as Chairman
of the Committee on the Legislative Department. His views may thus be presumed
as representing that of his Committee.
In the context of a parliamentary system of government, the "question hour" has a
definite meaning. It is a period of confrontation initiated by Parliament to hold the
Prime Minister and the other ministers accountable for their acts and the operation
of the government, corresponding to what is known in Britain as the question
period. There was a specific provision for a question hour in the 1973 Constitution
86 which made the appearance of ministers mandatory. The same perfectly
conformed to the parliamentary system established by that Constitution, where the
ministers are also members of the legislature and are directly accountable to it.
An essential feature of the parliamentary system of government is the immediate
accountability of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet to the National Assembly. They
shall be responsible to the National Assembly for the program of government and
shall determine the guidelines of national policy. Unlike in the presidential system
where the tenure of office of all elected officials cannot be terminated before their
term expired, the Prime Minister and the Cabinet remain in office only as long as
they enjoy the confidence of the National Assembly. The moment this confidence is
lost the Prime Minister and the Cabinet may be changed.
The framers of the 1987 Constitution removed the mandatory nature of such
appearance during the question hour in the present Constitution so as to conform
more fully to a system of separation of powers. 88 To that extent, the question hour,
as it is presently understood in this jurisdiction, departs from the question period of
the parliamentary system. That department heads may not be required to appear in
a question hour does not, however, mean that the legislature is rendered powerless
to elicit information from them in all circumstances. In fact, in light of the absence
of a mandatory question period, the need to enforce Congress' right to executive
information in the performance of its legislative function becomes more imperative.
As Schwartz observes:
Indeed, if the separation of powers has anything to tell us on the
subject under discussion, it is that the Congress has the right to obtain
information from any source even from officials of departments and
agencies in the executive branch. In the United States there is, unlike
the situation which prevails in a parliamentary system such as that in
Britain, a clear separation between the legislative and executive
branches. It is this very separation that makes the congressional right
to obtain information from the executive so essential, if the functions
of the Congress as the elected representatives of the people are
adequately to be carried out. The absence of close rapport between
the legislative and executive branches in this country, comparable to
those which exist under a parliamentary system, and the nonexistence
in the Congress of an institution such as the British question period
have perforce made reliance by the Congress upon its right to obtain
information from the executive essential, if it is intelligently to perform
its legislative tasks. Unless the Congress possesses the right to obtain
SECTION 24. All appropriation, revenue or tariff bills, bills authorizing increase of the
public debt, bills of local application, and private bills shall originate exclusively in
the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with
amendments.
Tolentino vs. Secretary of Finance [G.R. No. 115455, August 25, 1994]
Galunza, Silver
FACTS: Petitioners (Tolentino, Kilosbayan, Inc., Philippine Airlines, Roco, and
Chamber of Real Estate and Builders Association) seek reconsideration of the
Courts previous ruling dismissing the petitions filed for the declaration of
unconstitutionality of R.A. No. 7716, the Expanded Value-Added Tax Law. Petitioners
contend that the R.A. did not originate exclusively in the HoR as required by
Article 6, Section 24 of the Constitution. The Senate allegedly did not pass it on
second and third readings, instead passing its own version. Petitioners contend that
it should have amended the House bill by striking out the text of the bill and
substituting it with the text of its own bill, so as to conform with the Constitution.
ISSUE: Whether the R.A. is unconstitutional for having originated from the
Senate, and not the HoR.
HELD: Petition is unmeritorious.
WHAT IS NEEDED TO ORIGINATE FROM THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES IS ONLY
THE BILL AND NOT THE LAW. Petitioners' contention is that Republic Act No. 7716
did not "originate exclusively" in the House of Representatives as required by Art.
VI, 24 of the Constitution, because it is in fact the result of the consolidation of two
distinct bills, H. No. 11197 and S. No. 1630. In this connection, petitioners point out
that although Art. VI, 24 was adopted from the American Federal Constitution, it is
notable in two respects: the verb "shall originate" is qualified in the Philippine
Constitution by the word "exclusively" and the phrase "as on other bills" in the
American version is omitted. This means, according to them, that to be considered
as having originated in the House, Republic Act No. 7716 must retain the essence of
H. No. 11197.
This argument will not bear analysis. To begin with, it is not the law but the
revenue bill which is required by the Constitution to "originate exclusively" in the
House of Representatives. It is important to emphasize this, because a bill
originating in the House may undergo such extensive changes in the Senate that
the result may be a rewriting of the whole. The possibility of a third version by the
conference committee will be discussed later. At this point, what is important to
note is that, as a result of the Senate action, a distinct bill may be produced. To
insist that a revenue statute and not only the bill which initiated the legislative
process culminating in the enactment of the law must substantially be the same
as the House bill would be to deny the Senate's power not only to "concur with
amendments" but also to " propose amendments." It would be to violate the
coequality of legislative power of the two houses of Congress and in fact make the
House superior to the Senate.
The contention that the constitutional design is to limit the Senate's power in
respect of revenue bills in order to compensate for the grant to the Senate of the
treaty-ratifying power and thereby equalize its powers and those of the House
overlooks the fact that the powers being compared are different. We are dealing
here with the legislative power, which under the Constitution is vested not in any
particular chamber but in the Congress of the Philippines, consisting of "a Senate
and a House of Representatives." The exercise of the treaty-ratifying power is not
the exercise of legislative power. It is the exercise of a check on the executive
power. There is, therefore, no justification for comparing the legislative powers of
the House and of the Senate on the basis of the possession of such non-legislative
power by the Senate. The possession of a similar power by the U.S. Senate has
never been thought of as giving it more legislative powers than the House of
Representatives.
Indeed, what the Constitution simply means is that the initiative for filing revenue,
tariff, or tax bills, bills authorizing an increase of the public debt, private bills and
bills of local application must come from the House of Representatives on the theory
that, elected as they are from the districts, the members of the House can be
expected to be more sensitive to the local needs and problems. On the other hand,
the senators, who are elected at large, are expected to approach the same
problems from the national perspective. Both views are thereby made to bear on
the enactment of such laws.
Nor does the Constitution prohibit the filing in the Senate of a substitute bill in
anticipation of its receipt of the bill from the House, so long as action by the Senate
as a body is withheld pending receipt of the House bill. The Court cannot, therefore,
understand the alarm expressed over the fact that on March 1, 1993, eight months
before the House passed H. No. 11197, S. No. 1129 had been filed in the Senate.
After all it does not appear that the Senate ever considered it. It was only after the
Senate had received H. No. 11197 on November 23, 1993 that the process of
legislation in respect of it began with the referral to the Senate Committee on Ways
and Means of H. No. 11197 and the submission by the Committee on February 7,
1994 of S. No. 1630. For that matter, if the question were simply the priority in the
time of filing of bills, the fact is that it was in the House that a bill (H. No. 253) to
amend the VAT law was first filed on July 22, 1992. Several other bills had been filed
in the House before S. No. 1129 was filed in the Senate, and H. No. 11197 was only
a substitute of those earlier bills.
SECTION 24. All appropriation, revenue or tariff bills, bills authorizing increase of the
public debt, bills of local application, and private bills shall originate exclusively in
the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with
amendments.
Alvarez vs Guingona [G. R. No. 118303, January, 1996] Chongael, Gemma
FACTS: In April 1993, House Bill 8817 (An Act Converting the Municipality of
Santiago into an Independent Component City to be known as the City of Santiago)
was passed in the House of Representatives.
In May 1993, a Senate Bill (SB 1243) of similar title and content with that of HB
8817 was introduced in the Senate.
In January 1994, HB 8817 was transmitted to the Senate. In February 1994, the
Senate conducted a public hearing on SB 1243. In March 1994, the Senate
Committee on Local Government rolled out its recommendation for approval of HB
8817 as it was totally the same with SB 1243. Eventually, HB 8817 became a law
(RA 7720).
Now Senator Heherson Alvarez et al are assailing the constitutionality of the said
law on the ground that the bill creating the law did not originate from the lower
house and that City of Santiago was not able to comply with the income of at least
P20M per annum in order for it to be a city. That in the computation of the reported
average income of P20,974,581.97, the IRA was included which should not be.
ISSUES:
1. Whether or not RA 7720 is invalid for not being originally from the HOR.
2. Whether or not the IRA should be included in the computation of an LGUs
income.
HELD: 1. NO. The house bill was filed first before the senate bill as the record
shows. Further, the Senate held in abeyance any hearing on the said SB while the
HB was on its 1st, 2nd and 3rd reading in the HOR. The Senate only conducted its
1st hearing on the said SB one month after the HB was transmitted to the Senate (in
anticipation of the said HB as well).
2. YES. The IRA should be added in the computation of an LGUs average
annual income as was done in the case at bar. The IRAs are items of income
because they form part of the gross accretion of the funds of the local government
unit. The IRAs regularly and automatically accrue to the local treasury without need
of any further action on the part of the local government unit. They thus constitute
income which the local government can invariably rely upon as the source of much
needed funds.
To reiterate, IRAs are a regular, recurring item of income; nil is there a basis, too, to
classify the same as a special fund or transfer, since IRAs have a technical definition
and meaning all its own as used in the Local Government Code that unequivocally
makes it distinct from special funds or transfers referred to when the Code speaks of
funding support from the national government, its instrumentalities and
government-owned-or-controlled corporations.
INTRODUCTION OF A BILL OF LOCAL APPLICATION IN THE SENATE IN ANTICIPATION
OF THE BILL TO BE PASSED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES IS NOT
PROHIBITED BY THE CONSTITUTION. Although a bill of local application like HB No.
8817 should, by constitutional prescription, originate exclusively in the House of
Representatives, the claim of petitioners that Republic Act No. 7720 did not
originate exclusively in the House of Representatives because a bill of the same
import, SB No. 1243, was passed in the Senate, is untenable because it cannot be
denied that HB No. 8817 was filed in the House of Representatives first before SB
No. 1243 was filed in the Senate. Petitioners themselves cannot disavow their own
admission that HB No. 8817 was filed on April 18, 1993 while SB No. 1243 was filed
on May 19, 1993. The filing of HB No. 8817 was thus precursive not only of the said
Act in question but also of SB No. 1243. Thus, HB No. 8817, was the bill that
initiated the legislative process that culminated in the enactment of Republic Act
No. 7720. No violation of Section 24, Article VI, of the 1987 Constitution is
perceptible under the circumstances attending the instant controversy.
Furthermore, petitioners themselves acknowledge that HB No. 8817 was already
approved on Third Reading and duly transmitted to the Senate when the Senate
Committee on Local Government conducted its public hearing on HB No. 8817. HB
No. 8817 was approved on the Third Reading on December 17, 1993 and
transmitted to the Senate on January 28, 1994; a little less than a month thereafter
or on February 23, 1994, the Senate Committee on Local Government conducted
public hearings on SB No. 1243. Clearly, the Senate held in abeyance any action on
SB No. 1243 until it received HB No. 8817, already approved on the Third Reading,
from the House of Representatives. The filing in the Senate of a substitute bill in
anticipation of its receipt of the bill from the House, does not contravene the
constitutional requirement that a bill of local application should originate in the
House of Representatives, for as long as the Senate does not act thereupon until it
receives the House bill.