Revistaing 14

Capoeira is one of Brazils most characteristic cultural
expressions. We often see definitions stating that the game

of capoeira is a sport practiced at clubs, academies or in
the streets, with no set rules but characteristically ordered
nevertheless, with its own music, for which the instrument
that sets the pace at practice bouts is the berimbau, or musical bow. This definition, however, reduces capoeira to its
purely sporting aspects, to the detriment of the ways all its
other features blend in with Brazilian society. The purpose
of this publication is to reveal those elements of capoeira
that transcend physical exercise, and cover the profound
implications of the many ways the practice of capoeira affects the way we live in society. For all of these reasons, capoeira may be considered one of the most complex among
Brazils cultural expressions.
Capoeiras mythical and religious aspects, for instance,
are a part of that which is considered sacred in Brazil,
something that permeates all beliefs, lifestyles, dreams
and struggles in our society. Srgio Buarque de Holanda
summed it up most eloquently as religious feeling, both
intimate and close to the heart, accepting of spiritual contributions from many sources, and a paradigm of the courteous nature with which that writer credits the Brazilian
people. Thus, the magic that imbues the world of capoeira
albeit rooted in popular imaginings gives form to a vast
spectrum of meaning through which this expression of Afro-Brazilian culture maintains ties with all that is sacred, and
with a panoply of the expressions and traditions of Brazils
popular culture.
The language of capoeira helps us to understand some
of the peculiarities in the way Brazilians relate to their environment. The names of many capoeira moves and techniques often have to do with our natural surroundings, and
indicate how closely this practice relates to paying attention
to ones environment. The very etymology of the indigenous word capoeira provides another example, in that it
originally meant a clearing where jungle once stood.
The History of Capoeira fleshes out these social aspects
by adding a wealth of relevant historical significance. The
changes through which capoeira has evolved reflect a number of transformations occurring over the last few centuries.
A comprehensive look at our history must therefore include
some remarks concerning the war on capoeira, which persisted throughout the 19th and into the early 20th century.
Despite concerted efforts at its suppression, however, capoeira managed to overcome all obstacles. That this was so
may be owing to the fact that capoeira is a broad-based and
deeply-rooted aspect of what it means to be Brazilian, and
therefore not something that is easily crushed.
As a product of grassroots culture, capoeira was regarded with grave misgivings by the ruling cultural elite, as
something associated with idlers and ruffians entirely lacking in social graces. It is therefore instructive to observe
that capoeira today serves to eliminate some of the very
social ills for which it was accusingly blamed in the past.
Capoeira has revealed itself an excellent vehicle for social
inclusion. This is largely due to the way capoeiristas, in their
circle ceremonies, place opposites on an equal footing, encourage diversity and constantly foster the exercise of patience and humility.
In 2007, the Ministry of External Relations was pleased
to sponsor more than 50 capoeira events all over the world.
The spread of capoeira to other countries has greatly
strengthened and benefited this martial style. Today there
are mestres in many countries whose command of the
style is as good as we see in Brazil. It would not be too
much to say, then, that although capoeira has its cultural
roots in Brazil and is without question a symbol of Brazilianness throughout the world, it is now so widely practiced on
a global scale as to constitute Brazils contribution to the
cultural heritage of mankind. Standing as mute witness to
the fact are the illustrations in this volume photographs
by Pierre Verger and drawings by Caryb both men hailing from foreign lands, yet who, through their art, masterfully shed light on aspects peculiar to capoeira.
In the annex to this current issue of the Texts from Brazil series, there is a disc with an excerpt from the documentary Mestre Bimba: the luminous capoeira (Mestre Bimba:
a capoeira iluminada), whose permission to reproduce was
graciously granted by Lumen Produes. Based on the
book Mestre Bimba: Corpo de Mandinga by Muniz Sodr,
the film shows testimonies by old pupils and never-released
images of the life trajectory of one of the major names in
the history of capoeira. The reader who has never seen a
roda de capoeira will thus be able to enjoy a sampling of
capoeira movements, music and ritual. Hopefully, he or she
will also be encouraged by both this publication and the
DVD to join the fascinating world of capoeira...
INFORMATION COORDINATING OFFICE
The Challenges Capoeira Faces Today

Luiz Renato Vieira e Matthias Rhrig Assuno
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(1) The Old Republic (Repblica Velha) is the

period in the history of Brazil that extends
from the proclamation of the Republic (1889)
until Getlio Vargas comes to power in 1930.
Ministry of External Relations

Texts from Brazil
No longer restricted to academic circles and

the performing arts, capoeira is making its
debut before a much wider audience, from
the theater stage and cinema screen to the
world of advertising.
The Challenges Capoeira

Faces Today
Public perceptions of capoeira have also changed dramatically. Once a misdemeanor punishable by whipping, or
a barbaric Negro custom blocking the path of progress, it
is now the stuff of exotic folklore and worthy of preservation, manifestly the cornerstone of a truly Brazilian martial art.
More recently, attention has been lavished upon its various
aspects, and capoeira is on the verge of being declared a part
of the heritage of Brazil and of all mankind. Now globalized,
it has become a Brazilian expression of what sociologist Renato Ortiz correctly described as international pop culture.
Since the 1980s, capoeira has also evolved into a proper
focus of academic study, and the subject of many masters
theses and doctoral dissertations in Brazil and elsewhere
in such fields as anthropology, history, sociology, education and physical education. Practitioners of the sport,
scattered in groups throughout Brazil and beyond, debate
the merits of capoeira studies in their local milieus and at
the events they organize. No longer restricted to academic
circles and the performing arts, capoeira is making its debut
before a much wider audience, from the theater stage and
cinema screen to the world of advertising.
The generation of capoeiristas out there earning its rope
belts since the 1980s is driving a paradigm shift in the history of this form. While current practitioners are wearily familiar with the stories told by their masters stories of persecution, of circles broken up by the cops and sent scattering
pell-mell through the crowds at public festivities their own
experience has been very different. Capoeira has earned its
place as an institution covered by the media and respected
by the powers-that-be, and this has profoundly changed its
meaning and its methods. The rapid pace of these changes
has been a challenge to capoeiristas, political institutions
and the various exponents of cultural values.
TOWARD A LEVEL PLAYING FIELD . To better explain
how todays capoeira came about, we must look backward
through time. Capoeiristas were still seen as something far
from ordinary in the early 1970s. The practice was taken to
be an expression of cultural form seeking a place for itself
as a sport, albeit a sport more at home among the poorer
(mostly afro-descending) populations living on the outskirts
of town. The institutions of polite society regarded capoeira with apprehension, often from behind closed doors.
Considerable effort was needed, by way of organization, to
keep capoeira from losing what momentum it had built up
during the early part of the 20th century.
Even though one could look back on many important
initiatives in the development of capoeira, these were isolated efforts compared with the larger projects emerging
in the 1970s and 80s. Capoeira was offered in schools, at
universities, as physical therapy and training for the handicapped. It became a major for licenciature degrees in
physical education and a fit subject for academic papers
and theses, rehabilitation for juvenile delinquents and the
10
Alexandre Gomes
proper Brazilian style of gymnastics. The literature on capoeira bristles with studies on the subject in all of these
fields and in others too numerous to mention here. The
important thing is to recognize this turning point in the recent history of capoeira. It was also during the 1970s and
80s that capoeira won its rightful place among Brazilian
sports. Even then, it stood under the aegis of the Brazilian
Pugilism Confederation, where it gained recognition from
a number of educational and sports-related government
agencies. In those early days, capoeira competitions resembled other martial sports. Stripped of its artistic heritage, it
was reduced to just another combat sport. Gradually over
time, those details were restored and capoeiristas and their
competitions came to be judged in ways reminiscent of the
original capoeira circles. We mustnt forget the important
part played in these developments by Brazils Interscholastic Games (Jogos Escolares Brasileiros,JEBs), which provided
the setting for a more holistic approach to capoeira.
One must recall that the 1980s were also the backdrop for the rapid nationwide growth of the larger capoeira
schools.2 The group-learning pattern of organization quickly jelled around the art, despite efforts by some to structure
the schools along the more traditional lines of federations.
This was, without a doubt, the most significant step in the
recent history of capoeira. Organization by groups became
a standard in which the teacher or mestre forms and organizes his own school, then establishes ties with some
institution which has already achieved recognition in the
marketplace. Still a lively topic of discussion is to what extent that form of organization serves to preserve capoeira
in its wealth of diversity while adding sinew to the nations
cultural backbone.
Another important trend in the early 1980s was renewed appreciation of the old masters, together with the
strengthening of the Angola-style capoeira groups. These
groups gained in influence as the larger capoeira community began having doubts about the metamorphosis of
their practice into a commercial sport.3 A reflection of this
was a trend toward re-Africanization within the capoeira
community especially at its more traditional schools a
trend that affected their lingo, musical styles, instruments,
and even the historical viewpoint of researchers. Capoeira
scholars began to lay emphasis on its African origins, and
began searching for earlier foundations and parallel styles,
with discoveries that included the Caribbean ladja of Martinique, and the moringue of the Indian Ocean. Simplistic
nationalism, once the dominant influence, gave way to a
(2) By way of clarification and context, each capoeira group is a school founded by one or more
masters, which unifies under a single name the teaching venues run by its graduates as
teachers or mestres. They range from small groups, with two or three little academies, to large
ones, chartered as corporations and global in scope. Graduates of one school will often migrate
to another group to teach professionally, a development that has profoundly altered masterstudent relations throughout the world of capoeira. Up to the 1970s, the mestres name was
practically an added surname to the student (e.g. Mestre Joo Pequeno de Pastinha). Nowadays,
practitioners identify more closely with their groups.
(3) Note also that under the military regime of the 1970s, characterized by intensive economic
development and a push toward modernization, capoeira was generally appreciated in terms of
its value as a sport and its characterization as Brazils national martial art.
11

Texts from Brazil
This was, without a doubt, the most

signicant step in the recent history of
capoeira. Organization by groups became
a standard in which the teacher or mestre
forms and organizes his own school, then
establishes ties with some institution which
has already achieved recognition in the
marketplace.
more global view of the culture and early development of

capoeira, which is now understood as part of the resistance
put up by Africans sold into slavery, and by their descendants all over the world. Capoeira had legitimate standing
as a sport, true enough, but its larger cultural and artistic
whole resisted deconstruction into simply another sport.
This cultural reawakening, which began in the 1980s, grew
stronger as expressions like salvaging and cultural baggage worked their way into the lingo current with capoeiristas. One result of this was that capoeiristas, accustomed
to conga drums fitted with easy-to-use tuning lugs, reverted to drums stretched and tuned with heavy knotted sisal
cords. As a cultural phenomenon woven into the warp and
woof of Brazilian heritage, not simply a sport, capoeira took
the world by storm during the 1990s, and merged with
popular culture on a global scale.
Gone is the lone capoeirista of the 1970s, risking life
and limb overseas, replaced today by strategic thinkers

Faces Today
Lilia Menezes
out to conquer new markets. Today there is not a successful group in Brazil that doesnt have its own representatives abroad. With very few exceptions, capoeira
is easily found and promptly recognized in any of the
worlds major cities, where native teachers schooled by
Brazilians are teaching the style in their own countries.
There lies the challenge that faces todays scholars and
practitioners, namely, to understand where capoeira fits
in as its own facet of international pop culture. To the
observer it shifts, one minute showing its Brazilian roots,
then appearing the next as a market phenomenon,
paying homage to its African origins while standing in
judgemental contrast to the Western culture surrounding it. Clearly, we must understand how this international Diaspora meshes with the dynamics of globalized
culture, but understand it also in terms of its own inner
logic, at odds with its inner contradictions.
12
Capoeira
CONTEMPORARY CAPOEIRA STYLES. Two different

styles emerged from the modernization of capoeira and its
acceptance as a sport beginning in the 1930s. Capoeira regional, the first modern style, was created by Mestre Bimba
(1900-1974), and perpetuated by his group of students.
Bimba thought the style in Bahia was too laid-back to hold its
own against the mixed martial arts entering freestyle competition at the time. To develop his Bahian regional fighting style, Bimba kept the techniques he thought proper,
dispensed with others he considered outdated and worked
in some new moves generally effective overall. Even more
important was his development of a teaching style in a more
formal academic environment wearing uniforms and setting disciplinary and ethical standards. But despite its huge
success, especially from the 1960s on, his style was not universally accepted by capoeira devotees in Bahia.
A competing faction, headed up largely by Mestre
Pastinha since the 1940s, chose to retain precisely those
though these had long been a part of traditional Bahian

capoeira. We must bear in mind that even before the wave
of modernization, Bahian capoeira was by no means uniform and homogeneous, but rather, each individual mestre
taught his own specific set of movements, rhythms and
rituals. Indeed, the capoeira taught by other old mestres,
men like Waldemar, Cobrinha Verde or Canjiquinha, were
very different in many features from what was taught by
mestre Pastinha.
We therefore see that there was never a unique, monolithic
capoeira tradition in its early days in Bahia. This, in turn, made it
easier for later groups to emphasize dissimilar or even conflicting
versions of the tradition. We should note that both the regional
and angolan schools parted company with the street-wise hepcats of yesteryear, and transferred their schools indoors, where
they offered scheduled training, uniforms and rules. They began
teaching larger classes and recruiting students male and female of all ages and from all walks of life.
Luiz Renato Collection
elements of the earlier capoeira style which the regional

school had discarded, such as chamadas and jogo de dentro (ritual breaks and slow intertwined movements), plus a
host of theatrical and ritual aspects of rodas (including the
opening litanies). Even as Bimba labored toward innovation, Pastinha and his adherents struggled to preserve older traditions. This prompted them to add angola to the
name of their capoeira style, as a means of emphasizing
that they kept in touch with the African roots of the art. Yet
although the angoleiros see themselves to this day as
guardians of tradition, theirs is clearly a new style forged in
part from an effort to preserve capoeira as it was practiced
in Bahia during the 1930s, but also springing from their
concerted opposition to the regional style. For instance,
whenever Angolan practitioners noticed that capoeira regional made use of bales boosted sequences of assisted
moves they were quick to condemn the practice, even
Further complications developed as modern capoeira,

based on these two styles from Bahia, spread across the
country. The knowledge was transmitted in several ways.
Graduates trained by mestres in Bahia often set up shop in
different states, most of them migrating to cities in southeastern Brazil. Alternatively, students in other states practiced capoeira on their own, and occasionally took classes
with the original mestres during trips to Bahia. Here, the
self-taught nature of the art led to variations on the style,
variations easily observed in the case of Rio de Janeiros
Grupo Senzala. Furthermore, capoeira practitioners from
Bahia came upon local capoeira traditions in many cities.
How important the contributions of these local forms were
to the development of todays styles is an issue shrouded in
controversy, especially in the case of Rio de Janeiro, where
teachers like Sinhozinho taught a non-musical style of capoeira even before the arrival of the baianos.
13

Texts from Brazil
To put it differently, this transformation

of capoeiragem by which is meant its
social context had an impact on its
content. This tells us there is a need to go
beyond the classical binary angola-regional
dichotomy if we are to distinguish the
various styles of capoeira from each other
and differentiate among them according to
the features they emphasize: contention,
tradition, culture, diversion or dance.

Faces Today
In the search for a better life, many people migrated

from Bahia to cities in the Southwest from about the
1950s through 1980, when many others began migrating
overseas. Among this migrant population were capoeira
mestres, graduate students and amateur practitioners.
Outside the Northeastern region, capoeira became part of
the cultural baggage of the migrant population, where it
accumulated nostalgic references to Bahia that linger to
this day. Living in exile strengthened the ties between capoeiristas of the various styles to the point of undermining
the rivalry between proponents of the regional versus angolan schools. In many cases mestres and teachers of the
angolan and regional styles jointly organized groups and
taught classes, especially in So Paulo (e.g. Cordo de Ouro,
etc.). Generally speaking, however, the angolan style, with
its greater cultural dependence on the Afro-Bahian frame
of reference, was not as easily assimilated among the new
groups of practitioners, and gained little ground during that
time. The predominant playing style much more closely
resembled the form taught by mestre Bimba, even if, at
times, it dispensed with his study plans, such as practicing the eight basic patterns.4 Similarly, the music played by
groups outside of Bahia was not typically the regional style.
The rhythm most often played on the berimbau bows was
So Bento Grande, a favorite in Angola circles.5 For these
reasons the next generation of masters living outside of
Bahia lost interest in the rift between angolan and regional
capoeira, often asserting they were one and the same.
This ecumenical approach had its advantages: it defused
conflict among capoeiristas striving to convince the public
that their sport had nothing to do with idlers and dissolute
hepcats; at the same time it meshed perfectly with the nationalist notion that capoeira much more than a mere
sport was the Brazilian martial art and raised its status as
a privileged exponent of Brazils national identity.
The So Paulo Capoeira Federation was organized in
1970 under the auspices of the military government that
gained control in 1964, and in 1972 the Brazilian Pugilism
Confederation (CPB) added a capoeira department as an
umbrella organization for fighting styles lacking confederations of their own. Member groups agreed to abide by
Federation rules, ranging from the minutiae of competition
regulations to mandatory uniforms and deferential salutations (such as the Salve! still in use at many capoeira
schools). These changes, true enough, facilitated the integration of capoeira into the school system and sports on a
(4) Regional capoeira patterns, or sequences taught by Mestre Bimba are one of the most telling
features of the teaching method developed by this important baiano master. They consist of a
sequence of attack and defense moves, simulating actual combat and acting as a sort of stockin-trade of the most important techniques in regional capoeira. Patterns (which some believe
total eight arrangements) were used to teach beginners and as part of daily training for more
advanced capoeiristas.
(5) In addition to providing the rhythmic foundations for performing the stock-in-trade of capoeira,
the berimbau is charged with important symbolism in capoeira circles. The tunes played on the
berimbau express the preferences of the group or mestre running the circle. They set the pace
and determine other features of capoeira play. Thus there are, among many others, Angola
and Regional tunes.
14
Capoeira
national scale, and sparked yet another wave of expansion

outside of Brazil. Nevertheless, a backlash soon followed,
from practitioners committed to the idea of resistance by
the underdog, which was still associated with the style.
A number of groups, including several of the largest, not
only refused to join the Federation but went even farther in
staking out their alternative approach. For instance, they
established competing standards of rank, with associated
colors of rope belts for each grade. In the midst of all this,
a resurgence of Afro-Bahian traditions gained in strength
to the point of approaching the stature of capoeira angola
which had itself been declining with the passing of an
entire generation of old mestres from Bahia, which decline
reached its ebb with the passing of Pastinha (1981). Beginning in the 1980s this style resumed graduating its own
masters and increasing its ranks in Brazil and elsewhere.
Some friction has since arisen between one angola style,
whose practitioners claim to trace their lineage directly
back to a baiano master, and styles we might call angolanized in that they incorporate some of the moves characteristic of angoleiros without letting go of peculiarities of
their own, peculiarities scorned by the angoleiros as regional. As time went on, several of the groups demanded
recognition as angoleiros, recognition withheld from them
by what might be described as the hard core practitioners
of capoeira angola.
The situation gets even trickier as we examine the qualifier regional. To the angoleiros it is a handy category into
which all other styles are indiscriminately lumped, so the
term itself acquires negative connotations in their lingo. At
the opposite end of the style spectrum are several anointed
heirs of mestre Bimba who seek to preserve his style with
no major changes. These worthies likewise announce to
the world that only they merit the title of regional. This
was reason enough for many capoeira masters to divorce
themselves entirely from both of the extreme or purist
designations, and either describe their style as contemporary capoeira or claim that they practice both styles (an
advantageous marketing position in the face of increasing
competition among teachers). This fence-straddling led
purists to coin the pejorative angonal to belittle these
middle-of-the-road practitioners until the miscreants
took to proudly sporting the title.
To describe capoeira as contemporary does not convey a meaningful picture of the thing described. There are,
after all, several clearly distinguishable forms, beginning
with the angola and regional variants. As capoeira outgrew
its original context and broadened into academies, schools,
universities, stage performance, mixed martial art competitions and even gained acceptance as therapy, it sprouted
new meanings, interpretations, forms, training methods
and styles of play. To put it differently, this transformation
of capoeiragem by which is meant its social context had
an impact on its content. This tells us there is a need to
go beyond the classical binary angola-regional dichotomy

if we are to distinguish the various styles of capoeira from
each other and differentiate among them according to the
features they emphasize: contention, tradition, culture, diversion or dance.
CHASMS AND CHALLENGES .This complex scenario,
which we can only outline here, places before the new generation of practitioners, group managers, academies and
public agencies, a laundry list of basic issues surrounding
Embratur
15
Alexandre Gomes

Texts from Brazil
Throughout this international expansion

before mass audiences as a sport one
day and a cultural exhibition the next
stereotypes are emerging and becoming
entrenched. The process involves tradeoffs, as does any other process relating to
cultural change.
Lilia Menezes

Faces Today
the development of capoeira. If past generations had to

cope with the possible disappearance of capoeira and
this has actually happened to other other Brazilian combative dance styles or manly arts like the batuque, pernada
carioca and tiririca the dilemmas unfolding in todays scenario are altogether different. Capoeira is a part of everyday life in Brazil and has spread throughout the world as
one of the most visible symbols of Brazilian culture abroad.
Throughout this international expansion before mass audiences as a sport one day and a cultural exhibition the next
stereotypes are emerging and becoming entrenched.
The process involves trade-offs, as does any other process
relating to cultural change.
By current challenges we mean issues that, in our view,
merit inclusion in todays discussion agendas on the topic
of capoeira whether it be in debates on capoeira activities
abroad or couched in plans for government action relating
to the practice, teaching and popularization of the art in its
myriad aspects.
One of the issues we perceive as crucial to current
debate has to do with the passing along of ancient traditions and capoeira lore. It is a recurrent theme in discussions about the sort of qualifications a practitioner ought
to have in order to become a teacher or master. After all,
the traditional notion of a master an individual known to
the community as possessing ancient knowledge handed
down by oral tradition and passed along gradually over
time in day-to-day contact with the trainee is slowly being replaced by that of a capoeirista whose title to the
calling arrives in the form of a grant by a given group, federation or some sort of quasi-official entity. Within the capoeira community there is nothing resembling a consensus on this topic. Although the larger schools or capoeira
groups have been successful in providing their masters
with a certain standing (so that the mestre derives his legitimacy from the strength of the entity he represents, as
16
Capoeira
albeit with reduced emphasis, about the role of physical education instructors in the teaching of capoeira. Federal Law
No. 9696, published in 1998, imposed regulatory requirements for teaching physical education and created the corresponding federal and regional job councils. It turns out
that widespread assumptions later found to have been
erroneous about the idea of physical activities, led the
Federal Council to spread the word that as of the date of its
publication, the law provided that only physical education
teachers were entitled to teach capoeira.
This brings us to another subject that, in our estimation, places todays capoeira between the horns of a dilemma this one having to do with the preservation of
the cultural diversity attending the art. Try as we might
to regard capoeira as a sort of universal body language,
its constituent parts still fit together differently, resulting in different accents. Here we refer not only to the
distinction between the angola and regional variants, but
rather, to internal differences within these larger schools
of capoeira ranging from technical features to the game
itself through concepts underlying the rituals and ethical
standards which guide the practitioners choices and actions. The organization of these large capoeira groups,
with their corporate personas and aggressive strategies
for expanding throughout the interior of Brazil and even
into other countries are observed by several scholars
with some misgivings about the possible disappearance
of the more colorful outward features of capoeira among
those provincial communities and along the peripheries
of larger cities. The work carried on by entities connected with the spread of culture, and especially by government agencies having jurisdiction over that culture, must
be based on the principle that there is not just a single
capoeira, but a plurality of capoeiras. To preserve that
diversity and foster a culture of tolerance is to preserve a
scenario in which every expression of capoeira is allowed
to find its own place.
Preserving the diversity of capoeira often means ensuring that capoeiristas are able to earn a living from their calling. The issue is particularly thorny in Brazil nowadays in
the case of elderly mestres living in the nations traditional
capoeira centers (cities such as Salvador, Rio de Janeiro and
Recife) as well as small towns in the interior, where traditional forms of capoeira survive even now. We consider
this one of the larger challenges on the road toward implementing a public policy to foster the valuation of capoeira
as part of Brazils cultural heritage.
Alexandre Gomes
well as from his own qualities and knowledge as an individual), there is a whole world of capoeira practiced outside of these fraternal gatherings of the art, a world that
has no clear standards as to what sort of qualifications or
training a capoeira teacher ought to have.
The issue becomes even thornier when we consider the
diffusion of capoeira across international borders. It is only
natural, after all, to expect entities and individuals extending
their hospitality to Brazilian capoeiristas overseas to take
an interest in what sort of credentials he or she has in Brazil. Yet there is no simple solution. Some of the suggestions put forth and widely debated in capoeira circles carry
within them more problems than solutions. An example is
to authorize this federation or that government agency to
compile and enforce an official list of mestres or persons
authorized to teach the art. This subject must be studied
more closely, and its boundaries clearly defined even in the
absence of a feasible way to establish standards applicable
to all styles as a requirement for permission to work as a
capoeira teacher or mestre. Those pioneering mestres who
carried capoeira outside of Brazil have from the outset worried about the arrival of other capoeiristas, often unknown
in Brazil and entirely lacking in teaching experience, to set
up shop and, oftentimes, arrogate unto themselves the title
of mestre. In the past there has been some preoccupation in Brazil over baseless claims to the title of capoeira
teacher or mestre. However, the widespread popularity of
capoeira today, coupled with the development of its own
market, of which there is widespread public understanding,
has effectively reduced the number of teachers working
without proper qualifications. This, however, is not yet the
case overseas.
In the absence of any significant discussion of the issue,
the vacuum has been filled by a complex scenario in which
several actors predominate.6 Bear in mind the thorough
discussions undertaken in the late 1990s and still ongoing,
(6) We must realize that under current legislation in Brazil, no exclusive monopoly is granted to
sporting organizations such as federations or confederations. Such entities cannot, therefore,
be considered official in the sense of having greater government support behind them than do
others with regard to the organization and representation of practitioners of a given category.
For any given category of sports there may be and in many cases there are more than
one federation per state and more than a single confederation national in scope. This is not to
mention the leagues and other types of associations which, with regard to the subject discussed
here, have the same prerogatives as federations in the representation of their practitioners.
Some capoeira groups have organized their own federations, confederations or leagues.
17

Texts from Brazil
The Cultural Department of the Ministry

of Foreign Relations (MRE) has, through its
embassies and consulates, secured support
for capoeiristas working outside of Brazil.

Faces Today
With that in mind, some attention should be given to

the importance of the Capoeira Viva project organized by
the Ministry of Culture (MinC). Unveiled in Rio de Janeiro in
2006, its purpose is to promote capoeira and provide a basis for government initiatives consistent with the industry.7
The project consists basically of providing support, through
rules publicly proclaimed in an official posting given broad
circulation, to efforts related to the teaching of the art in
poor communities. Other actions have been undertaken
by the federal government in the past, some of them dating back to the 1980s. What sets the Capoeira Viva project
apart, as we see it, is the effort to give transparency to the
setting of standards for selecting projects to be funded, and
widespread publication of their results. We therefore have,
as we embark on the 21st century, a pioneering and systematic government effort aimed at furthering the development of capoeira.
With regard to the important movement aimed at restoring the ancestral traditions of capoeira, we would like
to call attention to the very limited appropriations for historical memories and various other types of knowledge
relating to capoeira. Unfortunately, efforts to broaden our
research into capoeira have not been attended with similar
efforts toward disseminating this knowledge to the practicing community or to society in general. In other words,
research relying primarily on the older capoeiras and their
surrounding communities as primary sources has tended
to dislodge that knowledge, and led to the emergence of
an elite group of capoeiristas having plenty of formal academic training, but little understanding of the importance
of mechanisms for disseminating that knowledge. Here
we identify yet another area in which the State ought to
intervene in order to promote popular culture and citizenship not only by making the research possible, but to
see to it that it is also given everything necessary to bring
about those conditions that will strengthen the environment in which it is produced as an expression of the life of
those communities.
Lastly, there ought to be some discussion of the possibility of providing support to capoeira mestres and teachers
overseas. The Cultural Department of the Ministry of Foreign Relations (MRE) has, through its embassies and consulates, secured support for capoeiristas working outside
of Brazil. The embassies, however, could play a larger role
as touchstones for Brazilian culture by providing libraries
and video display venues for masters, teachers, and other
interested parties. We would like to further suggest that informal capoeira counsels be organized, supported by their
corresponding embassies, in countries in which significant
visibility has already been achieved. The duty of these councils would be to offer opinions whenever rolls of teachers
names are compiled so as to always preserve a plurality
(7) The project web site is: www.capoeiraviva.org.br
18
Capoeira
of styles or to help see to it that the decisions on sponsorship having to do with capoeira are more transparent. As
we have already pointed out in the case of Capoeira Viva, we
must ensure that increased funding for capoeira, through a
series of cultural incentive laws, is placed under common
control so as to also serve as an example for globalization of
other manifestations of Brazilian culture something that
is already taking place, albeit in a hole-and-corner way, with
samba and maracatu rhythms.
CLOSING REMARKS. The ongoing globalization of capoeira provides an opportune moment for reflecting on
the popularization of Brazilian culture worldwide. It is our
view that, in a world where information circulates instantaneously through the Internet, fitted out with resources such
as video sharing sites (widely used by capoeira practitioners
the world over), a minimalist view of what Brazil ought to
do is not what we need at this time. In other words, it may
be important to reaffirm the Brazilian nature of our art, but
that alone will not suffice to keep Brazil at the forefront in
todays world of capoeira.
Brazils leadership in the world of capoeira today can
only be ensured by practical policies vesting value in the
capoeira culture as both a tradition and a part of daily life at
every level of Brazilian society. Only then having availed
ourselves of the privilege of sheltering the lore of the art,
and having been the cradle in which wonderful feats were
accomplished by the great capoeiras of the past will Brazil
continue to merit recognition throughout the world as a
source of historical memory and new experiences relating
to the practice, its musical heritage, and the teaching of
capoeira itself.
Alexandre Gomes
Luiz Renato Vieira. Ph.D. in Cultural Sociology, Legislative Consultant on social and minority assistance to Brazils Federal Senate, Capoeira Master for Grupo Beribazu
and coordinator for the UnB Community Capoeira Project,
member of the Council of Mestres for the Culture Ministrys
Capoeira Viva Project, and author of the book titled O Jogo
da Capoeira: Corpo e Cultura Popular no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Sprint, 1998). E-mail: luizrenatovieira@uol.com.br
Matthias Rhrig Assuno. Ph.D. in History, Professor,
Department of History at the University of Essex (England)
and visiting professor at the Masters Program in History at
the Universidade Federal Fluminense, CAPES Scholar and
author of the book titled Capoeira. The History of an AfroBrazilian Martial Art (London:Routledge, 2005)
E-mail: matthias_capoeira@yahoo.com.br
19
The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

Toward a History of Capoeira
Guilherme Frazo Conduru
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Texts from Brazil
Foreigners visited Brazil in increasing

numbers after the Portuguese Royal
Family arrived in 1808, and the writings
they left behind have proven invaluable in
reconstructing the society and customs then
prevailing. Among these writings, those
of Johann Moritz Rugendas (1802-1858)
appear to include the earliest description of
capoeira (1835).

Observe, however, that the above definition is historically dependent. To attempt to apply it indiscriminately for instance, to
capoeira as practiced during the Second Empire (1840-1890)1
would be anachronistic. In what follows we will identify several
metamorphoses capoeira has undergone, and examine transformations in the way capoeira fit in with society at large.
1. EARLY REFERENCES (CIRCA 1770-1830). Some claim
that capoeira has been practiced since the time of the runaway
slave outpost known as Quilombo dos Palmares (17th century).2
Associating capoeira with the history of black resistance to slavery is intriguing. Was it more than simple horseplay, in which
slaves could, at least momentarily, distract themselves from
their wretched plight? Might it also have been a weapon with
which to prosecute the struggle for freedom? Current historical
research shows us no signs of capoeira being practiced by quilombolas, fugitive slaves who found refuge in fastnesses known
as quilombos.3 At best, we may find references back to the latter
half of the 18th Century, in urban surroundings at that.
Luis Edmundo, in his memoirs, describes the capoeira
player during the Vice-Kingdom of Brazil (1763 - 1808) as
a sly, taciturn adventurer who nevertheless paid homage to
the holy figures at the ubiquitous public shrines that dotted
colonial Rio de Janeiro.4
Elsio de Arajos history of the police force in that old
colonial capital5offers a different perspective less literary
but more persuasive. Citing O ilustrado Dr. J. M. Macedo,
without naming his source, he claimed that:
Back in the time of the Marquis de Lavradio, in
1770, there was a militia officer, Second Lt. Joo
Moreira, nicknamed the mutineer, a brawny
and ill-tempered man who was perhaps the first
of the capoeira fighters in Rio de Janeiro; albeit
an impeccable swordsman and fighter with knife
or club, he preferred the tactics of headbutts
and blows with the feet.
The report suggests that the mutineer was perhaps a
forerunner to the celebrated Major Vidigal, right-hand-man
to Brazils first Police Commissioner, Conselheiro Paulo Fernandes Viana, himself appointed by Dom Joo, the Prince
Regent. Vidigal entered history as a character in Memoirs
of a Militia Sergeant, known for his inquisitorial6 police
(1) Editors Note: The Second Empire covers a period of 49 years in the history of Brazil. It extended
from 1840, when D. Pedro II was declared of legal age and enthroned as the second Emperor of
Brazil, until November 15 1889, when Brazil was proclaimed a republic.
(2) See, for instance, the newspaper interview with Mestre Almir das Areias by Movimento on
09/13/1976, cited by Roberto Freire in Soma, uma terapia anarquista, Vol. 2/Prtica da Soma
e capoeira, pp. 160-168, Editora Guanabara-Koogan, Rio de Janeiro, 1991. The movie Quilombo
(1983), directed by Cac Diegues, includes scenes suggestive of capoeira fighting techniques.
(3) See Memorial de Palmares, by Ivan Alves Filho, Xnon Editores, Rio de Janeiro, 1988.
(4) See O Rio de Janeiro no tempo dos Vice-Reis, Athena Editora, Rio de Janeiro, undated.
(5) See Estudo histrico sobre a Polcia da Capital Federal de 1808 a 1831, First part, Imprensa
Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1898, p. 56.
(6) See Memrias de um Sargento de Milcias de Manuel Antnio de Almeida, Irmos Pongetti
Editores, Rio de Janeiro, 1963, preface by Marques Reblo, p. 28.
22
So Salvador
J. M. Rugendas,1802 - 1858
to butt their heads against the chest of the adversary they wish to knock down. These attacks
are avoided by equally skillful feints and fakes to
either side. Yet it sometimes happens that in
charging each other, somewhat like goats, their
heads crash together with considerable force,
and the horseplay often degenerates into a fight,
knives enter the picture, and blood is drawn.10
tactics. Vidigal was notorious for persistently antagonizing

the black communitys fugitive slaves, candombls7 and capoeira practitioners, and is credited with having originated a
terrible series of tortures known as the Cameroon delight,8
reserved especially for capoeira practitioners and vagrants,
considered a nuisance throughout the city.
Although the nations first criminal code The Criminal
Code of the Empire of Brazil, of 1830 made no specific
reference to capoeiras, they were presumed to fit the description of bums and mendicants, under Chapter IV, Article 295.9 Indeed, capoeira practitioners were stigmatized
as gang members, vagrants or actual delinquents. How the
social stigma branding them as pariahs can be reconciled
with notions of harmless entertainment on the part of
slaves and freedmen is an issue that merits examination.
Foreigners visited Brazil in increasing numbers after the
Portuguese Royal Family arrived in 1808, and the writings
they left behind have proven invaluable in reconstructing
the society and customs then prevailing. Among these
writings, those of Johann Moritz Rugendas (1802-1858) appear to include the earliest description of capoeira (1835):
To this description the German artist added two lithographs depicting the practice of capoeira, which in all likelihood are the oldest graphic representations of the subject.
The first of these was titled So Salvador, in honor of the
capital of Bahia visible in the background as seen from a
point near the famous Igreja do Bonfim. In the foreground, a
group of dusky-skinned people three men and four women appear as spectators at a contest between two black
contenders. Although there are no musical instruments in
(7) Editors Note: Candombl denotes the ensemble of ritual practices brought to Brazil by
enslaved Africans from the countries now known as Nigeria and Benin.
(8) See Almeida, op. cit.; Waldeloir Rego, Capoeira angola: ensaio scio-etnogrfico, Editora Itapu,
Salvador, 1968, p. 295; and Raimundo Magalhes Jnior, Deodoro: a espada contra o Imprio,
Cia. Editora Nacional, So Paulo, 1940, vol. 2, p. 183.
(9) See Rego, op. cit., p. 291
(10) Johann Moritz Rugendas. Viagem pitoresca atravs do Brasil, Livraria Martins, So Paulo, 1940,
p. 197.
(...) The Negroes have still another warrior sport,

considerably more violent, called capoeira: two
champions rush toward one another in an effort
23

Texts from Brazil
Observe that none of these lithographs

shows a berimbau bow. From this we may
surmise that the instrument was not, at the
time, associated with the art of capoeira.11
One technical detail, notable from a ghting
style standpoint, is that the contenders in the
second engraving have their sts clenched.
sight, the stance and positions of audience and contestants

suffice to convey a throbbing rhythm. One is struck not
only by the presence of women, but also that one of them
is being officiously wooed by another spectator.
The second engraving, titled Jogo da capoeira, depicts a
similar audience of predominantly dusky-skinned individuals watching a delightful bout between two contenders. A
conga drum is in plain view and one of the spectators is clapping hands. Except for one lady who is serving up a portion
of food, everyone even the lady balancing the basket of
pineapples appears entranced by the rhythm and movements of the capoeiristas. The presence of the peripatetic
pineapple-vendor tells us that the setting is urban.
Observe that none of these lithographs shows a berimbau
bow. From this we may surmise that the instrument was not,
at the time, associated with the art of capoeira.11 One technical
detail, notable from a fighting style standpoint, is that the contenders in the second engraving have their fists clenched.
The work of Jean-Baptiste Debret (1768-1848), though
it contains no explicit references to capoeira, nonetheless
adds significantly to the historical reconstruction of capoeira through two of his watercolors and their corresponding
explanations. In describing the wood panel titled Funeral of
an African kings son, the French artist wrote:
The procession is begun by the master of ceremonies, who leaves the house of the deceased
and, swinging his cane, clears a path through
the swarthy crowd blocking the way. Up comes
the Negro fireworks man, setting off rockets and
firecrackers, and three or four cavorting black
tumblers doing numerous backflips and other
somersaults to liven up the scene.

It is interesting to note the inclusion, in a funeral procession, of these black acrobats whose displays would, in
the 20th century, be incorporated into the movements of
Jogo de Capoeira
J. M. Rugendas
(11) See O berimbau-de-barriga e seus toques, Kay Shaffer, MEC/FUNARTE/INF, Monografias

folclricas, 1981.
Detail
So Salvador, J.B. Debret
24
O negro trovador
Uruncungo player
J. B Debret, 1768 - 1848
capoeira whether as flourishes with which to confound an

opponent, as intimidating moves or even displays of physical skill and ability to please tourists.
In his watercolor titled Uruncungo player, Debret depicts an
elderly blind Negro playing the urucungo, clearly a berimbau.
ent viewpoints. The first of these we may call ethnographic,

for lack of a better term, in which this Negro (and therefore
African) outdoor entertainment was widespread enough to
be reproduced by foreign travelers. Yet from a sociological
standpoint, there is no escaping the fact that capoeira was
the focus of intensive efforts at suppression on the part of
the police. This was because its practitioners, who tended
to be slaves or freedmen, were pointed to as muggers and
neer-do-wells making use of capoeira for the commission
of crimes and to cause civil unrest.
These African troubadours, possessed of fertile

imagination and eloquence in telling tales of
love, always closed their candid stanzas with lascivious expressions illustrated by analogous gestures, which never failed to elicit whoops of joy
from the entire Negro audience, their applause
augmented by whistles, piercing screams, leaping and contortions demonstrations which,
happily, were short-lived, for they quickly fled
elsewhere to escape drubbings by military policemen chasing after them with nightsticks.12
2. THE MOB: PROFESSIONALS AND STRONG-ARM

POLITICS (CIRCA 1830-1890). Capoeira managed to survive and, despite all suppression efforts, thrive in society during Brazils Regency Era (1831-40) and The Second Empire
(1840-89). Changes occurred at some point, so that it was
no longer the exclusive domain of slaves or freedmen. While
it is true that blacks and mulattos figure most prominently
in the galleries of famous capoeiristas of a century ago; they
were not, however, the exclusive purveyors of the art.
In fact, it was due to the failure of repressive efforts to
do away with capoeira (along with other manifestations of
Negro culture, such as candombl or shamanism) that it
In support of our earlier conjecture, one may at least

surmise, based on Rugendas engravings, that there was no
association between capoeira and the berimbau, at least
not before the third decade of the 19th century. This is
surprising, given the closeness of the association between
the two as of the 1930s, if not earlier.
During this period from approximately 1770 through
1830, capoeira may be envisioned from at least two differ-
(12) See Debret, Viagem pitoresca e histrica ao Brasil, Itatiaia, Belo Horizonte, Edusp, So Paulo,
1989, Book II, pp. 164-165.
25

Texts from Brazil
Thus, within this context of fraudulent

elections, mobsters as service providers
were in a very real sense professionals.
Admission into their ranks amounted,
in the eyes of impoverished freedmen, to
hopes for a livelihood, so that in a general
way, recruiting efforts among the layabouts,
vagrants and odd-job men tended to ll the
ranks of these outts with the necessary
capoeira practitioners.

Detail
Jogo de Capoeira, J. M. Rugendas
managed to spread to other levels of society during imperial times. It was precisely in the eye of this contradictory
whirlwind of criminalization and growing popularity that the
capoeira mob emerged. It was no accident that contemporary journalists such as Lima Campos and Coelho Neto
referred to the reign of Dom Pedro II as the high point of
capoeira: During the Second Empire, capoeira reached its
peak; that was truly the era in which it predominated and
attained its fullest development.13
The emergence of the mob is indeed related to urban
growth in Rio de Janeiro during the latter part of the 19th
century, much of which growth was driven by migration, primarily by the poorer freedmen as they flocked into the city.14
But the organization of the various mob outfits, in spite of all
suppression efforts, is largely explainable by their usefulness
in the rough-and-tumble of electoral politics. A remark by
Melo Morais Filho on that point is especially telling: (...) Supported on those swarthy shoulders, until just recently, were
the House and Senate, into which many who govern us were
guided by the light reflected off of a straight razor.15
Judging by the reports from Lima Campos and Melo
Morais Filho, the mob outfits in Rio de Janeiro had an inner discipline of sorts with their own power structure and
a kind of career ladder. These outfits could form in terms
of boroughs or neighborhoods (Glria, Lapa, Largo do
Moura, Santa Luzia etc.) or guild-like, around occupations
(Carpinteiros de So Jos, Conceio da Marinha).
At some point, according to Lima Campos, these various
and sundry mob outfits merged to form two large families
or nations: the guaiamus and nags. Politicians had an
interest in preserving the mobs because of their usefulness
for electoral services; hence the brazenness of the capoeiras everywhere in evidence, for they enjoyed a certain
immunity by connivance with the authorities. Each of the
nations had ties to one or the other of the political parties under the monarchy: the Liberals or the Conservatives.
The services to be had included breaking up rallies, stealing
or switching ballot boxes, coercing electors and vengeful
attacks on rival party politicians. Thus, within this context
of fraudulent elections, mobsters as service providers
were in a very real sense professionals. Admission into
their ranks amounted, in the eyes of impoverished freedmen, to hopes for a livelihood, so that in a general way,
recruiting efforts among the layabouts, vagrants and oddjob men tended to fill the ranks of these outfits with the
necessary capoeira practitioners.
They were not, however, the only ones skilled in capoeira. Scions of good families became brawling toughs,
(13) Lima Campos, A Capoeira, article published in Kosmos magazine, Rio de Janeiro, 1906, apud
Carlos Drummond de Andrade e Manuel Bandeira, Rio de Janeiro em prosa e verso, Livraria
Jos Olympio Editora, Rio de Janeiro, 1965, pp. 191-194.
(14) On Rio de Janeiros urban growth in the mid-19th Century, see de Maurcio de Abreu, Evoluo
urbana do Rio de Janeiro, IPLANRIO/ Zahar, Rio de Janeiro, 1988.
(15) See Festas e tradies populares do Brasil, Editora Itatiaia, Belo Horizonte, Edusp, So Paulo,
1979, pp. 257-263, apud Rego, op.cit., p. 280.
26
Capoeira
The Metamorphoses of Capoeira: Toward a History of Capoeira
thanks to the knowledge they acquired fraternizing with

the capoeiristas. Coelho Neto, admittedly fascinated by
the capoeira arts, mentions eminent figures in politics, on
faculties, and in the Army and Navy who supposedly learn
the secrets of capoeira by somehow becoming associated
with the mobs.16
The abetting of capoeira mobs by the authorities came
to a head with the organization of the Black Guard, a secret society, the avowed purpose of which was to protect
Princess Isabel. It actually managed to obtain police funding under the Joo Alfredo Ministry, and was thrown into
the balance as a paramilitary force to offset mobilizations

by the expanding republican movement. Carried forward
by an upsurge of sympathy in the wake of the abolition of
slavery, the Black Guard inducted members into its ranks
from among the capoeiristas themselves highly organized and well-mobilized due to the structure of the mobs
themselves and also from among the usual assortment
of delinquents and neer-do-wells inhabiting the boundaries at which crime and civil order cross paths. The Black
Guard co-founded by Jos do Patrocnio undertook to
break up a number of Republican rallies and meetings in a
last-ditch attempt to save the Monarchy. During the events
leading up to the Proclamation of the Republic, reports alleging that the Black Guard had attacked the First Cavalry
Regiment were pretext enough to get military insubordination under weigh.17
No coverage of capoeira during the Empire would be
complete without special reference to a photograph taken
by Christiano Jnior between 1864 and 1866, as a studio
reproduction of a private capoeira lesson.18 In it, a black
youth is instructing a swarthy boy in capoeira arts, teaching
what appear to be the rudiments of the ginga steps. The
picture suggests that even at that early date, the teaching
of capoeira techniques involved training methods and master/apprentice arrangements. The hierarchical structure of
the mob outfits could, if confirmed, make such conjecture
more persuasive.
We should mention at this point that capoeira practitioners were viewed in several different lights at the time.
Even as they terrorized the populace with their brawling
and horseplay, they were admired for the way they stood
up to the symbols of established order and power. To further this discussion, we reproduce here a fragment of a
chronicle penned by Machado de Assis:
(...) that I do not agree with my contemporaries, on
the subject of the motives which lead the capoeiras to stick their knives in our bellies. They say it is
for the delight of evildoing, as a show of nimbleness
and valor, a general opinion accepted as dogma.
Nobody sees that it is simply absurd.19
Coelho Neto wrapped capoeira in nostalgia and romanticism, and praised its high moral dignity for declining to use
the straight razor (sic), for not kicking a man when he was
down, and, when defending noble causes such as abolition,
(16) Coelho Neto cites Juca Paranhos, the future Baro do Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign Relations
from 1902 to 1912, and a senior member of Brazils diplomatic corps, who, in youth, was
quite the charmer and in candid conversation let on that he was proud of it. apud Magalhes
Jnior, op.cit., p. 185.
(17) See. Rego, op.cit., p. 313-315; Magalhes Jnior, op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 326-327, 341-342, 373-376;
Vol. 2, 63-64, 183, 228.
(18) See Escravos Brasileiros do sculo XIX na fotografia de Christiano Jr., Paulo Cesar de Azevedo
and Maurcio Lissovsky (orgs.), Editora Ex Libris, So Paulo, 1987, Figure 71.
(19) Machado de Assis, Crnicas (1878-1888), W. M. Jackson Inc. Editores, 1938, Vol. IV, pp. 227-228,
apud Rego, op.cit., pp.280-281.
Private capoeira lesson

Photo: Christiano Jnior
27

Texts from Brazil
Constant mention of capoeiras in police

records during the Empires waning decades
led to specic provisions of criminal
legislation singling them out for special
treatment.
for doing so out of idealism and not in a mercenary spirit (sic).

While exalting the bravery of the capoeiras, Coelho Neto retells the terror they inspired in the police force itself.20
3. REPRESSION AND FORGOTTEN YEARS (CIRCA
1890-1930). Constant mention of capoeiras in police records during the Empires waning decades led to specific
provisions of criminal legislation singling them out for special treatment. The 1890 Criminal Code of the Republic of
the United States of Brazil provided, in its Chapter XIII.
Vagrants and Capoeiras / Article 402: Performing in the streets and public parks exercises
of physical agility and dexterity known and referred to as capoeiragem; running about carrying weapons or instruments capable of producing physical wounds, causing tumult or disorder,
making threats to persons known or unknown,
or causing them to fear any harm: / Penalty: two
to six months confinement to a prison cell. /
Stand-alone paragraph: Membership in a gang
or mob is considered an aggravating circumstance. Kingpins or ringleaders are subject to
twice the penalty (...)21

Detail
Jogo de Capoeira
J. M. Rugendas
Here before us, legally set in type, is the criminalization

of capoeira capoeira intimately linked to fringe elements,
and qualified as both a bodily fighting technique and one
involving the wielding of weapons such as straight razors,
knives and clubs.
Even before the Criminal Code was legally enacted by
decree, capoeira was the target of concerted official persecution. In the atmosphere of political instability permeating the early days of the Republic, Marechal Deodoro da
Fonseca appointed as chief of police one Doctor Sampaio
Ferraz, an experienced district attorney who, as a journalist,
had stood in violent opposition to Monarchy. In making
the appointment, the President gave him full power to rid
the capital of all disorderly elements, beginning with the capoeira bands.
So began Sampaio Ferraz formidable campaign against
the capoeira mobs. To really rid the city of those outfits, the
penalty applied was relocation. According to Jos Murilo de
Carvalho, the practice began as Imperial rule drew to a
close with the transporting of capoeiras to Mato Grosso.
Sampaio Ferraz reportedly arrested and exiled to Fernando
de Noronha without benefit of trial some 600 capoeiras.
This same author observes that there were many whites
and even foreigners among the capoeiras: Of 28 persons
(20) See. chronicle by Coelho Neto, O nosso jogo, in Bazar, Livraria Chandron, de Lello e Irmos
Ltda., Porto, 1928, apud Magalhes Jnior, op.cit., pp. 136-138.
(21) Cdigo Penal Brasileiro, by Doutor Manuel Clementino de Oliveira Escorel, Tipografia by Cia. Ind.
de So Paulo, 1893, apud Luiz Renato Vieira, Da vadiao capoeira regional, Masters thesis
for the Department of Sociology at UnB, 1991.
28
Capoeira
olent societies. The occasions amounted to self-recognition by the populace of Rio de Janeiro, living as they did at
the transition point between a typical slaveholding colonial
town and a modern capitalist metropolis. Numerous examples can be cited of events betokening the creation of
spaces open to confraternization, such as the Penha festivities, sightings of known politicians at candombl centers,
the gradual social elevation of samba and the spread of
soccer playing among the poorer classes. Citizenship was
wanting at the political level, however, and led to cynicism
and indifference which, in turn, gave rise to the carnivalization (or the subversion of the hierarchy) of power and social
relations.23
These reflections shed a little light on the sluggishness
with which capoeira was accepted by society. Its suppression, as undertaken by Sampaio Ferraz, could be regarded
as a success inasmuch as it resulted in the virtual disappearance of capoeira. According to one French traveler
who spent several months in Rio in 1883, compilations by
the police place the number of capoeiristas in that city at
approximately 20,000. Some 20 years later, in his preface
arrested in April of 1890 and charged with practicing capoeira, five were black, and seven of the 10 whites were
foreigners. One commonly found Portuguese and Italian
nationals among those arrested for capoeiragem. And the
whites involved were not always poor.22
Indeed, in that very month of April of 1890 the Ministry
was brought to the brink of crisis because of the arrest of
a famous capoeira and brigand named Juca Reis, a young
man born of a wealthy Portuguese family that owned the
newspaper O Paiz, managed by Quintino Bocayuva who
at the time was Minister of Foreign Relations. Faced with
the prospect of a prison sentence and deportation of the
bourgeois brawler, Bocayuva threatened to hand in his
resignation in an ultimatum that called for freeing his former
employers son which meant dismissing Sampaio Ferraz
or he would resign from office. A compromise solution
was finally reached whereby high societys capoeira would
be allowed to embark voluntarily for a foreign country upon
his arrival at Fernando de Noronha.
The episode shows how deeply capoeira had permeated all levels of society. Capoeira practice actually made it
possible for different social classes to fraternize. Carvalho
argues that the blending of classes observed in capoeira
was a long-standing tradition in religious orders and benev-
(22) See Jos Murilo de Carvalho, Os bestializados/ O Rio de Janeiro e a Repblica que no foi, Cia.
das Letras, So Paulo, 1987, p. 179, f. 25 and p. 155.
(23) Carvalho, op.cit., pp. 156-160.
Jogo de Capoeira.
J.M. Rugendas, 1802-1858
29

Texts from Brazil
Beginning in the 1930s, there was a slow

process whereby capoeira gradually shed its
connections with illegality and the world
of crime. Such process resulted into social
acceptance and elevation for capoeira.

to Japanese Physical Education, the author, Captain Santos

Porto, asserted: Among us, long ago, those agile practices
known as capoeiragem cropped up even among the children of the most distinguished families. Lima Campos in
1906 again bemourned the passing of a perceived authentic spirit of capoeira, stating that the capoeiristas of that day
dont make [the practice] into a real art, a profession, an institution. (...) plainly put, they are rather more like anarchists,
razor and knife fighters, indeed, loudmouthed malcontents,
rather than true, dedicated, professional and disciplined capoeiras.24 Carvalho reports on a story told by the Chief of
Police in 1904 about rounding up vagrants in the wake of
the Vaccination Revolt25: of the more than 2000 arrested,
only 73 were arrested for practicing capoeira. After all the
commotion and uproar raised by the mob, there followed a
deafening silence on the subject of capoeira. Nevertheless,
further research is still needed to give proper grounds for
claiming that capoeira practically disappeared during the
last decade of the 19th century.
Persecution and suppression in Bahia persisted into the
1920s, with the famous incursions by police Chief Pedro de
Azevedo Gordilho, nicknamed Pedrito, against candombl
parishioners and capoeiristas. Bear in mind that society in
Salvador was much more radically stratified by the binary
master/slave (or white/black) dichotomy than was the case
in Rio de Janeiro.26 In any event, deeper studies must be conducted to determine the extent of the diffusion of capoeira
through society throughout the 19th century in Bahia. So
far, no mobs have been identified as present in Bahia in the
19th century. Rego mentions the capoeira-strong-arm-man
in the pay of the potentates, by which he probably meant
members of mob outfits in Rio. Wetherell, Great Britains
vice-consul in Bahia from 1842 to 1857, describes a typical
fight in the Salvadors waterfront Lower City in which (...) [the
blacks] are movement personified, leaping and moving their
arms and legs non-stop, like monkeys when they fight (...).27
4. SCHOLASTICIZATION, SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE
AND A NEW PROFESSIONALISM (CIRCA 1930).
Beginning in the 1930s, there was a slow process whereby
capoeira gradually shed its connections with illegality and
the world of crime. Such process resulted into social acceptance and elevation for capoeira. During the course of
this third metamorphosis, capoeira was demonstrated at
official receptions, recognized as an authentic manifestation of Brazils popular culture and, above all, offered as
(24) See Santos Porto, preface to his Educao fsica japonesa, Cia. Topogrfica Brasileira, Rio de
Janeiro, 1905; Lima Campos, apud Drummond and Bandeira, op.cit., p.193.
(25) Editors Note: Revolta da Vacina (Vaccination Revolt) was a popular rebellion against the
federal governments decree of compulsory vaccination of the population of Rio de Janeiro.
The vaccination ignited the issue of peoples grievance at a series of impositions by the federal
government.
(26) See Rego, op.cit., p. 315.
(27) See James Wetherell, Brasil: apontamentos sobre a Bahia 1842-1857, Ed. do Banco da Bahia.
The translator identifies capoeira in this description.
Detail
Jogo de Capoeira, J. M. Rugendas
30
Capoeira
course material in specialized schools or academies.

A necessary backdrop for the development of academic capoeira with a teaching methodology of its own was a
political and ideological nexus in which the nations identity
and the building up of a national culture stood in the limelight of intellectual debate. Indeed, during the 1920s and
1930s, intellectuals committed to diverse aesthetic and
political movements were preoccupied with bringing about
an ideal Brazilian-ness, a reflection of genuinely national
cultural values. Central to this debate was the quest for
a middle ground between the need to modernize and, at
the same time, keep traditions intact. The conditions that
made a resurgence of capoeira possible were molded from
the very core of the political and social transformations associated with the ongoing process of industrialization.
The Revolution of 193028 heralded the establishment of
new relations between social classes and the political State.
Populist in its methods and argot, the newly-entrenched power elite sought to legitimize the States stewardship of society
and hammered out a statist ideology, on the blueprint for
which a number of modernist intellectuals were put to work
generating patriotic symbolism. The Armed Forces, steeped
in the belief that their mission was the purification of politics,
set their eyes upon education as an essential instrument of
social mobilization for the (re)construction of national feeling.
Through it, they tried to fuse together mass education and
military principles of organizational structure and discipline. To
accomplish this, the State now the agent and promoter of
culture itself appropriated manifestations of popular culture
as its own. A portentous sign of the times was the inclusion of
capoeira in the new Special Police training curriculum in 1932,
which simultaneously served two pragmatic purposes: as a
fighting technique, necessary to the training of police professionals, and as a nation-affirming cultural value.29
Within this context there emerged a new form of capoeira, inculcating the notion of efficacy. It boasted, as its
first symbolic milestone, the creation, by Mestre Bimba in
1932, of the pioneer Academy, named the Physical Culture
and Capoeira regional Center of Bahia. We must understand that before then considerations raised by the photography of Christiano Jnior notwithstanding capoeira
was something learned and taught on the streets. Circles
were organized in public places and the training in techniques disparaged the notion of more formal preparation.
In other words, one learned by doing and not by training,
as is done today. When he made martial efficacy the touchstone and cornerstone for his new style, Bimba was, in
effect, admitting that he considered capoeira, as it existed
at the time, a weak contender from a martial arts standpoint. Taking that as a point of departure, he developed a
teaching method which, by placing all emphasis on preparing the capoeirista as a fighter, tended to deemphasize the
entertainment component of the art. A process of scholasticizing was thereby placed in motion, at the expense
of its trappings as a pastime and marked by the gradual

disappearance of capoeira circles from the streets.
In addition to upgrading capoeira in its martial aspects,
with refinements of technique and even the addition of moves
developed by other fighting styles, Bimba also sought to free
it of the stigma of the underworld. Vieira made the observation that to qualify for admission in the Regional Academy, the
student (whence, the scholasticization) had to be enrolled
in school or gainfully employed, so that idlers (or the unemployed?) were denied admission. To this screening Bimba
added cultural formalities assimilated from polite society, and
therefore alien to the popular milieu: entrance exams, basic
training, graduation ceremonies and specialized training curricula. Down these avenues, Bimba struggled to legitimize his
capoeira style as an educational pursuit, even as he included
military principles of organizational structure and discipline.
Bimba and his students participated in the official
Second of July parade in 1936, and his school was officially chartered in 1937 (a de facto decriminalization of
capoeira). He taught classes at the Army Reserve Officers
School in Salvador from 1939 to 1942, and put on a demonstration for President Getlio Vargas in 1953. These
are milestone events which signally proclaim the social
regeneration and general acceptance of capoeira. As witness, mestre Bimba did establish contact with groups of
university students interested in learning capoeira. Furthermore, many of his students were from upper-crust
families in Salvador. We may surmise from all of this that
claims to the effect that capoeira regional was tailored to
the requirements of the more privileged social strata are
not entirely without merit.30
One consequence of the emergence of the so-called
capoeira regional was a spurious distinction between two
styles: Angola, understood to be the older and more traditional, and regional, viewed by purists as an ersatz version.
In point of fact, the whole idea of capoeira Angola arose in
response to the advent of Bimbas regional style, and emerged
in 1941 when Mestre Pastinha (Vicente Ferreira) organized
his Capoeira Angola Sports Center in Bahia. Confusion often
arises between the berimbau tone known as the toque de
Angola (that is, a playing rhythm that goes with a certain style
of practice) and a so-called Angola style of capoeira. It must
be understood at the outset that there are different tones and
rhythms that call for different forms of capoeira, and that their
variety of possible rhythms does not necessarily imply a crystallization into different styles or schools of capoeira.
One effect of the emergence of capoeira academies
was the severing, once and for all, of the ties associating
(28) Editors Note: The Revolution of 1930, aimed at moralizing political institutions, was organized
by regional social elites against the hegemony of traditional coffee oligarchies. As a result,
Getlio Vargas rose to power and a new regime known as Estado Novo (1937-1945) was
installed.
(29) See Vieira, op.cit., Chapter II.
(30) See Vieira, op.cit., p. 175.
31
Lilia Menezes

Texts from Brazil
The Black Arts Festival held in Dakar,

Senegal in 1966 played host to Mestre
Pastinha and his group, and may have
been the rst ofcial demonstration of
capoeira outside of Brazil. Ever since the
1970s, and even more so since the 1980s,
an ever-increasing number of capoeiristas
has traveled to Europe or the US, offering
courses and even settling down to
protracted work overseas.

capoeira practice with the underworld. The stigma that this
was an activity for idlers or underworld characters gradually faded away, to be replaced by the context surrounding
the world of capoeira today. Furthermore, the rapid spread
of the art, now driven by the academies, was attended by
an unchecked proliferation of mestres and the resulting
cheapening or distortion of the original meaning of the title.
In any case, capoeira became a means of livelihood, and
with the academies, professional standing for mestres (or
teachers/instructors) acquired substance.
Mixed results also followed from the perpetuation of
teaching techniques over the years. Systematic training
methods, based on repetitive practice of movements, coupled with the continuous interchange among the various
groups in Brazil and overseas did, in fact, make for unimaginable athletic feats and technical development. The emphasis on repetition, however, gave the movements a sort
of mechanical or rote aspect, standardizing the forms of
play and forcing personal styles into a Procrustean mold.
Another interesting sidelight of todays capoeira has to do
with its spread across the globe. The Black Arts Festival held
in Dakar, Senegal in 1966 played host to Mestre Pastinha and
his group, and may have been the first official demonstration
of capoeira outside of Brazil. Ever since the 1970s, and even
32
Lilia Menezes
more so since the 1980s, an ever-increasing number of capoeiristas has traveled to Europe or the US, offering courses
and even settling down to protracted work overseas.31
In a nutshell, capoeira evolved through different forms
over time, and outlasted bigotry and persecution. As a globalized world embarks on the 21st century, the very suggestion that, about a century ago, in the classical Gilded Age of
imperialism, its very existence had been endangered, seems
odd and out of place. Capoeira today is flourishing all over
the world. Still, its tradition and specific features merit consideration such that special attention ought to be given to the
preservation of the many traditional berimbau airs and tones,
tones which, when all is said and done, are the strongest link
to the tradition as it stood once the days of the outfits and
underworld mobs had become a thing of the past.
Guilherme Frazo Conduru. Career diplomat and capoeirista, a student in Rio de Janeiro under Mestres Sorriso
and Garrincha, both of the Grupo Senzala, itself founded in
Rio in 1966.
(31) A case in point is that of Mestre Acordeon, baiano, follower of Mestre Bimba, who established
his school in San Francisco, California, from whence he brought a large group of American
students in 1983, to introduce them to capoeira in Brazil. Similar cases emerged, in steadilygrowing numbers.
33
The War on Capoeira

Frederico Jos de Abreu
ONE HA
S NO W
AY OF K
ABOUT.
NOWING
HERE I
PRECISE
A
P
PROACH
LY WHE
TROLS
N THE S
T
ON NEG
HE SUB
UPPRES
JE
R
O FEST
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F
INCREA
ROM TH
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IVITIES
SINGLY
E
F CAPO
WERE T
DAWN O
VIGILAN
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IG
F
HTENED
THE 19
T.
ST CAM
TH CEN
AS BRA
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TURY, W
ZILS SL
AVEHOL
HEN CO
NDING SO
CIETY B
ECAME

Texts from Brazil
This may have been due in part to the

domestic trafc in slaves between provinces,
and to migration inside national borders.
Within these cities, capoeira a part of
everyday life, everywhere evident in the
workplace, wherever the police were
summoned by civil unrest, and at Negro
festivities was associated with the ways
and customs of the darker population.
The War on Capoeira
Batuque was a generic term applied indiscriminately to

Negro gatherings which almost invariably blended percussion instruments and dancing. Singing was also a feature
of get-togethers, both sacred and profane, which could be
held separately and apart from each other, or jointly. Hence,
samba, candombl, capoeira and other predominantly black
dances and festivities, though distinct from one another,
were all lumped together under the common term batuque.
Much of what we possess by way of historical observations of Brazil in the 1800s is due to the testimony and
impressions set down by foreign visitors. These visitors produced essential documents making it possible to identify
features and aspects of the black populations customs and
lifestyle, be they slaves, born free or freedmen, whether African by birth or native sons born in Brazil. It was common
among foreigners to make comparisons between Brazil
and Africa, especially as they looked out on cities such as
Salvador, Recife and Rio de Janeiro. All three busy urban
seaports, centers for the traffic in slaves until its abolition in
1871, lay within the colonial provinces of Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio de Janeiro. All three cities were predominantly
black, and the black population, indispensable to the workings of everyday urban life, thronged their busy streets and
boulevards. Small wonder, then, that these cities were especially conducive to the drumbeat of Negro festivities.
Salvador, Recife and Rio de Janeiro so far as historical
research has been able to discern were the primary centers for the development and spread of capoeira to other
parts of Brazil from the 19th century through the middle of
the 20th century. This may have been due in part to the
domestic traffic in slaves between provinces, and to migration inside national borders. Within these cities, capoeira
a part of everyday life, everywhere evident in the workplace, wherever the police were summoned by civil unrest,
and at Negro festivities was associated with the ways and
customs of the darker population. Word of all this, set forth
in the tales told by foreigners, is corroborated from other
sources such as oral tradition, newspapers of the time, police blotters and court records. A perusal of these reports
shows us that this repression was one of the most serious
threats ever faced by capoeira throughout its existence.
Early 19th century Brazil was a hotbed of sociopolitical conflict and insurgency, added to the struggle for independence,
all of which culminated, in 1822, in the loosening of Portugals
grip on the nation. Those events were interspersed with such
popular revolts as the anti-conscription Sabinada (1831-1833)
in the province of Bahia, the grassroots Cabanagem uprising
(1835-1840), in the province of Gro-Par, and the overlapping Balaiada revolt (1838-1841) in the province of Maranho.
The earlier Tailors Conspiracy, brought to a head by a 1798
rebel movement in Salvador in which the yearning for freedom of the downtrodden slaves swept them into the affray
in hopes of bringing about the abolition of slavery. Aggravating this picture of political instability were numerous uprisings
36
Batuque
J.M Rugendas (1802-1858)
society keep the slaves from holding gatherings indispensable to their very way of life, yet which aroused in that society
so much distress and apprehension?
Just what sort of distress and apprehension they were experiencing is easily made out through the complaints in the
newspapers of the time: huge crowds of Negroes, male and
female, of the many African nations were chatting, dancing
and singing their native songs to the sound of many horrible conga drums; noisy entertainment; grating sounds
and voices; barbaric customs; heady and intoxicating
convulsions; fighting; indecent and immoral displays; or
awful dances.... These complaints did not stop at disparaging manifestations of black culture as uncivilized. They also
pointed to social disorder: to the extent that these drumbeat
parties were held whenever and wherever the slaves wanted
them, it meant that blacks held control albeit tenuous and
fleeting over those places during the course of the festivities. Already established by custom when permitted, upbeat
gatherings of blacks also hovered on the outskirts of street
festivals held on Catholic holy days. On those occasions, according to the complainants, the singing and drumming of
the Negroes drowned out all other sounds.
and slave revolts in the early part of the 19th century. Many
of these were in rural areas, but some broke out in the cities,
especially Salvador, between 1807 and 1835. This succession
of events in such a brief span, centered as they were about
the city of Salvador, suggested that the province of Bahia was
teeming with incipient slave revolts.
Naturally enough, this generalized apprehension over
slave conspiracies put the authorities and population of
Salvador a city divided at every level along racial lines and
keenly alive to the ever-present animosity in a state of
alarm. Part of the reaction to the slave revolts was an effort
to identify their causes, and Negro festivities were numbered
among them. It would be no simple matter to establish a ban
on those festivities and make it stick; a realization brought
home everywhere by the sound of illegal conga drums and
marimba music. Those instruments had been banned by city
ordinances passed as far back as 1716 in efforts to discipline,
by force of law, the black population in the city streets. Conga drums and marimbas were the percussion instruments
providing the sounds and atmosphere for the gatherings.
The slaveholding society dependent on slaves for its own
survival was facing a moment of truth: how could such a
37

Texts from Brazil
Despite all, these festivities had their

defenders among the elite. Some clergymen
understood them to be honest and innocent
fun and games, and held that the slaves
were also Gods children and were therefore
entitled to relaxation and enjoyment.
The War on Capoeira
Detail
Batuque, J.M. Rugendas
Through the meanderings of these complaints one could

divine the deep-seated importance of these drumbeat festivals to the lives of those slaves, and the sense of pride they
derived from them. This was something foreign visitors observed and recorded. As chroniclers, they were fascinated by
the eagerness and excitement with which the slaves threw
themselves into the festivities after a grueling day at forced
labor. It was hard to believe these were slaves they were
watching. The eagerness of the slaves toward these joyous
festivities, as chronicled in the reports, suggest that they
may have been valuable aids in regenerating bodies worn
out by the strenuous effort required of slave labor. One of
these awestruck traveling chroniclers, Rugendas, reported
that we can hardly believe these are slaves we have before
us. From this we may surmise that these slave festivities
(capoeira, samba, candombl and other festive gatherings)
provided occasions for slaves to restore a part of their humanity crushed under the brutal heel of slavery.
Despite all, these festivities had their defenders among the
elite. Some clergymen understood them to be honest and
innocent fun and games, and held that the slaves were also
Gods children and were therefore entitled to relaxation and
enjoyment. Several slaveowners regarded these festivities as
an opportunity for the slaves to forget, at least momentarily,
their wretched lives, by drowning their sorrows in mirth.
Yet the moment of truth was at hand, with all of society
trapped between the horns of a dilemma a serious dilemma given its historical context. Prompted by daily fears
of slave revolts, the dominant slaveholding system sought
to curb all activities which made it easy for black people
to congregate anywhere beyond the control and watchful
supervision of the slavemasters and the police. The activities in question included the drumbeat festivals, for they invariably congregated multitudes and were therefore most
balefully viewed by the authorities as breeding grounds for
conspiracies and abettors of the many slave revolts taking
place in Bahia at the time.
Opinions about these festivities poured forth from government authorities, the clergy, policemen, slaveowners, politicians and ordinary people. Anybody could ponder, opine
or try to influence a decision as to whether these gatherings
ought to be allowed or suppressed. Deciding either way, given the gravity of the situation outlined in the numerous complaints, and the association between those festivities and the
now-familiar slave risings, was the governments prerogative.
Indeed, since 1767, with the creation of the Calabouo a
public place for punishment of slaves slaveowners had no
more inducement to punish their slaves privately, so that
control of blacks on the streets was taken away from their
owners, and became a public utility provided by the State
and administered through its police.
City Hall, responsible for municipal ordinances (laws
regulating and disciplining the people and their trade on
city streets), was helpless to interfere with the drumbeat fes-
38
Capoeira
A represso capoeira
Blacks fighting
Augustus Earle (1793-1838)
the opposing interests of the stakeholders. Suppression was

ordered in the wake of complaints from the more influential
members of society, and permission granted in deference to
recommendations by the Reverend clergy and certain slave
owners. The practical expression of this reconciliation in the
form of substantive policy initiatives amounted to regulation
by the governor over those black gatherings, determining
the times and places they could be held. Gone were the
grounds for old complaints alleging they could occur at any
time or place, while at the same time the slaves were ensured the entertainment and festivities which all human beings require, as requested by their masters and clergy, with
everything done in a controlled manner.
The Count tried his best to defuse the worries that
the drumbeat festivals would encourage slave revolts. He
pointed to these gatherings as more likely to give rise to
misunderstandings among the slaves themselves, on account of ethnic differences traceable back to Africa, and
ordinary squabbles sparked by the tribulations they faced
as Negroes in slaveholding Brazil. When measured by its
effects, the policies of Governor Conde dos Arcos were
identical to those of Governor Conde da Ponte: the throbbing rhythms of drumbeat parties rang out unabated, to
the discomfiture of Bahias slavocracy. The functioning,
indeed, the very existence of that slavocracy was entirely
dependent on the exploitation of slave labor, and the gath-
tivities or to block those who took the initiative to organize

them. In point of fact, the means of enforcement at the time
were such that the authorities no longer controlled the situation. To prohibit those gatherings or round up the participants (batuqueiros) was to strike at the branches and not the
root cause. Some new policy for repression was needed to
quiet the fears of the populace, guide the police in their actions and put teeth into prohibition by city ordinance.
The first one to take the dilemma in hand was the Conde
da Ponte, who served as governor of Bahia from 1804 to
1808. The Counts policy was to declare all-out war on the
batuque festivities, to be enforced as violently as necessary by the police, in a radical effort to do away entirely
with those assemblies. The issue, as he saw it, could only
be settled one way: subjugate the participants in these assemblies and close off all avenues for conspiracies among
slaves. It was a brave but empty gesture, for the festivities
continued unabated, and just as unrelenting were the disgruntled complaints of persons importuned by the racket.
Slave uprisings continued apace throughout the Conde da
Pontes term as Governor of Bahia.
Bahias next governor, from 1808 to 1818, was the Conde
dos Arcos, whose platform, more conciliatory than that of his
predecessor, called for more moderate police repression.
His policy toward the festivities alternated back and forth between permissive and repressive as he sought to reconcile
39

Texts from Brazil
The war on capoeira went through several

stages, beginning with simple prohibition,
followed by whippings under the knout,
until it came to be regarded as a problem
for the government by the Republicans in
power. That administration made capoeira
a crime under the Criminal Code of the
Republic in 1890.
The War on Capoeira
Detail
erings were indispensable to those slaves. The festivities

went on, uncontrolled and inevitable, as did the disgruntled
complaints against them. Neither the complaints published
in the newspapers nor the prohibitions passed by the municipal authorities whatever the damage done by police
in enforcement efforts could divert the course of history
from the path down which it flowed with the incredible momentum of that which simply had to be, if we may paraphrase Brazilian composer and singer Caetano Veloso.
Returning now to that list of complaints, the oft-expressed
opinion that the gatherings were barbaric was a widely held
and popular prejudice among the ruling elites throughout the
entire 19th century and well into the 20th; a prejudice which,
to this day, has not yet died out. To these elites, capoeira,
samba and candombl were blemishes on the face of the
civilization they sought to construct, for they did not fit in at
all with the customs and public procedures of the countries
they deemed most civilized (those of Europe). Many arguments were formulated on behalf of these prejudices, some
to keep those gatherings out of the nicer neighborhoods,
and others to ban them entirely. Yet they were pipe dreams,
couched in empty rhetoric propped up by progressive ideals, for the model civilization the elite were after refused to
materialize, blocked at every turn by deep-seated social and
economic facts. In true fact, it might be said that economic
development, modernization and urban transformation in
the major cities of Brazil were in line with anachronistic practices of labor organization: in the nineteenth century human
slavery was considered barbaric by foreign visitors, a fact that
would revert any expectations for presenting the country in
the light of an European model.
In our overview of the war on batuque festivities so far,
we have pointed out much of what guided the efforts to
suppress those Negro assemblies. Yet it must be said that
each of those particular assemblies had to deal with its own
specific context, and the efforts at resistance put up by participants in every one of them were no less particular. Because of this, despite the large number of elements common to all of them, each has its own story to tell, as is very
much the case for capoeira. Word of that particular feature
being observed in Brazil dates back to before the 19th century. Since that time there has also been word of efforts
at suppression directed against capoeiristas. This development is so deeply embedded in the earliest origins of capoeira that the history of those days must be researched,
studied and told using as primary sources the chronicles
and police records of the time.
Care must be taken in analyzing these sources to eliminate police jargon, prejudices contained in the narration,
and vitiated approaches, all of which could contaminate the
historical view of the capoeiras of yesteryear. With these
precautions and through these documents we may gain
some insights into these capoeiras longings, rites, social
behavior and habits, how they addressed each other, their
40
Capoeira
The War on Capoeira
argot, the urban geography they inhabited, the weapons

they used, biographical data, information on their skin color,
ethnic background, dress, occupations, professions, ritual
conflicts between them and the police, and their tactics, at
opportune moments, for expressing their art.
The war on capoeira went through several stages, beginning with simple prohibition, followed by whippings under
the knout, until it came to be regarded as a problem for the
government by the Republicans in power. That administration made capoeira a crime under the Criminal Code of the
Republic in 1890. There were numerous conflicts between
capoeiristas and the police before things came to such a
pass. These conflicts were serious enough to warrant referring to that period (from the second half of the 19th century
through the first decades of the 20th) as marked by civil unrest unrest occurring mainly in the cities of Rio de Janeiro,
Recife and Salvador, for the reasons already covered.
Capoeira traditions in those cities were similar, not only
in form and content, but also in the social behavior of the
practitioners themselves. Capoeiristas in those cities were
generally street workers (porters, haulers, traveling salesmen,
market vendors and janitors) or worked at the docks (stevedores, warehouse help and oarsmen). One should note that
among the occupations engaged in by these capoeiras were
trades frequently associated with idlers and tramps, such as
fisherman, messenger boy, odd-job man, and the like. We
also know something of their predilection for open festivities.
Oddly enough, even to many folks apprehensive about the
presence of capoeiristas at street festivals, their participation
along with that of the samba troupes was considered essential to liven up the more pagan aspects of the partying in
Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. It hardly mattered that they were
blamed for any fights that broke out at these gatherings.
Common to all three cities was the prosecution of repression, albeit varying in degree from one place to another, with
the strictest suppression occurring in Rio de Janeiro. This repression came about through prohibition of the practice of capoeira in city ordinances, marked by persecution and arrests,
oftentimes arbitrary, by physical abuse and corporal punishment, forced labor and relocation or exile. Conscription into
the Army and Navy was another instrument of repression,
one that harked back to colonial days when there were not
enough professionally-trained troops in Brazil, so that press
gangs prowled the streets for levies, focusing primarily on
those regarded as hepcats, idlers and criminals. The Army and
Navy also did extra service in those days as reform schools
for juveniles runaway slaves among them who, under assumed names, were admitted into the armed forces. Especially noteworthy was a campaign which the government had
on foot at the time to build up volunteer forces (Voluntrios da
Ptria), and among their numbers were many capoeiristas who
fought for Brazil during the war with Paraguay (1864-1870).
The policy of suppressing capoeira, and its methods of
enforcement were in every case supported, it must be said,
by stereotypes circulated by the police and that depicted

capoeira practitioners as rowdies, brawlers, idlers and underworld figures. The generalization was hardly valid for all
capoeiristas, and the tarbrush passed over the non-Negro
practitioners, some of whom were aristocrats, policemen,
society figures, students, etc. Also included among them
were young people rebelling against authority at school or
in the home. They preferred the freedom of the streets,
and went in for capoeira as a form of entertainment as well
as a means of self-affirmation in their chosen environment.
It was among that very elite of capoeira practitioners
that the idea took shape that capoeira was both a healthy
form of exercise and an effective fighting style, and that the
perniciousness attributed to it actually traced its origins to
its marginalized practitioners (blacks, Bohemians, vagrants,
the lower classes, etc.).
Capoeiristas in Rio de Janeiro, Recife and Salvador reacted to government suppression by resorting to resistance measures, relying on decoy tactics and dissimilation
to evade the police. They tended to practice in out-of-theway places or in the citys main boroughs, when and where
the police patrols were spread thinner. These strategies
were honed by the earlier capoeiras in Bahia, whose arsenal
of resistance tactics included negotiating with the police for
permission to idle (in other words, practice capoeira). There
was certainly no shortage of conflicts between capoeiristas
and the police during the course of all this resistance, and
the battle sometimes went to the former, who better knew
their way around and possessed superior skills in personal
combat. Tales of that repression also caught the imagination, with stories and legends clothing the capoeiristas with
supernatural powers, as men able to turn themselves into
logs, plants or animals if pursued.
The desperate straits of capoeira, as told by historical records, were deeper and more prevalent in the city of Rio de
Janeiro. Capoeira practitioners had a greater influence on
day-to-day life in that city than anywhere else during the 19th
century. That much is clear from newspaper reports of the
time, with their blow-by-blow coverage of conflicts among rival
capoeira outfits (competing underworld groups) and between
these outfits and the police. By means of these battles they
carved out their own territories within the city, where they set
themselves up as parallel governments. These newspaper reports included shrill denunciations of the widespread influence
of capoeira mobsters in city life, and in politics, with serious
involvement in events such as the Abolition of Slavery (1888),
and the Proclamation of the Republic (1889). Participation
by capoeira mobs in larger society in Rio de Janeiro provided
much of the justification for adding a ban on capoeira as part
of the Criminal Code of the early Republic.
To the criminalization of capoeira by law were added
other police measures given substance by the apprehension of the main capoeiristas in Rio and their forcible relocation to the island of Fernando de Noronha, which at the
41

Texts from Brazil
One name stands out as a beacon in this

historic comeback of capoeira, that of
Mestre Bimba, the pioneer who took
up the style and made it his lifes work.
He managed to secure, through ofcial
channels, the right to teach the form. This
was the forerunner of all the lessons that
would enable capoeira to make its historic
turnaround, so that today it is looked upon
as a way of healing social ills ills of which,
in former times, it was held to have been
the cause.
The War on Capoeira
time served as a penal colony. It was largely due to these

forms of suppression that the capoeira tradition in Rio de
Janeiro became uncoordinated and practically disappeared.
A few practitioners who escaped the repression were able
to blend in with bon-vivant hepcats of samba and Carnaval
ways. In Pernambuco, for reasons which have eluded proper study, capoeira withered away during that same period
and saved itself from extinction by setting a pattern for the
vigorous steps of the frevo, a dance deeply rooted in the
culture of that state.
During all of this, the capoeira tradition in Bahia gained
strength. It had, true enough, gone through episodes of
repression over the course of the 19th-century, and the
works of some of its adepts were held up as a repeat of
things done in Rio de Janeiro. Historically speaking, however, the capoeiras in Bahia made a surprise move by working directly for the preservation and continued existence
of capoeira as a form of enjoyment, artistic practice, as
leisure and entertainment (harmless fun and games) without, however, doing away with its potential as self-defense.
They were thus able to establish friendly relations and put
the thing in a favorable light socially, which purpose they
achieved by joining in calendar feasts and celebrations in
Bahia, where capoeira exhibitions were put on as a form of
entertainment to delight the baiano public.
The credit for all of this work goes to a generation of
mestres that, though practically shrouded in anonymity,
shouldered the task, beginning in the 1930s, of becoming
masters of the civilizing arts. They went on to change the
ways and manners of capoeiristas, by refining their styles
and accentuating the positive social aspects of the form.
To these features, inherent in the art from the outset, and
which endured through trying times, were added social and
educational value, so that capoeira was placed on its feet as
a proud symbol of national identity. With that much accomplished, the necessary groundwork to show that the ban on
capoeira had no place in the Criminal Code was completed.
One name stands out as a beacon in this historic comeback
of capoeira, that of Mestre Bimba, the pioneer who took up
the style and made it his lifes work. He managed to secure,
through official channels, the right to teach the form. This
was the forerunner of all the lessons that would enable capoeira to make its historic turnaround, so that today it is
looked upon as a way of healing social ills ills of which, in
former times, it was held to have been the cause.
Frederico Jos de Abreu. Economist and founding

member of the Academia de Joo Pequeno de Pastinha,
the Mestre Bimba Foundation and the Jair Moura Institute.
He is the author of several books: Bimba Bamba: a capoeira no ringue; O Barraco do Mestre Waldemar; Capoeiras:
Bahia sculo XIX.
Detail
42
O CAPOEIRA
(Oswald de Andrade, 1890-1954)
Qu apanh sordado?
O qu?
Qu apanh?
Pernas e cabeas na calada
43
The Black Guard:

Capoeira in the Rough-and-tumble of
Politics
Carlos Eugnio Lbano Soares
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(1) The Golden Law (Lei urea) abolishing slavery in Brazil was signed on
May 13, 1888.

Texts from Brazil
Gone was the brief phenomenon

shoehorned into the 18-month interval
between May 13, 1888 and November 15,
1889, to be replaced by the realization
that the Guard had much deeper roots in
another familiar aspect of Brazilian culture
an aspect the details of which have only
recently begun to emerge from the shadows
of the past: capoeira.
The Black Guard:

Capoeira in the Rough-and-tumble of Politics
The subservient condition in which centuries of slavery

had left those freedmen was such that they could not fully
apprehend that there had been opposition to Monarchy
long before the Golden Law, nor that the republican movement had for many years built its strength on the perpetuation of slavery, a system instituted from the start by the
monarchic system.
Trapped by feelings that were anachronistic, premodern, or primitive (as was said at the time) these freedmen
were also trapped by modern times. Their whole world disappeared when the Monarchy collapsed like a house of cards
on November 15, 1889. That was the view generally held by
Brazils intellectuals at the dawn of the 20th century.2
Another perspective can be seen in articles published in
Cidade do Rio, a newspaper managed by black journalist Jos
do Patrocnio. A dedicated abolitionist, Patrocnio hailed the
Black Guard in its first few months of existence as the incarnation of the political will of the newly-freed slaves. That entire population could now for the first time, after centuries
of bondage talk politics in the public square. The message
they delivered was, quite naturally, supportive of the measure that had freed them from the slaves quarters. Little did
they care, afire as they were with the radical heat of Abolition,
for the burning resentment of hundreds of landowners and
former bastions of Empire deprived of their property with no
indemnity. Nor did they appreciate the extent of Republican
outrage over the sudden popularity the monarchy had attained, thanks to the image of Isabel the Redeemer.3
These polarized viewpoints were all buried under the political avalanche caused by the Proclamation of November
Fifteenth. The bells that rang in the founding of the Republic
also sounded the death knell of this fiery debate, now seen as
something from the dead past, best forgotten on the shelves
of museums and replaced by new issues, issues which the
insurgent administration considered important to its agenda:
citizenship, political reform, emigration and federalism...
A rewritten history of Brazil, unveiled in the mid-1980s
for the centennial celebrations of the Abolition and the Republic, ushered in novel themes and new types of evidence
completely unknown to the official history and coming
from unexpected directions.
The Black Guard was then and to this day remains one
of the subjects of this revisionist re-examination of Brazilian
history. Gone was the brief phenomenon shoehorned into
the 18-month interval between May 13, 1888 and November 15, 1889, to be replaced by the realization that the Guard
had much deeper roots in another familiar aspect of Brazilian
(2) For an overview of the sentiment in opposition to the Black Guard, widely subscribed by the
white elite of the time, see the articles by Rui Barbosa in the newspaper Dirio de Notcias
in 1889. BARBOSA, Rui. Campanhas Jornalsticas. Imprio (1869-1889. Obras Seletas, v. 6, Rio
de Janeiro: Casa de Rui Barbosa, 1956 (especially the article titled A arvore da desordem
published August 18, 1889), pp. 189-192.
(3) For a better picture of the Blonde mother of Brazil, see SCHWARCZ, Lilia Moritz. Dos males da
ddiva: sobre as ambigidades no processo da Abolio brasileira in GOMES, Flvio dos Santos
& CUNHA, Olvia Maria Gomes da. Quase-cidado: histria e antropologias da ps-emancipao
no Brasil, Rio de Janeiro: Ed. FGV, 2007.
46
ment, under which Negro hawkers and market slaves (who

sold goods and services in public places) controlled the underground market in colonial towns.
As a subject in history, capoeira has in recent years
experienced a metamorphosis of different meanings (on
which there is no real consensus among researchers). Politics is a new topic, only recently broached.
In what follows4 I will attempt to show how important
the Paraguayan war was in the cultural transformation affecting capoeira toward the end of the 19th century. This
was Brazils greatest war in the century before last; it lasted
all of five years and paved the way for transformations which
would wipe monarchy off of the map of South America.
That clash of arms made an impact on Brazils popular
opinion, which was felt for decades. To the impoverished
black and brown inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro, freedman
culture an aspect the details of which have only recently

begun to emerge from the shadows of the past: capoeira.
Regarded for decades as an African custom, nurtured by
slaves in their quarters in early colonial times, then transplanted to the runaway slave fastness Quilombo dos Palmares
before becoming a full-fledged symbol of black culture, a
slower, second reading showed capoeira to have emerged
within the slave culture of Brazil, as something created in an
urban environment by Africans and their native-born Creole
descendants, and put to work throughout the towns and cities during the last century of Portuguese colonial rule. Once
a form of resistance directed against the slavemasters and
the slaveholding political State, in its expanded context it is
perceived as an instrument for settling conflicts within the
urban slave population itself. Once a sporting pastime (tomfoolery) pursued to get away from degrading, servile work, it
is now focused on as an indispensable tool used by slaves
and freedmen for empowerment within their own street
environment. Capoeira in effect became a parallel govern-
(4) SOARES, Carlos Eugnio Lbano. A negregada instituio: os capoeiras na Corte Imperial
1850-1890, Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Access, 1994.
47

Texts from Brazil
Once theyd red their single shot,

muzzleloading intlocks were not much
use. Capoeira ghting techniques, learned
on the streets of faraway Rio de Janeiro,
were the weapon of choice for Brazils black
and mulatto soldiers, whether from Rio,
Recife or Salvador. In the thick of battle,
capoeiras became legend.
The Black Guard:

and slave alike the main practitioners of capoeira in those

days the war arrived in the form of press gangs that
prowled the streets and raided the tenements, rounding
up levies of volunteers for their country. Caged, tied and
impressed into uniform, black capoeira experts were transferred en masse to the battlefields down south.
Once theyd fired their single shot, muzzleloading flintlocks were not much use. Capoeira fighting techniques,
learned on the streets of faraway Rio de Janeiro, were the
weapon of choice for Brazils black and mulatto soldiers,
whether from Rio, Recife or Salvador. In the thick of battle,
capoeiras became legend.
Theirs was a triumphant homecoming. Off they had gone
as conscripted vagrants forced to march to the colors in the
ranks of a discredited army, only to return as heroes. Some
were weighted down with medals, and many were set free
for their sacrifice in blood while serving in the Armed Forces
(slaves were freed before enlistment). Once demobilized, they
were back on the streets and, in some cases, seeking to regain
territory given up when they were shipped off to the front.
But the political elite had other plans. Awed by the nimbleness of these capoeiras in battle, former commissioned
officers, who afterward swelled the ranks of the political elite
in the city of Rio de Janeiro, labored behind the scenes to use
those former combatants as muscle in peacetime struggles.
And so capoeira made its debut on the political stage.
This was not the micropolitics of slave gatherings, endemic
to the first half of the 19th century, but the politics of convention halls, of the Liberal and Conservative parties, the
corridors of Parliament, close elections and the logrolling
methods of Parliamentary
rule.
Parlia
These were the
th days of the Flor da Gente a capoeira outfit whose territory was the borough of Gloria in Rio de Janeiro,
enlisted in the service
of a powerful member of the Conserse
vative party from a family steeped in politics Duque-Estrada Teixeira. On his
h behalf they pitched themselves into the
rough-and-tumble political battles of the campaign of 1872. In
slas
a blur of razor slashes,
sweeps, spinning kicks and head butts
those battle-scarred
veterans of the Paraguayan War drove
battle-sc
Liberal voters from the polling places and swept opposition candidates
candidate off of their raised platforms.
Duque-Est
Duque-Estradas
victory in that Congressional race
led political reporters of the time to instill new meaning into Flor
Flo da Gente: The Flower of My Gentry. The
me
double meaning
was coined when Duque-Estrada,
questioned in Parliament as to who those gentry
h been ordered to attack opposition votwere who had
ers and candidates
on the streets. Duque-Estrada recan
plied: They were my gentry, the flower of my gentry.
phra echoed in the halls of politics in Rio de
That phrase
Janeiro
for the next 20 years.
Jan
These capoeiras did not always work
for pay, as depicted by the liberal press of
the time. They were also motivated by
the slavery crisis worldwide. In the United States, civil war

had broken out after President-elect Lincoln removed all
doubt surrounding his plans for emancipation. The defeat
of the Confederacy left Brazils elite as the Americas only
remaining slavocracy.
The passage by Parliament of an 1871 law freeing the
sons of slaves (Lei do Ventre Livre) pushed through by the
Administration and the Conservative Party strongly influenced public perceptions at the time. Its passage had been
resisted by a coalition of Liberals and Conservative factions
alarmed at the possibility of a shortage of slave labor for their
farms. The Emperors daughter who signed the decree into
law as acting Regent while Dom Pedro II was ill and the
Conservative Party leadership, gained enormous prestige in
the eyes of the black population of Rio de Janeiro.
The capoeira outfits revelled in the heady air of politics
in smoke-filled rooms, and were soon behaving like callous
monarchists. They were set at the throats of the opposition
by politicians in exchange for bribe money, complicity, and
protection from the white mans courts and police. And so
the strange alliance was riveted together. In their daily routine, capoeiristas dominated the streets, intimidated rivals,
extorted protection money from vendors, harbored fugitive slaves and committed petty crimes. These underworld
mob outfits defied the police from behind the protection of
their political patrons and, if actually arrested through some
careless error, were promptly freed.
On election day they concentrated in the vicinity of
polling places invariably churches, back in those days
and some mugged opposition voters (this was before the
secret ballot), while others (repeaters, or fsforos) stuffed
ballot boxes by impersonating absent voters, which usually
lead to brawls. They also bribed voters and attacked the
polls in precincts the opposition was sure to carry.
Their political fame quickly carried them even farther.
By about 1870 it was obvious that the production center
for the coffee monoculture of the time had shifted southward to So Paulo, leaving the state of Rio de Janeiro to
its played-out fields and ruined plantations. The nouveau
riche however, sat on the sidelines of imperial politics,
largely dominated by the traditional elites in southeastern
and northeastern Brazil. Emancipation was a clear threat
to their slaveholding plantations, powered by the traffic in
slaves from the north and northeast regions.
They were the heart and soul of the Republican Party.
Organized in 1870, the party was an insignificant gathering,
but many of its members were the cream of intellectual society. Its newspaper, A Repblica, constantly attacked the
conservative administration. This in turn sparked the first
conflict involving capoeiras and Republicans: the raiding and
attempted breaking up of the newspaper A Repblica.
It was February 28, 1873, in the wake of Duque-Estradas congressional victory with the help of capoeiras Flor
gentry, followed by heated accusations of promiscuous
relations between politicians and capoeira outfits, that the

newspapers offices were pounded by a hail of stones, imprecations, and battering at its doors; a brat clambered up
on the nameplate and blacked it out with paint. This the
administration was promptly accused of having abetted.
Throughout the 1870s, collaborative agreements between
monarchist politicians and the outfits of the capoeira mob
dealt the Imperial Palace in Rio de Janeiro some very strong
hands. When those classical liberals ostracized for a decade
finally came to power in 1878, they ushered in the first police
efforts against what a hostile press referred to as the capoeira
politicians; this police campaign led to nothing.
The political atmosphere that breathed life into the
Black Guard had been around for 15 years. Dom Pedro II
and his heir to the throne, Isabel, were regarded as sympathetic toward abolitionist causes. Politicians from So Paulo, who largely controlled the Republican Party, were seen
as irascible slave owners, busily selling the native sons of
northeastern Creole families down the river to stand whippings in the slave pens of the Paraba Valley.
By the time the Black Guard was afoot, those impolitic images had faded considerably. The Guards defenders were embarrassed to be associated with movements
described in the political press as authoritarian and criminal
as the Flor da Gente capoeiras of the 1870s were made
out. To their enemies, waving that bloody shirt diverted
attention away from the emancipation law (Lei urea), and
therefore away from unhappy memories of the association
between certain liberal politicians and the slavocracy.
The shapers of public opinion on both sides were therefore incapable of understanding the deeper causes which
gave rise to the Black Guard. The first affray in which it was
involved was an attack on a campaign rally featuring Silva
Jardim, at the French Gymnastics Association. This attack occurred at Rua da Travessa da Barreira on December 31, 1888.
Silva Jardim was on a nationwide speaking tour financed by
the Republicans, and was capitalizing on the Monarchys sudden loss of popularity among the landed gentry over the forfeiture of their investments in chattel property.
That night, members of the Guard tried to force their
way into the chamber in which Silva Jardim was making his
speech. Members of his select audience promptly made
49

Texts from Brazil
The Capoeira Party had a clear racial

identity and catered to the specic needs
of marginalized urban groups and
working-class people, while repudiating all
politicians bound up with the slaveholding
system.
The Black Guard:

ready to fight off the murderous mob. Thus surrounded,

they had no choice but to fight their way clear and fight
they did. The police whose precinct house was a few
yards away never lifted a finger. Some were darkly suspicious that the trap had been set with the connivance of
high government officials. Almost nobody realized that the
trail of gunpowder had been ignited many months before.
A singular event was recorded in the annals of Rio de
Janeiros police history on July 12, 1888, when an entire capoeira outfit, or malta, was arrested in one fell swoop. Nor
was this any ordinary outfit it was the Cadeira da Senhora
mob whose territory was the Campo de Santana, a large
open area in the heart of the city. They were named after
the Lady in the Chair, an image of Santa Ana, Christs grandmother, which decorated the main faade of the Igreja de
Santana church before it was torn down to build the Dom
Pedro II train station (today the Central do Brasil).
The arrest of an entire capoeira outfit was a rare item
in a police report, given the immunity they got from wellconnected politicians of the Crown. They were all booked,
and newspaper reports indicated they would be drafted
ecessors of the 1860s.
into the Army, much like their predecessors
Oddly enough, however, they were all released the followntry logs for the Impeing day. Their names appear on the entry
at prison.
rial House of Detention, the citys great
Those same names appeared in newsprint on January 1,
nd that had surrounded
1889, cited as confederates of the band
ul December 31. (The
the French Association on that fateful
1889 are forever lost.)
House of Detention records for 1/1/1889
The two events are clearly related, just as the press gang levies
o the political entanglefor the Paraguayan War were related to
ments of capoeira during the 1870s.
her by what the press
The two events were tied together
at the time called the Capoeira Party more a reference to
cs than to any specific
ways of getting things done in politics
ly at the alliance begroup. The term was aimed squarely
tween conservative politicians and capoeirista veterans
of the Paraguayan War. The alliancee was forged behind
the scenes, even though both partiess had received considerable press coverage for nearly 20 years. The Catity and catered to
poeira Party had a clear racial identity
the specific needs of marginalized urban groups and
ting all politicians
working-class people, while repudiating
em.
bound up with the slaveholding system.
That is the added dimension of the Black Guard, a dirn scholars. The
mension not yet worked out by modern
Guard was the first institution to use thee term blackk in
h its political
a positive and self-referential sense, with
meaning intact. In other words, black orr Negro
ative
had for centuries been a strongly pejorative
ck of
word, indicative of slaves, weakness, lack
cans
fighting capacity, and submission. Africans
her
and native sons in Brazil called each other
Negroes as an insult. In that sense it iss
50
Capoeira
The Black Guard: capoeira in the rough-and-tumble of politics
related to the belittling sense of nigger which, in the United

States, until fairly recently, was considered a swear word by
American Negro (sic) movement insiders.
It is no coincidence that a political meaning was added
to the term precisely at the moment in history at which the
native-born blacks became an absolute majority among
slaves and freedmen in Brazil, an outcome predicted back
in 1850, when the trans-Atlantic traffic in African slaves was
abolished. These native sons developed new political feelings different from the ethnic sentiments so pervasive
among the Africans feelings around which the notion of a
black race would crystallize.
The gauntlet the native sons of the Black Guard threw
down before white racism was a new meaning for Negro,
published in newspaper articles in Cidade do Rio, especially
those signed by Clarindo de Almeida, the Guards mysterious leader. These broader meanings were lost on the writers of the time, and must be weighed by todays scholars
as diacritical marks for a new political language a broad,
sweeping, racial language that was suddenly hushed up.
The second face-off between the Black Guard and
Republicans occurred in Rio on July 14, 1889, during the
Centennial celebration of
o the Storming of the Bastille, a
red letter day for Republic
Republicanism. A band of celebrating Republicans was making its
it way down a street named Rua
do Ouvidor at nightf
nightfall, and found their way barred by
a detachment from
fro the Black Guard. Fighting ensued, predictably enough, but this time the police
stepped in and tthe records from the House of Detention have su
survived intact.
Emy
Alfredo Emygidio
Prestello, a Portuguese national, age 18,
1 cabinetmaker, residing at Rua
do Mont
Monte; Albino Loureiro de Carvalho,
also Portuguese,
Po
from Vila Real, age 21,
domic
domiciled at Travessa do Costa Velho;
and Luiz Pinto Pereira, age 21, scrivene
ener, birthplace Minas Gerais, residing at Rua da Gamboa, all of them
wh
white, fought on the Republican
sid
side. Jos Carlos Vieira, age 22, carpe
penter, olive-complexioned, residing
at Rua Pedro de Alcntara, and Jos
Ant
Antnio, black, age 20, birthplace Bahia, unemployed, are a sampling from
th
the opposing side.5
Headlines blared news of the
rumble all over the capital city.
Middle-class cariocas grew more
and more uncomfortable. Inaction on the part of government
and failure by the police to establish order were noted with uneasiness by military men. All indications
n
were
we that the Joo Alfredo Adminis-
trations Cabinet was somehow conniving in the situation,

and the Republicans were transformed overnight, from fierce
opposition critics to hapless victims of a conspiracy hatched
by the powers-that-be. The Black Guard, once the darlings of
many intellectuals, outcasts to whom columns of newsprint
were dedicated (something unheard-of in Brazil in those
days), were now stigmatized as brigands and rowdies in the
pay of the government, roving gangs of violent muggers.
The accusations heaped upon the Flor da Gente capoeiras in
earlier times were again dusted off and recited.
The political climate rekindled some very unkind stereotyping of the Negro race. Ill-prepared to cope with the full
measure of political freedom thrust upon them as of May 13,
1888, it was suggested they ought to be dealt with by the police or again set to labor in the fields, under the watchful eye
of the political State. Those May 13ths, as the legally emancipated freedmen were called, who had barely tasted the air
of freedom, now bowed under the weight of new restrictions
heaped upon them by capitalist bourgeois society.
The dark clouds of race warfare that had gathered in
the time of the Black Guard were doubtless uppermost in
the minds of Brazils high officials on the eve of the uprising
that toppled the monarchy. But the toppling of the Guard
had begun even earlier. In July of 1889 the month of the
street rumble on Rua do Ouvidor Joo Alfredos Cabinet
collapsed, and the Liberal Party rose to power in the person
of the Visconde de Ouro Preto.
What at first appeared to be a new beginning soon
dragged the monarchy to its unhappy end. The Viscount
had a terrible reputation. He had been Treasury Ministry
in 1880, when he had the unfortunate idea of levying a
new tax on streetcar fares. The tax threatened to diminish
the already scant earnings of the urban population. The
resulting riot over that farthing, the Revolta do Vintm was
a rampage in which the population turned over streetcars,
erected barricades around town and fought army troops.
All of this brought whoops of joy from opposition journalists
namely, the Republicans and abolitionists. Over reports
of many casualties, the Minister resigned and the tax was
abolished. The Revolta do Vintm was the backdrop to both
abolitionists and Republicans street campaigns.
Just days after the proclamation of the Republic, Generalssimo Deodoro da Fonseca named Sampaio Ferraz chief
of police for the Federal District. Sampaio promptly began
work on his own agenda.
As a government prosecutor, Sampaio had for some
time followed the movements of the capoeira outfits. He
understood that the toppling of the regime would usher in
a provisional government with dictatorial powers, the ideal
environment in which to put an end to the mobs and
wipe out the last traces of the Black Guard in the process.
(5) All of these records are recorded in the House of Detention records titled Livro de Matrculas da
Casa de Deteno No. 4321, 15/07/1889, Public Archives of the State of Rio de Janeiro.

Texts from Brazil
Another century would go by before the

Black Guard was again mentioned in the
history books. In the meantime, theories
propounding the social uprooting of
Negroes as explaining their inability to
cope with the new bourgeois order
contributed little to the furtherance of
historical research.
In a matter of months, hundreds of capoeiristas, both active

and retired (too old for that kind of work) were arbitrarily
arrested. Initially held at the Santa Cruz prison, they were
herded into a steamer and shipped off to the federal governments prison on the island of Fernando de Noronha.
In less than a year Sampaio did away with the last traces
of the Capoeira Party, and the Black Guard to boot. October saw the publication of a new Criminal Code for the Republic, making capoeira illegal, as most of its practitioners
wasted away in their mid-Atlantic prison. What eventually
happened to them remains a mystery. Another century
would go by before the Black Guard was again mentioned
in the history books. In the meantime, theories propounding the social uprooting of Negroes as explaining their inability to cope with the new bourgeois order contributed
little to the furtherance of historical research. We had to
wait until after the military regime of 1964 was done away
with before we could review certain events in official historical records, and revisit the subject of the Black Guard.
Bibliography
The Black Guard:

BARBOSA, Rui. Campanhas Jornalsticas. Imprio

(1869-1889), Obras Seletas, v. 6, Rio de Janeiro: Casa de Rui
Barbosa, 1956.
BERGSTRESSER, Rebecca Baird. The Movement for the
Abolition of Slavery in Rio de Janeiro, 1880-1889, Stanford
University Press, 1973.
DUQUE-ESTRADA, Osrio. Abolio: esboo histrico. Rio
de Janeiro: Leite Ribeiro, 1908.
GOMES, Flvio dos Santos & CUNHA, Olvia Maria Gomes da.
Quase-cidado: histria e antropologias da ps-emancipao no Brasil, Rio de Janeiro: Ed. FGV, 2007.
GOMES, Flvio dos Santos. No meio das guas turvas (racismo e cidadania no alvorecer da Repblica; a Guarda Negra na Corte, 1888-1889) In Estudos Afro-Asiticos, Rio de
Janeiro, v. 21, pp. 75-96, December of 1991.
MAGALHES JUNIOR, Raimundo. A vida turbulenta de Jos
do Patrocnio. Rio de Janeiro: Sabi, 1969.
ORICO, Osvaldo. O tigre da abolio. Rio de Janeiro: 2nd.
ed. 1953.
Carlos Eugnio Lbano Soares. Earned his B.A. and

licenciature in History at UFRJ, and Masters in History at
UNICAMP. PhD., History, UNICAMP. Associate Professor of
History at UFBA
SOARES, Carlos Eugnio Lbano. A negregada instituio: os

capoeiras na Corte Imperial 1850-1890, Rio de Janeiro: Ed.
Access, 1994.
TROCHIM, Michael. The Brazilian Black Guard: racial conflict in
post-abolition in Brazil In The Amricas, v. XLIV, January, 1988.
52
Capoeira is Defense, Attack, Handling

Oneself, and a Rascals Skills
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Texts from Brazil
It is always difcult to generalize about

capoeira, for throughout its history it has
evolved into different forms or schools,
and its practitioners come from all income
levels and walks of life.
Capoeira is Defense, Attack,

Handling Oneself, and a Rascals
Skills
It is always difficult to generalize about capoeira, for

throughout its history it has evolved into different forms or
schools, and its practitioners come from all income levels and
walks of life. At root, it was something practiced by African
slaves in Brazil, and grew out of cultural connections among
representatives of the various African ethnic groups, captured
and transported to Brazil as slaves. Police records going back
to the 1820s tell of slaves arrested for practicing capoeira in Rio
de Janeiro, and describe a multiplicity of ethnic backgrounds,
among them people from Angola including Cassange and
from the Congo, Mozambique, and other nations.
In the 19th century, capoeira was very widespread and
systematically practiced primarily in Rio de Janeiro, where
police authorities sought to suppress it. Stories about its
adepts (capoeiras, or capoeiristas) go back to the late 18th
century. A landmark figure was Major Vidigal, a police officer famous for using capoeira in his confrontations with
runaway slaves, shamans and other capoeiras. But it is only
after the organization of civil and military police forces that
records of capoeiras begin turning up with any sort of regularity in historical sources. In the early 19th century capoeiras were already a familiar sight in the city of Rio de Janeiro.
From 1810 to 1821, out of the 4853 people arrested by
the police in that city, 438 (9%) were charged with practicing capoeira. It was during this period that the capoeiras
organized into outfits and got involved in power politics in
the capital city of Rio de Janeiro. They also took sides in
relations between the masters and the slaves, and among
the slaves themselves.
Back in those days, capoeira practitioners were organized into capoeira mobs called maltas (like the island
near Sicily), claiming as their territory the various boroughs
into which the city was divided. This pattern of organization predominated throughout all of Brazil. In addition to
straight razors, they used hook knives, musical instruments
and wooden clubs as weapons in their rumbles. By no
means, however, did they only practice fighting techniques.
They invented an elaborate tradition around capoeira,
which included names and war cries for each group.
One of the greatest independent capoeiristas of the
time, Plcido de Abreu, explains that in the second half of
the 19th century, Rios capoeiras were divided into two big
mobs, or nations, the Nagoa and the Guaiamu. In fact,
each nation was made up of a number of different capoeira
outfits, generally organized by boroughs, so that a nation
amounted to an alliance among various groups which monopolized specific areas of the city. Historians have not yet
arrived at a categorical definition of the terms that refer to
these two inner-city nations. But the information handed
down by Plcido de Abreu does outline many features of
these groups, most importantly, the jargon or lingo they
spoke. From that vantage point, we gain an inside perspec(1) Capoeira practitioners who did not belong to any outfit or mob were called amadores (amateurs).
56
Capoeira
Capoeira is Defense, Attack, Handling Oneself, and a Rascals Skills
tive from an individual who was an active participant in

these organizations as an amateur practitioner.1
That writer left behind a most fascinating report on the capoeiras of the 19th century. For instance, he wrote that the
Nagoas and Guaiamus in Rio were themselves divided into
various parties. He also explained that a Guaiamu is any capoeira practitioner who belongs to either the downtown So
Francisco party, or to the Santa Rita, Marinha, Ouro Preto or
So Domingos de Gusmo parties, or to any of a number of
smaller groups. Nagoa parties controlled the boroughs of Santa Luzia, So Jos da Lapa, Santana, Moura, Bolinha de Prata,
and a few others. These outfits, which Plcido de Abreu called
parties, were themselves divided up by parishes and specific
areas within the citys parishes. The partisans used symbols,
such as colors, to set themselves apart red for Guaiamus and
white for Nagoas. According to Plcido de Abreu, they made
use of war whoops with identifying symbols: Its the Sword.
Its Lapa. When its from that province. Its the Lady in the chair.
When its from Santana. Its the old carpenter. When its from
So Jos (St. Joseph). And so forth.
Guaiamus would sing:

Terezinha de Jesus
Open the door and snuff the lamp
I want to see Nagoas die
At the door of the Bom Jesus
The Nagoas would reply:
The Castle has raised its flag
So Francisco did the same
Guaiamus are now complaining
Black Manoel has just arrived.
In answer to the suppression of capoeira by the Republican Provisional Government, there emerged a broad
movement in defense of capoeiras which included people
from all walks of life. A few Parliamentarians, such as Congressman Coelho Neto, leapt to its defense, and even got
a movement started for making capoeira training official
within the armed forces. This was precisely when hundreds
of capoeiristas were being rounded up and prosecuted under Criminal Code Article 402. Within that discourse, the
seeds of a capoeira forged by martial conflict sprouted, and
gave rise to the idea of an authentically Brazilian sport.
Here is a statement by a renowned capoeira of the
1920s, Annibal Burlamaqui, better known as Zuma.
One could fairly say that all sports are practiced in
Brazil. We have: rowing, swimming, soccer, basketball, boxing, Greco-Roman wrestling, tennis, athletic
sports in general, etc. Nowadays even polo and golf
are played in our country. It is a shame, however,
that to this day we have nothing to offer as the national sport. Much is said about Brazilian national art,
Brazilian music... even of Brazilian policy.
MRE Collection
Zuma was a pioneer in Rio de Janeiros new capoeira,

and claimed that a number of techniques, such as the ba,
were copied from batuques and hard sambas. This is a
belly-blow to the adversary, analogous in movements to the
belly-bumping samba de umbigada. According to Zuma,
that same move was also used in the more delicate batuques
lisos. Another move, the rapa, was used in the heavier
batuques pesados. They also explained that there were tapeao or trickery, moves, which served only to confound
ones adversary.
Zuma also set down a few rules, exercises and training procedures for teaching capoeira: First I conceived of
a martial arts field where, given enough space, one could
practice Brazilian gymnastics.
They had public rituals for rumbles among the groups.

Whenever, for instance, a musical band left the downtown
area, that is, Guaiamu territory, and headed out toward
Lapa or Cidade Nova, capoeiras from those outfits would
tag along, ready for a showdown with the Nagoas, since
they were entering upon someone elses turf.
There were specific places for training: Practice was
held regularly on Sunday mornings, with training in head
and foot blows, and razor and knife techniques. The more
famous capoeiras acted as instructors for the beginners.
Early on, the techniques were practiced using wooden
weapons, then later, with actual edged weapons... which
often left the exercise area somewhat bloodied.2
The ditties they sang were called toadas, and added
comic relief as they issued their challenges:
(2) Party meant the same thing as capoeira mob. They were organized around the boroughs and
parishes of old Rio de Janeiro.
57

Texts from Brazil
A practice common to all capoeiristas in

Brazil was the acquisition of a nickname, a
custom that has survived to this day.
While capoeira practitioners in Rio de
Janeiro worked on their version, closely
bound up with martial arts, capoeiristas in
Bahia largely overlooked by historians
reviewing the 19th century came up with
two separate capoeira styles of their own:
capoeira angola and capoeira regional.
Mestre Pastinha and Mestre Bimba were
the leading practitioners of these two styles
or schools of capoeira.
Capoeira is Defense, Attack,

Handling Oneself, and a Rascals
Skills
The field Zuma had in mind for training bouts was in

the shape of a circle, with a letter Z drawn inside it. For
all competitions, there would be a referee to mark time for
the bout and monitor the players movements. The duration
of a single bout was not to exceed one hour, divided into
three-minute rounds, with two-minute rest periods. At every
break, the two contenders were introduced in the center of
the ring, so that the referee could more easily monitor the
contest. In the event of a draw, an additional half-hour extension would be granted, interspersed with longer rest periods.
If the stalemate were to continue, the referee would then order a last man standing round in which the two combatants
would continue until one of them dropped (a TKO) with no
rest breaks. These bouts were to be held on soccer fields.
Despite intensive efforts aimed at suppressing capoeira,
beginning in the early 19th century, and lasting through its
inclusion in the Criminal Code in 1890, the forces of resistance held their ground and the sport was reinvented beginning in the 1920s. Its adepts and practitioners elevated
its status as a national symbol, and identified it with sports,
dance, music and, most importantly, martial arts.
Unlike in Rio de Janeiro, no Draconian suppression tactics
were used against capoeira in Bahia during the 19th century.
The police there did not prosecute anyone under Article 402
of the 1890 Criminal Code. There were, however, numerous
arrests of capoeiras in Bahia in the early 20th century. They
were charged with assault, under Article 303 of the 1890 Criminal Code. Capoeiristas in Bahias capital also organized themselves in ways reminiscent of the capoeira mobs and outfits in
the boroughs of Rio de Janeiro, then the nations capital.3
The capoeiras of Bahias capital became famous and are
more vividly remembered by todays capoeiristas than their
cohorts in Rio de Janeiro. Prominent among those champions of the times are Pedro Mineiro, Antnio Boca de Porco,
Bemenol, Chico Trs Pedaos, Feliciano Bigode de Sda and
Besouro Mangang the most famous of all. A practice
common to all capoeiristas in Brazil was the acquisition of a
nickname, a custom that has survived to this day.
While capoeira practitioners in Rio de Janeiro worked on
their version, closely bound up with martial arts, capoeiristas
in Bahia largely overlooked by historians reviewing the 19th
century came up with two separate capoeira styles of their
own: capoeira angola and capoeira regional. Mestre Pastinha
and Mestre Bimba were the leading practitioners of these two
styles or schools of capoeira. Both shared a common structure, similar from its training through the ranks to the type of
clothing worn. The fundamental differences lay in the playing
styles and their accompanying musical repertoires.
Capoeira angola first appeared in Bahia in the 1920s,
most prominently among a group organized by Querido de
Deus, nickname of a capoeira who worked as a stevedore
(3) The city of Salvador is the capital of the State of Bahia. Carioca refers to the city of Rio de Janeiro.
58
Capoeira
Capoeira is Defense, Attack, Handling Oneself, and a Rascals Skills
at Bahias old Gold Quay. But the man who gave capoeira
angola its systematic structure and laid down its ritual rules,
tempos, and beautiful rhythms and provided uniforms,
thereby lending a sporting aspect to this cultural demonstration was Mestre Pastinha. To him, capoeira angola was a
part of Brazils national culture. Many indeed were the practitioners of capoeira angola, men like Mestre Valdemar da
Paixo, Mestre Noronha, Mestre Tibrcio, Mestre Canjiquinha, Mestre Caiara, Mestre Joo Pequeno and Mestre Joo
Grande, to name a few, each with his own personal touch.
Mestre Bimba, on the other hand, increased the number of
techniques and rhythms, laying emphasis on the songs and
formally establishing the basic musical instruments as simply
two tambourines and one berimbau. His innovations have
become predominant throughout all of Brazil.
Capoeira regional was quickly carried to all points in Brazil
by its practitioners from Bahia. One can comb the Brazilian
nation from top to bottom and find hardly any isolated village
or hamlets without some sort of capoeira practice. Capoeira

angola practitioners followed in the wake of those capoeira
regional pioneers some decades later. When they arrived,
however, they brought with them the seed crystal around
which a global capoeira culture would soon form. Capoeira
is currently practiced on every continent, and is increasingly
regarded as a cultural and national symbol of Brazil.
It is true that the jaundiced eye of prejudice and the lawenforcement machinery it controlled became less onerous as
time went on. In 1937 capoeira was decriminalized, for it had
attained an entirely new social standing. Black culture increasingly became a more highly-valued component in the evolving
process of ethnic inclusion among Brazils national symbols, and
Brazil was soon introducing capoeira to the world as one of its
most precious treasures, the outcome of syncretism over the
ages in which the influx from many different African, European
and indigenous ethnicities developed into something with that
unique identity that is capoeira, with its peculiarly Brazilian traits.
Bibliography
ALGRANTI Leila Mezan . O feitor ausente: estudos sobre a
escravido urbana no Rio de Janeiro. 1808-1822. Petrpolis, Vozes, 1988.
HOLLOWAY Thomas H. O Saudvel terror Represso policial aos
capoeiras e resistncia dos escravos no Rio de Janeiro do sculo
XIX. Rio de Janeiro, Afro-Asian Studies Center Magazine, 16, 1989.
SOARES Carlos Eugnio Libano. A negregada Instituio. Os
capoeiras no Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro, Ed. Secretaria
Municipal de Cultura, 1994.
A capoeira Escrava no Rio de Janeiro 1808-1850.
Campinas, Doctoral thesis, Unicamp, 1998.
MRE Collection
PIRES Antonio Liberac Cardoso Simes. A Capoeira no jogo das

cores. Criminalidade, cultura e racismo na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (1890-1930). Campinas, Masters thesis, Unicamp. 1996.
Antonio Liberac Cardoso Simes Pires. Ph.D. Social
History, Unicamp Assistant Professor, Universidade Federal do Recncavo da Bahia.
Published works: Bimba, Pastinha e Besouro de Mangang,
Trs Personagens da Capoeira Baiana. Tocantins/Goaiania, UFT/Grafset, 2001. A capoeira na Bahia de Todos os
Santos. Tocantins, UFT/Grafset, 2004. (org). Sociabilidades
Negras, Belo Horizonte, Ministrio da Educao, Daliana,
2006
ALMEIDA Manoel Antonio de. Memrias de um sargento de

milcias. Rio de Janeiro, Ed. Crtica, 1978.
AGPMERJ Correspondence received 16/11/1932.
ABREU Plcido de Abreu. Os capoeiras. Rio de Janeiro, Tipografia da escola de Serafin Jos Alves, no date.
DIAS Luiz Srgio. Quem tem medo da capoeira? 1890-1906.
Rio de Janeiro, Masters thesis, History Department, UFRJ,
1993, p.110.
This article is based on the authors original work titled:

Movimentos da cultura afro-brasileira, Campinas, Doctoral
thesis, Department of History, Unicamp, 2001.
SODR Muniz. O terreiro e a cidade. Petrpolis, Vozes,

1988, p.54.
59
Capoeira Angola Ritual Circle

Performance
Rosa Maria Arajo Simes
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Texts from Brazil
All of these virtues can be seen in full

bloom in the organization of the ritual
(the capoeira circle, or roda), in which
considerable pains are taken to reproduce
the specic knowledge and language
characteristic of the Angola style of
capoeira. Let us now join the circle....

Performance
Capoeira originated in Brazil during slavery, and since

then has been tracking the development of our society in
all its myriad ways. According to Lima (1991: 10-12) its historical development in Brazil can be traced through four basic stages. In Imperial times, before the abolition of slavery,
the main purpose of capoeira was self-defense. After Brazil
became a Republic, capoeira gained added attractions as
a visible aspect of black culture, and here it was known as
Capoeira Angola.1 Under the nationalist regime presided by
Getlio Vargas in the mid-1930s, capoeira was organized as
a form of gymnastics, and was finally adopted as a sport by
the National Sports Council in 1972. The 1930s also saw the
development of a new, regional style of capoeira created by
Manuel dos Reis Machado (Mestre Bimba) of Bahia, which
today is known as Capoeira Regional. More recently, a new
term was coined for innovative variations on Capoeira Regional by Mestre Camisa of the ABAD Capoeira group2,
namely, Contemporary Capoeira, the style now practiced
by most capoeira enthusiasts. Paralleling these three different styles of capoeira we have different types of capoeira
circles, and the different values which they impart.3
It is not my intention here to delve into those differences, for that would involve still another research paper.
Our purpose is to illustrate the strict form underlying ritual
performance.4 To do so we will focus specifically on the
style known as capoeira angola, and describe the capoeira
circles based on the Capoeira Angola Sports Center, which
is the Academy organized by Joo Pequeno de Pastinha
(CECA AJPP),5 and which serves as a touchstone for capoeira tradition. We mustnt forget that Mestre Joo Pequeno de Pastinha (born December 27, 1917) is, at age 89, the
living history of capoeira. His school and style is a model
for practitioners and has been brought to the rest of the
world by his students, the most important among them being Mestre P de Chumbo.
We generally observe, in the discourse and teachings of
angola Mestres (masters), some emphasis on the preservation
of tradition and the fundamentals of Angola-style capoeira.
Among these we would highlight, as examples, respect, justice,
humility and patience. All of these virtues can be seen in full
bloom in the organization of the ritual (the capoeira circle, or
roda), in which considerable pains are taken to reproduce the
(1) In 1922, the very cream of Bahias capoeira practitioners created the Conceio da Praia
Capoeira Angola Center (Mestre Bola Sete, 2001: 29).
(2) Associao Brasileira de Apoio e Desenvolvimento da Arte Capoeira. (Brazilian Capoeira Art
Support and Development Association)
(3) Rodas are the ritual circle performances through which capoeira is practiced and given expression.
(4) To Turner (1982: 13), the anthropology of the performance is an essential part of the
anthropology of the experience and furthermore, every type of cultural performance,
including rituals, ceremonies, Carnaval, and theatre are explanations of life, as often set forth
by Dilthey. And the expression, in turn, is in itself a process which impels one to an expression
which perfects it. To illustrate the claim, the author calls upon the etymology of the word
performance which he claims, has nothing to do with form, but rather, is derived from the
old French parfournir, to complete or accomplish perform painstakingly/rigorously/totally.
Hence, the completion is the purpose of an experience. [Translations]. For more on the theory
and method, see the thesis titled Da inverso re-inverso do olhar: ritual e performance na
capoeira angola (SIMES, 2006).
(5) The main office is at the Forte da Capoeira in Salvador (BA), but there are schools in So
Paulo (Indaiatuba, Campinas, So Carlos, Presidente Prudente, Bauru, Sorocaba, Capital); Minas
Gerais and in other countries, such as Mexico, Sweden, Portugal, Spain, Denmark, the United
States etc.
62
specific knowledge and language characteristic of the Angola

style of capoeira. Let us now join the circle....
Ritual performance in capoeira consists of the circle,

which represents this old world of Gods (the universe).
A complete description would necessarily cover the music, and embark upon themes of self, the hierarchy of rank,
moral values, and so on. Then there are the innumerable
pairs of opposition stances, contrasting resistance and submission moves, on your feet and on the floor, close in and
outside, joy and pain (sadness), sport and fun, combat and
oppression, straightforwardness and indirection, hand versus foot,7 and so on. The circle is a fisheye lens which takes
in the whole of capoeiras symbolic universe.
Mestre Bola Sete claims there are many masters who
believe that capoeira, created by Africans in Brazil, has its
origins in ancient African rituals.
Cmara Cascudo (1967: 183) likewise draws parallels
between capoeira and African dances as he points to the
NGolo (Dance of the Zebras) as a Warriors dance pertaining to rites of passage, in which adolescent boys dance/
compete for the benefit of young female spectators.
Prior to the 1930s, capoeira was not practiced indoors
(in academies), so we would hardly be surprised if the ritual
then were different from that of today. Back then it was a
CAPOEIRA ANGOLA RITUAL PERFORMANCE, DESCRIBED IN CONTEXT.

(...) practically every object, every gesture, song
or prayer, or slice of space and time is accepted
on faith as something other than itself. It is more
than it appears to be, and often, quite a lot more.
(Turner 1974: 29)
At the ritual performance one is struck by its polysemy/
multivocality. Thus, the way the Academy is decorated
including spaces for hanging the berimbaus, rainbow wall
paintings (the CECA AJPP logo), framed photographs of
famous masters (in honor of the heritage, and retelling the
story of capoeira angola) down to the uniforms, the body
movements and musical style; all of these constitute the
numerous languages of capoeira angola.
Students arrive early to prepare the ritual space for the
circle or roda. They clean the floor and straighten out the
benches, while others tune the musical instruments and
set up the three conga drums for the ritual performance.
There are also spares, for if the steel wire on the berimbau
(the bowstring)6 breaks during the ceremony, the berimbau
must be quickly replaced without interrupting practice.
(6) Verga describes the wood that bends to produce the berimbau. A favorite type of wood for
making the berimbau is biriba, as mentioned in songs: Biriba pau, pau/Oi biriba pau para
fazer berimbau... (public domain).
(7) In an open corrido the leader (or puxador, generally the mestre, or someone else of similar
rank) sings: a mo pelo p (hand for foot) and the chorus replies O p pela mo (foot for
hand); then the leader sings o p pela mo (foot for hand) and the chorus responds A mo
pelo p (hand for foot). These verses are repeated over and over.
63
Rita Barreto.
Master Poloca in the roda

Nzinga Capoeira Angola Group

Texts from Brazil
Early on at these rodas, a harmony is

found among the musical instruments,
the singing (ladainhas, quadras and
corridos), and especially the players, whose
communication is physical rather than
verbal.
struggle for freedom and survival, and as recreation, capoeira was practiced at the sugarcane mills, on hillsides, streets,
dockside, street markets and neighborhood squares. In
photographs taken back then we note the difference in the
number of berimbaus, the percussion setups, clothing, etc.
It is in the city of Salvador (Bahia) that the capoeira Angola academies, which trace their lineage back to Mestre
Pastinha, try to keep up the tradition they had in the
1930s. The capoeira angola groups scattered throughout
the world also follow the pattern outlined by Mestre Pastinha, which is why my report on the ritual performance is
based on CECA AJPP, for Mestre Joo Pequeno is considered to be Mestre Pastinhas main student, and responsible for handing down this art.8
A CAPOEIRA ANGOLA CIRCLE.

(...) it is one thing to watch people going through
the stylized movements and singing the enigmatic songs that make up the ritual practice, but
achieving a proper understanding of what those
movements and words mean to them is something else entirely. (Turner, 1974: 20)

Performance
People generally arrange themselves in a circle at these

rodas, but they also sometimes form squares or rectangles.
Every group will organize one of these inside its academy
about once a week, throughout the year. There is also a
party, the Capoeira Angola Event, which brings together the
various groups, much like national and international meets.
These are typically sponsored or organized by a specific
capoeira Angola group, and a number of different Mestres
and their students participate.
Early on at these rodas, a harmony is found among the
musical instruments, the singing (ladainhas, quadras and
corridos), and especially the players, whose communication
is physical rather than verbal.
CAPOEIRA INSTRUMENTS AND RANK. The main
instrument in a capoeira Angola circle is the berimbau
which is the highest-ranked and the tempo and style to
be played is settled at its foot, at the p-do-berimbau.9 The
instrument comes in three types: the berra-boi or gunga10
is the deepest bass, which generally runs the circle and is
played by a Mestre or close associate. Next in rank (which
in capoeira signifies the players experience or wisdom) is
the midrange mdio, followed by the tenor viola.
(8) In a formal statement, Mestre Pastinha, said: I give you two real mestres, not improvised
teachers, referring to Mestre Joo Pequeno and Mestre Joo Grande (the latter lives in
New York).
(9) Gunga is loosely used as a synonym for berimbau.
(10) When the two capoeiristas are hunkered down (squatting) in front of the three berimbaus.
64
Capoeira
Capoeira Angola Ritual Circle Performance
For each berimbau there is a specific tune or harmony. The three blend together to prompt body movements that are predominantly slow, but broader and
swifter movements will also be called forth at appropriate times, depending on the rhythm established by the
berimbaus.
The instrument section in capoeira is called a bateria,

ranked as follows: the three berimbaus (gunga, mdio,
viola), one or two tambourines, agog bells, a reco-reco
(scratcher gourd) and a conga drum or atabaque.
The figure below shows an example of the sequence of
instruments in a bateria:
Rosa Simes
berimbaus and a tambourine are playing. Rank in the bateria is typically more strictly observed for the instruments
played during the litany. Here, Mestre Moraes is playing the
bass or gunga, Mestre Ciro the midrange and Mestre P de
Chumbo the tenor viola. Playing the tambourine is Professor Topete; all of these musicians are important characters
in the world of capoeira..
Mestre Joo Pequeno with his playing partner at the

foot of the berimbau. Mestre Joo Pequeno in the picture
is singing an original litany When I arrived here (Quando
eu aqui cheguei, fully transcribed below). Litanies are usually sung at the foot of the berimbau when the mestre himself comes into play, so this one was not sung from the
mestres position on the gunga. Observe that only three
65

Texts from Brazil
The ladainha litany (verses 1 to 17)14 is a

type of song in which one may tell a story,
say a prayer, sing praise, unburden oneself,
issue a challenge, a warning, etc. It is sung
solo, that is, as a prompt by the leader.
CAPOEIRA SONGS. Before the start of the first bout, the

Mestre, or whoever is at the gunga, or perhaps one of the
practitioners crouched before the musical bow, will sing a
litany. As an illustration of how a roda is begun by Mestre
Joo Pequeno de Pastinha, transcribed and translated below is his original composition, Quando eu aqui cheguei.
When I arrived here

Performance
I11
01 - When I arrived here
02 - When I arrived here
03 - I came to praise everyone,
04 - I came to praise the Lord first
05 - and the people who live here
06 - Now I sing
07 - I sing a song in praise
08 - I am praising Jesus Christ
09 - I am praising Jesus Christ
10 - because he blessed us
11 - I am praising and Im praying
12 - to the father who created us
13 - blessed the city
14 - bless the city
15 - With all who live here
16 - and in the capoeira circle
17 - bless the players, my little friend
18 - He has the power (L)12
19 - Yea, he has the power, friend (C)13
20 - Yo, he has the power (L)
21 - Yea he has the power, friend (C)
22 - Yo, he knows how to play (L)
23 - Yea, he knows how to play, friend (C)
24 - Yo he plays from here to there (L)
25 - Yea, he plays yonder, friend (C)
26 - Yo, he plays hither, friend (L)
27 - Yea, play over here, friend (C)
28 - Yo, the world did a turn (L)
29 - Yea, what the world has given (C)
30 - Yo, what the world gives (L)
31 - Yea, what the world gives, friend (C)
(11) I (like yea), is often sung to begin the circle practice, or to begin a bout between mestres and/
or to restart interrupted bouts, usually due to non-approved conduct during play.
(12) (L) for Leader (puxador, solista); (C) for Chorus
(13) I is often sung to begin the circle practice, or to begin a bout between mestres and/or to
restart interrupted bouts, usually due to non-approved conduct during play.
(14) Para dar suporte anlise, antecedendo cada verso, h um nmero correspondente a ele. E,
a partir da chula, h no final de cada verso a letra (P) que significa puxador e a letra (C), que
significa coro.
(15) Mestre Joo Pequeno has traveled the world teaching capoeira Angola.
66
The ladainha litany (verses 1 to 17)14 is a type of song in

which one may tell a story, say a prayer, sing praise, unburden oneself, issue a challenge, a warning, etc. It is sung solo,
that is, as a prompt by the leader. Mestre Joo Pequenos
litany brings together a prayer and a song of praise, placing
God on a higher plane than the residents (whether of his
hometown or somewhere he is passing through)15.
So he first praises God, petitioning for protection from
lifes dangers, then praises the capoeiristas at the circle, to
charm his audience, put everyone at ease and curb unnecessary impetuousity. At this point, the two players are
hunkered down at the foot of the berimbau, listening to the
message (with no acrobatics). Only the three berimbaus
and tambourine(s) accompany the litany.
Right after the litany/ladainha (usually after the word
camaradinha, see verse 17 above) comes the chula (verses 18 to 31). Here, the singer or leader (usually the Mestre)
sings a verse and the participants respond in chorus, repeating the leaders verse in song. The players also join in
the chorus and point to each other, then raise both hands
to lend emphasis to the statement that he has the power,
knows how to play etc.
The lyrics Oi volta que mundo deu (Yo, the world did a
turn), tell the players they may begin practice. They make
the sign of the cross, and greet each other with a brotherly
handshake.16
From that point forward the singing turns to corridos,
which also feature chorus responses that, unlike the chula,
are unchanging and specific to each corrido. At this stage
each player will typically perform, while facing each other,
a fall on the kidneys (queda de rim) toward the berimbaus,
as both a salute and a way of expressing respect for the rules
of the game, as orchestrated by the musicians/bateria; here
is an example:
Rita Barreto
Another corrido which may be sung to lay emphasis

on the body language (with the two players forming the
dialogue) and/or bring to mind that there are moves and
countermoves during play (in the event of unmatched
moves), to wit:
Oi sim, sim, sim, oi, no, no, no
Oh yes, yes, yes (L)
Oh no, no, no (L)
Oh yes, yes, yes (C)
Oh no, no, no (C)
Oh yes, yes, yes, yes (L)
Oh no, no, no, no (L)
Oh no, no, no (C)
Oh yes, yes, yes, yes, yes (L)
Oh no, no, no, no, no (L)
Oh no, no, no (C)
Tem dend
1 Dend spice, dend is nice (P)
2 - Angola practice adds dend (P)
3 - Dend spice, dend is nice (C)
4 - Floor techniques will add dend (P)
5 - Dend spice, dend is nice (C)
If we realize that dend palm oil is an important ingredient in Bahia for spicing up food, we see that this corrido is
sung while the game is savory, looking good, well done...
at a time when the players are elegantly communicating
through body language. To start up the corrido, the first
two verses are called out by the Mestre (or his substitute)
as leader. After the fourth verse, the chorus alternates in
response to each verse called out (over and over until the
bout seems to need some other type of song, or the bateria
signals another type of action).
MRE Collection
(6) Or I d volta ao mundo, (Yea, go around the world).
67

Texts from Brazil
The attitude with which a player

approaches the circle or faces life is one of
challenge and struggle for social justice. As
we follow its ritual performance we observe
that it privileges neither left nor right, and
favors neither the high nor humble station.
Instead, it strikes a balance between
opposing parties, whatever their number,
in a continuous exercise of humility and
patience.

Performance
Closing Remarks about Capoeira Practice. FParticipants

include the Mestres, students, and even the audience in
the case of an open circle. Anyone not participating in the
bouts or playing an instrument pays attention of the game
and takes part in the chorus. Capoeira angola is a thoughtful, conscious sport in which the capoeirista attacks in selfdefense, striving at all times to do the right thing (which
extends into everyday life outside the circle). Each must
observe the other, and analyze their moves in order to
know what he is up against, to whom he or she is relating.
Ones attention must encompass not only the game, but
also what is being sung, for the songs are the vehicle for
teaching capoeira, inasmuch as they are the form of guidance for the nonverbal communication (body language)
between the players.
Attack and defense moves, such as basic steps, feints,
spinning kicks, mule kicks, falls, freezes, and other moves
which make up capoeira angola are so executed as to
comprise a nonverbal dialogue between the two contestants. The main thing is not to attack, but rather, to
know how to defend oneself. Hence the emphasis on
the virtues of respect, patience, humility, balance and
therefore justice which are the primary values sought by
the practitioner of capoeira angola. Balance, for instance,
is understood in its broadest meaning, that is, the idea
of balance carries forward into other aspects of life, so
that the capoeira angola practitioner, or angoleiro, works
constantly toward a sense of inner balance, not only in
practicing the body movements specific to capoeira, but
also with regard to others in daily life.
One is therefore justified in saying that the practice of
capoeira angola is itself an exercise in the control of violence, for everything must be done politely, in good fun (for
sport) and respectfully. Thats other person, the adversary, is in fact your buddy (partner in practice) someone
who makes it possible for you to go on learning.
Capoeira practitioners have no set time limits. Any given
bout can go on for five or 10 minutes, or half an hour. But
whenever the berimbau calls with a specific rhythm, or is
tilted forward, that signals the end of the bout and summons the players back before the berimbaus. The players
once again proceed to the foot of the berimbau, pay homage to one another, like good companions, and make way
as the next two capoeiras enter the circle.
Astute reckoning goes into the movements of capoeira
Angola. The attitude with which a player approaches the
circle or faces life is one of challenge and struggle for social
justice. As we follow its ritual performance we observe that
it privileges neither left nor right, and favors neither the high
nor humble station. Instead, it strikes a balance between
opposing parties, whatever their number, in a continuous
exercise of humility and patience.
68
Capoeira
Capoeira Angola Ritual Circle Performance
Bibliography
BOLA SETE, Mestre. A capoeira angola na Bahia. 3rd edition
Rio de Janeiro: Pallas, 2001.
CASCUDO, L. C. Folclore do Brasil: pesquisa e notas. Portugal: Fundo de Cultura, 1967.
JOO PEQUENO, Mestre. Quando eu aqui cheguei. In: Mestre
Joo Pequeno, Mestre Joo Grande. Programa Nacional de
Capoeira (SEED/MEC): Capoeira Arte & Ofcio (record) Salvador. Side B, track 1., 1989.
LIMA, L. A. N. Capoeira Angola: uma lio de vida na civilizao brasileira. So Paulo: PUC. (Masters Thesis), 1992.
PEIRANO, M. Rituais ontem e hoje. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed., 2003.
SIMES, Rosa Maria Arajo. Da inverso re-inverso do olhar: ritual e performance na capoeira angola. 2006. 193pp.
doctoral thesis (Ph.D. in Social Sciences). UFSCar. Postgraduate Program in Social Sciences.
TURNER, Victor W. O processo ritual: estrutura e antiestrutura; translation by Nancy Campi de Castro. Petrpolis,
Vozes, 1974.
______ From Ritual to Theatre: The Human Seriousness of
Play. New York City: Performing Arts Journal Publications,
1982.
Rosa Maria Arajo Simes. Teaches the Anthropology

of Popular Culture, Performing Arts and Musical Expressions
portion of the Licenciature Curriculum in Art for the Department of Performing and Graphic Arts of the So Paulo State
University (Bauru Campus) College of Architecture Art and
Communication. She is also Coordinator of the University
Extension Project titled A capoeira angola de Mestre Joo
Pequeno (PROEX/UNESP); earned her Ph.D. in Social Sciences at the Federal University of So Carlos with a thesis
titled Da inverso re-inverso do olhar: ritual e performance na capoeira angola
69
Mythical-Religious
Aspects of Capoeira
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Texts from Brazil
We might take a cue from the late Mestre Pastinha (Vicente Ferreira Pastinha, who lived in Bahia until his death in
1980). He said that capoeira is what you eat and what you
are! These words by one of the main guardians of this form
of expression illustrate the fluid multiplicity of capoeira, as
it changes and adapts, rebels and finds its place, creates and
reproduces. In its range of uses this expression has served
as self defense, even with lethal force. Today it finds its place
in education, but it has always been a cry of freedom, reaffirming the culture of an oppressed people, a reflection of the
sad legacy of four centuries of slavery in Brazil.
Mythical-Religious Aspects
of Capoeira
Mestre Bola Sete Collection
Among the myriad features of capoeira,

none has given rise to greater curiosity,
more debates, opinions, storytelling and
handing down of legend through the
oral tradition of popular culture than its
mythical and religious side. This is one
of the most important vehicles for the
transmission of knowledge and wisdom.
Mestre Pastinha
Among the myriad features of capoeira, none has given

rise to greater curiosity, more debates, opinions, storytelling
and handing down of legend through the oral tradition of
popular culture than its mythical and religious side. This is
one of the most important vehicles for the transmission of
knowledge and wisdom.
In the lore and legend of capoeira and its masters, by
far the most vivid and representative image is that of Besouro Mangang, whose given name was Manoel Henrique
Pereira. To this day many doubt he ever existed. Some
like the late Mestre Cobrinha Verde (Rafael Frana) claim
emphatically to have known and learned capoeira from Besouro. Only recently has proof of his existence turned up in
the form of his death certificate, found at the Santa Casa de
Misericrdia de Santo Amaro da Purificao.
The legend of Besouro lives on in the memory of the oldest residents of the Bay Area around Salvador. Many are the
tales and stories they tell of his cunning in confrontations with
the police, and of his courage and consummate fighting skills,
which enabled him to take on and take down multiple opponents. But most of all they marvel at his reputation for invulnerability by dint of his initiation into the occult arts of African
magic arts that enabled him to turn into anything, a stump
or an animal, or even to take off flying if hard pressed.
72
Capoeira
Mythical-Religious Aspects of Capoeira
Besouro Mangang (literally, Atlas Beetle), or Besouro

Preto, or even Besouro Cordo de Ouro, as his sporting buddies used to call him, is the link to 19th-century capoeira,
the traditions of slavery and the struggle for freedom, wars
against rival mobs, straight razor fights and electioneering
ward-heelers. This, claims researcher Antonio Liberac Pires,1
was back in those carefree days of idle sport and legendary
feats in tussles with the police. To this day at capoeira circles
one can still hear Besouro praised in rhyme and legend. His
bravery and perspicacity raised the bar for capoeiras ever
since those bygone days. Admired throughout the land, and
known for such acquired qualities as his mystical invulnerability, Besouro was a legend in his own time.
foot, the dust devil, the unspoken, the despondent,

no. Capoeira belongs to God. The world and most
of its peoples have the power, the body has poetry,
birds have beaks. Capoeira has ax. My father and
my mestre taught me, and that is no small feat. But
honey knows no flower and recognizes no bees.
Those who taught me capoeira knew it.
Zum, zum, zum, Besouro Mangang

Slapping round policemen with their military arms
Zum, zum, zum, Besouro Mangang
Those who cant handle manding
never have a lucky charm...2.
Mestre Joo Pequeno de Pastinha (Joo Pereira dos Santos), Mestre Pastinhas most important follower still going
strong at almost 90 claims Besouro was a cousin to his
father, and that ever since he was a boy he had heard stories
about his exploits. That was why he wanted to learn capoeira
and be a tough guy like Besouro. To hear his father tell it,
Besouro could hide no matter where he was, and folks would
walk right past and not see him. Joo is also certain that his
father, was also prepared through prayer and shared certain
qualities with Besouro, namely, the ability to vanish: Hed be
walking along a path, and when he saw someone he didnt
want to be seen by, they just didnt see him.
Off in the world of literature, a character named Besouro
tells his stories in a wonderful book by Marco Carvalho,3
Feijoada no Paraso. He tells of having learned capoeira
from Uncle (Tio) Alpio, who ...was already old when I met
him, but seemed to have been that way forever. He was
light on his feet, stepping softly like a cat. Uncle Alpio was
a former slave who, as a young man, kindled considerable
romantic interest on the part of the sugarcane mill-owners
wife and considerable anger on the part of his boss, who
ordered him killed. But that never happened, because his
faith had been shaped by the beliefs of the iorub people.
The character Besouro, as conjured back by Carvalho. goes
on to say:
Capoeira Practice - llustration property of the Instituto Jair Moura holdings.
This magical and mysterious feature, known in the

world of capoeira as manding, is crucial to a deeper understanding of this expression. As a noun, manding may
refer, believes researcher Waldeloir Rego,4 to the Manding
region of Western Africa, drained by the Niger, Senegal and
Gambia rivers. Africans brought to Brazil believed there
were many medicine men or shamans in that region. To
the extent that capoeiras tradition is intertwined with magic, numerous powerful myths are still alive in its collective
unconscious.
Uncle Alpio taught me a lot about everything. As

eternally calm as an ancient country doctor, he was
a black man, with eyes that could look deep into
the eyes of meanness and spot the only way to get
out of there alive. Capoeira is the art practiced by
those who own their body and maybe those of others. Otherwise, the one that makes the first move,
the sneaky one, that isnt and never was the bottle
(1) Bimba, Pastinha e Besouro Mangang. Antonio Liberac Pires. Tocantins: NEAB, 2002
(2) Popular ditty in the public domain.
(3) Feijoada no paraso: a saga de Besouro, o capoeira. Marco Carvalho. Rio de Janeiro: Record,
2002
(4) Capoeira angola: ensaio scio-etnogrfico. Waldeloir Rego. Salvador: Itapu, 1968
73

Texts from Brazil
Mestre Cobrinha Verde was one of the

keenest admirers of manding arts, which
he credited to teachings he received from
Besouro and others initiated into this
secret knowledge in Santo Amaro da
Puricao, in the Salvador, Bahia, Bay
Area.
Mestre Valdemar da Liberdade, another great teacher

who is no longer with us, once told researcher Luiz Renato
Vieira5 that the mestres of yesteryear ...were alive with
manding, and could turn into leaves or turn into creatures.
That was just the thing in case of trouble. Besouro was a
great capoeirista, but entirely reliant on prayer.
Mestre Joo Pequeno relates a story about Besouros
death, in which his manding was broken:
There is Manding in capoeira, also a lucky charm
worn around the neck. Inside the charm there
are prayers, prayers to prepare your body,
prayers to turn aside the knife blade. But people
of unclean body, who have sexual relations, are
ill-prepared and vulnerable. That was how they
managed to kill Besouro. He spent the night
at a womans house, and on his way home the
following day, he ducked under a barbed wire
fence, and a barb cut his back, so he knew then
he was weak (...). That was the day they killed
Besouro, with a knife hardened out of tucum,
which is a type of palm tree.
of Capoeira
Joo Pequeno likewise recounts that he had his first

capoeira lesson from a black teacher named Juvncio, a
blacksmith by trade. This was when he still lived in Mata
de So Joo, in the countryside of the state of Bahia. According to Joo Pequeno, Juvncio was a longtime friend of
Besouros, and so had lots of stories to tell.
Mestre Cobrinha Verde was one of the keenest admirers of manding arts, which he credited to teachings he
received from Besouro and others initiated into this secret
knowledge in Santo Amaro da Purificao, in the Salvador,
Bahia, Bay Area. He relates that these teachings helped him
out of many tight spots in his wanderings and adventures,
notably, when he traveled with armed bands, crisscrossing
the hinterlands of northeastern Brazil.
The scapular I wore had seven pages with
prayers to St. Agnes, to Saint Andrew, to Seven
Chapels. When I took it off, I placed it on a clean
plate, where it kept jumping, for it was alive. But
there was some problem, for it disappeared
and I never found it. There was something I
did wrong, and it left and disappeared. When
I joined up with the Horcio de Matos outfit at
age 17, I already had that scapular. It got me out
of a lot of jams. It was given to me by an African
and, to this day, when I speak of him, it makes
my eyes well up with tears. He called himself
Uncle Pascoal.6
(5) O jogo da capoeira: cultura popular no Brasil. Luiz Renato Vieira. Rio de Janeiro: Sprint, 1998.
(6) Capoeiras e Mandingas. Cobrinha Verde/Marcelino dos Santos. Salvador: A Rasteira, 1991
74
Capoeira
Cobrinha Verde described himself as Catholic, but he

did not pass up African religious traditions to make himself
invulnerable for protection from his enemies in this world
and the next. Here is one of the prayers he said:
Help me St. Sylvester
And the 27 Angels by the shirt you wear
Just as you tamed
The hearts of three lions
Atop the hill, pierced through hand and foot
Tame them, forgotten below my foot
Tamer than white wax
If they have eyes, they will not see me
If they have mouths, they will not address me
If they pay for my head, they will not have me
If they carry a knife for me
It will bend as Our Lady bent the rainbow
A club aimed at me will be broken
As Our Lady broke twigs to boil milk
For her Blessed Son
If a firearm is pointed at me
Water will run out its barrel, blood off its trigger
Just as Our Lady
Shed tears for her Blessed Son
Amen.7
Joo Pequeno and Joo Grande ready to begin a bout (1968) - Photo: Jair Moura
ment in the capoeira angola circle, for according to the tradition of Mestre Pastinha, practice will begin and end with
the same two players. There is time for each player to size
up his partner, to try to figure out his game, and to position
himself carefully to make his move at just the right moment. To be considered a mandingueiro the player has to
set up the other, that is, watch and wait patiently for that
careless moment in which to drive home a telling blow.
As the point of entry and exit in capoeira angola circle
practice, the foot of the berimbau is that sacred place at
which beginning and end, past and present, heaven and
earth, good and evil, life and death all come together.
Death is always a latent possibility. Every capoeirista feels
its presence as he squats at the foot of the berimbau. The
heart beats faster, breathing is deeper, and the eyes lock on
to those of his opponent possibly his executioner. That
is why some capoeiristas cross themselves at the foot of
the berimbau. There, mandinga often takes the form of
the sign of the cross, other times it is in the patterns the
capoeira traces on the ground with his hands. The origins
of this practice among the old angoleiros are lost in the
mists of time. It may even be a petition through purposeful gestures with hands and body, to the saints or spirit
orixs for protection addressed even during the singing of
the litany. Ancestral sounds echo forth from the berimbau,
asking our forebears for protection. The musical bow was
used in Africa to communicate with the dead. Only then do
the two shake hands... and the bout may now commence.
Another very characteristic feature of capoeira angola,
and one which includes elements of mandinga, is the angola ritual break or chamada. This is an interruption in
the course of the bout. The chamada is a hiatus in the
Statements by the earliest capoeiras show manding to

be one of the building blocks of the form. Within the context of capoeira, the term manding describes the practitioners savoir-faire, with his feints and fake moves to mislead
his adversary but it also describes something sacred, a
connection between the capoeirista and the mysteries of
Afro-Brazilian religions.
Some mestres see mandinga as one of the distinguishing features that differentiate capoeira angola from capoeira
regional. They believe that capoeira regional has distanced
itself from the mythical and religious aspects that, with few
exceptions, are part of African tradition. The result is that
each has its own aesthetics of style, its own symbolism, with
greater value placed on objectivity, technique, and direct
confrontation, rather than subjectivity, sly strategy, and dissembling. These latter qualities more closely approximate
the mandinga in capoeira angola. This is not to say that
these features are entirely absent among capoeira regional
practitioners, only that they are present to a lesser degree.
Mestre Eletricista (Edlson Manoel de Jesus) says that
mandinga is not something you are taught... but something you learn. In this he was referring to the individual
path each capoeira student must traverse to develop the
mandinga arts. It is a quasi-religious initiation procedure,
for which the reference is invariably ancestors who handed
this down to us, concludes Eletricista.
Two capoeiristas hunker down at the foot of the berimbau, ready to begin their bout. This is a very special mo-
(7) Capoeiras e Mandingas. Cobrinha Verde/Marcelino dos Santos. Salvador: A Rasteira, 1991
75

Texts from Brazil
Ancestral sounds echo forth from the

berimbau, asking our forebears for
protection. The musical bow was used in
Africa to communicate with the dead. Only
then do the two shake hands... and the bout
may now commence.
of Capoeira
An angola passage or chamada in progress

Photograph: Instituto Jair Moura holdings
76
succession of attack and defense moves, and includes the

ginga pattern. One player breaks off the ongoing bout and
freezes, observing the other. The partner then approaches,
slowly and carefully for there is a chance of being surprised by an unexpected attack move until he is able to
tag the player calling the passage. What follows then are
synchronized motions to-and-fro, much like dancing. The
tension between the two contestants is palpable, for at any
time one might try some kind of meanness, like striking or
tripping the other. The break is over the moment the player
who called it undertakes to resume normal play, and signifies his intent to the partner by characteristic gestures.
The bout is then resumed.
During this play-acting which comprises the angola passage, mandinga comes out in the way each player deals
with the situation, in his cunning, craftiness and ability to
dissemble and thereby mask his true intentions. Apprehension clings to the two capoeiristas during a chamada, when
a certain air of mystery envelops the capoeira angola circle.
Anything can happen in a chamada. Both capoeiristas must
be on their guard against potential surprises, which are by no
means uncommon in these situations.
Capoeira
You must be alert and on guard at all times, on the

lookout for all types of ambush, with the utmost
concentration. So go the teachings of manding,
whereby a savvy old monkey will never reach for
the bait inside a coconut trap. (...) The secret of
the stratagem lies inside the crafty device itself,
deep within its singular mystery. Just as there is
martyrdom in the seven wounds of Christ, so, my
friend, have abiding faith in what you possess, and
be leery even of your shadow... with sympathy,
discipline and light within your soul.8
ways be another time because them that gets

beat up never forgets and them that wins dont
ever remember, and therein lies the sly cunning
of the capoeirista (p. 18).9
Besouro Mangang had so much mandinga that, according to Mestre Bimba (Manoel dos Reis Machado), the originator of capoeira regional, he could jump into a back flip and
land with his feet back in his sandals.10 Bezouro, along with
other ancient capoeira artists such as Mestre Noronha, Pastinha, Cobrinha Verde and several others, were the legendary
mandingueiros who still people the thoughts of residents of
Salvador and the surrounding Bay Area, and whose influence
on capoeira today goes way beyond the virtuous qualities
they boasted in being tough guys and rowdies.
This magical atmosphere which surrounds the universe
of capoeira, though it springs from the popular imagination, does indeed express the enormity of the field of possible meanings of this Afro-Brazilian expression as it relates
to what is sacred, and says a lot about other traditions
and expressions endemic to Brazils popular culture. To the
simple people of our country this sacred dimension has an
especially deep and profound meaning, which affects their
beliefs, lifestyles, dreams and struggles, their victories and
their defeats.
Analyzing the mandinga in capoeira means much more

than identifying a few features of the circle ritual, or the stylized gestures and discourse of the participants. It means to
go after a deeper understanding of patterns of behavior adopted by some of the angoleiros. These may be taken as
teachings assimilated early in capoeira circle practice, teachings which, according to Mestre Moraes (Pedro Moraes),
grow afterward into the daily lives of these individuals, and
find their expression in the way they relate to the world.
There are ways of doing things, beliefs, superstitions and
habits observable primarily among capoeira angola practitioners living throughout the Bay Area around Salvador, Bahia.
These are quite specific features peculiar to a certain type
of person who, in social interactions, is different precisely for
having cultivated through experience in capoeira angola a
style of behavior based on another type of logic, distinct from
the rationality prevalent in modern societies, and expressed
in the way one relates to the reality in which one lives. Typically, these are people who cultivate a kind of attention, a
sagacity, a spiritual presence or even a sixth sense features,
in any case, quite different from what is considered standard
behavior in contemporary urban societies.
This other logic is related to the mythical and religious
aspects arising from Afro-Brazilian culture aspects expressed, since time immemorial, through capoeira, and in a
number of other ways.
The renowned Mestre Noronha (Daniel Coutinho), who
lived through the early decades of the 20th century in the
thick of Bahias capoeira and hepcat culture, bequeathed us
a valuable legacy in his manuscripts, which bring to life many
features of the capoeira culture of those days, and is a very
important reference for historians seeking to reconstruct
those raucous and tumultuous times. In one passage, faithfully transcribed from the original, he says:
Me and my colleagues in the same art, capoeira,
which nowadays is in society and all over the
world because it is a very valuable self-defense,
that is, its treacherous mandinga to deal with
any kind of rough stuff that turns up, which is
sufficient for now because if it isnt, then quit
and let it go for another time, for there will al-
(8) Maior a capoeira, pequeno sou eu. Jos Umberto. Revista da Bahia, No. 33 Salvador:
Fundao Cultural do Estado da Bahia, 1999
(9) O ABC da capoeira angola: manuscritos do mestre Noronha. Frederico Abreu. Braslia. DEFER,
1993 (original spirit imitated by translator).
(10) Mestre Bimba: corpo de mandinga. Muniz Sodr Rio de Janeiro: Manati, 2002 (p.36)
77

Texts from Brazil
To the simple people of our country this

sacred dimension has an especially deep
and profound meaning, which affects their
beliefs, lifestyles, dreams and struggles, their
victories and their defeats.
Todays capoeiristas, whether they realize it or not, have

inherited all of this ancestral baggage that capoeira carries in
its soul, and cannot keep aloof from the feelings and meanings bound up with the process of cultural identification
which every capoeira initiate goes through. These initiates
develop different attitudes and end up adopting other ways
of relating to the world, of dealing with danger and adversity,
with the unknown or the unexpected.
Capoeira, as practiced in recent years, has been reduced to a consumer product. Tourists gather around to
marvel at its backflips and enjoy a spectacle increasingly
like show business, and less and less recognizable for its
more traditional features, its ritual content, and its ancestral
mandinga heritage.
Yet by no means are these trends without offsets and
opposition. Even now, all over the world, big changes are
taking place, all of them clearly affirming the historical legacy
of capoeira, with reverence for its early development and traditional forms. All of this is raising up and adding value to the
form while clothing in new dignity this expression born of the
creativity, beliefs, joy and suffering of an entire population.
Pedro Rodolpho Jungers Abib. Associate Professor in
the College of Education, Federal University of Bahia
Author of: Capoeira angola: cultura popular e o jogo dos saberes na roda (Edufba/CMU-Unicamp,2005)
Capoeirista taught by Mestre Joo Pequeno de Pastinha
of Capoeira
78
79
Capoeira: Metaphors in Motion

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Texts from Brazil
To understand the nomenclature, that

is, capoeira terminology, it helps to
understand its origins and direction. Before
the late 19th century there were no writings
or depictions of capoeira, a martial style
said to have been developed by Negro
slaves who used it in self-defense in the
struggle for freedom.
Capoeira:
Metaphors in Motion
The full repertoire of capoeira, however, is much more

extensive, varied and creative. Cartwheels, push kicks, spinning kicks, crescent-kicks, frog-hopping, flying hook-kicks,
resistances and fakes are equivalent names of some of the
moves. There is no limit to the number of names, since it
increases with the skill and creativity of the practitioners.
Capoeiristas themselves make up new names as they develop new moves or variants, which is where the metaphor
is most easily appreciated.
To understand the nomenclature, that is, capoeira
terminology, it helps to understand its origins and direction. Before the late 19th century there were no writings
or depictions of capoeira, a martial style said to have been
developed by Negro slaves who used it in self-defense in
the struggle for freedom. Jean-Baptiste Debret, a French
artist brought to Brazil on assignment in 1816 by request
of Emperor D. Joo VI, making reference to cavorting negro
tumblers doing numerous backflips and other somersaults
to liven up the scene. German painter and sketch artist
Johann Rugendas, who visited Brazil in 1821, wrote one of
the earliest definitions of capoeira in which he described it
as a Negro warrior sport, in which they rush toward one
another in an effort to butt their heads against the chest of
the adversary and defend themselves with skillful feints and
fakes to either side. The artist drew a comparison between
the competitors and goats because of the head-to-head
collisions that occurred during these bouts.
Plcido de Abreu, in his book titled Os Capoeiras, introduced such expressions as pompadour to sniff and antler
blow (topete a cheirar e chifrada), for head-butts. These
expressions once livened up the vocabulary of the capoeiras, themselves a persecuted lot in the late 19th century.
After capoeira was legally banned (1890), it lived on in
military circles, where the first manuals were produced
describing this national sport. 1907 brought the publication of the Guide to Capoeira or Brazilian Gymnastics, by
an unknown military author. Afterward, National Gymnastics (Capoeira) Rules and Method, by Annibal Bularmaqui,
was published in 1928, and explained the moves and rules
for capoeira practice.
20th-century Bahia was a veritable cornucopia of capoeira practitioners, and its claim to fame in Brazil and
worldwide was staked out by the determination and leadership of two men: Manuel dos Reis Machado, Mestre Bimba,
and Vicente Ferreira Pastinha, Mestre Pastinha.
Bimba began teaching capoeira at age 18, and organized his school, Clube Unio em Apuros, in Salvador, in the
borough of Engenho Velho de Brotas. At the time there was
only one capoeira, with no distinction between regional and
angola, for Bimba had not yet developed the regional style.
Mestre Bimba claims to have created capoeira regional in
1928, after incorporating several moves from batuque (an
African dance for men), developing new techniques and
perfecting old ones. The influence of mixed martial arts can
82
be seen, for instance, in techniques such as the neck hold

and cintura desprezada, a sequence of partner-assisted
throws and flips.
Contact between mestre Bimbas students and authorities in Bahia helped legitimize capoeira and remove it from
the criminal code in the 1940s. As soon as Bimbas regional
baiano style achieved recognition, traditional capoeira, as
taught by Mestre Pastinha promptly renamed capoeira
angola also gained in popularity.
The naming system for capoeira moves and strikes
was created based on the development of the regional
and angola schools, and several capoeira holdouts in Rio
de Janeiro. As capoeiras popularity increased in the interior of Brazil and spread to other countries, variations
on the basic moves were added and several new ones
included in the repertoire, all of which affected the lingo.
The splitting apart of capoeira also affected the moves,
which may vary significantly from school to school. The
angola stingray sting (rabo-de-arraia), for instance, is
what capoeira regional calls a meia-lua de compasso, a
spinning heel kick in which the striking foot does a horizontal roundhouse, only with one hand brushing rather
than planted on the ground. In Rio de Janeiros carioca
style, the move is similar, except that the foot travels in
a vertical plane.
A compilation of capoeira terms was organized by
Eliane Anjos in 2003, based on writings about capoeira
published since 1960 by mestres Bimba and Pastinha and
their students, and also drawing on capoeira books widely
sold throughout Brazil. The result was her Illustrated Terminological Glossary of Capoeira Moves and Techniques, in
Portuguese. This research effort uncovered the preponderance of metaphor (name transfer by figure of speech) and
metonymy (name transfer from a related concept) among
the move-naming devices in this sport.
Among the associations which regularly crop up in the
argot of capoeira, one expects to find several relating to animals, edged weapons, blunt instruments, circular shapes,
graphic depictions and commonplace objects.
83
Animals are a recurring theme, which in translation

yields mule kicks, stingray stings, frog hops, monkey
springs and bat flights. A box on the ear is called a galopante because of the clopping sound, like hoofbeats. In
its indigenous word origins, capoeira (kaa puera) related
to jungle; it meant a clearing where brush had once stood.
We say, then, that capoeira, as it originated among African
slaves, is closely bound up with nature, hence the use of
so many animal names to signify new concepts. Movement is the essence of capoeira, as it is for any martial or
bodily art, and many names come from observing or even
imitating animals.
Relating words to animal movements makes the
names more vivid to the minds eye, and therefore easier
to memorize. Once a name is associated with a visual
concept, as we hear the animals name, or the name of
a movement characteristically associated with that creature, we can picture the move or some reasonable approximation. Rugendas, in his description, compared capoeiristas to goats because of the preponderance of head
butts. Indeed, the Portuguese word marrada, meaning
head butts by rams or goats, was used by mestre Bimba
in a recorded statement on a CD titled Regional Capoeira
Course in Portuguese. Even so, the conventional term for
head butt is cabeada.
Capoeira terminology is also sprinkled with the names
of implements which can be used as makeshift weapons.
Moves with names wed render as a whip, harpoon, quirt
or knout, forked stick, hammer-kick and scissors, show that
capoeira may be understood as a physical weapon, and
that its movements, judged by their names, may cause
harm. Movements like the whiplash and quirt call to mind
the instruments of punishment and torture inflicted on Negro slaves. The relationship of form between a weapon and
a technique is a form of association, of metaphor, in which
capoeira once a weapon and nowadays considered a
sport was an original martial art.
Another type of association is the relating of moves to
letters of the alphabet. The cartwheel or a the origins of

Texts from Brazil
Among the associations which regularly

crop up in the argot of capoeira, one
expects to nd several relating to animals,
edged weapons, blunt instruments,
circular shapes, graphic depictions and
commonplace objects.
Tesoura de frente or Scissoirs take-down
Capoeira:
Metaphors in Motion
which are controversial, the word itself being listed in the

Aurlio dictionary (1999 Edition) as an Africanism) brings
to mind a comparison between the letter A (both legs
planted) and the letter U (legs turned upward). A sideways
walkover in capoeira is a double-S, the curves of which, in
a sense, illustrate that movement. Several versions of the
crescent kick and spinning heel kick (meia-lua, compasso,
and meia-lua de compasso) conjure up circular images, as
does the roll (rol).
S dobrado or Double S
Tapping a partners head with your shoe, is a leather hat

(chapu-de-couro), a neck hold is a necktie and a leque (fan),
describes something similar to a pike; just as the words for
flank throw, mule kick, cross (a tipping move) and ear-box are
synonyms for balloon, flat plate, and telephone (for the ringing
in your ears). This is because people tend to relate new creations to something familiar, and pick some common feature
a shape or function as in our examples.
Wry humor comes out in several names, such as blessing
(bno). This is a far cry from a petition for religious protec-
84
Capoeira
Capoeira: Metaphors in Motion
tion, in which the priest places a hand on the suppliant. In capoeira it signifies a push with a foot planted on your buddys
chest playful roughhousing. The same sort of irreverence
colors terms like mouthwash and suicide (bochecho, suicdio)
for a double cheek-punch and a forward toe-touch in midair.
The first can make your spit red and the other can also hurt
plenty if done incorrectly.
Most metaphors arise from a similarity in form between
the move and some object, animal, or letter of the alphabet.
Yet similarities in function give rise to terms like aoite (whip),
boosted throw or flip (balo), bno (blessing), bochecho
(mouthwash), chibata (quirt) and martelo (hammer kick),
where the similarity derives from actual motion, rather than
outward appearances.
Metonymic names refer to the outcomes of techniques,
like nose-stop, hand-break and neck-break (asfixiante, quebramo and quebra-pescoo). The association with movement is
clear in these examples, for the effect produced is what names
the technique.
Another recurring metonymic association is one in which
the part stands for the whole. Examples are terms like banda
(flank throw), which indicates the type of (sideways) step-in
used for that move, cintura desprezada (a series of partnerboosted throws and flips), where the midriff (cintura) plays a
functional role, boca-de-cala (pant-cuffs takedown), describes
where the technique is applied. Other expressions, like your
palm, and the toes used in a front snap kick (palma and ponteira) reveal the main body parts employed often the ones
that strike the adversary.
Terms such as negativa, vingativa and resistncia, (negative, avenger and resistance) describe the technique in subjective, abstract terms; terms that show the players strategy
and the combative nature of the game. Negation, that is,
resistance against slavery, and vengeance for its oppression
these underlie the names given to those moves.
Irony, humor and resistance are all inherent to the lifestyles of capoeira practitioners. This was especially true
when the sport was still the target of persecution. Another
example of tongue-in-cheek irony is the expression godeme,
synonymous with the English-style punch, and drawing on
the British penchant for shouting God damn it! At least
thats the way they were perceived by construction workers
in the northeastern part of Brazil.
According to anthropologist Letcia Reis, whose 1993
paper was titled Negros e brancos no jogo da capoeira: reinveno da tradio, capoeira constructs a topsy-turvy world
with its floor-crawling, bottom-up movements, its subversive
laughter, inverted meanings for terms like bno/blessing
and for the resistance running deep within the culture. Her
emphasis is on the resistance capoeira puts up resistance
transmitted through its body language, its tricky inverted
movements, and its made-up names.
As for the possibility that African languages influenced capoeira terminology, leaving aside the controversial etymology
of terms like a and gingar, this last ascribed by Nei Lopes to

the Quimbundo jangala (to wobble), in the Dicionrio Banto
do Brasil (1995), there is no evidence that the African roots
of this style have given it any kind of linguistic heritage. This
observation lends support to the opinion that capoeira developed in Brazil, rather than through the importation of some
pre-existing African martial style.
The naming conventions adopted in capoeira reflect its
martial features, its resistance to the oppression of slavery
and prejudice, the circular nature of its bouts, the communion
between man and nature and, above all, the way it expresses
Brazilian culture.
Bibliography
ABREU, Plcido. Os capoeiras. Rio de Janeiro: J. Alves,
[1886?]
BURLAMAQUI, Annibal (Zuma). Gymnastica nacional (capoeiragem) methodizada e regrada. Rio de Janeiro, 1928.
FERREIRA, Aurlio B. de H. Novo Aurlio Sculo XXI: o dicionrio da lngua portuguesa. 3rd Ed. totalmente revisada
e ampliada. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1999.
GUIA DO CAPOEIRA OU GYMNASTICA BRAZILEIRA. 2. ed.
Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Nacional, 1907.
LOPES, Nei. Dicionrio banto do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal da Cultura, Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro, 1995.
REIS, Letcia V. de S. Negros e brancos no jogo da capoeira:
reinveno da tradio. Dissertation (Masters in Sociology)
College of Philosophy, Fine Arts and Humanities of the
University of So Paulo, So Paulo, 1993.
ANJOS, Eliane D. Glossrio Terminolgico Ilustrado de Movimentos e Golpes da Capoeira: um estudo trmino-lingstico. Dissertation (M.A. in Fine Arts, Philology and Portuguese) College of Philosophy, Fine Arts and Humanities of
the University of So Paulo, So Paulo, 2003.
RUGENDAS, Johann M. (1802-1858). Viagem pitoresca
atravs do Brasil. Translation by Srgio Milliet. So Paulo: Martins Editora & Editora da Universidade de So Paulo, 1972.
Illustrations: Reinaldo Uezima.
Eliane Dantas dos Anjos. M.A. in Fine Arts, Philology and
Portuguese College of Philosophy, Fine Arts and Humanities of the University of So Paulo.
85
Music in Bahias Capoeira Angola

Ricardo Pamlio de Sousa
CAPOEIR
A IS MO
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(1) Editors Note: The samba-de-roda is the samba originated in Bahia.

(2) Editors Note: The corrido is a short song with overlapping call and answer, sung in capoeira
rodas.
(3) Editors Note: The chula is a song form based on the quadra and had its origin in Portugal.
(4) The alternation, interplay or physical dialog between participants in a bout, negacear, is what
happens when one comes in and the other moves back, the alternation between attacking and
defensive moves. Capoeira is defense, attack, handling yourself, and a rascals skills.

Texts from Brazil
The music is played specically for

capoeira circle ceremonies. It serves
to teach and guide the contestants,
and follows an order of rank created
by capoeiristas. Added to the various
rhythms and melodies are the lyrics of
the songs.
Music in Bahias Capoeira

Angola
The instrumental sounds of the bateria (which is what

the band is called) reflect the types of instruments used:
the berimbau is a twanged cordophone, the tambourine
and conga drums membranophones, and agog bells,
scratcher and caxixi are all idiophones. Some academies
or associations even use a whistle (i.e. an aerophone or
blowophone).
The music is played specifically for capoeira circle
ceremonies. It serves to teach and guide the contestants, and follows an order of rank created by capoeiristas. Added to the various rhythms and melodies are the
lyrics of the songs. The litany (ladainha), epic or otherwise, is always the opening song, and the bout cannot
begin until it is over. Angola players (angoleiros) hunker
down before the berimbau and await the lead-in song,
or chula, with its calls and responses between leader
and chorus. The players exchange greetings whenever a
corrido or quatrain begins. The music played alternates
between a part A and a part B, leader and chorus. It
is during these capoeira ditties that angoleiros perform
their interplay of movements, typically in pairs. Training
and practice leads up to this, but there is always room
for improvisation in the movements. The music is also
open to variations inspired by the current bout. The lyrics of these songs often express basic fundamentals of
the capoeira arts.
The berimbau is usually in the master position. The
player summons the contestants to the foot of the berimbau,
and gives instructions on the basics of the art. A number of songs have been created or re-created recently,
but the traditional songs are also always played, as they
were introduced by mestres such as Pastinha, Noronha
and Bimba. The most striking instrument in a capoeira
band is the berimbau, in its three types, bass, midrange
and tenor (gunga, mdio and viola), also called berra boi,
contra-gunga and viola and other names. The fascinating
thing is how these instruments harmonize in rhythm and
melody, alternating and varying their sounds, much like
the techniques in a capoeira bout.
Many different corridos can be played during these
bouts, depending on the skill of the lead singer. Some
of them have a special meaning; for instance, some are
intended to step up the pace Ai ai ai ai, So Bento is calling me.5 Others encourage a wider range of techniques:
Oi, youre scared, take heart, or O a o a gonna make my
move wanna see him fall. Some songs urge the players
to slow the pace: Slower slower, slow and easy, or suggest
floor techniques: O Bujo, o Bujo, o Bujo Capoeira de
Angola rolls on the ground (a bujo is a propane bottle,
easier to roll than lift). Still others urge nicer style: Ai ai
aid, let me see some skillful play, and so on. Lively corridos are the only songs played during capoeira Angola
(5) The underlined lyrics are the replies the chorus sings out to the leader.
88
bouts. No one competes during the ladainha or chula.

The dance-fighting consists of moves and countermoves,
each player dodging one blow then aiming another.
There is a passage called a chamada, where one player
beckons the other close. This could be an act of recognition or a demonstration of grasp, a way of getting out of
a tight spot or simply a break, to catch your breath. The
angoleiro so summoned reports to the spot at the foot of
the berimbau, where the bout began, then moves toward
the one initiating the chamada. What follows resembles a
striding dance, almost like a tango, sometimes close, other times at arms-length and stepping lightly. The initiator
ends the chamada with a gesture inviting the partner to
resume the bout. Techniques for this are very individual,
with limits established during the bout. Another such passage is the circle around the world,6 also a chance for a
sly trick or to show grasp, or simply to catch your breath.
Angoleiros, however, will resort to trickery, cunning and
deceit to trip up a distracted partner.
The music played by the berimbaus during a circle ceremony increases tempo to a maximum, cuts back, then
again increases to the finish. Toward the end of a bout,
the lyrics foreshadow a halt, or that a player will be replaced. Even the berimbau player can use the song to
bow out. Now and again a mestre or advanced student
will shout out Yea, at the start of a ladainha or several

times during a chula, during corridos, or to interrupt or
end a bout.
Adeus Corina dam dam
Dam daram daram
Dam dam
I am leaving
I am leaving
I am headed for Angola
Just a half-hour
Half an hour
Leaving now cutie

Im going away now
Im leaving now cutie
The time has come
Iai lets go
One time around
Goodbye goodbye
Bon voyage
Even today, most capoeiristas are men and boys, though
angoleiros place no restrictions on women quite the contrary women come up often in the lyrics to the songs.
(6) In Capoeira Angola, to go around the world is to stroll in a circle within the circle. Players may
hold hands which can be risky, for it leaves you vulnerable to attack moves, including being
pulled by the hand.
89

Texts from Brazil
Capoeira is for boys, men and women
Eh Salom
Women do defeat the men
Yeah, yeah for men and women

Ado, Ado, wheres Salom Ado
Wheres Salom Ado
She took a trip to the island
Nhco, nhco Salom

Everyone escorts you
for your name is Salom
Salom, Salom
Dona Maria do Cambuot
At the market she says what to do
Dona Maria do Cambuot
Enters the circle, playing too
How do you do
Dona Maria how do you do
How have you been, how are you
A capoeira circle ceremony generally lasts an hour or

two. Events at most of these circles may be summed up
as follows:

Angola
1st - Berimbaus are strung and tuned, and all instruments brought to where the band is going to
play.
2nd - The roda starts to take shape, with the first players flanking the instrument section, and the last
players facing the musicians on the opposite
side of the circle.
3rd - At this stage (especially when no demonstration
is staged for the public), some capoeira fundamentals are gone over.
4th - Check tuning and harmony among musicians.7
5th - The music begins. Typically the gunga starts
playing Angola, followed by the mdio with So
Bento Grande and the viola joins in with one
or the other (those being names for traditional
rhythms played for capoeira angola).
6th - The tambourines start to play.
7th - Two angoleiros, alive with mandinga,8 squat before the berimbau.
8th - Singing begins with the ladainha.
9th - The next song is the chula, with chorus replies,
and other instruments, the atabaque, agog and
reco-reco join in.
10th - The entering song begins, followed by the first
corrido, which is the signal to begin the bout.
The alto viola begins jamming (improv), and
playing lead rather than rhythm. Rhythm is
played mainly on the gunga, while the mdio
plays counterpoint to the gunga or follows its
(7) This fourth item may be done third, or be skipped altogether.

(8) Mandinga in this case is expressed by the angoleiros gestures, such as when playing the
berimbau, or making, for instance, the sign of the cross or star of Solomon
90
Antonio Carlos Canhada
16th - After about two minutes of that goodbye song,

a mestre or one of the berimbau players might
holler Yea, thus ending the capoeira Angola
roda. During circle practice a player will cut in
(comprar) the bout, thereby relieving one of the
two contestants while lighting into the other.
rhythm. Both are free to improvise on the tunes

during play.
11th - At the foot of the berimbau, the two contestants
shake hands, then make their first move into the
circle, usually a fall on the kidneys (queda de rim).
Toe-to-toe combat then begins, never touching,
with a great many moves such as dodging negativas and spinning rabo-de-arraias
12th - Throughout all of this, under the watchful eye
of the mestre, corrections and suggestions are
made by changing the song lyrics, or through a
chamada by the berimbau player, calling a contestant up close for advice.
13th - The bout switches players whenever the mestre
does a chamada, or when a contestant bows
out of the match. After clasping hands before
the berimbau, the bout is then resumed and the
player who was replaced rejoins the chorus or
takes up an instrument.
14th - During a roda there are always at least two ladainhas, and no more than six.
15th - To wind things up they sing: Adeus, adeus, boa
viagem. The musicians stand, keep singing, turn
right, and stroll in a circle counterclockwise back
to their starting point (volta ao mundo).
Artist and capoeirista Caryb, who still practices it,

described the capoeira music played in Bahia in 1951
as follows:
Bahia made a lot of contributions to the music,
by adding the tambourine, caxixi and reco-reco
to replace clapping hands, along with the steelstring belly berimbau, an instrument with better
91

Texts from Brazil
Toward the end of a bout, the lyrics

foreshadow a halt, or that a player will be
replaced. Even the berimbau player can
use the song to bow out.
range and more versatile features than a Jews

harp. Bahia came up with songs and provided
rules for play, beginning with the basic chulas
written by the master himself: Sinhazinha que
vende a?/ Vendo arroz do Maranho./ Meu Sinh mand vend./ Na terra de Salomo./ the
chorus answers: , Aruand Camarado/ Galo
cant/ , galo cant Camarado/ Cocroc/ ,
cocroc Camarado/ Goma de engom/ ,
goma de engom Camarado/ Ferro de mat/ ,
ferro de mat Camarado/ faca de ponta/ ,
faca de ponta Camarado/ Vamos embora/ ,
vamos embora Camarado/ Pro mundo afra/
, pro mundo afora Camarado/ D volta ao
mundo/ , d volta ao mundo Camarado. The
ones going into the fight squat there in front
of the berimbau and listen to these homespun
songs, maybe saying their strong prayers to
turn aside bullets, ambushes or knives; they
roll their bodies into the circle over elbows and
hands, and start the basic ginga movement,
which is both a defense and a dance step all
rolled into one.
What Caryb calls the chula de fundamento or basic
chula, most people in capoeira angola call a ladainha,
while some other angoleiros and most regional capoeira
players think of it as a quadra. The part that comes after

Angola
92
Capoeira
a chula always features the chorus response, that is, the

entering song. Caryb leaves out the lead singers call, and
the chorus goes straight to the response. The word camarado, as spelled in the quote, probably has more to do
with the way they pronounced cmara. His writings make
no reference to corridos. There are other sources that cite
musical repertoires with their corresponding definitions
and meanings.
Regional capoeira, created by Mestre Bimba, had especially back then more points in common with than differences from capoeira Angola. That much is clear in this
1940s report by Ramagem Badar (1980: 47-50):
What shall we play? So Bento Grande Repicado, Santa Maria, Ave Maria, Banguela, Cavalaria,
Calambol, Tira-de-l-bota-c, Idalina or Conceio da Praia? Bimba thought for a minute
and said: Play Amazonas, then Banguela. The
berimbaus start to play and a native son comes
up to Mestre Bimba and clasps his hand. Everyone clapped hands in tune with the twanging of
the berimbaus, as Bimba, rocking back and forth,
sang: No dia que eu amanheo, Dentro de Itabaianinha, Homem no monta cavalo, Nem mulher deita galinha, As freiras que esto rezando,
Se esquecem da ladainha. And his companion
chimed in, moving in time with the music, and
sang: A ina mandingueira, Quando est no
bebedor, Foi sabida e ligeira, Mas capoeira matou. His improvised lyrics met with applause.
But Bimba, never one to quit easily, came back
with: Orao de brao forte, Orao de So Mateus, Pro Cemitrio vo os ossos, Os seus ossos no os meus. The chorus applauded, then
chanted the capoeira refrain: Zum, zum, zum,
Capoeira mata um, Zum, zum, zum, No terreiro
fica um. And the native son, not to let matters
stand, responded to Mestre Bimba: E eu nasci
no sbado, No domingo me criei, E na segundafeira, A capoeira joguei. The crowd cheered and
applauded the two contestants in the middle of
the circle. A dusky-skinned woman commented: Good boy! If he can fight as well as he sings,
hell be a match for Bimba. [...] That won him the
match. The crowd swarmed into the circle and
applauded the king of capoeira. Bimba hugged
his adversary, and the native son sang a manly
verse: Santo Antnio pequenino, Amansador
de burro brabo, Amansai-me em capoeira, Com
setenta mil diabos. Bimba, pleased by the complement, sang back: Eu conheci um camarada,
Que quando ns andarmos juntos, No vai haver
cemitrios, Pra caber tantos defuntos.
These musical duels, though falling out of practice,
once stood as a label or even code of conduct for capoeira, with its singing adversaries. They show the closeness
of this art to other manifest expressions of Brazilian popular
culture, such as musical duels, challenges among singers
and participatory folksinger events known as cururus.
As a rule, capoeira angola groups claim to follow the
teachings of Mestre Pastinha, in that they refer to the instrument section as the bateria. As weve seen, the three
berimbaus start up, one at a time, followed by the tambourine, scratcher, agog bells and conga drum at the close of
the ladainha.
Delfim Martins/Pulsar Imagens
93

Texts from Brazil
The berimbau brings together these three

basic sounds, with variations on volume
and tone made by alternatively leaving
the hole in the sounding gourd open or
mufing it against the players belly, and by
changing the force and speed with which
the stick strikes the string.

Angola
Capoeira is generally practiced to the tune of the

berimbau. The rhythms and melodies produced by this
instrument are called toques, and basically consist of rhythmic combinations and tonal variations on the instruments
distinctive sounds: 1 The higher tones are made by
stretching the berimbau string with a coin pressed against
it while striking this cord with a stick. 2 Midrange tones
are produced with the coin touching the wire with little or
no pressure. 3 The bass tones are made by striking the
berimbau cord with no additional tension applied.
The berimbau brings together these three basic sounds,
with variations on volume and tone made by alternatively
leaving the hole in the sounding gourd open or muffling it
against the players belly, and by changing the force and
speed with which the stick strikes the string.
All of the teachings of capoeira angola are handed
down by oral tradition and learned by observation, trial and
error, correction and repeated demonstration by mestres
teaching their pupils. Individual development is at all times
respected, but the mestre will nevertheless urge and guide
his students, primarily through improvised song lyrics when
singing solo, for instance: The conga drum broke rhythm,
(played too fast or too slow); I want to hear the reco-reco,
(or some other instrument being played too softly or sloppily); I want you to start singing, (to everyone in the capoeira chorus).
The mestre usually decides who will occupy the musicians benches and what instruments they are to play during a roda. Spontaneous change is still permitted, however,
by invitation or if the mestre is away, and based on a players
skill. Players may pass their instruments to someone else,
depending on the difficulty of the tune being played.
Beginners learn the easier instruments first, and play the
scratcher, agog bells, tambourine or conga drums, and finally the berimbau. Some students only play the reco-reco
and agog. Others have mastered the berimbau, but not
the conga drums. A few play the congas and other bateria
instruments, but seldom the berimbau. An angoleiro, once
conversant with all of the instruments, chooses which one
to play and is not pressured to play more than one. This is
true for both capoeiras angola and regional, and quite a few
capoeiristas only play the berimbau. Caryb, for example,
only played the tambourine. Observation is the best study
technique for becoming an angoleiro.
Everyone in capoeira learns the techniques, how to play
the instruments and how to sing, even though they may
later develop specific skills and preferences among those
instruments. Singers good at improvising and delivering
lyrics for ladainhas are recognized and appreciated.
The musical repertoire for capoeira runs the gamut
from samba-de-roda to work songs. It also borrows from
the traditional repertoire of Candombl de Caboclo, or even
songs from Candombl de Orixs.
94
Capoeira
Capoeira is helping to spread the Portuguese language,

especially as spoken in Bahia. This bracing and invigorating
cultural expression, with its wealth of physical movement, is
holistic in its approach to integration, and Brazilian throughand-through. Its strength and creativity is most strongly felt
through the music.
Brasileira, srie 5, v. 221. So Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1942.

RUGENDAS, Johann Moritz. Malerisch Reise in Brasilien.
Engelmann & Cie. In Paris, Cit Berger No. 1 in Mlhausen,
Ober-Rheinisches Dept, 1835.
Viagem Pitoresca e Histrica no Brasil. Biblioteca
Histrica Brasileira, direo de Rubens Borba de Moraes. 4
ed. tomo 1. v. 1 e 2. Translation and notes by Sergio Milliet.
So Paulo: Martins, 1949.
Bibliography:
BADAR, Ramagem. Os negros lutam suas lutas misteriosas: Bimba o grande rei negro do misterioso rito africano. In Capoeiragem - Arte e Malandragem. Jair Moura, ed.
Cadernos de Cultura 2. Salvador: Secretaria Municipal de
Educao e Cultura, Departamento de Assuntos Culturais,
Diviso de Folclore. 43-55, 1944.
WETHERELL, James. S.d.Brasil: Apontamentos sobre a Bahia.

1842-1857. Introduction and translation by Miguel P. do
Rio-Branco. Salvador, Banco da Bahia. [1972].
CARNEIRO, Edison. A Linguagem Popular da Bahia. Rio de

Janeiro: Published by the State Museum, 1951.
Capoeira. 2 ed. Cadernos de Folclore 1. Rio de
Janeiro: FUNARTE, 1977.
Folguedos Tradicionais. Rio de Janeiro: FUNARTE/INF, 1982.
CARYB, Hector Julio Pride Bernab. O Jogo da Capoeira.
Coleo Recncavo, 3. Salvador: Tipografia Beneditina,
1951.
CASCUDO, Lus da Cmara. Antologia do Folclore Brasileiro: Sculos XVI-XVII-XVIII-XIX-XX. Os cronistas coloniais. Os
estudiosos do Brasil. Bibliografia e notas. So Paulo: Martins,
1956.
Dicionrio do Folclore Brasileiro. 5 Ed. rev. and
expanded. So Paulo: Melhoramentos. S.v. Capoeira 1934. S.v. Berimbau-de-Barriga 120-1, 1981.
Rita Barreto
Ricardo Pamfilio de Sousa. Masters in Ethnomusicology, UFBA, 1997 A msica na capoeira angola. A member
of the Fundao Pierre Verger, in charge of digital culture
for the Ponto de Cultura Pierre Verger project at the AfroBrazilian Cultural Center.
DEBRET, Jean-Batiste. Voyage pittoresque et historique au

Brsil, ou Sjour dun artiste franais au Brsil, depuis 1816
jusquen 1831 inclusivament. Edio Comemorativa do IV
Centenrio da Cidade de So Sebastio do Rio de Janeiro,
1965. Rio de Janeiro: Distribuidora Record; New York: Continental News. Fac-simile da edio original de Firmin Didot
Frres, Paris: 1834.
Viagem Pitoresca e Histrica no Brasil. Biblioteca
Histrica Brasileira, direo de Rubens Borba de Moraes. 2
ed. tomo 1. 2 v. Translation and notes by Sergio Milliet. So
Paulo: Martins, 1949.
LAveugle chanteur. In Mercedes Reis Pequeno
(org.). Trs Sculos de Iconografia da Msica no Brasil 80.
Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1974
KOSTER, Henry. Travels in Brasil. 2 ed. 2 v. London: Longman, Hurst, rees, orne, and Brown, Paternoster-Row, 1817.
Viagem ao Nordeste do Brasil. Translation and
notes by Luiz da Cmara Cascudo. Biblioteca Pedaggica
95
Women in Capoeira
Lilia Benvenuti de Menezes
A search through historical symbols of feminine strength, gumption, courage and self-confidence takes us back to the 1940s, and some startling nicknames Maria 12 Homens, Cala
Rala, Satans, Nega Didi and Maria Pra o Bonde given those women who doubled as men
to fit in with the rakes and hepcats then dominating capoeira circles. Rosa Palmeiro, a legendary
capoeirista who inspired Jorge Amado while writing his novel Sea of Death (Mar Morto), is another
example. Feared and respected as the most dauntless woman to ever shake up the male-dominated tableau, Maria 12 Homens was an expert capoeira, and frequented rodas at the Bahias old
Gold Quay and Mercado Modelo. Marias surname is as yet undocumented in Salvador, but legend
holds that she earned the nickname besting 12 men by a knockout. These women skillfully made
their way and very capably wrote their names into history. They came out ahead in their struggle
for freedom and left the facts on record for posterity.
Many are the myths involving women who fought for their honor in life-and-death struggles and
stood as examples of courage and determination. Legend has it that Aqualtune, a Princess of the
Congo, led an army of 10,000 men to repel an invasion of their territory by the Jagas. Her defense
of the kingdom ended in defeat, and she was sold as breeding stock aboard a slaver ship, forcibly
impregnated by another slave, and arrived in
n Recife in that
condition. Before giving birth, however, she organized other slaves
into escaping to a fastness named Palmares.
s.
Women nowadays symbols of pride and
d victory are
constantly improving their standing in politics
itics and the
marketplace, getting better jobs and holdingg office in important functions. Women in sports are racking
king up more
medals, trophies and titles, and naturally, participating
rticipating in
growing numbers in capoeira to the great benefit of this
cultural style. Women sing and play, practice,
ce, give lessons
and take part in roundtable discussions with
h the best-known
mestres of the art. Wherever they may be, Maria
aria 12 Homens, Cala
Rala, Satans, Nega Didi, Maria Pra o Bonde
de and Rosa Palmeiro
have every reason to be filled with pride.
ducation, is a Capoeira
Lilia Benvenuti de Menezes. Teaches Physical Education,
Instructor for the Grupo Muzenza and has twice won
n the world championship hosted by Super Liga Brasileira de Capoeira. She is the author of Benefcios Psicofisiolgicos da Capoeira.
Marc Ferrez
Interview:
Mrs. Rosngela C. Arajo
(Mestra Janja)
TB: Many specialists point to capoeira as one of the

most authentically Brazilian cultural manifestations. Just what features of capoeira, in your opinion, reveal this Brazilian idiosyncrasy?
Rosngela Costa Arajo, known as Mestra Janja, is

one of the most recognizable figures in the world
of capoeira. With a degree in History at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) and a doctorate in
Education at the University of So Paulo (USP), she
has dedicated over twenty years of her life to capoeira, whether in its academic strand or in its daily
practice. In this interview, given to the Texts from
Brazil magazine, Mestra Janja shares her opinions
on the inclusion of women in the world of capoeira,
the changes that affected this world in the past few
years, and the challenges and directions that capoeira will face in the future
Janja: For starters, I would like to approach capoeira as an

Afro-Brazilian cultural manifestation. This is very important
to me, for deep down, I dont really believe we should go
on thinking of Brazil without its African-ness. That said,
I believe that capoeira as an art reveals Brazilians way of
being, their creative ways of relating to contexts that are
often quite violent.
That is how our gingar, entered the language as more
than a specific capoeira movement; it means the ability
to live with and face adversity through a mimetic blend of
dance and fighting, and to transform negative stereotypes
into communal joy.
TB: You have dedicated over 20 years to this world
of capoeira. What were the most important changes, with regard to capoeira, that you noticed during
that time?
Janja: Yes I have been involved with capoeira for about the
past 25 years and, fortunately, was in a position to become
familiar with part of its development in many Brazilian states,
as well as a number of other countries. What impressed me
most were the changes in the way many of the groups got
along, and especially the mestres. It was this possibility of
being able to work together, and engage many different audiences in dialogue, including government entities all of
which may not eliminate traditional distrust, but it does show
us some new ways of getting along. The increasing number
of women as participants is another important phenomenon
to be examined and discussed.
TB: Women have achieved considerable independence and freedom that they did not have, in many
areas of life, until the mid-20th century. What signs
of progress do you consider important with regard
to the question of women participating in capoeira
circles, or rodas.
Janja: I should begin by pointing out that even before showing up at capoeira circles, women also face a different set
of hurdles on the way to becoming capoeiristas and being
recognized as such.
That capoeira is no longer something specifically for men
assuming it ever was is not news to anyone. Today we
have capoeira organizations founded and led by women, and
even groups, especially overseas, in which women form the
majority. The playing field is not at all level or representative, however, when we look at the small number of women
promoted by the graduation system. We have seen groups,
based on traditions they themselves made up, claim that
women cant play the conga drums or be lead singers for the
Mestra Janja
ladainha, even though these very things

are required of them daily in the course
of their training and studies in capoeira.
The capoeira circle is where the
groups put their identity, strength and
competence on display. Instead of independence, what women go through
are a host of different types of oppression and violence, both actual and
symbolic. This has led to the organization of a number of groups, in different countries, working to bring these
issues into open debate and putting together separate solidarity and
teaching networks. So in that sense,
we have to understand capoeira as
something in constant dialogue with
the society around it, as the smaller
circle inside of the larger circle, and
that all the struggles faced by women
in society as a whole are gone through
in the world of capoeira as well.
TB: What are the obstacles to be
overcome by women in capoeira?
Janja: This may be a good time to
stand that question on its head, and
ask what obstacles capoeira must
overcome in order to properly and respectfully bring women into its circle.
That way we can bring a couple of relevant issues into the context, namely:
diversity and the right to equal treatment. This is a challenge capoeira
ought to take up, given that the

feminine presence extends from the
development of the core knowledge
defining such specific requirements
as movements, rhythms, songs, and
the history and philosophy of capoeira, and so forth, through the unquestioned ability to organize and manage
groups as cultural, educational and
political organizations both within capoeira and in the larger social context.
Yet if we are to make any progress,
we must understand that capoeira has
to incorporate new viewpoints into its
aesthetic diversity. Just as in groups
traditionally run by men there is a lot
of emphasis on aesthetic diversity, to
define and give each group and each
mestre a sense of identity, by the same
token women want to be valued, to
put together their own backdrops, and
not necessarily mimic down to the
physical details concepts that are
not representative of feminine codes.
TB: We quite often hear that a
capoeira students education
ought to be holistic, that is, to go
beyond its technical and physical elements and also include
moral and ethical training. What
are the values that capoeira is
able to foster in its adepts?
Janja: People who want to be initiated in the practice of capoeira ought
to first receive an introduction to the
practice of capoeira. This is because,
since capoeira is a community practice (Im speaking of capoeira Angola),
its historical and philosophical aspects
are bound up in shaping the identity
of the group. In other words, a good
place to begin is to situate both the
group and the person within the same
network of belonging.
From that point forward, such values
as rank, heritage, cooperation, respect
for differences, etc., are grasped as
values that situate the person within
that individuals own community.
Here Id like to restate the characterbuilding aspect of capoeira. To be a
capoeirista is something that brings
together more than physical ability or
musical talent, but also conduct that
reflects the teachings and guidance

of ones group.
TB: Capoeira has proven itself a
useful vehicle for inclusion and
social cohesion. What features
of capoeira make these aspects
possible? What would you say
are currently the most important initiatives in that direction.
Janja: Yes, capoeira has played an important role in bonding together cultural
communities, especially among children
and youngsters living on the outskirts
of the urban centers. In addition to the
various levels of attraction and involvement it provides, capoeira has benefited
immensely from the dedication and initiative of the people involved in its preservation and expansion.
We are fortunate today in that the
government, beginning with initiatives at the federal level, has increasingly recognized the social importance of capoeira through programs,
announcements and statements on
the record, so that groups and associations far from the dominant cultural
centers are able to have the larger
capoeira community take notice of
their work. Among these initiatives we
might point up the official recognition
of capoeira as part of our intangible
cultural heritage, under the guidance
of Brazils National Historic and Artistic Heritage Institute (IPHAN), and the
Living Culture, Points of Culture, Living
Capoeira and similar programs under
the auspices of the Ministry of Culture
(MinC) this is in addition to public
policies at the municipal level in several cities. Overseas, in addition to the
Ministry of Cultures proposed Global
Capoeira Program, much work has
been done by mestres and groups, in
many different countries, to work more
closely with teaching establishments
and dedicated cultural initiatives.
TB: What virtues do you believe
a good capoeirista ought to
possess?
Janja: Rhythm, and the ability to also
be flexible within that larger circle.
Openness, to keep his or her skills current. Responsibility in ones choice of

teachings, never losing sight of that
well-rounded education as capoeiristas.
Unwavering exercise of tolerance and
friendliness. Respect for differences.
TB: Your doctoral thesis, in 2004,
was on the subject of capoeira. Until fairly recently, however, many
capoeiristas looked askance at
academic research, for they believed that the world of capoeira
and that of academia held disparate value systems. What is the
current status of those relations?
Janja: I hardly believe that those sort
of misgivings are at all specific to capoeiristas. Note that initiates in other
traditions having African roots, such
as candombl, only become accepting of academic studies once they
themselves have been included in that
milieu. Thus, we find today, in many
capoeira groups in Brazil and abroad,
academic and non-academic researchers carrying out and publishing studies
seminal to capoeira. Bear in mind, too,
that groups organized by capoeira researchers are also part of that profile:
the Capoeira Studies Group (GECA), national in scope, brings together the bulk
of all capoeiristas, some of them doing
graduate work, with others involved in
teaching at universities. Then there
is the Mestre Noronha Study Group,
a Project of the Jair Moura Institute in
Salvador.
TB: There are many wings and
factions in this universe of capoeira. Do you believe all this
diversity could be taken as indicative of capoeiras cultural
complexity, and hence, of the
complexity of Brazilian culture?
Janja: Unquestionably, and that may
be its greatest asset today. Many different frames of reference must be
brought together to account for the
myriad possibilities and approaches
open to capoeira.
Even so, we have to be concerned over
certain hybrids that amount to a disfig-
urement of capoeira. Instead of busying ourselves about making up names

for new brands and registering those
trademarks, we could better devote
our efforts to uncovering, among the
complex folds of capoeira itself, infinite
possibilities for working in combination with others in related areas (the
arts, health, education, law, etc.).
TB: Capoeira has been rapidly
gaining popularity all over the
world. What do you think lies at
the bottom of all this success?
What is your take on this globalization of capoeira?
Janja: I believe capoeira keeps the
soul of youth alive within us. It is fertile ground for individual and group
forms of expression, very attractive
for their versatility, musical nature and
other cohesive aspects. That much is
seen in the extent to which children,
youngsters and adults from different
origins, cultures, and social strata, devote themselves entirely to its teachings, seeking familiarity with its networks of belonging all of which lead
back to Brazil and together forming
a fantastic human mosaic able to bring
together people who would otherwise
be separated by the very inequalities
and conflict through which these differences are dealt with inside the global political context.
Furthermore, I think its important for
these new capoeiristas to reflect on
and understand the historic and political
meaning of capoeira, so that it does not
get papered over with additional layers
of folkloric attributions, or be re-interpreted, by oversimplification, into sporting events. After all, there is no majority
among capoeiristas in favor of turning
it into an Olympic sport. By the same
token, capoeira should keep close to its
roots as a means of preserving it among
the fighting styles of the black people of
Brazil, in their struggle for freedom.
TB: What are the stereotypes
that capoeira and capoeiristas
still have to cope with?
Janja: I believe there are stereotypes
that ought to be faced by society as

much as by the government. Brazilian
society must recognize and stand up
for its African-ness as something central to the establishment of its national
identity. Governments, meanwhile,
ought to determine the procedures
needed to bring about that recognition, whether by revising the content
of textbooks and all other literary
works, or by providing incentives or
even taking the initiative to see that
the work needed to teach those lessons is properly done.
TB: What are the challenges that
capoeira faces today?
Janja: To divest itself of nationalistic
and cultural feelings, and other types
of intolerance that feed racism, sexism and xenophobia. We must keep
capoeira from being contaminated by
the very political violence we seek to
eliminate from the larger circle. Capoeira must make its way by fostering
freedom and equality, and, despite its
international insertion, weigh current
trends in the direction of mass-culture
and mass-marketing.
The Relationship between Capoeira and

Physical Education Over the Course of
the 20th Century
Paula Cristina da Costa Silva
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(1) Volta do mundo (around the world) is a verse sung in the opening litany (ladainha) at a capoeira
bout. It is a signal to begin the contest, and also stands for the many possible techniques that
can come into play during capoeira circle bouts. Several writers, including Letcia V. S. Reis
(1997) draw parallels between the capoeira circle and events in our daily lives, so that the
expression may also refer to what people do as they go through life.
(2) Here I will capitalize Physical Education to denote the field of study, and use lowercase,
physical education, to refer to the pedagogical discipline responsible for the teaching approach
employed in subjects involving physical development.

Texts from Brazil
The commingling of capoeira and Physical

Education appears to have begun in the
20th century, when not only Physical
Education teachers, but also other educators
and the Armed Forces were casting about
for ways to include capoeira in the fastgrowing world of sports, and adapt it to the
methods of gymnastics.
The Relationship between

Capoeira and Physical Education
Over the Course of the 20th
Century
The foundation for this analysis was my Masters thesis

in Physical Education, written under the guidance of Dr. Lino
Castellani Filho. My purpose there being to understand, as
a starting point, how researchers in the field have appropriated studies on the practice of capoeira in society, and the
practice itself. Three additional issues enter the analysis,
namely, the history of capoeira in society, whether it developed parallel to Physical Education or their paths crossed,
and if so, where and when? The third issue is an attempt
to identify by what standard those involved in regulating
physical education and/or capoeira justify placing capoeira,
professionally, within the purview of Federal and Regional
Boards of Physical Education.
The search for these answers began with a bibliographical research on the topic of capoeira in the fields of Physical
Education, History, Anthropology and Sociology, as well as
among books devoted to capoeira.3 Every effort was made
to supplement the material examined, by including data
from original sources in the form of magazine articles on
the subject over the past 20 years.
It turns out that all debate on the subject was steeped
in the history of capoeira, as practiced in our society, inasmuch as it provided the background for being able to
understand the development of this visible and culturally
representative social aspect of Brazil. By picking up the
thread of its historical development I was able to draw
parallels between capoeira and Physical Education as they
were developed .
Capoeira traces its origins to African slaves brought
to Brazil, who, beginning in the 16th century, organized a
great many cultural activities on Brazilian soil, rites such as
candombl, samba, congada and maracatu, to name a few.
Capoeira stands out because of its rapid spread in recent
years to countries on every continent. The practice itself
may be regarded as a combination martial art, dance, entertainment, play-acting, game and sport.
The commingling of capoeira and Physical Education
appears to have begun in the 20th century, when not only
Physical Education teachers, but also other educators and
the Armed Forces were casting about for ways to include
capoeira in the fast-growing world of sports, and adapt it
to the methods of gymnastics.4 The main thrust of these
writers, some of them actual capoeira enthusiasts, was to
turn it into a type of sport or defensive fighting style representative of Brazil as a nation, hence the exaltation of its
national roots.
(3) By world of capoeira I mean everything produced by capoeira mestres, teachers and adepts
outside of academic circles.
(4) The foothold physical education established in Brazil was connected directly with European
gymnastics methods, which became increasingly popular in Brazil beginning in the early 20th
century. Their purpose here, as in their countries of origin, was physical discipline in an effort to
strengthen the population for factory production, and to establish policies for public health and
hygiene without the added bother of turning basic water & wastewater and medical care into
policy issues. For more information on gymnastics as practiced in Brazil, see Educao Fsica:
razes europias e Brasil, by Carmem Lcia Soares, 1994 and Educao Fsica no Brasil: a histria
que no se conta, by Lino Castellani Filho, 2000.
104
Ricardo Azoury/Pulsar Imagens
The proposition was couched in nationalistic discourse,

hewing closely to the health and hygiene policies very fashionable in the opening years of the 20th century, and, in effect, called for the practice of a capoeira stripped of its black
and working-class heritage.5 In this, one can still make out
an opportunity for rapprochement between two very different social strata, the haves, which included those same
authors, and the have-nots, made up largely of freedmen
and workmen. This came about because talk of the disciplining of capoeira served, to an extent, to rekindle interest
in the sport among members of the subject classes. After
all, the practice of capoeira in public places had been outlawed by Brazils 1890 Criminal Code.
It was within this context that arguments in favor of
legitimizing capoeira were put forth by both sides, yet proponents were in complete disagreement as to how this
legitimacy would be exercised. The more genteel argued
for the organization of capoeira along the lines of the
Zuma Method, that is, as a sport overall, much like boxing. The working class parried this by endorsing venues
traditional to the black population, such as backyard parties and street festivals. No relationship between physical education and capoeira, however, had yet surfaced, at
least not clearly and unequivocally.
Not until 1945 were the first steps taken toward appropriating and finding new meaning for capoeira through
physical education. The process began with efforts by Professor Inezil Penna Marinho to develop a methodology for
training in capoeira, based on the Zuma Method. Interestingly enough, this coincided with the decriminalization of
this type of cultural exhibition during the Getlio Vargas
Administration, in the 1930s. Here again we see a struggle
between disparate social classes over who will appropriate capoeira. The proposal placed on the table by capoeira
mestres6 and practitioners, couched in terms compatible
with its black and working-class origins particularly by the
representatives of the lower classes of Salvador (Bahia)
gained acceptance, to the discomfiture of Professor Inezils
backers. Nevertheless, there is no denying the influence of
physical education and sports in the overarching framework adopted for capoeira, a framework based on the ideas
of the baiano mestres. A perusal of the writings of Frederico Jos de Abreu7 and Antnio Liberac C. S. Pires8 shows
(5) Black and working-class refer to the way capoeira is practiced and thought of as an offshoot of
African traditions in Brazil, this is difficult to pigeonhole. White and cultured serves to describe
it from the standpoint of its inclusion as a Brazilian gymnastics form, national martial art or
legitimate Brazilian sport. For a more thorough discussion of how these expressions were
coined and debated, see Letcia V. S. Reis, in her 1997 book O mundo de pernas para o ar: a
capoeira no Brasil.
(6) A capoeira mestre is the person responsible for teaching this method and safeguarding its
traditions.
(7) ABREU, Frederico Jos de. Bimba bamba: a capoeira no ringue. Salvador: Instituto Jair Moura,
1999.
(8) PIRES, Antnio Liberac Cardoso Simes. Movimentos da cultura afro-brasileira: a formao
histrica da capoeira contempornea (1890 1950). 2001. (Doctoral thesis in History) Philosophy and Social Science Institute (IFCH), Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Campinas.
105

Texts from Brazil
We see then that the rst substantive

give-and-take between capoeira and
Physical Education occurred when
capoeira practitioners appropriated the
prestige enjoyed at the time by Physical
Education, in order to give shape to their
ideas concerning this expression of cultural
identity.

Century
that it was precisely from a sporting approach that capoeira

mestres and adepts first demonstrated the possibility of
this particular style holding its own as a sport, through the
admission of capoeira into ring fights. After that, training
and classes were organized throughout the 1930s under
the aegis of physical education, a strategy that would later
bring capoeira to the forefront, in the lead role, as Brazilian
Physical Education.
We see then that the first substantive give-and-take
between capoeira and Physical Education occurred when
capoeira practitioners appropriated the prestige enjoyed
at the time by Physical Education, in order to give shape
to their ideas concerning this expression of cultural identity. Interestingly enough, the mestres in Salvador were the
ones who put forward their own interpretations on the interrelationship between Physical Education and sports, and
related those ideas to the practice of capoeira. That much
is plain from the words of Mestre Pastinha:9 [...] frankly, the
time is ripe to press for the sport.10 My intention was not to
make myself out as better than my comrades, but rather,
to elevate the sport. Mestre Bimba advocated his method
in similar terms: I have hanging on my wall a permit from
the Board of Education. Im a physical education teacher.
Nobody can lay a hand on me.11 As a result of this interplay with government interests, all the while defending
the practice of capoeira on populist grounds,12 we note the
emergence in the 1940s of a grassroots teaching style13 for
this expression of cultural form.
Even as the mestres were making sport of the pretensions of polite society represented here by the proponents of sports and physical education they gave capoeira a makeover more in tune with their own interests. The
mestres were thus able to reinvent their tradition and put
the discourse around capoeira on track as a legitimate contribution by black people in Bahia toward building a national
culture. As these arguments moved to the forefront, the
estimation of capoeira as a broad-based cultural expression increased proportionately, without prejudice to its African origins, and with no restrictions placed on its sporting
nature or value as a means of personal defense. Observe
that the mestres in Bahia extracted their full measure from
the ambiguous nature of capoeira, and consequently of its
practice, for they by no means denied its value as a sport,
but throughout their entire discourse, kept it from being
pinned down by alternately describing it as a martial art, a
(9) Vicente Ferreira Pastinha, Mestre Pastinha, and Manoel dos Reis Machado, Mestre Bimba, were
legendary pioneers of capoeira in Bahia, successful in getting capoeira removed from the
1890 criminal code, and who managed to secure its acceptance by Brazilian society at large
beginning in the 1930s.
(10) FILHO, 1997 apud PIRES, 2001, op. cit., p. 282
(11) ABREU, 1999, op. cit., p. 30.
(12) Mestre Pastinha and some of his contemporaries used to sing a little ditty that ran: Capoeira is
for men, women and children. Only those who dont want in remain outside.
(13) The expression pedagogia popular was suggested by Letcia Vidor de Souza Reis (1997) in
order to point up the differences between the grassroots method of teaching used by the
capoeira mestres, and the so-called cultured method derived from the discipline of Physical
Education, and which reflected the predominant social influence of that era.
106
Capoeira
The Relationship between Capoeira and Physical Education Over the Course of the 20th Century
Paula Cristina
dance, a musical performance, a style of personal defense,

a philosophy for living, etc.
So, although in the the first round of the contest, grassroots capoeira teaching techniques prevailed over Physical
Education, it wasnt long before new proposals cropped up,
arguing for its inclusion among the various sports, as well as
in the category of martial arts.
One of these proposals sprang from a partnership
between physical education and the Armed Forces, a
partnership by no means unusual throughout the entire
20th century. In the 1960s First Lt. Lamartine Pereira da
Costa became the second person connected to Physical Education to recommend the addition of capoeira
for personal defense, the first having been Fernando
de Azevedo, in his book on physical education, Physical
Education: what it is, what it has been, and what it ought
to be (followed by Antinous). Lamartine Pereira da Costa
suggested in his proposal that capoeira be included as
part of military training in combatives for the Navy. As
part of this initiative he penned Capoeira sem mestre, a
self-study course in the art. In it he made clear his desire
to enter opon the jurisdiction of the established capoeira
mestres. These ideas, however, amounted to no more
than another failed attempt on the part of physical education to appropriate capoeira.
The 1960s and 70s were years of tumultuous change
in Brazil, beginning with the coup that established military
rule in 1964. Among the events of the times was the increased appeal of physical education as a means of letting
off steam generated by possible transgressions in government, mainly through the uplifting of pro-sport movements. The process is discussed in a revealing book on
physical education written by Lino Castellani Filho, Physical
Education in Brazil: the untold story. It tells of the renewed
commingling of physical education and capoeira arising
from a pro-sports attitude shift within capoeira, tracking the
changes then taking place in physical education.
The 1970s ushered in the clearest and most visible sign

of the pro-sports shift in capoeira with its inclusion as a
sport within the Brazilian Boxing Confederation, and the organization of capoeiristas into groups. The capoeira mestre
remained the central figure within the hierarchy of these
groups, but new rules were written for capoeira, similar to
those in place for other types of sports.
The historical record does show, however, that the prosports faction within capoeira gained the upper hand. This
threw the gates open to the influence of physical education, itself closely bound up with the trend toward sports.
This first victory of physical education over capoeira was by
no means, however, a definitive rout. There was anything
but wholesale consensus among the various organized
capoeira groups that to march single-file into the Brazilian
Boxing Confederation was to be a good sport. This, then,
is considered the crucial moment at which key events unfolded, events that enable us to understand the changes
which then occurred within this cultural form. The disagreements among the various groups paved the way for
innovative proposals which, years later, would cause scholars from many fields to reconsider capoeira in our society.
An example of the backlash came in the form of Capoeira
Esporte, which breathed new life into the ideas of mestre
Pastinha and his capoeira Angola style.14
This backlash on the part of the various and sundry
capoeira groups and organizations, amounting to open
revolt against the rules set forth by the Brazilian Boxing
Confederation, made it clear that relations between physical education and capoeira would have to be differentiated
rather than monolithic. Nor may we lose sight of the fact
that these relations, over the years, were to become even
more complex, for even as this new perspective weighed in
the balance, other capoeira groups began to endorse the
idea that the practice ought to be standardized as a type
of sport. To this were added even more points of contention during the 1980s, with the resurgence of the earlier
ideas, propounded by advocates of gymnastics, for linking
capoeira to physical education.
A number of different situations were here folded together within a single context. The by-now-familiar professor Inezil Penna Marinho was back again in 1982 pressing
for the inclusion of capoeira as part of Brazilian gymnastics.
The capoeira-as-sport lobby wanted to keep the practice
listed among the sports. And there was a concurrent movement, having ties to Physical Education and headed up by
some of its intellectuals, who were bent on reworking ca-
(14) Although Mestre Pastinha and Mestre Bimba both struggled to have capoeira removed
from the list of activities banned by the Criminal Code, the two differed in their formulation
of approaches to its practice. Mestre Bimba went forward with what he called a regional
capoeira style, known as Capoeira regional, based on adaptations from a number of cultural
techniques such as batuque, and capoeira as it was then practiced, and mixing in techniques
from other sports and martial arts. Mestre Pastinha adopted an ethnocentric approach, known
as Capoeira angola, based on capoeira as it had been practiced up to that time, with very few
changes.
107

Texts from Brazil
We note in passing that capoeira has come

to be valued by exponents of Physical
Education as a visible marker of Brazilian
culture. This stems from the development,
beginning in 1980, of new paradigms in the
study of Physical Education.

Century
poeiras role in society. And if this were not enough, tucked

in among these disparate paths were capoeira groups who
wanted the practice to remain a cultural art, free from the
rules and regulations of legal institutions.
The Gordian knot began loosening up in some directions while others remained unchanged. There are still
people, with connections to capoeira organizations, who
support the idea of preserving capoeira as a cultural exhibition with no ties to government agencies, but they are in
the minority. For one thing their champions do not present
their arguments clearly, then there is the obvious difficulty
in keeping this a tenable position with no institutional support, whether by sports agencies or industries having ties
to art, schools, etc. Furthermore, cultural exhibitions that
are part of the makeup of the Brazilian people are already
ensured legal protection under Brazils current Constitution.
Capoeira, regarded as a cultural manifestation, is therefore
already institutionally protected.
We note in passing that capoeira has come to be valued by exponents of Physical Education as a visible marker
of Brazilian culture. This stems from the development, beginning in 1980, of new paradigms in the study of Physical Education. One can make out new viewpoints within
this movement, some of whose champions recommend
that physical education in schools ought to take it up as
Brazilian Physical Development, in accordance with the
1993 Methodology for Teaching Physical Education. This
proposal appears to be the most consistent put forth from
within Physical Education circles because it preserves the
historical and social context associated with capoeira, and
puts proper emphasis on its practice and study.
Having before us this newfound emphasis on capoeira
within the scope of physical education, one might label as
progressive those physical education teachers who believe
more effort and attention should be devoted to that style.
In published works of the 1990s15 we see a strengthening
of mutual ties in agendas for situations in which, on the one
hand the capoeira master is valued for knowledge of the
form, and on the other, physical education teachers gain
added prestige for working to include capoeira as part of
their curricula This way of doing things is by no means the
norm for either side, but rather, something restricted to a
few professionals willing to tread that path. Still, in all, this
may be one of the most fertile and rewarding approaches
for working capoeira into physical education classes.
We would point out in closing that the most rewarding
interrelationship, both in terms of cultural benefits to capoeira and the ways the field of Physical Education stands
to benefit from capoeira, is the teaching of a practice en(15) I may cite FALCO, Jos Luiz. A escolarizao da capoeira. Braslia: ASEFE Royal Court, 1996;
REIS, Andr Luiz Teixeira. Brincando de Capoeira: recreao e lazer na escola. Braslia: Valcy,
1997 and de ROCHA, Maria Anglica. Capoeira uma proposta para a educao fsica escolar.
1990. Monograph (Majoring in Physical Education Teaching) - College of Physical Education,
Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
108
Capoeira
The Relationship between Capoeira and Physical Education Over the Course of the 20th Century
lightened by the awareness of its having built itself out of

the story of a people who, although brought over in chains
to Brazil, still had the dignity and the cultural strength to enrich our heritage with a legacy of fighting with a smile, dancing through struggles, telling their story in songs and recalling their ancestors in a corporal style we call capoeira.
Bibliography
ABREU, Frederico Jos de. Bimba bamba: a capoeira no
ringue. Salvador: Instituto Jair Moura, 1999.
AZEVEDO, Fernando de. Da Educao Fsica: o que ela ,
o que tem sido e o que deveria ser (seguido de Antinos).
So Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1960. Complete works.
BRACHT, Valter. Educao Fsica: a busca da autonomia
pedaggica. Revista da Fundao de Esporte e Turismo, V.
1 (2), pp. 12-19, 1989.
CASTELLANI FILHO, L. Pelos meandros da educao fsica. Revista Brasileira de Cincias do Esporte, V. 14, No. 3,
maio/1993.
____ Educao Fsica no Brasil: a histria que no se conta.
5th ed., Campinas: Papirus, 2000.
SILVA, Paula Cristina da Costa. A Educao Fsica na roda de

capoeira entre a tradio e a globalizao. Dissertation
(Masters in Physical Education), College of Physical Education, State University of Campinas, 2002.
______ O mestre de capoeira face regulamentao da
profisso de Educao Fsica. In: CONGRESSO BRASILEIRO
DE CINCIAS DO ESPORTE, 12. 2001, Caxambu. Anais...,
Caxambu: CBCE, 2001a.
______ Capoeira e Educao Fsica - uma histria que d
jogo... early notes on their interrelations. Revista Brasileira
de Cincias do Esporte, Campinas, V. 23, No. 1, pp. 131-145,
set./2001b.
SOARES, Carmem Lcia. Educao Fsica: razes europias
e Brasil. Campinas: Autores Associados, 1994.
SOARES ET ALLI. Metodologia do ensino da educao fsica.
So Paulo: Cortez, 1992.
Paula Cristina da Costa Silva. Doctoral Candidate at

the College of Education, State University of Campinas,
Unicamp/SP, capoeirista in the Saci Perer Capoeira
School and researcher in the Study and Research Group on
Physical Education in Schools (GEPEFE) and in the Capoeira
Studies Group (GECA).
COSTA, Lamartine Pereira da. Capoeira sem mestre. Rio de

Janeiro: Edies de Ouro, 1962.
FALCO, Jos Luiz. A escolarizao da capoeira. Braslia:
ASEFE Royal Court, 1996.
MARINHO, Inezil Penna. A ginstica brasileira (Resumo do
projeto geral), Braslia, 1982.
______ Subsdios para o estudo da metodologia do treinamento da capoeiragem. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1945.
PIRES, Antnio Liberac Cardoso Simes. Movimentos da
cultura afro-brasileira: a formao histrica da capoeira
contempornea (1890 1950). 2001. Thesis (Doctorate
in History) - Philosophy and Social Science Institute (IFCH),
State University of Campinas, Campinas.
REIS, Andr Luiz Teixeira. Brincando de Capoeira: recreao
e lazer na escola. Braslia: Valcy, 1997.
REIS, Letcia Vidor de Sousa. O mundo de pernas para o ar: a
Capoeira no Brasil. So Paulo: Publisher Brasil, 1997.
ROCHA, Maria Anglica. Capoeira uma proposta para a educao fsica escolar. 1990. Monograph (Majoring in Physical Education for Schools) - College of Physical Education,
State University of Campinas.
109
Benets of Capoeira
Educational Benets
Ricardo Pamflio de Souza
Philosophical: Making members of the group aware of
the fundamentals of capoeira.
Social: Bringing home to the group as a whole the rights,
responsibilities and duties of its members.
Physical: Mastery of the bodily movements involved in
capoeira, within physical limits compatible with each practitioners age and experience.
Artistic: Esthetic aspects of capoeira music, its songs,
the playing and rhythms of its instruments, the berimbau,
conga drums, tambourine and agog bells, and its related
dance and circle ceremony performance rituals.
There is no single standard or recipe for teaching capoeira,

but rather, a number of different approaches, customized by
different mestres. These mestres have empowerment within
their academies or groups, but are nevertheless bound by traditions handed down by the individual mestres under whom
they trained. All efforts involving the cognitive and affective
processes involved in learning capoeira converge on a teaching system in which everybody learns. An example of this
learning experience can be seen in the rodas, circle ceremonies in which the students make up new moves or improvise
new songs as variations on a common theme aligned with
capoeiras collective unconscious. This is teaching quite disconnected from any formal educational system, and bound
up instead with a culture, the culture of capoeira Angola.
Ricardo Pamflio de Souza. M.A. in Ethnomusicology, UFBA, 1997.
Physical and Psychological Benets

Lilia Benvenuti de Menezes
Capoeira is a physical activity involving performance exercises, for it requires continuous and rhythmic bodily motion engaging many groups of muscles. As muscular exercise, it is both
isotonic and isometric, and demands intense physical effort.
Capoeira, like any other form of exercise, has cardiovascular, pulmonary and muscular physiological effects. We
should recognize that many factors besides age and sex
influence responses to exercise, factors such as posture,
muscle mass involved in the effort, the exercise environment, proper hydration and individual fitness.
The physical qualities which capoeira develops are
flexibility, strength, endurance, speed, balance, agility and
coordination.
Practicing capoeira is an excellent way of acquiring flexibility. This is because the extra effort required of muscles
and joints for effective performance, that is, to maximize
the movements involved, reward the capoeirista with elegance of movement.
Capoeira is also a satisfactory means of achieving

muscular strength. The entire weight of the body must
be supported in various positions by the neck and limbs.
Because it is a martial style, it incorporates attack and
counterattack moves, leaping and dodging, and using
ones own endurance against the adversary. Strength
is also developed by practicing leaps and hops, freezes
balancing on the hands, and constant motion, whether in
ground or upright techniques.
Capoeira builds up endurance in circle bouts and
through regular training. Training develops specific endurance, that is, good command of technical skills, with intense
movement during sports practice. In the circle or roda, a
practitioner must also have overall endurance, which takes
account of physical conditioning and coordination. Endurance is an essential requirement for a capoeirista to be able
to keep up the continuous motion necessary to demonstrate mastery of the techniques.
Capoeira often demands a certain speed or quickness
of movement, of the body, arms or legs (strikes, attacks),
or reaction (counterattacks, fending or dodging), in which
reflexes and nimble cunning are developed. These are
noncyclical, non-uniform movements, with varying rates
of acceleration.
Another physical quality this sport develops is balance.
During a capoeira bout a participant is often required to
balance awhile on one foot, on the hands, or even a single
hand often with both feet in the air. Balance is intensely
cultivated in movements such as the a1 (cartwheel) or
bananeira2 (handstand), to give but two examples; or such
striking techniques as the martelo3 (roundhouse kick), beno4 (front push kick) and ponteira5 (front snap kick).
Capoeira is tightly bound up with agility. In actual contest a practitioner must take into account the unpredictability of blows, and be agile enough to defend, attack,
dodge, feint and move in tempo with dexterous quickness.
Being quick on your feet enables you to apply techniques
(1) A cartwheel, in which the capoeirista moves from a position resembling the letter A a figure
formed by standing with legs apart, to a letter U with both legs in the air before completing
the movement, back on the feet.
(2) An upright handstand, with all weight resting on the arms, body upside down.
(3) A roundhouse kick with the top of the foot striking the adversarys body or face.
(4) A front push kick, in which the capoeirista raises a leg and pushes forward, causing the adversary
to lose balance.
(5) A front snap kick, striking the adversary with the ball of the foot.
Llia Menezes
Llia Menezes
as opportunities emerge, and dodge an adversarys blows

quickly enough to escape. Fast play, determined by the
speed and rhythm of playing on the musical bow or berimbau, demands of the players fast combinations of successive moves executed in several directions with considerable
quickness. All of this requires a high degree of coordination, and develops agility, dexterity and speed all at once.
Last but not least, the development of coordination
is also very important to anyone practicing capoeira. Inasmuch as it is characterized by style, lightness, ease of
motion and performance, coordination is cultivated and
improved with practice. Capoeira adepts rely on dexterity
and creativity, rather than choreographed patterns, all of
which demands highly developed reflexes and coordination
of movements.
Capoeira and Psychological Development.That exercise brings psychological and emotional benefits is common knowledge, for it relaxes the body and stimulates the
mind, betters the mood and increases self-esteem, reduces
Lilia Benvenuti de Menezes. Physical Education Teacher, Instructor for Grupo Muzenza and Two-Time World Champion at the Super Liga Brasileira de Capoeira. She is author of
the book Benefcios Psicofisiolgicos da Capoeira.
tension and anxiety, and lessens the risk of depression and

stress.
The psychophysiology of capoeira is, on the other hand,
less familiar to the lay public.
Psychology may be described as the science that studies behavior and emotions, and physiology the study of how
muscles produce movement. Hence, psychophysiology
concerns itself with the emotional and behavioral changes
an individual experiences when engaging in physical activity. The focus here is on the interaction between motor
activity and emotions.
Taking the basic step of the ginga as an example, lets
apply this same concept to the world of capoeira. Shifting
the weight from leg to leg in rhythm makes the practitioner
feel loosened up and flexible. These are positive feelings
that help to improve ones behavior in day-to-day activities,
in relating to friends, in decisionmaking at work, school, etc.
Exercise brings people face-to-face with the limitations of
their body, making them more aware not only of the physical self, but the inner self as well which improves ones
ability to perform.
We see, then, why any type of exercise, not just capoeira, may improve quality of life or cure certain ailments
such as high blood pressure, type 2 diabetes, fibromyalgia,
and stress, for the energy used in producing the movement
causes the brain to release neurotransmitters such as endorphin, adrenaline and nor-adrenaline into the body; these
are chemicals that produce a sense of well-being.
Capoeira, in common with other martial arts, does more
than just strengthen muscles. It makes a person feel mentally and emotionally stronger. One thing that sets capoeira
apart from other martial styles is its inclusion of movements
that resemble dance movements, complete with rhythm
and music all of which makes the individual feel freer and
more secure. There are no rigid movements involved, but
rather, sweeping movements, some of them ludic or playful, giving people an opportunity to work out things that
bother them while reinforcing the positive the realization
that they are capable of daily improvement.
Capoeira and Social Inclusion

Gladson de Oliveira Silva
Vinicius Heine
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Texts from Brazil
A great mestre does not merely educate for

the capoeira circle, but rather, for life in its
many dimensions.
Capoeira plays a crucial role in fostering inclusion, equality and citizenship. Social distinctions and contradictions
are everywhere: in living conditions, employment and educational opportunities, and in access to such basic services
as housing, health, safety, transportation, sports, leisure and
culture. Throughout all of history, these distinctions and
contradictions have reiterated that inequality.
Itself a product of popular culture, capoeira can and
should contribute to turn this situation around and bring
people closer together - to be appreciated for what they
are in essence, rather than for their material advantages. It also helps build democratic spaces, within which
everyone has equal rights and opportunities. These include opportunities to understand the relations between
past, present and future, and above all, to foster political
awakening, the responsibilities of citizenship, and fundamental human rights.
CEPEUSP Capoeira Clinic: Integration among Groups
THE ROLE OF THE MESTRE. The prime movers in capoeira

are teachers and masters, or mestres. They are the ones
who foster and teach the basics to the younger generations.
It is they who exemplify the principles, the standards, the values and the philosophy to guide their actions and influence
the learning and behavior of their students. Students largely
reflect the example and role model provided by their mestre, hence the responsibility of these social actors, who labor
directly for the complete education of their students. The
pattern for teaching in capoeira is distinct from the traditional pattern of education in schools. This is because the
relationship between master and student goes beyond the
classroom and extends into many aspects of the students
own life.
A great mestre does not merely educate for the capoeira circle, but rather, for life in its many dimensions. One
has to know and care for each student as deeply as possible,
116
Capoeira
and get to know their family, school and community situations. The ability to listen is crucial, as is the ability to share,
trade and work together with the students to motivate and
give them support. This emotional and intellectual support
must, of course, be tendered with the realization that it is not
always possible to solve all of the students problems. Nor is
that even the proper approach. The idea is to offer guidance
that will help them to find the best path. To be a mestre is,
quite often, to be a father, a friend, or a brother.
ment organizations on community projects. Capoeira has

played a special role in this context, contributing significantly toward social inclusion.
Open-Door Project: Capoeira and Citizenship

Projete Liberdade Capoeira Event: Fraternization
INCLUSIVE PHILOSOPHY. Social inclusion is a working

philosophy. To have it, one must have a commitment to
minority causes, to the less fortunate, and to those who
feel excluded.
Social inclusion should therefore be understood as a
process. It is a collective effort aimed at overcoming discrimination, prejudice, intolerance, inequality and stereotyping. We all carry within ourselves some sort of difficulty,
a limitation that crops up whenever we meet someone
else. In dealing with this one must be able to see the personal and collective viewpoints of others, and find balanced
responses that foster unity, cooperation and camaraderie.
Every situation in our daily lives offers us opportunities to
work toward inclusion. Within the family, at school, in our
neighborhoods and at work, we must at all times keep step
with the rhythm of social inclusion.
PEDAGOGICS OF INCLUSION. Capoeira should be inclusive, careful in its methods and in its pedagogical foundations. It ought to daily foster reflection and value-affirming
behavior, be based on affection and establishing healthy
and constructive relationships such as will help instill in its
practitioners a sense of identity. Throughout all of Brazil
there has been a proliferation of work done by nongovern-
To firm up capoeira as a space for inclusion, one should

begin by establishing knowledge, dialogue and interchange. Communication, interaction and student participation
in work involving capoeira ought to be fostered as a living
part of your community. Understanding based on its historical, social and cultural foundations is also essential. From
its earliest beginnings, capoeira has to this day built its identity on social resistance and the struggle against inequality
and injustice. The students must be respected along with
all of the emotional baggage they carry. To be mindful of
the particulars of each student is to have two-way conversations and learn his identity, life story and worldview. Acceptance, tolerance and respect for differences are essential pillars for establishing a peaceful culture on our planet.
There is a need to foster integration, and provide incentives
for developing potential and capabilities. In order to be a
capoeirista one must want to learn, assimilate rules and the
dynamics of the sport, and believe in ones own self. Capoeira accepts everyone... each with his own contribution,
personal touch, rhythm in motion and presence.
Cooperation is, as a matter of principle, more important
than competition in capoeira. To cooperate is to share and
lend support. People can work, build and benefit together.
Above all, one must play with, and not play against, in
order that capoeira may perform in the sense of including
people whose conditions in life are not the same.
117

Texts from Brazil
Gradually over time, capoeira has been

working toward the inclusion of people
who, until just recently, kept aloof and
apart from the sport.
One of the primary purposes of this type of work is to foster

the development of truly civic-minded community leaders,
able to transform their immediate surroundings and the
country as a whole citizens able to make decisions that
bring about social justice and promote the welfare of the
society in which they live.
Capoeira is for Men, Women and Children1

CEPEUSP Event: Interaction with Parents
Gradually over time, capoeira has been working toward

the inclusion of people who, until just recently, kept aloof and
apart from the sport. It was no common thing to see women
practicing capoeira. Indeed, they were few and far between.
The hardy few who ventured into the capoeira circle soon
found themselves with reputations. The ingrained prejudice
was that capoeira was a guy thing, how can any woman even
think of hanging out in such an environment. Attitudes have
changed a lot in recent years and, in some groups, women are
the majority in classes and at roda practice. There are even
womens capoeira meets, at which discussion runs to such
topics as affirming and valuing women in and through capoeira. There is no difference between a womens capoeira circle
and a mens circle. There are equal opportunities for men and
women, and they practice, sing and play as equals, with integration and respect.
CAPOEIRA FOR YOUNG AND OLD ALIKE. Two-year old
children have begun capoeira practice at schools in Brazil
and abroad. The full potential of capoeira as an instrument
(1) A verse from a well-known capoeira song.
118
Capoeira
for developing whole human beings has been recognized

at many educational centers. More recently, important
work has been done with the elderly, which has shown that
the sport is a great help in improving their quality of life.
Each one practices to the extent of his or her ability and
within their limits limits that are often much farther than
one would imagine. Even people who doubt that they have
the ability are surprised at the possibilities capoeira offers in
terms of movement and opportunities for socializing.
Aside from the sport itself, with its attack, defense and
acrobatic moves, the attraction capoeira has for the elderly
is its entertaining, artistic and sociable side. Happy, spontaneous and pleasant movement is essential. To belong to
a group, to be among friends, to relate to and interact with
others... these are all basic requirements for healthy, happy
human beings of all ages, especially in their senior years.
SPECIAL CAPOEIRA. No discourse on the subject of
inclusion would be complete if it left out those who have
special needs. Foremost among these special needs is
the ability to believe in life and to overcome limitations, to
make that turnaround, develop ones potential and achieve ones goals. To these challenged individuals capoeira
has been a wonderful tool for biological, psychological and
social development. People with special needs are able to
participate in capoeira practice, whether through its movements, by singing or playing an instrument. A host of
new methods have been developed for teaching capoeira
to this population. Capoeiras capacity for inclusion is increasing constantly. Workgroups have been organized exclusively for people with special needs, and there are mixed
groups sharing a common space, with remarkable results.
People are special for many different reasons, but mainly
for having an unusual level of sensitivity. What would at first
seem a limitation, in practice turns out to be a challenge
which, once overcome, brings them happiness and a sense
of personal achievement.
PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT. Another element
that is essential within this process of inclusion through capoeira is the need to provide its representatives (mestres,
assistant mestres, instructors and monitors) training and
qualifications, and offer knowledge and methods that will
enable these professionals to work more effectively. There
are some very creative, inventive and willful people among
the capoeiristas. These are highly capable go-getters who,
despite their lack of material resources, do extraordinary
work that truly merits praise, recognition and, above all,
greater incentives.
The Brazilian government clearly recognizes capoeiras
potential for fostering citizenship, and has been backing
programs which include this sport. The sheer size of the
field of capoeira, together with its potential, indicate that

these efforts have a long way to go. A more consistent
approach is needed, one that will generate knowledge and
a continuous, systematic approach to the work at hand
along with providing its teachers with training and qualifications. What we see out there are isolated initiatives, limited
to a few groups. There is not much coordination and exchange of information. Much of what is being accomplished flows from the creativity and individual effort of a few
capoeira mestres and teachers. Priority should be given to
coordinated action involving the government, universities
and the capoeira community.
CAPOEIRA EN FAMILLE . The familys presence and participation is very important to this process of education and
inclusion through capoeira. Parents, brothers, uncles, grandparents, cousins and offspring are the references most familiar to the student. It is within the family that the student
gains those earliest of lifes experiences. What the individual
goes through in the family home will greatly influence that
persons character, feelings, behavior and attitude.
CEPEUSP Event: the entertainment value of Capoeira
We are aware, however, that the environment for many

families nowadays is dysfunctional and conflict-ridden.
Conflicts between parents have an enormous effect on
children, and can result in bad behavior and poor social
skills. Aggressiveness, trouble concentrating, attention disorder, rebelliousness, the inability to get along in groups
and to accept rules, low self-esteem and hostility toward
older people may sometimes be observed in children from
dysfunctional families or broken homes.
119

Texts from Brazil
The struggles of capoeira have inspired

millions of Brazilians in their own personal
struggles, to do for themselves and for their
communities. The main goal of the project
is transformation through participation in
cultural activities. Out of it come honest
and sensitive citizens, eager to pitch in.
Difficulty in the home environment, however, need

not burden children with problems. A childs self-esteem
and sense of worth reawaken after finding and getting to
know another environment, in which there is love, respect, dialogue, discipline and understanding. Their behavior and social skills improve, and they begin behaving in
an ethical and balanced manner in both their family and
community relations.
This is precisely where capoeira can play a decisive role
in the lives of younger people, and contribute toward their
social inclusion by providing a space for rebuilding their lives. To accomplish this, however, there must be trust and
dialogue between mestre and students, and among the
students themselves.
GLOBAL INCLUSION. Capoeira has become international
in scope. Everywhere in the world, in hundreds of countries,
one hears the twang of the berimbau. Russia, Japan, Germany, South Africa, Peru and the United States have long
since stepped into the capoeira ring. In Brazil, capoeira has
shown its ample capacity for inclusion. Exchanges and interchanges among capoeiristas of different nationalities are
commonplace. Every year, people from all over travel to
other countries to benefit from each others experience with
capoeira. Brazil plays host to large numbers of practitioners
seeking to gain new knowledge and expand their wisdom.
THE OPEN DOOR PROJECT: A SUCCESS STORY.
On the southern fringe of Greater So Paulo, in the district
of Capo Redondo, the Open Door Project organized
primarily around capoeira threw open its doors in January of 2001. the project had its start as a partnership
between the City of So Paulo Health Department, the
Palas Athena Association of Brazil and Projete Liberdade
Capoeira, and its goal was to foster self-esteem among
children and youngsters while reducing violent crime within the Capo community. Open Door is just one example of the many social projects currently gaining ground in
Brazil proof of our societys positive approach in finding
solutions to social problems. The struggles of capoeira
have inspired millions of Brazilians in their own personal
struggles, to do for themselves and for their communities.
The main goal of the project is transformation through
participation in cultural activities. Out of it come honest
and sensitive citizens, eager to pitch in.
Capo Redondo is a shining example of the power to get
society moving. Its levels of crime and violence have fallen consistently in recent years, replaced by peace and
respect for life. Open Door, albeit a drop in the bucket,
certainly made a big difference. If at least one of the
youngsters participating in the project felt their heart softened and a greater awareness of dignity and the good, its
120
Capoeira
The Open Door Project: Capoeira and Social Inclusion
Bibliography
SILVA, Gladson de Oliveira. Capoeira: do Engenho Universidade. 3rd Ed. So Paulo, 2003.
_______________________. Revista de Capoeira. Editora
Trs. So Paulo, 1983.
SILVA, Gladson de Oliveira & Heine Vinicius. Capoeira um
Instrumento Psicomotor para a Cidadania. So Paulo, 2007
(publication pending).
LAMA, Dalai. O Caminho da Tranqilidade. So Paulo: Sextant, 2000.
purpose will have been achieved. Over the course of its

seven-year existence, the project has had its ups and downs and gone through some restructuring. Many examples of positive, personal, living transformation have been
observed among its students.
Civil society has its work cut out for it in making a positive difference in Brazil. Capoeira groups are organized
civil institutions that have an important influence on their
members. Capoeira mestres are leaders and opinion molders, and can make a definite contribution toward a more
tolerant, conscious and brotherly society. The transformation is already underway, and well on its way, fostering
greater inclusion, more justice and brotherhood among
men and among nations. Yea... around the world, friend!
Gladson de Oliveira Silva. Professor of Physical Education and capoeira mestre for the University of So Paulo
Sports Center (CEPEUSP) and for the So Paulo State Department of Sports, Leisure and Tourism Conjunto Desportivo Baby Barioni
Coordinating Professor for the Open Door Project working
with needy and disabled children and youngsters in the So
Paulo district of Capo Redondo.
Director, Projete Liberdade Capoeira a capoeira school
with working facilities in So Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Argentina, Peru and Spain.
He has taught in many states in Brazil, and at universities
and educational centers abroad.
Vinicius Heine. Professor of Physical Education and Capoeira for the University of So Paulo Sports Center (CEPEUSP).
Coordinating Professor for the Open Door Project.
He has taught and given many presentations on capoeira in
many states in Brazil, and in other countries.
Coordinator for the Center for Capoeira Studies and Research (CEPECAP).
The Globalization of Capoeira

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Texts from Brazil
In recent years, many capoeiras1 have left

Brazil in search of recognition and a better
life. Through this diaspora they have not
only been instrumental in popularizing
this martial arts style, but have also helped
carry Brazilian culture abroad through talks
and presentations describing capoeira
as something exotic, tropical, and very
Brazilian.
The Globalization of
Capoeira
In recent years, many capoeiras1 have left Brazil in search

of recognition and a better life. Through this diaspora they
have not only been instrumental in popularizing this martial arts style, but have also helped carry Brazilian culture
abroad through talks and presentations describing capoeira
as something exotic, tropical, and very Brazilian.
Back in the days of slavery in Brazil, blood flowed from
the overseers quill2 as the saying went a reference to
the shrill denunciations of capoeira circulated in print by
slaveholder interests.3 Today the martial style is treated
very differently by the political state. That much is evident
in a number of initiatives recognizing and elevating this important symbol of Brazilian culture.
Just as the times then were different from what they are
now, capoeira practitioners of those days pursued the practice with many different agendas. Even today, they are by
no means a monolithic bloc. Capoeira in Rio de Janeiro was
closely bound up with the organized mobs, street fighting
and ward politics of the Second Empire (1840-1889). In Salvador, capoeiristas cultivated friendly relations with tavern
owner, greengrocers and food stand operators delighted to
sell to the crowds attracted by acrobatic displays.
In olden days, warehousemen, cartage operators, stevedores, haulers, traveling salesmen and even the unemployed gathered around bars, parks and open boulevards
to gossip, drink and gamble. To them capoeira was both a
source of entertainment and a way of protecting their turf.
Nowadays we see professionals from many areas engaged
in capoeira as a form of recreation. To many it is a job, a
profession, a means of livelihood. A large number of other
young people hope to find in capoeira opportunities for
employment they cannot find at conventional institutions
and companies.
With impressive creativity, they find in this form of cultural demonstration a source, albeit sketchy, of income.
They overlook no possibilities in efforts to escape the fate
of those pioneers considered by many the grand masters
of capoeira who died in absolute poverty; mestres such
as Pastinha, Bimba, and Valdemar da Liberdade, to name
a few,4 who stood at the crossroads of fame and famine.
(ABREU, 2003, p. 14) Although in the 20th century they
(1) To distinguish the representatives of capoeira (adepts, mestres, teachers, militants, etc.) we are
using the term capoeira instead of capoeirista. This is because we believe the former have a
broader scope of action within the culture, whereas capoeirista suggests to us a more specific
or specialized sphere.
(2) A reference to an old ditty by Mestre Toni Vargas.
(3) According to Rego (1968), capoeira was for a long time seen as a problem to be dealt with by
the police, who spent every waking moment in pursuit of the capoeiras (p. 43). Some of the
more consistent studies on the history of capoeira were carried out based on documentation
contained in Brazilian police files. See Pires (1996) and Soares (1994 and 2001).
(4) Mestre Pastinha (1889-1981) is the primary figure in Capoeira Angola, who in 1941 founded
the Capoeira de Angola Sports and Cultural Center in Salvador, Bahia, in 1941. He went to his
grave blind and forgotten. Mestre Bimba (1899 1974) started Brazils first capoeira Academy
and was creator of Capoeira Regional, an internationally recognized capoeira style. He died in
poverty, always struggling for better living conditions, in Goinia, Gois. Mestre Waldemar da
Liberdade managed a capoeira circle every Sunday during the 1940s and 50s, which became
the most important meeting place for capoeiras in Salvador. This is where Brazilian writer Jorge
Amado and photographer Pierre Verger drew cultural sustenance (ABREU, 2003, p. 43). He
died in poverty in 1990, like so many other celebrated capoeiras.
124
are regarded as the pillars of capoeira, in the eyes of new

generations, those great men were victimized by a pattern
of exploitation none care to repeat.
The Globalization of Capoeira: from Symbol of Brazilian Identity, to the Cultural Heritage of All Mankind. When Brazilian capoeira adepts began leaving the
country in large numbers in the early 1970s, they had plans
to conquer the world and find work among folklore artists
abroad. In their simple quest for a livelihood and recognition, they had no inkling of the colossal dimensions to which
the phenomenon would grow over the next three decades.
Nothing came easily to them, and the streets were often the
only places in which they could express their art or establish
contact with other performers in similar venues typically
tumblers and jugglers of uncertain origin. They managed,
in the larger cities of the United States and Europe, to draw
attention to this tropical art, and influenced other street culture movements, among them breakdancing. Breakdancing
blossomed in the United States during the 1980s and quickly
spread throughout the world. Its stop-and-go dance routines
interspersed with startling acrobatics clearly include a host of
techniques taken from capoeira, such as the headspin (pio
de cabea).
Brazilian capoeira practitioners in New York met regularly
at parks and boulevards, often appearing on TV documentaries and in cultural extravaganzas. A 1989 Jornal do Brasil
article titled Capoeira for Americans heralded this transformation in its early stages.
Transplanted by Brazilians in the USA, capoeira
is increasingly popular and shows up in nightclub acts, exhibitions, contests, schools and
even movies (...). Like American jazz in its early
days, capoeira (...) is a beat, a swing, something
throbbing with motion. It is a way people move,
think and behave at capoeira and in their daily
lives. (WEELOCK, 1989, p. 8).
All of this raises an important question. What aspects
of this departing wave of capoeira practitioners made the
most valuable contributions toward the global popularization and uplifting of capoeira?
The primary reasons for the exodus of capoeira
mestres, teachers and adepts overseas are largely a matter of economics, along with a desire for recognition and
prestige. The payscale for teaching capoeira in Brazil is
relatively low, whereas in major European and American
cities it is much higher.
This expansion overseas has had an unprecedented impact on capoeira. To some, it beckons seductively, while to
others it is a source of misgivings about the maintenance
of honored traditions. There are many who argue that
this sort of expansion moves us away from the principles
Laura Campos
and values that have made capoeira a form of resistance

fighting against exploitation. Others believe this process is
contributing toward fostering an increased appreciation of
African cultural marks even as it intensifies interest in Brazil
and Brazilian culture.
Many authors claim that capoeira in the USA also helps
strengthen the ties between African-Americans and their
African roots stretched nearly to the breaking point by
the violence attending centuries of segregation. This is
enough to bring many Americans to Brazil to see firsthand and find out about the mestres, who best represent
this dance-fighting form. A number of establishments in
the city of Salvador, considered the Mecca of Capoeira,
have practically become shrines to capoeira pilgrims from
all over the world; examples include the Academia de Joo
Pequeno,5 in the borough of Forte Santo Antnio, or the
Fundao Mestre Bimba, in Pelourinho.
An entirely different set of incentives brings large numbers of foreign capoeiras through the gates of Brazilian airports to compete in championships organized by groups
headquartered in Brazil and having affiliates in other coun-
(5) Mestre Joo Pequeno is, at age 89, Brazils oldest working capoeira instructor in 2007. On
December 18, 2003, he was granted an honorary doctorate by the Federal University of
Uberlndia in Minas Gerais.
125

Texts from Brazil
An entirely different set of incentives

brings large numbers of foreign capoeiras
through the gates of Brazilian airports
to compete in championships organized
by groups headquartered in Brazil and
having af liates in other countries.6
Despite frequently-aired criticisms of this
way of doing things, these championships
have contributed greatly toward the
popularization of capoeira overseas.
Capoeira
tries.6 Despite frequently-aired criticisms of this way of doing things, these championships have contributed greatly
toward the popularization of capoeira overseas.
We should bear in mind that this interest among foreigners to learn more about capoeira also kindles in them
the desire to get to know Brazil and learn Portuguese.
Many mestres and teachers giving classes overseas make
a point of conducting their training in Portuguese to add
the appeal of tradition. In their zeal for an identity based
on Afro-Brazilian traditions, many instructors go so far as
to ban translations of the names of techniques, song lyrics and even the names of capoeira instruments. Speaking
Portuguese at capoeira classes is a requirement that acts
as a kind of seal of approval. This, surprisingly enough,
has opened up unexpected job opportunities. Hunter College, one of New Yorks most traditional schools, now offers
regular courses in Portuguese in response to the demand
generated by capoeira. (NUNES, 2001, p. 3).
By way of contrast we have Mestre Joo Grande, a former gas station attendant who settled in New York over 10
years ago and was granted a doctorate Honoris Causa from
Upsala College of New Jersey in 1996. He teaches his classes at an Academy in the West Village in authentic baiano
Portuguese. Then again, many workshops are translated
into foreign languages (mainly English) right here in Brazil.
This is the case with Capoeirando, a summer event strategically organized by famous mestres near tourist hotspots
in Brazil. It attracts a large number of foreigners in search
of authentic Brazilian capoeira.
In this complex give-and-take of globalization, capoeira
has been gaining adherents in the most remote of outer
reaches. Movies and the Internet have contributed to this
process. The first of these was The Given Word (O Pagador de Promessas), winner of several international awards.
But American productions such as Only the Strong Survive
and Roof Tops, really made the difference when it came to
popularizing the martial form.
The worldwide expansion of capoeira is most easily seen
in the United States and Europe. Aside from isolated attempts to give back this fighting style in Africa, most efforts
are currently targeting the so-called developed countries.
The fact of the matter is that capoeira has conquered
the world and become one of the most important exponents of Brazilian culture abroad; it is exuberant propaganda for Brazil. By 2003 there were capoeira schools in all 50
states 15 in New York alone. What is more surprising is
that demand for capoeira lessons stateside is concentrated
primarily in public schools. This martial arts form has established a reputation for helping to build up self-esteem and
trust in youngsters who have learning disabilities or poor
(6) Large capoeira groups conduct international meets every year, and attract mestres and
adepts from many countries. One of these is the Brazilian Association for the Support and
Development of the Art of Capoeira, (Abada-Capoeira), an organization that brings together
over 30,000 capoeiras from 26 countries.
126
Capoeira
social skills. It is therefore a reentry gate for young people

victimized by violence or troubled by drug or alcohol problems. (NUNES, 2001). The movie, Only the Strong Survive,
examines those possibilities.
Public schools, however, are not the only venue in which
capoeira has been successful with Americans. It is also
used as training, to prepare actors and actresses for roles in
action films. That was the case with Halle Berry, who played
the lead role in Catwoman. The director felt that capoeira
moves were not only impressive, but also had that swing.
Americans are very attracted to capoeira, for it can be [...]
a form of personal defense, and also a good workout. It is
exotic, and people who practice it convey a certain charm.
(BERGAMO, 2004, p. 58). Other Hollywood movies have
included capoeira scenes, among them, Meet the Fockers
(2004), Oceans Twelve (2004), The Rundown, The Quest,
Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire and Batman.
Video games such as Tekken 3, 4 & 5, Eternal Champions, Dark Resurrection, Street Fighter III, Fatal Fury, Rage of
the Dragons, World of Warcraft, Bust a Groove, Pokmon
Hitmontop, The Matrix, WWE Smackdown! and Here Comes
the Pain, have also contributed to the popularizing of capoeira worldwide.
As a result of this process, certain colors held high
and stoutly defended in the past, such as oral tradition,
improvisation, sly mandinga strategies and the culture of
resistance, have all been deemphasized in favor of other
categories more in tune with the moment, such as ethnic
merchandising, free-spiritedness, working out, extravaganzas, and so forth. (VASSALLO, 2003b).
Significant Examples of Capoeira Abroad. Important
research and teaching institutions, especially Colleges of
Physical Education, see capoeira as an extracurricular activity. There are, at some of them, systematic capoeira programs organized as extension projects, at which Brazilian
teachers are hired for a specific period to teach interested
parties. That is the pattern for the Estdio Universitrio at
the University of Lisbon, the University of Warsaw, University of Oslo, University of Bristol and the Technical University of Lisbon.
Capoeira events international in scope are held at many
places worldwide. These events allow for quite a bit of interchange and give-and-take among the various approaches to the presentation of capoeira.
Although capoeira experts from Brazil have put on extravaganzas in different parts of Europe since 1951, the
systematic teaching of capoeira in the Old World was first
taken up in 1971 by the well-known Mestre Nestor Capoeira,7 at the London School of Contemporary Dance, in
London, England.
The capoeira movement in Europe has gained considerable momentum over the past 30 years, so that it is now
fairly well-developed. At the outset, however, the most seri-
A capoeira workshop in Oslo, Norway 08/16/03 (J.L.C. Falco)
ous obstacle was lack of information as to what this mixture

of martial dance-fighting was all about.
After having spent 14 years in Portugal, Mestre Umoi recalled that at first he had to conduct classes on the streets
to interest youngsters in capoeira. He told them he was
going to teach them to do some kicks. He claims he had
to resort to this dodge to get the wee ones interested in
these leg kicks from Brazil.
When I arrived here, in August of 1990, there
was no capoeira at least not in the Greater Lisbon area, which is where I lived. Nobody knew
what capoeira was, and my whole purpose in
coming over here was to teach capoeira. So I
began by approaching some of the academies
over here and their immediate reaction was to
tell me they had no use for chicken coops
and here in Portugal, capoeira means of sort of
chicken coop. That made it a lot harder to get
started working here. (Mestre Umoi, personal
correspondence, June 27, 2003).8
The dedicated work and commitment of many
mestres and instructors made it possible to build on the
initiative of Nestor Capoeira, so that this particular style
could gain traction, diversity, a place in the sun and prestige in Old World society.
The traction it gained in Europe came from the fabulous cultural heritage that forms the core of its songs,
movements and background. These are the features that
(7) Nestor Capoeira was a student of Mestre Leopoldina, and a red-rope graduate of Grupo
Senzala in 1969. He has written many books and articles on capoeira. He took his masters
and doctorate in Communications and Culture from the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. He
played the lead role in the Embrafilme-produced movie titled Cordo de Ouro, (now available
in video from Globovdeo). The movie was directed by A. C. Fontoura, in 1978.
(8) This testimonial and others in this article were taken during the authors Doctoral Internship,
in Europe, from April through August of 2003. They were used as source material for writing
Chapter 4 of the Doctoral thesis titled: O Jogo da Capoeira em Jogo e a Construo da Prxis
Capoeirana (FALCO, 2004). .
127

Texts from Brazil
Capoeira, true enough, has grown

tremendously, bringing with it this
stamp of Brazil inherent in its songs
and movements. It is currently a way of
bringing together people from everywhere
on Earth, thereby acquiring a supranational
identity.
combine to erect a veritable edifice of Brazilian identity

atop a foundation of baiano origins; an edifice somewhat
idealized, to the extent that it glosses over cultural and
economic differences clearly present in Brazil. The fact
remains that this mobility, this movement of capoeira
experts from cities all over Brazil to the Old World
and North America helps familiarize people with the
style, the cultural marks of which amount to a stamped
impression of Brazilian national origin. One Norwegian
instructor asserts that: nowadays, people are quite familiar with what capoeira is, and it is capoeira they want
(...). Folks in search of capoeira already have an idea that
it is something Brazilian, and thats what theyre after!
(Professor Torcha, personal correspndence, Oslo, Norway, October 18, 2003).
Capoeira, true enough, has grown tremendously, bringing with it this stamp of Brazil inherent in its songs and
movements. It is currently a way of bringing together people from everywhere on Earth, thereby acquiring a supranational identity. Mestre Umoi also says:
Capoeira is transposing the oceanic barrier that
separates Brazil, Africa, Europe and North America. Capoeira belongs to capoeiristas, and we
have quite a number of good capoeiristas here
in Europe. Youll find a lot of Germans playing
capoeira Angola as well as or even better than
many capoeiristas who have never been outside of Salvador, or never left Brazil. So what will
you say to that? Is it because theyre German?
No. Its because they are capoeiristas. (Mestre
Umoi, personal correspondence, Amsterdam,
August 18, 2003).
Capoeira
Brazilian Capoeira Teachers: Their Experiences

in Europe. Most of the capoeira mestres and instructors
working in Europe are from the northeastern part of Brazil,
especially the cities of Recife and Salvador. But there are
other instructors as well, from practically every state in
Brazil, teaching this style in the Old World.
Capoeiras from many groups in Brazil have been moving to Paris since the early 1970s. rsula, who settled
in France over a dozen years ago, claims that when she
arrived there, very few people knew about capoeira. Nowadays, in spite of a few poorly-trained individuals claiming to be mestres without having gone to any academy,
capoeira is very popular. It is not at all uncommon for
women to outnumber the men in classes. (CARVALHO,
2002, p. 17).
This occupation of teaching capoeira abroad, which
engages many Brazilians with or without proper papers,
is very different indeed from conventional employment
with regular hours the sort of thing that, until recently,
we thought of as working at a job.
128
Capoeira
Yet these are the very real opportunities that turn up,
and young capoeira professionals fight tooth and nail for
those positions, regarded as great adventures. Unsteady
as they may seem, these type of job opportunities often
work out. They not only provide a livelihood for most of
these far-flung, expatriate professionals, but also help to
serve up capoeira seasoned with healthy doses of randomness and improvisation.
The struggle to survive and the desire for the recognition to be gained from new experience, those are the
primary reasons so many capoeira instructors leave Brazil
for the uncertain promise of a good life abroad. What
they often find, however, are scattered and unpredictable
work opportunities. They typically work as freelancers, as
an alternative way to make a living.
The arrival of capoeira instructors in Europe is usually
full of surprises. What follows is a statement by Mestre
Matias, of Minas Gerais, who moved to Switzerland in 1989
and currently works in many cities in that country. His experience echoes that of many other mestres and instructors, outward bound in search of better opportunities.
My arrival in Switzerland was really tough, I
scraped for a living, played berimbau in the
snow, at train stations, you see, because none of
the capoeiristas there would form a street circle.
I went to the street by myself, sometimes playing my berimbau. I would do some leaps, some
nutty stuff, it was also a way of getting myself
free. The berimbau was my companion. It was
a way to escape the anguish, the homesickness,
wishing to be back in Brazil, among my students
and colleagues. That is one cold country. It is
a rude awakening when you arrive and dont
know anyone, not even the language. So I went
through some very tough times, but, thank the
Lord, I overcame all that, and today Im not going
to tell you I speak perfect German, but I speak
it well enough. (Mestre Matias, personal correspondence, Madrid, Spain, June 29, 2003).
The bottom line is that although desperate situations,
and even deportations, are not uncommon, some capoeira
teachers perceive a possibility of earning overseas the status and recognition they would not easily obtain in Brazil.
Im a bird, nobody can stop me, I feel like Im already
there, were heady sayings, often tossed off in Portugal by a
strong-willed teacher from Recife. He has been living a life
of high adventure, with many ups and downs, often clouded
by uncertainty, but artfully, and with infectious good cheer.
The hurdles in the way of finding a steady job with benefits lead many capoeira instructors in Europe burdened
with uncomfortable immigrant status to get by working
odd hours at dangerous and dirty jobs until such time as
A capoeira roda in a public square - Oslo, Norway 08/16/03 (J.L.C. Falco)
they are able to obtain legitimate, legal and formal employment. And so it is, in fits and starts, that they work along
tortuous and unpredictable career paths in a struggle for
upward mobility and social acceptance.
Their dreams and yearnings constantly entwined with
fear and worry, these instructors have been opening up
new horizons in the field of informal education education
that is growing ever more popular with society at large, especially among those lacking in purchasing power. Mestre
Umoi, speaking from experience, brings this home:
The idea of social work is one that stirs me deeply. Ive always worked on the fringes, around the
borough of Sobradinho, in Brasilia, and it was
no different here. (...) I began as an intern at
a reform school in Caxias, off the Cascais Railroad Line, a correction center. It is much like a
prison for minors. It was tough work, with lots
of African students and lots of Portuguese students and there were even racial rivalries. I approached the institution with my proposal for an
internship. Fortunately the director had spent
20 years in Brazil. As a result, she knew about
capoeira and, when she read my proposal, knew
it had nothing to do with chickens or chicken
coops which was a real good thing. She hired
me as an intern. After the internship I was given
a job, and at the close of the classes I was giving,
was hired by the Ministry of Justice, where I work
to this day. (Mestre Umoi, personal communication, Lisbon, Portugal, June 27, 2003).
We must bear in mind that capoeira instructors who left
Brazil to work in Europe were in a much less uncomfortable
situation than other immigrants, since they were not competing with the natives for jobs. In the end, they gained
129

Texts from Brazil
Youll nd a lot of Germans playing

capoeira Angola as well as or even better
than many capoeiristas who have never
been outside of Salvador, or never left
Brazil. So what will you say to that? Is it
because theyre German? No. Its because
they are capoeiristas.
(Mestre Umoi, personal correspondence, Amsterdam,
August 18, 2003).
Capoeira
prestige and recognition to the extent that they possessed

certain skills, had command of a specialty that was made
in Brazil, which amounted to a seal of approval very much
sought after by young Europeans. These instructors therefore have exotic and cultural knowledge, the likes of
which, in a way, challenges traditional thinking about entering into a job market to the extent of redefining the word
job, currently fraught with turbulence and instability.
In the struggle for survival, these young instructors put
their improvisational skills to work coming up with atypical
sources of income. Many of them establish intricate mutual
support networks, through their many contacts acquired at
events, workshops, parties or even paying visits to where
their fellow immigrant-capoeiras are performing their own
work. Groups seen as rivals or competitors in Brazil tend
to minimize or work around their rivalries, the better to
cope with the travails all immigrants from Brazil must face.
These alternative ways of working with capoeira may
include presentations at theaters, putting on workshops at
schools or colleges, or providing guidance to at-risk youngsters. To a capoeira professional in Europe, opportunities to
work are often haphazard and fleeting. Occasional sales of
capoeira gear and supplies help boost the budgets of these
impecunious pioneers.
Nevertheless, the great majority of these Brazilian instructors derive a sense of personal worth from working
with capoeira in foreign countries. After all, these fearless
adventurers are well aware that they are the legitimate purveyors of a culture deemed exotic, and an endless source
of fascination to foreigners.
Many of these teachers manage to acquire some security through agreements with established public and private sector institutions. One mestre working in Portugal
explained that, during an event in Norway, he felt very appreciated as a capoeira teacher at a public institution.
Another common thread in the experiences of many
Brazilian capoeiras in Europe has to do with the way these
Street vendor of capoeira, instruments and apparel Event in Madrid, Spain. June 2003
(J.L.C. Falco)
130
Capoeira
cultural demonstrations through their competitive events

bring together people from all social strata under a single
roof. Generally speaking, a mestre or teacher will alternate
between performing in nice surroundings and doing social
work. During weekends, or at these events, the people
who call these various workplaces their own get together
to enjoy lively capoeira rodas.
Mestre Baros capoeira classes take him into starkly
contrasting neighborhoods in the City of Porto, in northern
Portugal.
I teach in the borough of Lagarteiro, a neighborhood with a lot of problems. It is a tenement
section the people around there call Hell. I also
teach Gypsies in another tenement neighborhood in Porto... it is social work. After I leave
these slums, I go to a gymnasium where only
wealthy businessmen go to train. (Mestre Baro,
personal correspondence, June 8, 2003).
This art of living oftentimes of surviving as an immigrant by and for capoeira doesnt always lead to success
stories. It does, however, call attention to productive teaching experiences in the field of informal education, experiences that intersect with, and often complement the formal education process.
As part of the current of globalization, capoeira, a
thoroughgoing cultural manifestation, is steadily holding
its own, while mestres and instructors teach the fundamentals to people of vastly different cultures and origins,
thereby helping to do away with taboos and stereotypes
built up during its own historical rise. If capoeira were Brazilian, and in our blood, how is it taught to people with
no Brazilian blood in their veins? Travassos (1999, p. 266)
asks: How could you teach something written in the blood,
minds and bodies of some, but not others?
There are many capoeira adepts in Europe who besides exhaustively dedicating themselves to the style develop an interest in other arts and forms found within Brazils cultural holdings, such as the frevo, samba, maculel
and maracatu, and fall in love with Brazil. This is clear in a
statement by an instructor teaching in Lisbon: Many Europeans are more intensely dedicated to capoeira than a lot
of Brazilians, and really have Brazil in their hearts. (Professor Marco Antnio, personal correspondence, Lisbon, Portugal, August 13, 2003).
As countless non-Brazilian instructors complete their
training, capoeira encounters and incorporates new elements into its fundamentals. In this evolving process,
those fundamentals are constantly rewritten in bouts and
competitions in which economics, culture and subjective
factors play their parts.
Mestre Borracha, who has been in Europe since 1985,
told us in an interview about the first European capoeira
A capoeira workshop in Warsaw University, Polond. May 2003 (J.L.C. Falco)
master, Mestre Coruja. After dedicating 20 years to his

art, this Italian mestre completed his training under Mestre
Canela, of Rio de Janeiros Grupo Mangag. This points to
the need to peer deeper into this unfolding context, one
that is sure to contribute immensely toward a rethinking of
the entire capoeira phenomenon from a broader and subtler perspective.
We do know that theres a certain amount of discounting on the part of Brazilian mestres and instructors and
even practitioners with regard to non-Brazilian instructors; so these instructors feel a sort of additional responsibility to better their grasp of the fundamentals of capoeira.
The dilemma is amply illustrated in a statement by an instructor who teaches at the University of Lisbons College
of Human Movement:
Simply because I am not Brazilian, I feel I have to
prove something extra. Before they see me practice or sing, people expect Im going to swallow all
my vowels, or perform a mediocre capoeira. Ive
been to many places where they didnt deign to
introduce me as an instructor, but simply as Arroz Doce, from Portugal. As to the way I stack up
against others, however, I see that once the circle
gets moving, they forget all about that. Brazilian
or European, capoeira is capoeira, and a roda is a
roda. I resonate with it, so to speak, more than a lot
of Brazilians. This is a very important part of my life.
(Professor Arroz Doce, personal correspondence,
Florianpolis, Santa Catarina, November 26, 2003).
Our analysis of this intricate and involved movement
toward the globalization of capoeira leads us to jot down
three basic observations: A) Over the past 10 years capoeira has solidly established itself and gained visibility and symbolism to the point where it is now one of Brazils foremost
picture postcards abroad. B) The emotions shared and sig-
131

Texts from Brazil
Capoeira may very well be our own

Brazilian thing, but to the extent that it
can also be taught, practiced, transmitted,
constructed, shared, imparted and
multiplied, it also belongs to the world.
Street roda Carmingnando de Brenta, Italy. July 2003 (J.L.C. Falco)
nificance learned through its practice are closely bound up

with the intensity of the practice and the exuberance of the
experience. Capoeira glitters, multifaceted, teaching ethical, cultural, political, historical and economic aspects of life
in human society. Finally, C) Capoeira is subject to the same
sort of division into social strata as a society with its classes,
yet expresses itself in many different ways, much like the
classes within the stratified society in which it is practiced.
Capoeira
Closing Remarks. Our survey of the systemic aspects of capoeira abroad have moved us to reflect on the
possibilities that this symbol of Brazilian-ness that is enchanting foreigners in rapidly mounting numbers opens
up for us. It is clear from our observations that capoeira has
consolidated itself as an trans-ethnic phenomenon. Furthermore, its rapid global expansion since the 1970s has
not crowded political actors out of the field of culture, but
rather, issued them new challenges.
Much of the experience gained with capoeira overseas
has confirmed and even emphasized those transnational features that so contributed to its development. As a corollary, it
has rattled to their foundations all arguments urging that this
is a practice better suited to certain layers of the populace,
and associated with easily identifiable ethnic groups.
The complex and dynamic nature of capoeira reveals
itself in its accelerating process of globalization. It is expanding horizontally, down the pathways and folkways of
capoeiras throughout the world, and vertically, through its
demonstrated capacity to permeate different social strata.
Although we still hear it repeated that this is something
of our own, which, if true, would make Brazilians the exclusive purveyors of its mandinga, the experience weve
documented here shows that this line of reasoning is most
easily couched in terms of conflict and ambiguity. Capoeira
may very well be our own Brazilian thing, but to the extent that it can also be taught, practiced, transmitted, constructed, shared, imparted and multiplied, it also belongs to
the world.
132
Capoeira
Capoeira can be interpreted according to social mores

and values. As a social construct, and as a cultural manifestation constantly building upon itself, capoeira is influenced
by the historical context that surrounds it. Still, it is also built
on the interests and actions of the people who make use of
it for doing and getting things done in society.
Although quite a number of its adepts treat capoeira
as an ethnic symbol (capoeira is Brazilian! African! AfroBrazilian!), its increasing globalization leads us to think of it
as something clothed in the cultural heritage of mankind.
From that standpoint it would have no country, though
loaded down with symbols of its unquestionable Brazilian
origins.
TRAVASSOS, S. D. Negros de todas as cores: capoeira e mobilidade social. In: BACELAR, J. & CAROSO, C. (Orgs.). Brasil:
um pas de negros? Rio de Janeiro: Pallas; Salvador, Bahia:
CEAO, pp. 261-271, 1999.
Bibliography
Jos Luiz Cirqueira Falco. Teaches at the Sports Center, the Federal University of Santa Catarina Ph.D. in Education, Federal University of Bahia.
VASSALLO, S. P. A transnacionalizao da capoeira: etnicidade, tradio e poder para brasileiros e franceses em Paris.
In: Anais da Quinta Reunio de Antropologia do Mercosul.
Florianpolis, Santa Catarina, 30 November to 03 December 2003.
WEELOCK, Julie. Capoeira para americano jogar. Jornal do
Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 11 Jan. 1989, p. 8, Caderno B.
ABREU, F. J. O Barraco do Mestre Waldemar. Salvador: Organizao Zarabatana, 2003.

BERGAMO, G. Roda de gringo. Veja. 1839 Ed., Ano 37, No. 5,
p. 58, 4 Feb. 2004.
CARVALHO, L. C. Na roda com a mulher. Revista Praticando
Capoeira. So Paulo, Ano II, No. 17, 2002.
FALCAO, J. L. C. O jogo da capoeira em jogo e a construo
da prxis capoeirana. Thesis (Doctorate in Education). Salvador, Bahia. Universidade Federal da Bahia. Faculdade de
Educao, 2004.
NUNES, V. Capoeira made in NYC. Correio Braziliense. Braslia-DF, Caderno Coisas da Vida, pp. 1 & 3, 13 Mar. 2001.
PIRES, A. L. C. S. A capoeira no jogo das cores: criminalidade,
cultura e racismo na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (1890-1937).
Dissertation (Masters in History). Campinas, So Paulo, Instituto de Filosofia e Cincias Humanas, Departamento de
Histria, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1996.
REGO, W. Capoeira Angola: um ensaio scio-etnogrfico.
Salvador: Itapu, 1968.
SANTANA, J. Velhos mestres. Correio da Bahia. Salvador:
Caderno Correio Reprter, pp. 1-7, 15 Apr. 2001.
SOARES, C. E. L. A negregada instituio: os capoeiras no
Rio de Janeiro, 1850-1890. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal de Cultura, 1994.
SOARES, C. E. L. A capoeira escrava e outras tradies rebeldes no Rio de Janeiro (1808 1850). Campinas-SP: Editora da Unicamp, 2001.
133
Caryb
His given name at birth, in Lans, Argentina, on February 7th, 1911, was Hector Julio Pride Bernab, but he
was known to everyone as Caryb until his passing on
October 2nd , 1997, in Salvador, Bahia. His claim to fame
was figurative Brazilian art, especially depicting Bahia,
with its sultry washerwomen, fishermen and capoeiristas, in a style that often bordered on the abstract. Born
in Argentina, having spent his early childhood in Italy,
Caryb moved to Brazil in 1919, and became a resident.
His artistic education he obtained at the National School
of Fine Arts from 1927 to 1929.
He first experienced Bahia in 1938, sent there on assignment by the newspaper Prgon to write a story on the
infamous Lampio. After the newspaper went under, he extended his stay on the northern coast of Brazil, where he
was inspired to produce drawings for his first exhibition in
Buenos Aires, in 1939. His ties to Brazil were strengthened
in the 1940s, when he translated Mrio de Andrades Macunama into Spanish. By invitation of Secretary of Education
Ansio Teixeira, Caryb moved to Bahia where he helped
bring about a renewal of the visual arts. He was voted

best sketch artist at the III Bienal in So Paulo in 1955, and
in 1961 was given an exclusive room in which to display
his work. Caryb became a naturalized Brazilian in 1957,
thereby consolidating his status as a revered symbol of
Bahia. His work, after all, was aimed primarily at depicting
Bahias popular culture in all its sumptuousness.
Caryb produced over 5000 pieces paintings, drawings, sculptures and sketches including illustrations for
the works of such a famous writers as Jorge Amado, Rubem
Braga, Mrio de Andrade and Gabriel Garcia Marquez. His
murals, revealing the influence of Picasso and Rivera, grace
the cities of Salvador, London and New York. Foremost
among his prints are Iconografia dos Deuses Africanos no
Candombl da Bahia, the result of 30 years research, As
Sete Portas da Bahia, a collection of drawings of baiano culture, Olha o Boi and Bahia, Boa Terra Bahia, these last two
in partnership with Jorge Amado. This famous baiano writer
and good friend describes in lovely verse the relationship
Caryb had with baiano culture:
[...] the scenery, the poetry

and the mystery of Bahia,
, camarado,
whose is it?
It belongs to Caryb,
camarado, . [...]
Pierre Verger
Pierre Verger was born in Paris on November 4, 1902.
A man of means, he lived a conventional life for his social
class through age 30, though he did not share the values
in vogue at the time. 1932 was a decisive year in his life:
he learned a skill photography and developed a fascination for travel. From December of 1932 through August,
1946, he spent nearly 14 years traveling around the world,
living solely from his photography. Verger sold his photos
to newspapers, agencies and research centers. He took
photographs for companies and even traded his services
for transportation. Paris became his home base, a place
to meet up with his friends surrealist admirers of Prvert
and anthropologists at the Trocadero Museum and make
contacts for new journeys. He worked for the best publications of the time, although disinterested in fame, and was
always packing to go: I could not rid myself of the idea of a
vast world out there, and my desire to see it propelled me
toward new horizons.
Change came quickly the day Verger arrived in Bahia. In
1946, with Europe ravaged by war, everything was peaceful
in Salvador. Verger was quickly won over by the hospitality
and magnificent culture he found in that city, and ended
up staying. As elsewhere in his travels, he preferred the
company of ordinary people, the simpler places. Blacks
monopolized both the city and his attention. They were
subjects for his photos, and became his friends friends
whose lives interested Verger down to the details. When
he discovered candombl, he fancied he had found the local populations fountain of vitality, and began studying the
orixs they worshipped.
His lively interest in African religions netted him a fellowship to study rituals in Africa, where he set off to in 1948.
In addition to his religious initiation, Verger also embarked
on a new trade that same year as a researcher. The history,
customs and most of all the religion practiced by the Yoruba people and their descendents, in both Western Africa
and Bahia, became the central topics of his research and
subject of his labors. As a visiting fellowship researcher at
several universities, he continued to transform his research
into articles, talks, books. In 1960 he bought a house at Vila
Amrica, and in the late 1970s, set aside his camera and
make his last visits to Africa as a researcher.
During his twilight years, Vergers overriding preoccupation was to make his research available to an ever-increasing number of people, and ensure the safekeeping of his
holdings. During the 1980s, Editora Corrupio undertook
the first of those publications in Brazil. Verger created the
Pierre Verger Foundation (FPV), to which he was benefactor, steward and president, and thus undertook to convert
his own house into a research center. In February of 1996,
Verger passed away, leaving the foundation in charge of

carrying on his work.
Creating the Pierre Verger Foundation was the consummation of two of my great loves: the love I feel for Bahia, and
that I feel for that part of Africa around the Gulf of Benin.
Through its goals and activities it aims to bring this common heritage into sharper relief, to offer Bahia what it knows
about Benin and Nigeria and make those nations aware of
their cultural influence on Bahia, declared Verger in the
Foundations first newsletter. He donated all of his personal
holdings amassed over decades of travel and research
to the Foundation. These include dozens of articles, books,
62,000 photographic negatives, sound recordings, film and
video footage, and a precious collection of documents, records, correspondence, manuscripts and objects.
Legally chartered in 1988, the Foundation is a private
nonprofit corporation, administratively and financially independent, that to this day occupies the very house that
for years was home to Pierre Verger, on the Vila Amrica
hillside in Salvador. Managed by a group of Vergers friends,
colleagues and admirers, the Foundation busies itself about
the preservation and legacy of his work. Some of the peo-
ple closest to Verger during the final years of his life now
figure among its employees, directors and curators.
The Foundations primary goals are:
To preserve, disseminate and research the work of its
founder, Pierre Edouard Leopold Verger;
To study and prepare publications relating, in general,
to the mutual influence between Brazil and Africa,
and especially between Bahia and the Gulf of Benin;
To offer opportunities for interdisciplinary cooperation in such fields as the arts, anthropology, botany,
music and history;
To function as a center for research and information;
To establish and maintain relations with international
cultural organizations interested in African culture
and the problems which beset the African Diaspora
into the New World.
Services:
To authorize publication and sales, under copyright, of
photographs by Pierre Verger; and
To make the holdings available to researchers.
Source: Fundao Pierre Verger
http://www.pierreverger.org/br/index.htm

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Capoeira is one of Brazils most characteristic cultural

expressions. We often see definitions stating that the game

INFORMATION COORDINATING OFFICE

The Challenges Capoeira Faces Today

(1) The Old Republic (Repblica Velha) is the

Ministry of External Relations

No longer restricted to academic circles and

The Challenges Capoeira

Ministry of External Relations

This was, without a doubt, the most

more global view of the culture and early development of

The Challenges Capoeira

CONTEMPORARY CAPOEIRA STYLES. Two different

though these had long been a part of traditional Bahian

Luiz Renato Collection

Luiz Renato Collection

elements of the earlier capoeira style which the regional

Further complications developed as modern capoeira,

Ministry of External Relations

To put it differently, this transformation

The Challenges Capoeira

In the search for a better life, many people migrated

national scale, and sparked yet another wave of expansion

go beyond the classical binary angola-regional dichotomy

Ministry of External Relations

Throughout this international expansion

The Challenges Capoeira

the development of capoeira. If past generations had to

Ministry of External Relations

The Cultural Department of the Ministry

The Challenges Capoeira

With that in mind, some attention should be given to

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

Ministry of External Relations

Foreigners visited Brazil in increasing

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

tactics. Vidigal was notorious for persistently antagonizing

(...) The Negroes have still another warrior sport,

Ministry of External Relations

Observe that none of these lithographs

sight, the stance and positions of audience and contestants

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

(11) See O berimbau-de-barriga e seus toques, Kay Shaffer, MEC/FUNARTE/INF, Monografias

capoeira whether as flourishes with which to confound an

ent viewpoints. The first of these we may call ethnographic,

These African troubadours, possessed of fertile

2. THE MOB: PROFESSIONALS AND STRONG-ARM

In support of our earlier conjecture, one may at least

Ministry of External Relations

Thus, within this context of fraudulent

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

thanks to the knowledge they acquired fraternizing with

the balance as a paramilitary force to offset mobilizations

Private capoeira lesson

Ministry of External Relations

Constant mention of capoeiras in police

for doing so out of idealism and not in a mercenary spirit (sic).

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira:

Here before us, legally set in type, is the criminalization

Ministry of External Relations

Beginning in the 1930s, there was a slow

The Metamorphoses of Capoeira: