Fair Trade Marketing

Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Geoforum
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/geoforum
Fair Trade market creation and marketing in the Global South

Bob Doherty a,, Alastair Smith b, Sara Parker c
a
The York Management School, University of York, Freboys Lane, York YO10 5GD, UK
School of Planning and Geography, Cardiff University, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue, Cardiff, Wales CF10 3WA, UK
c
School of Humanities and Social Science, Liverpool John Moores University, John Foster Building, 80-98 Mount Pleasant, Liverpool L3 5UZ, UK
b
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history:
Received 8 October 2014
Received in revised form 17 April 2015
Accepted 30 April 2015
Available online 11 May 2015
Keywords:
Fair Trade
Marketing
Global South
Geographical entanglements
Moral geographies
Mainstreaming
a b s t r a c t
Fair Trade emerged to commercialise Southern products in the Global North on terms overtly benecial
to Southern producers. However, a contemporary phenomenon is the development of Fair Trade consumer markets within the Global South itself: and the paper explores this as a contribution to the evolving geographies of ethical consumerism. Data was captured from secondary sources and eld visits that
included in-depth interviews and participant observation. Analysis is informed by theories of market creation developed in economic geography and economic sociology. As such we focus on understanding (1)
the architecture, or networks and institutions, of commercialisation, governance and certication and (2)
the marketing practices and strategies, designed to resonate with and develop cognitive association
amongst consumers. Given the alternative geographies of SouthSouth vis--vis SouthNorth Fair
Trade, we deepen the geographical focus by applying frameworks emerging from the concept of geographical entanglement. Findings identify the similarities and differences of both Southern Fair Trade
market creation and marketing compared to the European experience. In some cases, the place-based
othering, often used to develop sympathetic cognitive frames in Northern marketing, is identied, but
this time operates around alternative geographical binaries. In other cases, we highlight instances that
avoid such divisive place-making, and which instead draw on inclusive, rather than divisive, imagined
geographies, overlaid with the collective aspiration for development, pride and dignity. These ndings
therefore inform the nature of geographical entanglement followed by ethical market creation, as well
as contributing to the wider theoretical understanding of moral geographies endogenous to the Global
South.
2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Fair Trade sales have grown in Northern consumer markets of
Western Europe and North America to reach 5.24 billion
(Fairtrade International, 2013, p. 12). This makes Fair Trade one
of the most signicant sectors of ethical consumerism in the world.
To date, research has mainly focused on the relationship between
Southern producers, Northern companies and consumers in the
foundational Fair Trade markets of Europe and North America,
and conceptualised as part of a movement to reform inequalities
in international trade (Raynolds et al., 2007). However, a recent
phenomenon is the development of Fair Trade consumer markets
in the Global South itself, particularly in the economies of South
Africa, Kenya and Brazil (Fairtrade International, 2013, p. 10). We
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: Bob.Doherty@york.ac.uk (B. Doherty), SmithAM3@cardiff.ac.uk
(A. Smith), s.l.parker@ljmu.ac.uk (S. Parker).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2015.04.015
0016-7185/ 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
also add Nepal to our country case studies, in order to contribute

to earlier work on the development of a domestic Fair Trade handicraft market (see below).
Despite the emergence of Fair Trade consumer markets in the
Global South, delegates at the 4th International Fair Trade
Symposium (2012) agreed there is a dearth of research concerning
both how these markets have developed, and how marketing
strategies and practices have driven sales growth (Doherty and
Huybrechts, 2013). The vast majority of research on Fair Trade
has concentrated on SouthNorth sales and therefore, critiques of
market development and marketing have mostly focused on consumer markets in the Global North. Although there is some early
work on the development of Fair Trade markets in the Global
South (Biggs and Lewis, 2009; Biggs and Messerschmidt, 2005;
Wilkinson and Mascarenhas, 2007), this is empirically and theoretically nascent. In addition, there is a lack of accessible research
from scholars on Fair Trade marketing and market creation, which
is of concern given the role that academics have previously played
B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171
in the development of the Northern Fair Trade movement (Nicholls

and Opal, 2005).
The lack of attention to Southern Fair Trade markets is also
problematic as wider research demonstrates that as incomes
amongst growing middle classes increase, these consumers are
often more likely to incorporate social and environmental factors
into their purchasing (Ariztia et al., 2014; Barbosa and Veloso,
2014; Guarin and Knorringa, 2014; Kaus, 2013; Njuguna et al.,
2014; Oliveria, 2014; Schfer et al., 2011). In Brazil for example,
the middle class is reported to constitute 100 m people (50% of
the population) with an increasing discretionary spend (World
Bank, 2013). South Africa (SA) now reports a middle class of
10.4 m people (21.3% of the population) with a propensity for visible consumption (Kaus, 2013; Visagie, 2014). However, despite
the phenomenon, Ariztia et al. (2014) argue that the role, and
therefore research around, the consumer in these nascent ethical
markets is overemphasised compared to the role played by
NGOs, networks, institutions (e.g. the state) and Corporate Social
Responsibility (CSR) initiatives by Multi-National Corporations
(MNCs). These arguments are also supported by work that shows
the importance of both private standards (e.g. Fairtrade certication) and environmental education in stimulating ethical consumption (Guarin and Knorringa, 2014; Ritter et al., 2014).
Therefore, research on the growing emergence of Fair Trade markets offers to contribute to the current literature, especially where
the work goes beyond the traditional focus on the role of the
consumer.
In order to add value to current knowledge, the paper makes a
foundational contribution by providing the rst consolidated
empirical account of Fair Trade market creation from across
Southern continents: with case studies from Brazil, Kenya, South
Africa and Nepal. To unpack the development of these ethical markets, we take a novel approach in the study of Fair Trade by drawing on interdisciplinary theory from economic geography and
economic sociology (Berndt and Boeckler, 2009; Fligstein and
Dauter, 2007). Deconstructing the operation of markets, we adopt
the proposition that market creation is underpinned by three irreducible social forces: (1) networks, (2) institutions, and (3) cognitive frames (see below for denitions). Moreover, we aim to
develop the geographical focus of this perspective by analysing
the fundamental geographical reconguration embedded in the
development of SouthSouth trade, vis--vis SouthNorth interactions. Here we draw on the conceptual framework of geographical
entanglement (Pike, 2009, 2013) and further compare and contrast differences in networks (the actors involved), institutions
(the rules for organising Fair Trade activities) and the efforts to resonate with, and develop, associations to cognitive frames (through
branding and marketing practices). Comparisons are drawn both
between new Southern cases studies and existing practices and
knowledge around SouthNorth constructions.
The paper falls into four major sections. Firstly, after a brief
summary of the underpinning theory of market creation, we
reinterpret the literatures associated with the development of
Fair Trade markets using this new theoretical lens. Here we
account for the creation of Fair Trade markets in the Global
North in terms of the creation of networks, institutions and
development of cognitive frames in branding and marketing.
Secondly, the paper presents our exploratory case study methodology, which draws on a series of semi-structured interviews,
participant observation from country eld visits and both public
and internal secondary documents. Thirdly, we analyse the data
from our four country case studies, Brazil, Kenya, South Africa
and Nepal, and present empirical themes as well as reecting
on the consequences for geographical associations. The nal section concludes with an overall discussion and suggestions for
further research.
159
2. The market creation and marketing of Southern Fair Trade to

Northern consumers
Despite the continued narrow treatment of markets as the manifestations of exchange between buyers and sellers, literature in
economic geography and economic sociology offers a deeper theoretical account useful for interpreting the creation and development of Fair Trade markets. Although there is debate over
differing signication and conceptual composition (Fligstein and
Dauter, 2007), there is emerging agreement that markets are composed of three distinct, yet interrelated dynamic social components: networks (of producers, intermediaries, retailers and other
actors), institutions (which organise and govern the activities of
trade, and we implicitly argue below include the rules of private
certication systems) and cognitive frames (that provide structures of values and meanings in which trade is embedded)
(Beckert, 2010; Berndt and Boeckler, 2011). One of the key characteristics of this conceptualisation is that whilst other literatures
have treated the individual components of market creation separately, these are irreducible and mutually interrelated through
dynamic interactions: with changes in one market component
often inuencing reconguration in others (Beckert, 2010).
Furthermore, Berndt and Boeckler (2011) argue that morality is
also important in market creation. Although some work has considered the inuence of cognitive frames on production networks
(Hughes et al., 2008), neither ethical production in general or
Fair Trade more specically have been examined through the
above theoretical lens. Therefore, the following review of the literature concerned with the growth of Fair Trade as an ethical consumption phenomenon, reinterprets existing knowledge for two
purposes: the rst to test wider theorisation through the previously unconsidered case of Fair Trade market creation; and second,
to summarise existing knowledge of Fair Trade markets as background for the analysis of data generated in the previously unexplored context of the Global South.
2.1. The architecture of Fair Trade markets: Network and institutional

development
Until 1988, Fair Trade was mainly referred to as a political
movement advocating for changes to international trade rules
and practices to provide better terms of trade for marginalised
Southern producers (Fridell, 2004a). However, as noted by theories
of market creation (Fligstein and Dauter, 2007), actors who have
found themselves excluded from, what are often termed as conventional markets in the Fair Trade literature, sought to create
new market niches in which to perform more effectively. Indeed,
disheartened with the failures of state institutions to create a more
amenable context for Southern exports, from the 1950s organisations in Europe and North America partnered with Southern producers to move beyond advocacy and actively create so-called
Alternative Trade networks (EFTA, 2006). Fair Trade goods were
initially sold through churches and small-scale world shops
(Huybrechts, 2012; Ingenbleek and Reinders, 2013), driven by a
cognitive frame concerned with reconguring the structural
inequalities of SouthNorth trade (Raynolds et al., 2007). Given
the fundamental focus of Fair Trade on issues of economic geography, we argue for the value of tracing the nature of geographical
entanglements (Pike, 2011, 2013), or the geographical characteristics of market components within Fair Trade markets, and it is
towards this contribution that the paper progressively builds.
Market creation took a new form in 1989 when the rst Fair
Trade certication system, represented by the Max Havelaar label,
was launched in the Netherlands to offer Alternative Trade networks a new institutional regime to structure their activities.
160
Following the success of this system, other Fair Trade national certication initiatives emerged in Europe, North America and Japan,
and in 1997, seventeen of these grouped together to form the
Fairtrade
Labelling
Organization
(FLO),
now
Fairtrade
International.1 Further individual Fairtrade National Labelling initiatives have emerged, and by 2014 there were 19 such organisations
(including Fairtrade Eastern Africa and South Africa). As predicted
by wider market creation theory, the new trade network actors
and associated institutional regimes have precipitated wider
changes. With independent guarantees of ethical production and
trade conditions, Fair Trade products could enter conventional trade
networks (such as those coordinated by supermarkets and MNCs),
whilst preserving their appeal to consumers embedded in cognitive
frames that included ethical commitments (Barrientos and Smith,
2007). It was a result of this so-called mainstreaming, that some
Fairtrade Marked products now hold signicant market shares e.g.
50% of bananas sold in Switzerland are Fairtrade certied
(Fairtrade International, 2013, p. 14).
At the same time, another global organisation driven by similar
cognitive commitments to reducing structural trade inequalities
offered another institutional framework for the expansion of Fair
Trade markets. The World Fair Trade Organisation (WFTO formerly the International Federation for Alternative Traders, IFAT)
was launched in 1989 and is now a global network of over 300
Fair Trade organisations (exporters, importers and retailers). In
contrast to Fairtrade International, the WFTO has mainly worked
with handicrafts as opposed to commodity agricultural products.
When membership was formalised, those afliated were peer
reviewed around their ability to meet the WFTOs Ten Principles
of Fair Trade. In 2004 the WFTO also launched its own accreditation label for whole organisations, which also differed from the product certication provided by Fairtrade International. However, in
2013 the WFTO also contributed to the new institutional regime
of independent private certication with a product label of its
own (Smith, 2014). Importantly, this system has been devised with
a strong focus on the promotion of SouthSouth trade; which has
long been part of the WFTO agenda as a means to support producer
livelihoods (IFAT, 2000, p. 7).
Although some academic and media discourses treat Fair Trade
as one homogenous movement (Fridell, 2004a), it is clear that Fair
Trade networks and institutional frameworks are highly diverse.
These can range from Alternative Trading Organisations (ATOs),
such as Traidcraft in the UK and CTM Altomercato in Italy working
closely with small-holder farming communities, through to major
MNCs, implementing Fair Trade supply chain mandates on existing
suppliers (often captured in supply chain typologies: see Doherty
et al., 2012; Reed, 2009). Again, as predicted by the wider theorisation of market creation, the involvement of supermarkets and
MNCs in these supply networks has changed the dynamics of
Fair Trade markets. Firstly, supermarkets advertise products carrying the label and arguably contribute to the cognitive frame of consumers, for some of whom (so-called ethical consumers, largely
from the middle classes) Fair Trade becomes a growing part of
everyday consumption. Secondly, institutional changes have
occurred through choice editing, where Fairtrade has become the
only option in a given supermarket product category e.g. bananas
(Bezencon and Blili, 2010). Less positively, some scholars have also
argued that the widening of Fairtrade markets has come at the
expense of diluting the very meaning of Fair Trade in the mainstream and beyond (Jaffee, 2010; Jaffee and Howard, 2010;
Smith, 2013c). Finally, another development in network composition has been the involvement of Fair Trade campaign groups e.g.
1
Fairtrade (capitalised one word) is the brand name owned by Fairtrade
International. To refer to the movement or general market, and in the context of
scholarly literature, the capitalised term Fair Trade (two words) is used here.
Fair Trade towns and other places (Smith, 2015). These have also
explicitly incorporated public institutions within Fair Trade markets (Fisher, 2009; Smith, 2013a), and such possibilities have also
recently been supported by changes in European public procurement rules (therefore showing the inuence of supra-state institutions on market dynamics).
2.2. Resonating with cognitive framings: The geographical
entanglement of Fair Trade branding and marketing
The literature on Fair Trade consumerism, which so far has been
limited to studies in the Global North, identies the contested nature of the cultural frames that underpin Fair Trade markets. There
is a body of evidence that demonstrates some consumers are willing to factor in social justice into their purchase decisions (Bondy
and Talwar, 2011; Davies and Crane, 2003; Pelsmacker et al.,
2005; Shaw and Shiu, 2003). Some interpret this as supported by
cognitive framings built around a new ethic of care for distant
strangers (Morgan, 2010, p. 1857). Alternatively, a more sociologically theorised analysis interprets this as part of moral identity
construction (Barnett et al., 2005), where motivation forms part
of self-reassurance over moral standing, as exemplied by the
warm glow (LeClair, 2002) associated by Fair Trade critics with
the obfuscation of actual concern for producer welfare. To develop
this concept, Varul (2009) proposes the notion of ethical selving,
where consumers are able to refer to a particular area of their
behaviour identied as morally relevant (e.g. shopping and consumption). However, Dickinson and Carsky (2005) argue the
remoteness between production and consumption actors is inherently problematic: meaning that consumers often have limited
knowledge of agricultural process and therefore limited insight
into the implications of their purchasing decision.
Building on this understanding, it is suggested that in order to
resonate with these cultural frames, Fair Trade creates links
forged semiotically through the discursive and visual narratives
that saturate. . .[products] with politicised and ethical meanings
intended for extensive reading by consumers (Goodman, 2004,
p. 893). Further analysis of Fair Trade marketing nds that effective
communication strategies, which embody principles and practices
of Fair Trade in digestible and acceptable texts, are found to be fundamental to market growth (Golding, 2009; McDonagh, 2002). The
most specic theme is the power of a trustworthy, third-party product label, of which the Fairtrade Mark is found to be an international exemplar in its ability to drive the mainstream
commercialisation of ethical consumption (DSouza et al., 2007;
Shaw and Clarke, 1999; Zadek et al., 1998). This is because a product label concentrates the cognitive framing of a social movement
in a specic type of brand (Larceneux et al., 2012), whilst also contributing directly to the multifaceted brand construction of the
physical product (Holt, 2004). The advantage of product labelling
over Alternative Trade branding strategies can be seen in the experience of the WFTO, which in response to declining European sales
has nally developed a label for use on product packaging (see
above). Furthermore, research on Fair Trade marketing shows the
importance of balancing both quality and social/environmental
themes in crafting marketing communications (Bezencon and
Blili, 2010; Golding, 2009), as Northern consumers often assume
that Fair Trade products are not of the same physical quality as corporate speciality alternatives (Obermiller et al., 2009).
Considering the characteristics of Fair Trade marketing in the
UK, literature suggests that this has moved through three distinct
framings in its attempt to build cognitive resonance with ethical
consumers. The rst focused on the Fair Trade process to appeal
to strongly ethical consumers; a second aimed to widen appeal
by highlighting the intrinsic physical qualities of the product itself;
and the third has built on identity construction through Fair Trade
places (Alexander and Nicholls, 2006). Indeed, based on a campaign in Garstang in the UK, the ideas of rstly Fairtrade Towns,
then schools and universities, have become an important international marketing strategy (Samuel and Emanuel, 2012; Smith,
2015).
Aside from some discussion of Fair Trade place-making however, analysis of marketing construction has only considered the
inherent geographical entanglements of promoting South
North supply networks in limited ways. Therefore, there is value
in drawing on literature developed through the consideration of
conventional prot focused brandings (Pike, 2013; Tokatli, 2014),
but for the rst time applied to ethical market creation. This literature suggests three major avenues through which geographical
entanglement can occur (Pike, 2009, p. 619). The rst is the geographically denable spatial circuits of value and uneven development that are created, and which might be understood to mirror
the identication of networks in market creation discussed above
and their inherent power structures which drive stakeholders
for either stability or change depending on their perceived balance
of gains and costs (Fligstein and Dauter, 2007). Secondly, geographical entanglement occurs in the construction of geographical
origins, provenance and socio-spatial histories of products and
which impacts how markets are created as branders proactively
build cognitive resonance with other network actors (such as consumers) to socially construct the appeal of products. Finally, it is
noted that geographical entanglement is found in territorial and
relational spaces and places (Pike, 2009, p. 619). For the purposes
of this paper we will focus on the geographies of networks and
their representation in branding and marketing, as a shift from
SouthNorth to SouthSouth supply chains logically implies the
likelihood of fundamental recongurations.
Whilst the conceptual framework of geographical entanglement
has not been previously employed per se to Fair Trade marketing,
extant literature exposes the issues through the suggestion that
Fair Trade can re-connect producers and consumers; therefore,
unveiling both the relational, spatial and placial relations usually
obscured in the commoditisation process. At the wider scale, a
large volume of work demonstrates how economic and cultural
meanings are created using different geographical knowledges to
promote the consumption of different commodities (Crang, 1996;
Hughes and Reimer, 2004): such as, sweeping physical landscapes,
geo-historical heritage, realities of production and distribution,
discursive associations and the use of naturalistic knowledges
(Morris and Kirwan, 2010). Indeed, building on Goodmans
(2004) recognition of a focus on geographical representation,
Smith (2013b) uses the example of Fair Trade relations between
Scotland and Malawi to suggest that despite claims made around
the power of abstract ethical appeals, these might become more
efcacious when embedded in moral geographies: created
through the transformation of spaces into places, and interconnected through morally grounded relationships played out in a
framework of relational ethics.
In more critical approaches to the analysis of geographic
entanglements, some authors have found origin countries presented by Fair Trade marketing as destitute and desperate for
Western-led redemption; therefore categorising Fair Trade discourses as modern equivalents to colonial narratives, where exotic
lands are steeped in backwardness awaiting imperial salvation
(Berlan, 2008; Dolan, 2005; Goodman, 2004; Wright, 2004). In fact,
a number of authors propose the realities of production in remote
sites can actually result in new fetishes due to a reductionist scope
that omits issues of nancial and technical exclusion (Freidberg,
2003; Marston, 2013); in some cases due to bureaucracy deeply
entangled in geographic classication (Smith, 2014). The general
recommendation of this work might not only be for a reconguration of the geographically embedded narratives of Fair Trade
161
marketing, but perhaps a more wholesale reallocation of representative power, back to the subjects of the discourses themselves
(Smith, 2013b).
However, the inescapable pervasion of SouthNorth geographic
entanglements questions the extent to which this knowledge
either represents or offers the tools to create understanding for
those building markets in the Global South. Indeed, a study of
Fair Trade handicraft producers in Bangladesh identied Fair
Trade as linked to regional development and national pride around
the support of domestic craft producers (Le Mare, 2012). Here the
geographical framing of Fair Trade has to be constructed around
other identity relations, and in this case, the national context offers
inclusive as opposed to divisive imagined geographies of place in
the construction of Fair Trade markets. In Nepal, Biggs and Lewis
(2009, p. 385) highlight how producer proles have been used to
connect consumers to producers, whilst avoiding the negative
stereotypes which often dominate Northern marketing of Fair
Trade products. Having said this, other work also shows that handmade processes are important in constructing a desirable set of social
qualities for Fair Trade products (Biggs and Messerschmidt, 2005).
In summary, the above literature offers a wealth of cross disciplinary concepts and frameworks through which to understand
Fair Trade market creation and the fundamental role of geographical entanglement embedded within it. To this end, we contribute
to the Fair Trade literature by adapting the market forces model
proposed by Beckert (2010, p. 612) to show how the social elements of market creation have combined with geographical entanglements to create the foundational European Fair Trade markets
(see Fig. 1). This model is then used in the analysis of the following
empirical cases, which we use to explore the new phenomenon of
ethical market creation in the Global South.
3. Methodology
The methodology that underpins this paper drew on privileged
access to Fair Trade networks composed of Fair Trade labelling
organisations, manufacturers and retailers in the Global South
(Glaser, 1992). Therefore, an exploratory case study approach
was selected as the principal method of gaining in-depth information (Yin, 2009), and we investigated the development of Fair Trade
markets in Kenya, South Africa (SA), Brazil and Nepal. These cases
were selected due to the reported emergence of Fair Trade consumer markets (Fairtrade International, 2013, p. 10), and availability of some academic research (Biggs and Lewis, 2009; Doherty,
2004; Wilkinson and Mascarenhas, 2007), but also due to the presence of divergent drivers known to the authors due to their
engagement in practice networks.
The methods of enquiry were predominantly qualitative in
order to obtain rich contextual understanding and promote revelatory case insight (Mintzberg, 1979; Van Maanen, 1979). A total of 7
eld visits to Brazil, Kenya, South Africa and Nepal were carried out
between May 2012 and March 2015. During this eldwork a total
of 22 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with
informants from Fair Trade organisations, manufacturers of
Fairtrade Marked products and retailers (as detailed in Table 1).
Each of the interviews lasted around one hour, were digitally
recorded and subsequently fully transcribed. In addition, participant observation of Fair Trade practitioner events in the specic
countries2 were carried out, and totalled 11 days of observation.
Secondary data is also utilised from a range of promotional
materials and internal organisational documents, and this use of
multiple sources provided opportunities to triangulate emergent
2
Participant observation events include: three day COFTA Regional Conference,
Swaziland, May 2012; ve day WFTO Biennial Conference, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, May
2013 and the three day East African Fair Trade Conference in Entebbe March 2013.
162
Fig. 1. Fair Trade market creation forces in European foundational markets (adapted from Beckert, 2010, p.612).
Table 1
Interviewees by country and organisation.
Context
Organisational association of interviewees
Brazil
Faces do Brazil, Fairtrade Town Poos de Caldas, Fair Trade

Town Alfenas, Fairtrade Brazil
WFTO Africa, Kenyan Federation of Alternative Trade, Fairtrade
Eastern Africa, Nakumatt supermarket, Undugu Fair Trade Shop
(Nairobi), Kick Trading (Kisumu), Dormans Coffee, Innovative
Concepts
Fairtrade Label South Africa (2), Bean There Coffee, Woolworths
South Africa
Children Nepal, WFTO Asia/New SADLE, Association of Craft
Producers, Womens Skills Development Organisation, Fair Trade
Group Nepal
CEO of Fairtrade International, President of WFTO
Kenya
South
Africa
Nepal
Global
scale
ndings. Where translation has been necessary in this data analysis (for example from Portuguese to English), this has been undertaken by the authors themselves. Finally, data was analysed
thematically: initially as informed by our literature review and
cumulative experience of 45 years working and researching the
Fair Trade movement, and also later on the basis of emerging ndings from the data itself.
4. Market development and Fair Trade marketing in the Global
South
4.1. Kenya
We have traced the development of the Kenyan Fair Trade market to the early 1980s. A number of interviewees explained that
Fair Trade relationships began to emerge when sales took place
through European embassies, particularly the Dutch embassy in
Nairobi. These developments also facilitated introductions to
European Fair Trade importers. Furthermore, the Undugu Fair
Trade shop selling mainly handicrafts was set-up in the upmarket
Westland shopping area (Nairobi) in 1982. In this Southern context, hotel shops and embassies have been traditional network
actors and as in the North, further dedicated Fair Trade shops were
set-up by Bombolulu in Mombasa and Nairobi in 1987 (Boonman
et al., 2010, p. 19; WIEGO, 2010, p. 1). These shops along with other
Fair Trade organisations then formed in 2003 the Kenyan
Federation of Alternative Trade (KEFAT), a regional group of WFTO.
One recent pressure driving WFTO African networks to seek
domestic and regional markets, is the slowdown in demand for
Fair Trade craft goods from Europe, post the 20082009 nancial
crisis (WFTO, 2012, p. 4). At the same time, it has been increasingly
recognised that craft goods can be appealing to the emerging
African middle classes. Reinforcing the relevance of geographical
entanglement as a lens for analysis, data suggests a renaissance
of interest in African culture as visualised in popular media, where
craft items and clothes informed by traditional textile patterns are
increasingly framed as aspirational fashions.
In 2011, Fairtrade Eastern Africa (FEA) was set-up in Kenya as
the marketing organisation for Fairtrade Marked products in East
Africa. The title of this organisation perhaps unwittingly manifests
implicit work of geographical rewriting required for SouthSouth
trade. Whilst European licensing and marketing organisations have
opted for a-placial identities (see Relph, 1976), such as the UKs
Fairtrade Foundation, and even the trans-placial Transfair of
Germany, FEA has claimed an explicit geographical jurisdiction.
Operationally, these initial market developments were based on
potential cognitive resonance with expatriates, already exposed to
Fair Trade at home, combined with a growing Kenyan middle class
understood to be committed to the development of Fair Trade in
Africa (Fairtrade Africa, 2010a). From internal documents sourced
from FEA, the Living Standards Measures (LSM) is the primary
parameter used to identify the target Fair Trade consumers in
Kenya3. The population is divided into 17 LSMs and Fair Trade tar-
3
Living Standards measure is a household data survey initiated in 1980 by the
World Bank (2012) to improve the use of household consumption data as a basis for
policy making. The database studies consumption patterns and is increasingly used
by market research agencies as a means to segment consumer markets in emerging
economies.
163
Image 1. Fairtrade Eastern Africa (2014) webpage images.
gets LSM levels 1117 (mainly expatriate and local upper middle
class, urban, supermarket shoppers with access to information channels). According to Fairtrade Africa (2010b) this segment is approximately 6.25% of the population.
Following the establishment of a new institutional regime
under FEA, certied products could then be launched by mainstream Kenyan retailers: Nakumatt and Chandarana (Retailing
Research Council, 2014). This was a timely move as the entry of
Fair Trade goods into these regional supermarket networks is taking place at the time when supermarket chains are rapidly expanding in East and South Africa (Barrientos et al., 2015). There were
initially two local manufacturing companies that worked in partnership under the unifying cognitive frame of CSR: Dormans
Safari Kenyan Coffee and Kericho Kenyan tea (both companies
were also involved in exporting Fair Trade coffee and tea to
Europe). Since then, other actors have joined these networks: with
Cadburys Dairy Milk as an example of South-to-South trade, as the
Fairtrade cocoa is grown in Ghana and chocolate manufactured at
the Cadbury factory in South Africa, before being sold in Kenya
(Fairtrade Foundation, 2013). None of these companies are 100%
Fair Trade: for example, Dormans Safari coffee brand is only 5%
of Dormans overall business in Kenya. However, interviews with
representatives of Dormans coffee and Nakumatt supermarket
group identify the importance of the Fairtrade label as an indicator
of both quality and sustainability, thus providing credibility for
market development.
Moving on to the marketing, or what might be termed cognitive bridging between sellers and buyers of Fair Trade in Kenya,
an informant from FEA explains their marketing is different from
Fair Trade in Europe; we are not about helping the poor, the message is more about supporting producers. We say; Show your love
for Africa, Buy Fairtrade! i.e. cocoa from West Africa. Also for
Kenyan Fairtrade products, it is nationalistic for Kenyans also.
This is manifest in strong and overt geographical associations that
construct the inclusive imagined geography of Africa (see Image 1);
and whilst focus on pride in national products rests on geographical othering, it does so through a focus on internal pride and quality, rather than drawing on paternalistic identities embedded in
conditions of need.
This positioning of Fair Trade is also supportive of Africas
development more generally. Image 1 places the emphasis on the
direct agency of the consumer and links it to positive change both
to the producer community and the environment. An informant at
FEA explains, I think its really empowering for the producers. So
the fact that weve launched in East Africa and that the Kenyan tea
grower can see their own product in their own supermarket with
the Fairtrade Mark, suddenly it closes the circle and begins to make
sense to producers.
However, despite the use of traditional African imagery, the
overall visual construction of the consumer still reects the (urban)
modern, upper-middle class. Professionally modelled, aspirational
images of consumers are contrasted with a more authentic representation of less materially well off rural producers. This is particularly marked on the pages of the website that discuss Fairtrade in
Action: where a raw photo from a producer group is contrasted
with a staged image of consumers in the upper right corner (see
Image 2). This then supports the view that as multi-spatial networks of actors and stakeholders spread across different media,
or as here over individual pages within a unitary website, brands
can constitute varying geographical entanglements: at one locale
inclusive (we are African) whilst divisive and binary at another
(you are a consumer, he/she is a producer).
4.2. South Africa (SA)
In contrast to Kenya, the Fair Trade handicraft sector in SA has
seen limited market development (Fararik and Law, 2006, p. 9).
Instead, Fair Trade started in SA in 2004, with the set-up of
non-prot organisation Fair Trade Tourism, targeting tourists from
Europe. Market development continued with the founding of Bean
There Coffee (BTC) in 2005, a 100% Fair Trade organisation based in
SA, who commercialised fairly traded coffee sourced from producers in East and Central Africa before the Fairtrade label was available in SA. BTC targeted distribution at non-nationals and tourist
safari lodges, similar to Dormans coffee in Kenya. It was only later
in 2008 that Fairtrade Label South Africa (FTLSA) emerged following funding from Dutch international NGO Solidaridad. Here again,
there was a clear geographical jurisdiction, which in turn built on
the national development and black empowerment discourses that
pervade certication for South African producer organisations
(Herman, 2012). The rst Fairtrade certied products available in
Johannesburgs supermarkets were two wines (Fairhills from
Origin Wine, and Thandi from the Cape wine region), but these
were also joined by a coffee brand commercialised by BTC (stocked
by Pick n Pay supermarkets), which had become the rst entirely
African Fair Trade supply chain not to include any European actors.
These developments again appear to demonstrate the importance
of third-party certication institutions in the creation of ethical
markets.
More recently Fair Trade in SA has continued to mainstream:
with Pick n Pay supermarkets stocking a range of Fairtrade products as part of their CSR strategy; Makro supermarkets listing
164
Image 2. Geographical binaries: Fairtrade Eastern Africa (2015) webpage images.
seven new Fairtrade wines; and Mug and Bean coffee chain deciding to switch to Fairtrade coffee. This is taking place at the same
time as sub-Saharan Africa is seeing a rapid expansion of its
regional supermarket chains (Barrientos et al., 2015), and therefore
the Fair Trade market has grown with the expansion of conventional corporate retail networks. Regarding the out of home sector,
SA Airways are now serving Fairtrade wine and the Protea Hotel
group switched to Fairtrade coffee in 2013. FTLSA launched in
2012 a Fairtrade at Work Campaign to stimulate sales via companies. Another key retailer for Fairtrade products in SA is
Woolworths, who supply their own labelled Fairtrade certied coffee via their own 100 cafes. A company representative explained
that our move into Fair Trade is part of our overall CSR commitment to sustainability as we are members of the UN Global
Compact. The result of this market development means that certied Fairtrade sales have grown in SA from 1.026 m in 2010 to
16.36 m by 2013 (FTLSA, 2014).
The target consumer prole for FTLSA (2014) is the LSM categories 710, which represents 1215 million people in SA (20% of
the population). More specically, according to one informant at
FTLSA; our consumer prole is aged 1845, highly educated and
living in either Capetown or Johannesburg. The informant goes
on to suggest that place-based campaigning will play less of the
role in SA, explaining that; we wont succeed in the same way
as European Fairtrade, you wont have people dressing-up in a
Fairtrade banana suit and going to campaign on the street here
in SA. Fair Trade will develop more from the business perspective
by bringing out products that are good value for money because
its both good quality and sustainable local African produce. This
framing of sustainability is further supported by a new initiative
taking place in SA called The Power of You, a new stakeholder
partnership formed between FTLSA, the Marine Stewardship
Scheme (MSC), the Forestry Stewardship Scheme (FSC) and Fair
Trade Tourism, with the aim to promote sustainable behaviour
change (FTLSA, 2015). Another local marketing initiative which
has helped promote cognitive geographical framings is the
Proudly South African campaign, which certies products manufactured in SA (Proudly South African, 2015). Although this has
reportedly stimulated the consumption of some locally produced
goods, FTLSA suggest that this is probably less applicable for
Fairtrade products such as wines, as consumers already recognise
the geographical elements of their moral claims (manifest in the
Fairhills wine brand).
In SA, we see again an inclusive geographical association but

which falls alongside an emphasis on product quality within the
branding and marketing of Fair Trade products. The conscious
reconguration of geographical entanglement further echoes the
above case of Kenya, as one informant from FTLSA commented:
Our marketing is different from Europe; we dont do poor farmers
here. . .as it does not work. Poor farmers are all around, its everyday
business here. It does not touch hearts as it does in Europe. This
conscious perception of the need to focus on inclusive relational
and territorialized community is also overtly and strongly highlighted by internal brand guidelines of FTLSA, see Table 2.
This geographical entanglement is also mirrored by individual
Fair Trade brands, which also aim to use their local origins in marketing, through the immediate connection of physical quality to
the specics of the imagined normative geographies of the continent. For example, a BTC informant explains, Bean There Coffee
is a story of pioneering adventure to source coffee from the deepest
most beautiful parts of Africa. We get tired of people generalising
that Africa is full of famine, we simply love this continent, its wonderful, and has a natural beauty, wonderful people. Our coffee is
the best coffee on the best continent! Rather than support us
because its the right thing to do.
4.3. Brazil
In contrast to SA and Kenya, Fairtrade International has had less
inuence on the development of the domestic Fair Trade market in
Table 2
Brand guidelines for fairtrade marketing in SA (FTLSA, 2013).
Dos
Donts
Happy Farmers proud of produce
Begging people and hands (avoid

old development images)
Typical image of poor African
people and living conditions
Telling sad story
They are business people

Pride in African culture and inspiring
African imagery
Beautiful looking products and raw
product
Look at future with positivity
Use words that convey dignity, power,
togetherness, excitement
Unappealing products
Talking about past and what is
wrong with the world
Avoid words such as hope, help,
poor
Brazil. In 2011, Fairtrade Canada did support the development of a

marketing organisation called; Associacao Brasiliera de Comercio
Justo (AB-CJ the Brazilian Fair Trade Association) to make the
Fairtrade Mark available for Brazilian retailers (Fairtrade
International, 2011). However, the technological and export focus
of Fairtrade International reduced early support from family farms,
which has taken some time to rebuild (Wilkinson and
Mascarenhas, 2007, p. 161). Progress has also been slow, given
the lack of nancial support for the development of Fairtrade institutions (Fairtrade representative). Therefore, there are only still a
few Fairtrade products available in Brazil: including options from
Starbucks and Wal-Mart (Starbucks, 2014), as well as nationally
produced brands of roasted coffee, nuts, honey and wine from
other outlets (Fairtrade stakeholder).
In place of a strong drive from a Fairtrade marketing organisation, Brazilian markets have been constructed by broader networks. During the 1990s, religious organisations facilitated the
commercialisation of handicrafts and food products, under rstand third-party Fair Trade governance, for export but then later
internal markets, and were supported by wider networks sympathetic to the ethical agenda of the Fair Trade concept (ICLEI,
2006, p. 8; Mundaru, 2014; Wilkinson and Mascarenhas, 2007,
p. 162). Particular support came from the solidarity economy, in
the 1980s inuenced by European NGOs promoting the democratisation of economic activities tightly controlled by military rule
(ICLEI, 2006, p. 5). The strong consumer movement also created
demand for more socially and environmentally positive products
and there was a natural cognitive resonance with the Fair Trade
message.
Despite initial tensions between overlapping social movements,
an informant at Faces do Brasil felt that its a common concept in
Brazil that Fair Trade is an instrument to foster the solidarity economy by helping solidarity enterprises. This narrative emerges
from a growing alliance that began around 2002, and was formalised in 2004 through the legal registration of the Forum for
the Articulation of Ethical and Solidarity Commerce in Brazil or
Faces do Brasil (FACES) as a partnership of 13 constituent organisations: national and international NGOs, government agencies,
rural trade unions and farmers networks (Wilkinson and
Mascarenhas, 2007, p. 167). The primary aim of FACES is to foster
the creation of an environment that favours the building of a
Brazilian Fair Trade system to promote equity (ICLEI, 2006, p. 8).
Strong emphasis is placed on adapting international Fair Trade
principles for the national context (FACES do Brasil, 2014b) and
FACES has developed a Sistema Nacional de Comrcio Justo e
Solidrio (SNCJS National Fair Trade System).
The most distinct feature of Brazilian efforts to establish a
domestic Fair Trade market is its direct backing by the State as a
signicant network actor shaping the institutional context of the
market. This was rst facilitated by the formation of an
Inter-ministerial Working Group (April 2006), composed of civic
and governmental representatives of the Solidarity Economic
Department and Ministry of Labour, Ministry of Rural
Development and Ministry of Agriculture. The proposal for a
SNCJS was formally established through Presidential Decree (Law
165
7358), November 2010, and is therefore, the strongest government

commitment to Fair Trade anywhere in the world (FACES do Brasil,
2014a). Operationally, the SNCJS establishes a variety of rst- and
third-party accreditation mechanisms for both organisational and
product certication. Moreover, there are plans for State credit
provision to support the certication process and even more radically, it is proposed that government will create signicant markets for Fair Trade through public procurement. This proposal is
based on current legislation that requires 30% of school food to
be bought from small farms (see Sonnino et al., 2014), and it is
hoped that procurement is not only from small farm producers
but also from Fair Trade certied enterprises (Faces do Brasil representative). This would then start to mirror, and indeed potentially go beyond, the role that state institutions have played in
creating a market for Fair Trade in the European context (Smith,
2011).
Despite the identied potential, there has not yet been any concerted marketing effort to raise the awareness of SNCJS or Fair
Trade goods. According to one informant, there are campaigns
from the solidarity economy movement. . .not targeted at consumers, but targeted to let people know the solidarity economy
exists. However, so far the FACES has not mirrored the proactive
focus on geographic specicity with the government certication
program driven by a national development agenda that constructs
a strong role for small farmers in feeding the people (Wilkinson
and Mascarenhas, 2007). Instead, the FACES website adopts a
rather a-placial and largely bureaucratic aesthetic, with the limited
imagery focused around the coalition of actors, rather than geographically relational and spatial texts (see Image 3).
Having said this, stakeholders in Poos de Caldas obtained recognition by Fairtrade networks as the rst Fairtrade Town in the
Global South. Here there has been strong recognition for the value
of a place-based campaign by the local government, particularly
the local Mayor. According to the chair of the steering group, marketing focuses on the opportunity to support new generations of
Brazilians to continue working on the land, under socially just conditions; a branding position strongly intertwined with the imagined geographies of rural idle and noble hard work.
4.4. Nepal
As in Kenya, NGOs have long worked to economically empower
marginalised producers in Nepal. In 1975, Womens Skills
Development Project (now Womens Skills Development
Organization) was established, followed by the Association of
Craft Producers (ACP) in 1984. Both emerged out of a joint
Government-Donor initiated womens empowerment project.
There was a consensus amongst informants that a key motivation
for starting these ATOs was to increase their autonomy by reducing
dependency on donor funding. Other Fair Trade organisations in
Nepal also have their roots in social welfare organisations with
income generation being one of their objectives. Many focus on
womens economic empowerment but others focus on the needs
of other marginalized groups such as street children.
Image 3. Network focused image from FACES website.
166
Links with volunteers from Northern countries have played an

important role in the development of Fair Trade in Nepal by sharing design, training and marketing expertise with the ATOs and
also through developing connections with consumers in both the
Global North and within the expat communities in Kathmandu.
An informant from Womens Skills Development Organization
(WSDO) explains events held by VSO volunteers at the British
Embassy in the initial stages played a signicant role in providing
sales opportunities. Like Kenya, expatriate customers have played
a crucial role in market development. In addition to this, international networks have also played an important role in the emergence of Fair Trade in Nepal. One notable example was the visit
of Mohamad Islam (Oxfam Bangladesh), who shared his knowledge
of ECOTA (Bangladesh Fair Trade Forum) with a number of fair
trade organisations in Nepal. A key informant at ACP explained that
at the start we were working in isolation but when both
Mohammad Islam came to Nepal in 1993 with the representative
from ECOTA in Bangladesh, we thought if they can do this then
why cant we. This visit was cited by all respondents as being
the inspiration for the formation of Fair Trade Group Nepal
(FTGN) in 1993.
FTGN is a consortium of fair trading organisations promoting
the socio-economic advancement of marginalized producers across
Nepal and joined WFTO in 1997. FTGN mainly works with handicraft producers but more recently with agro-food and non-timber
forest product organisations. The organisation has recently been
the country coordinator for WFTO-Asia (the regional chapter of
the global network). Engaging in this network has been crucial to
the development of Fair Trade in Nepal as it has provided important networking and marketing opportunities for its members, as
well as adding credibility to the Fair Trade movement within
Nepal. However, within the WFTO Asia network, established Fair
Trade groups are all country specic and market their products
locally or export to Northern markets rather than regionally. This
exemplies the geographical entanglement of the Nepali Fair
Trade brand, as the multifaceted construction of quality is strongly
linked to rejuvenating and valuing national handicraft traditions.
Establishing retail outlets, such as Dhukhuti in Kathmandu is
seen as important in creating brand awareness in Nepal and has
helped increase the domestic Fair Trade sales. It is estimated that
40% of sales are now to the local market, with a shift from tourist
and expat consumers to the emerging middle classes of Nepal. The
Asian Development Bank estimates the middle classes at 21.89% of
the population (Bhattarai, 2012). An informant from WFTO Asia
noted that the number of Nepali people visiting the shops is growing, mostly upper middle class people. The very rich elite however
go to the very expensive shops in Kathmandu. He went on to
explain that the message we use when we sell to customers is
the same, the only thing we adapt is buy local and promote local
for local middle class customers. This demonstrates a need to
build a new ethic of care for the local rather than the distant
stranger. As one key informant at FTGN noted often the middle
class consumers will go straight to the producer to buy, especially
for handicraft products as they like to have things made for
themselves.
Whilst producer proles are used within the shops to establish
a link between the products and the economic and social impact of
Fair Trade, the associated social mission of the NGO is also a key
USP. One informant explained it isnt only the Nepalese authenticity that is our main selling point its because we are supporting the
whole environment for the child, so the message is very much
linked to the work that we do as an NGO. However, another key
USP, equally if not more important to the local market is the
emphasis placed on the quality of the products and the fact they
are Made in Nepal as opposed to India or China. An informant
from ACP notes that During the past two decades we have started
to appreciate the quality and value of our work. It is the product

quality which features prominently on the ACP web site (Image 4).
Examining the brand construction of FTGN, it can be noted that
in contrast to other cases presented here, the network has
expressly incorporated visual references to Nepali national identity, which contrasts with logos elsewhere which provide more
generic iconography (in SA and Kenya, for example, taking the
Fairtrade International logo). As the other images on the website
revolve (central panel), it is notable they offer vignettes of wider
activity, also directly linked to brand construction based on
national geographies. For example, the campaign March held for
WFTOs World Fair Trade in 2014 (Image 5) incorporated coordinated dress which clearly connects to the global colours (blues
and greens) of the WFTO. However, the clothing which was specifically designed for the occasion deliberately offers a reconguration of the traditional national sari dress. Again branding is
strongly connected to a national geographically dened identity,
within which the principles of Fair Trade are literally and
metaphorically embedded featuring on placards carried by the
female only participants depicted in the photo.
5. Discussion and conclusions
The paper has discussed the construction of Fair Trade markets in
South Africa, Kenya, Brazil and Nepal. We have employed the theoretical lens of market creation, but also that of geographical entanglement with an emphasis on developing an account of how space
and place are embedded in both substantive supply network practices (institutions and networks) and their associated discourses
(cognitive frames and the marketing in which these are embedded).
Based on this approach, the paper has provided a foundational
account of the empirical developments in order to address the lack
of published knowledge of Southern Fair Trade consumer markets.
Here our research reinforces the view that intra-Southern Fair
Trade is growing signicantly, principally within national markets
(handicrafts in Nepal, Wine in SA and small farmer agri-food and
craft products in Brazil) but also across State boundaries (coffee
and chocolate in Africa). A summary of our ndings by market
can be found in Table 3, and overall, these disrupt the dominant
geographical entanglements accepted in most academic analysis
of Fair Trade markets, which are usually understood to revolve
around binary connections between Southern producers and
Northern consumers (Lekakis, 2013, p. 13).
Building on the theorisation of supply chain typologies (Doherty
et al., 2012; Reed, 2009), our ndings identify three modes through
which SouthSouth Fair Trade is being constructed (see Table 4
below). Here an important recognition is that in some cases, raw
ingredients are processed and repackaged in the Global North,
before being re-exported to Southern markets: for example Tate
and Lyle sugar from Malawi. This is important, as with a South
NorthSouth value chain distribution, it could be that in addition
to allowing Northern actors to maintain the extraction of processing value from Southern raw materials, there is a further South
North resource transfer, as prots from Southern sales are also
repatriated to Northern economies. Here the discourse of fairness,
as in other examples (Fridell, 2004b; Valkila et al., 2010), might
again obscure the reality that practices are of disproportionate
benet to Northern actors. However, with other supply chains
(for example Cadburys Chocolate, Dormans Safari Coffee,
Kericho Tea and handicraft production), all value is added within
Southern economies. Given this diversity, we suggest that further
research using value chain analysis will be important in understanding the true potential of South(North)South Fair Trade supply chains as a development tool.
In terms of market construction, research clearly shows that
despite some common connections through international
167
Image 4. Website-association of craft producers.
Image 5. Website-fair trade Group Nepal.
certication bodies and networks, Fair Trade sales have developed

in different ways depending on the interaction of institutions, networks and cognitive framing: and therefore broadly reinforces the
wider theory deployed here, that specics of market creation

emerge from the dynamic interaction of networks, institutions
and cognitive frames. For example, in Brazil, the State has become
168
Table 3
Fair trade market development in the Global South summary of case studies.
Country
Fair trade certication
Target consumer
Fair trade market structure
Key products
Kenya
Fairtrade International &WFTO
Wealthy middle classes, expats and

tourists. Target LSM groups 1017
Emerged with Fair Trade craft pioneers

Undugu, Bombla in embassies then own Fair
Trade shops
Now entered the mainstream with
manufacturers and supermarket retailers e.g.
Nakamutt
Dormans Safari Kenyan

Coffee and Kericho
Kenyan tea
Cadburys Dairy Milk, Tate
and Lyle sugar Crafts and
artisan products
Upper middle income (Higher LSM

groups 710), with higher education,
young 1845 and Urban
Commenced with Fair Trade pioneers such as

Bean There Coffee
Now entered the mainstream with Pick n Pay
supermarkets and Woolworths
Also business to business via companies such
as Protea Hotels and SA Airways
Bean There Coffee and

Fairhills & Thandi wines
Woolworths private label
coffee
Tourists, NGO workers, expats. Plus

local middle class and elite
Mainly in local Fair Trade retail stores and

exports to European WFTO members
Handicraft Fairs in Kathmandu and Embassies
Led by WFTO pioneers Association of Craft
Producers (ACP) to provide social welfare for
disadvantaged women and children
Handicrafts, puppets,
bags, home furnishing,
etc.
Upper middle classes but also

solidarity street markets that target
lower income
Public bodies such as schools
Mainly via Fair Trade stores and solidarity

movement street markets
Handicraft, clothes and

food
Limited Government
involvement
South Africa
Fairtrade International
Limited Government
involvement
Nepal
WFTO label
NGO led
Some government involvement
Brazil
Publically administered State

certication system
Incipient development of
Fairtrade International
certication for domestic
markets
proactively involved in the construction of markets through the

creation of domestic accreditation; although, the coordinated public sensitisation and marketing has largely been undertaken by
partner civil society organisations, such as the Poos de Caldas
Fairtrade Town campaign. In Nepal, it has been ATOs that have created supply networks to include retail engagement and marketing
for craft production; although this has been achieved with support
from the national and regional networks of the WFTO. In Kenya
and South Africa, whilst craft based Fair Trade ATOs have established markets in Kenya, there is a more recent, and signicant
push from Fairtrade institutions on the continent to create markets
for commodity goods: primarily by drawing mainstream supermarkets and businesses (e.g. SA Airways) into Fairtrade networks
through the provision of product certication. For this reason,
our research reinforces the view that the Fair Trade movement is
far from homogenous (Fridell, 2004a), and further helps to dispel
the notion that Fairtrade International is solely responsible for
Fair Trade market creation.
In relation to customers, the emergence of markets in Kenya
and Nepal have initially been driven by the expat and NGO community, with increasing support from the local upper
middle-classes based in urban areas. Although, Fair Trade in
Brazil has been adopted more readily by those with the economic
capacity and political knowledge, a key objective of the national
movement has been to ensure that Fair Trade does not remain an
elite market segment, and is instead embedded alongside the
wider solidarity economy. The active involvement of the State in
Brazil may hold invaluable lessons for other Southern producing/consuming countries and could indeed provide a model for
enhancing local economic development.
The ndings of this research also build on the existing theorisation of market creation, and have introduced the idea that private
accreditation can contribute to the institutional composition of
new ethical markets: as labelling provides credibility for brands
and assurance to consumers (DSouza et al., 2007). This is shown
in both the positive outcomes of Fairtrade labelling and through
the recognition of product labels acknowledged by WFTO networks, which are culminating in the launch of their own version
in the near future. Also in SA, a range of social and eco-labels

(The Power of You initiative) have formed a new network to promote the concept of sustainable behaviour. Furthermore in Kenya
and South Africa, MNCs and regional supermarkets are supporting
Fair Trade motivated by the cognitive resonance between the Fair
Trade message and their growing understanding of sustainability
and CSR. This appears to support the work by Ariztia et al.
(2014), which identies CSR initiatives as a key driver in ethical
consumption in other parts of the Global South. Moreover, it
underlines analysis in other literatures which emphasises the
importance of the values held by business decisions makers: and
shows that the cognitive frames of business actors are equally
important in the market construction process.
Aside from the mainstream spatial concerns of economic geography, the lens of geographical entanglement (Pike, 2011, 2013)
has also allowed an emphasis on geographical representation in
Fair Trade marketing, as it attempts to resonate and inuence certain cognitive framings held by network actors. Here, we conclude
that most Southern Fair Trade marketing activities have largely
avoided the construction of imagined geographies pervaded by
poverty, and therefore engendering ethical obligations based on
binary relations emerging from geographical othering. Instead,
most geographical discourses aspire to, and in many cases succeed
in being inclusive as opposed to divisive. Moral geographies are
here constructed on the basis of inclusive relational identities, in
some cases directed at abstract collective notions of development;
as is found to be the case in Kenya and SA.
This reconguration of Fair Trade marketing in the Global South
might therefore be seen as avoiding criticisms from those who call
for less patriarchal representations of producers in Fair Trades cognitive framing (Berlan, 2008; Goodman, 2004; Wright, 2004). In
contrast, there is an emphasis on pride, dignity, and beautiful landscapes in the visual imagery used to market Fairtrade. With reference to Table 2, this is in fact strict policy in the case of Fairtrade
Label South Africa. Here branding might be better understood
through the lens of locality foods as they are deployed by alternative food networks in Europe and North America: where the origin
of food is projected as an identiable geographical provenance
169

Table 4
Modes of market construction.
Mode
Geography of supply network
Examples
(1) Long established Fair Trade organisations that have been building local markets but better known
for exports to the North
SouthSouth, largely intranational, domestic, trade
Undugu (Kenya), ACP,

WSDO Nepal
(2) Companies with existing certied products never before available in Southern markets have
obtained licences for SouthSouth Fair Trade
SouthSouth
SouthNorthSouth
Cadbury chocolate
(South Africa)
Tate and Lyle sugar
SouthSouth, intra- and international trade
Bean There Coffee

(South Africa)
(3) New dedicated Fair Trade lead companies in emerging economies, sourcing raw materials from
Southern producers to supply to Southern markets
(Maye, 2008); accompanied by emotional and psychological bonds

formed between an individual and a particular notion of place
(Brown and Raymond, 2007), and the producer with whom the
product originates (Marsden et al., 2000). Indeed, although moral
geographies of the Global South, peddled by charities and the
broader development industry. . .[might] secure donations, it is
argued [that] they [also] deter more sustainable investments,
and that potentially more positive recongurations could reduce
tensions over commodication (Browning, 2014). For this reason,
there is further evidence to support the point of Bloweld (1999,
p. 767) that unless there is a shift in decision making from the
North to South, ethical trade will at best be paternalistic and at
worst harmful to those it is intended to benet.
Having said this, we also highlight that identity and power differences remain complex, even where decision making is located
within the Global South. For example, binary geographies still
emerge from the marketing analysis of southern middle classes/elites: for example with the contrasting images of (poor) rural producers as recipients and (wealthy) urban consumers adopting
responsible consumption as a lifestyle addition. This supports the
ideas of Brunori (2007, p. 51) that locality foods introduce a separation between the world of production and the world of consumption and argues that consumers choose locality products
because they perceive them as coming from a certain place and
possessing well dened and differentiated characteristics.

Therefore, this questions the extent to which the relocation of
power, identied by some in other Fair Trade practices (Smith,
2013b), as possible; and instead suggests the importance of focusing on more nuanced understandings of power to shape the nature
of geographical entanglements.
Therefore through our case studies, we are able to contribute to
the Fair Trade literature by adapting the market forces model proposed by Beckert (2010, p.612) to show how the social forces of
market creation (institutions, networks and cognitive framing)
have been combined with geographical entanglements to create
these new Fair Trade markets (see Fig. 2). The framework also
highlights the similarities and differences of both Southern Fair
Trade market creation and marketing compared to the European
foundational markets shown in Fig. 1.
Finally, there are a number of practical implications from this
study for other stakeholders in emerging economies planning to
develop their own local Fair Trade markets including: the importance of both WFTO and Fairtrade International certication bodies
to provide credibility; the importance of connecting to expat and
NGO communities in the early stages of market development;
Fair Trade helps MNCs and supermarkets to achieve sustainability
goals, the importance of different routes to market development
and the importance of encoding locality in marketing
Fig. 2. Fair Trade market creation forces in Southern Fair Trade markets (adapted from Beckert, 2010, p.612).
170
communications. It also appears that the Fair Trade actors in Brazil

and other emerging markets for Fair Trade could learn from their
Kenyan and South African counterparts in developing Fair Trade
marketing communications, particularly the use of marketing
guidelines which aim to avoid the patriarchal representation of
producers. In addition, there are a number of future research
opportunities including consumer research to assess the impact
of different geographical entanglements outlined in this study.
We recommend this to be carried out in partnership with both
Southern scholars and practitioners. Such a research agenda would
also contribute to the extension of analysis required to understand
if the context is producing a de-fetishizing or re-fetishizing of consumption (Hudson and Hudson, 2003; Marston, 2013).
References
Alexander, A., Nicholls, A., 2006. Rediscovering consumer-producer involvement: a
network perspective on fair trade marketing. Eur. J. Mark. 40 (11/12), 1236
1253.
Ariztia, T., Kleine, D.M.G.D., Brightwell, S.L., Agloni, N., 2014. Ethical consumption in
Brazil and Chile: institutional contexts and development trajectories. J. Cleaner
Prod. 63, 8492.
Barbosa, L., Veloso, L., 2014. Consumption, domestic life and sustainability in Brazil.
J. Cleaner Prod. 63, 166172.
Barnett, C., Cloke, P., Clarke, N., Malpass, A., 2005. Consuming ethics: articulating
the subjects and spaces of ethical consumption. Antipode 37 (1), 2345.
Barrientos, S., Knorringa, P., Evers, B., Visser, M., Opondo, M., 2015. Shifting regional
dynamics of global value chains: implications for economic and social
upgrading in African horticulture. Environ. Plan. A, forthcoming.
Barrientos, S., Smith, S., 2007. Mainstreaming fair trade in global production
networks. In: Raynolds, L.T., Murray, D.L., Wilkinson, J. (Eds.), Fair Trade: The
Challenges of Transforming Globalization. Routledge, London, pp. 103122.
Beckert, J., 2010. How do elds change? The interrelations of institutions, networks,
and cognition in the dynamics of markets. Organ. Stud. 31 (5), 605627.
Berlan, A., 2008. Making or marketing a difference? an anthropological examination
of the marketing of fair trade Cocoa from Ghana. In: Neve, G.D., Peter, L., Pratt, J.,
Wood, D.C. (Eds.), Hidden Hands in the Market: Ethnographies of Fair Trade,
Ethical Consumption, and Corporate Social Responsibility. Bingley, Emerald, pp.
171194.
Berndt, C., Boeckler, M., 2009. Geographies of circulation and exchange:
constructions of markets. Prog. Hum. Geogr. 33 (4), 535551.
Berndt, C., Boeckler, M., 2011. Geographies of markets: materials, morals and
monsters in motion. Prog. Hum. Geogr. 35 (4), 559567.
Bezencon, V., Blili, S., 2010. Ethical products and consumer involvement: whats
new? Eur. J. Mark. 44 (9/10), 13051321.
Bhattarai, U., 2012. Intrepid Middle Class Backbone of Stability, Peace and
Development, The Himalayan, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Biggs, S., Lewis, D., 2009. Fair trade and organizational innovation in Nepal: lessons
from 25 years of growth of the association of craft producers (Acp). Eur. J.
Develop. Res. 21, 377396.
Biggs, S., Messerschmidt, D., 2005. Social responsibility in the growing handmade
paper industry of Nepal. World Dev. 33 (11), 18211843.
Bloweld, M., 1999. Ethical trade: a review of developments and issues. Third
World Quart. 20 (4), 753770.
Bondy, T., Talwar, V., 2011. Through thick and thin: how fair trade consumers have
reacted to the global economic recession. J. Bus. Ethics 101, 365383.
Boonman, M., Huisman, W., Sarrucco-Fedorovtsjev, E., Sarrucco, T. 2010. Fair Trade
Facts and Figures: A Success Story for Producers and Consumers. Culemborg,
The Netherlands: Dutch Association of Worldshops (DA WS). <http://www.
european-fair-trade-association.org/efta/Doc/FT-E-2010.pdf>.
Brown, G., Raymond, C., 2007. The relationship between place attachment and
landscape values: toward mapping place attachment. Appl. Geogr. 27 (2), 89
111.
Browning, C.S., 2014. Nation branding and development: poverty panacea or
business as usual. J. Int. Relat. Develop.
Brunori, G., 2007. Local food and alternative food networks: a communication
perspective. Anthropol. Food (S2).
Crang, P., 1996. Displacement, consumption, and identity. Environ. Plan. A 28, 47
67.
DSouza, C., Taghian, M., Lamb, P., Peretiatko, R., 2007. Green decisions:
demographics and consumer understanding of environmental labels. Int. J.
Consum. Stud. 31 (4), 371376.
Davies, I.A., Crane, A., 2003. Ethical decision making in fair trade companies. J. Bus.
Ethics 45 (1), 7992.
Dickinson, A.R., Carsky, L.M., 2005. The consumer as economic voter. In: Harrison,
R., Newholme, T., Shaw, D. (Eds.), The Ethical Consumer. Sage, London.
Doherty, B., 2004. Himalayan inspiration for social enterprise. Soc. Enterprise Bull. 1
(1), 810.
Doherty, B., Davies, I.A., Tranchell, S., 2012. Where now for fair trade? Bus. Hist., 1
29
Doherty, B., Huybrechts, B., 2013. Connecting producers and consumers through fair
and sustainable value chains. Soc. Enterprise J. 9 (1), 410.
Dolan, C., 2005. Fields of obligation: rooting ethical sourcing in Kenyan horticulture.
J. Consum. Cult. 5 (3), 365389.
EFTA, 2006. Sixty Years of Fair Trade. <http://www.european-fair-trade-association.
org/efta/Doc/History.pdf>.
FACES do Brasil, 2014a. Conhea O Sncjs. <http://www.facesdobrasil.org.
br/sistema-nacional-de-comercio-justo-e-solidario/3-sncjs.html>.
(accessed
04.06.14).
FACES do Brasil, 2014b. History. <http://www.facesdobrasil.org.br/comercio-justono-brasil/66-historico.html>. (accessed 02.06.14).
Fairtrade Africa, 2010a. Fairtrade Is Brewing in Kenya. <http://www.fairtradeafrica.
net/news/fairtrade-is-brewing-in-kenya/>.
Fairtrade Africa, 2010b. Fea Baseline Study Results. Nairobi, Kenya: Fairtrade Africa.
Fairtrade Eastern Africa, 2014. Homepage. <http://www.fairtrade.or.ke/>.
Fairtrade Eastern Africa, 2015. Residents of Maua Enjoy Health Services from
Fairtrade Premiums through Kiegoi Tea Factory Ltd. <http://www.fairtrade.or.
ke/fairtrade-in-action/residents-of-maua-enjoy-health-services-fromfairtrade-premiums-through-kiegoi-tea-factory-ltd/>.
Fairtrade Foundation, 2013. Kenyan Shoppers Buy Local and Fairtrade.
<http://fairtradeblog.tumblr.com/post/58150402087/kenyan-shoppers-buylocal-and-fairtrade>.
Fairtrade International, 2011. Fair Trade Takes Root in Brazil.
Fairtrade International, 2013. Fairtrade International Annual Report 20122013:
Unlocking the Power.
Fararik, I., Law, S., 2006. The Engagement of Local Authorities in Fair Trade
Initiatives in South Africa. ICLEI European Secretariat, Bonn.
Fisher, E., 2009. Policy arena introduction: the policy trajectory of fair trade. J. Int.
Dev. 21 (7), 9851003.
Fligstein, N., Dauter, L., 2007. The sociology of markets. Annu. Rev. Sociol. 33, 105
128.
Freidberg, S., 2003. Cleaning up down south: supermarkets, ethical trade and
African horticulture. Soc. Cult. Geogr. 4 (1), 2743.
Fridell, G., 2004a. The fair trade network in historical perspective. Can. J. Develop.
Stud. 25 (3), 411428.
Fridell, G., 2004b. The university and the moral imperative of fair trade coffee. J.
Acad. Ethics 2 (1), 141159.
FTLSA, 2013. Brand Personality Guide. Capetown, South Africa.
FTLSA, 2014. The Potential of Sustainable Consumerism in South Africa (Internal
Document). Capetown, South Africa.
FTLSA, 2015. The Power of You Partnership. <http://www.fairtrade.org.
za/content/page/power-of-you> (accessed 09.04.15).
Glaser, B.G., 1992. Basics of Grounded Theory Analysis: Emergences vs Forcing.
Sociology Press, Mill Valley.
Golding, K., 2009. Fair trades dual aspect: the communications challenge of fair
trade marketing. J. Macromarket. 29 (2), 160171.
Goodman, M.K., 2004. Reading fair trade: political ecological imaginary and the
moral economy of fair trade foods. Polit. Geogr. 23 (7), 891915.
Guarin, A., Knorringa, P., 2014. New middle-class consumers in rising powers:
responsible consumption and private standards. Oxford Develop. Stud. 42 (2),
151171.
Herman, A., 2012. Tactical ethics: how the discourses of Fairtrade and black
economic empowerment change and interact in wine networks from South
Africa to the UK. Geoforum 43 (6), 11211130.
Holt, D., 2004. How brands become cultural icons: the principles of cultural
branding. Harvard Business School Press.
Hudson, I., Hudson, M., 2003. Removing the veil?: Commodity fetishism, fair trade,
and the environment. Organ. Environ., 16
Hughes, A., Reimer, S., 2004. Introduction. In: Hughes, A., Reimer, S. (Eds.),
Geographies of Commodity Chains. Routledge, London, pp. 116.
Hughes, A., Wrigley, N., Buttle, M., 2008. Global production networks, ethical
campaigning, and the embeddedness of responsible governance. J. Econ. Geogr.
8, 345367.
Huybrechts, B., 2012. Fair Trade Organizations and Social Enterprise. Social
Innovation through Hybrid Organization Models. Routledge, New York.
ICLEI 2006. Fair Trade and Solidarity Economy Brazil. <http://www.buyfair.
org/leadmin/template/projects/buyfair/les/Fair_Trade_Report_Brazil_Final.
pdf>.
IFAT 2000. Annual Report. Bicester, Oxfordshire, UK.: International Federation for
Alternative Trader.
Ingenbleek, P.T.M., Reinders, M.J., 2013. The development of a market for
sustainable coffee in the Netherlands: rethinking the contribution of fair
trade. J. Bus. Ethics 113, 461474.
Jaffee, D., 2010. Fair trade standards, corporate participation, and social movement
responses in the United States. J. Bus. Ethics 92, 267285.
Jaffee, D., Howard, P., 2010. Corporate cooptation of organic and fair trade
standards. Agric. Hum. Values 27 (4), 387399.
Kaus, W., 2013. Conspicuous consumption and race: evidence from South Africa. J.
Dev. Econ. 100, 6373.
Larceneux, F., Benoit-Moreau, F., Renaudin, V., 2012. Why might organic labels fail
to inuence consumer choices? Marginal labelling and brand equity effects. J.
Consum. Policy 35 (1), 85104.
Le Mare, A., 2012. Creating and maintaining fair trade: meanings and practices for
southern fair trade enterprises. Crit. Perspect. Int. Bus. 84 (4), 309328.
LeClair, M.S., 2002. Fighting the tide: alternative trade organizations in the era of
global free trade. World Dev. 30 (6), 949958.

Lekakis, E.J., 2013. Coffee Activism and the Politics of Fair Trade and Ethical
Consumption in the Global North: Political Consumerism and Cultural
Citizenship, p. 10.
Marsden, T., Banks, J., Bristow, G., 2000. Food supply chain approaches: exploring
their role in rural development. Sociol. Ruralis 40 (4), 424438.
Marston, A., 2013. Justice for all? Material and semiotic impacts of fair trade craft
certication. Geoforum 44, 162169.
Maye, D., 2008. Alternative Food Geographies: Representation and Practice.
Elsevier, Bingley, UK.
McDonagh, P., 2002. Communicative Campaigns to effect anti-slavery and fair
trade: the cases of Rugmark and Cafdirect. Eur. J. Mark. 36 (5/6), 642666.
Mintzberg, H., 1979. An emerging strategy of direct research. Adm. Sci. Quart.,
582589
Morgan, K., 2010. Local and green, global and fair: the ethical foodscape and the
politics of care. Environ. Plan. A 42, 18521867.
Morris, C., Kirwan, J., 2010. Food commodities, geographical knowledges and the
reconnection of production and consumption: the case of naturally embedded
food products. Geoforum 41, 131143.
Mundaru, 2014. Fair Trade in Brazil. <http://www.mundareu.org.br/portal/index.
php/comercio-justo-no-brasil/> (accessed 02.06.14).
Nicholls, A., Opal, C., 2005. Fair Trade: Market-Driven Ethical Consumption. Sage,
London.
Njuguna, P.M., Oloko, M., Oyugi, L., 2014. Attitude towards marketing practices and
its effect on consumerism in Kenya: a survey of household consumers in
Nakuru county. Eur. J. Bus. Manage. 6 (21), 2327.
Obermiller, C., Burke, C., Talbott, E., Green, G.P., 2009. Taste great or more fullling:
the effect of brand reputation on consumer social responsibility advertising for
fair trade coffee. Corp. Reput. Rev. 12 (2), 159176.
Oliveria, B., 2014. Consumption and culture: understanding the shaping of the new
Brazilian middle class. J. Earth Sci. Eng. 4, 175193.
Pelsmacker, P.d., Driesen, L., Rayp, G., 2005. Do consumers care about ethics?
willingness to pay for fair-trade coffee. J. Consu. Aff. 39 (2), 363385.
Pike, A., 2009. Geographies of brands and branding. Prog. Hum. Geogr. 33 (5), 619
645.
Pike, A., 2011. Brands and Branding Geographies. Edward Elgar, London.
Pike, A., 2013. Economic geographies of brands and branding. Econ. Geogr. 89 (4),
317339.
Proudly South African, 2015. Homepage. <http://www.proudlysa.co.za/>. (accessed
09.04.15).
Raynolds, L.T., Murray, D., Wilkinson, J., 2007. Fair Trade: The Challenges of
Transforming Globalization. Routledge, London.
Reed, D., 2009. What do corporations have to do with fair trade? Positive and
normative analysis from a value chain perspective. J. Bus. Ethics 86, 326.
Relph, E., 1976. Place and Placelessness. Pion, London.
Retailing Research Council, 2014. Customer Case: Reducing Plastic Bag Use at
Nakumatt. <http://ccrrc.org/2014/03/04/reducing-plastic-bag-use-nakumatt/>.
Ritter, A.M., Borchardt, M., Vaccaro, G., Pereira, G.M., Almedia, F., 2014. Motivations
for promoting the consumption of green products in an emerging country:
exploring attitudes of Brazilian consumers. J. Cleaner Prod., 114 http://
dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2014.11.066.
Samuel, A., Emanuel, L., 2012. Fairtrade towns: place(ing) responsibility. Int. J.
Urban Extra Urban Stud. 2 (2), 191203.
Schfer, M., Jaeger-Erben, M., dos Santos, A., 2011. Leapfrogging to sustainable
consumption? An explorative survey of consumption habits and orientations in
southern Brazil. J. Consum. Policy 34, 175196.
171
Shaw, D., Clarke, I., 1999. Belief formation in ethical consumer groups: an
exploratory study. Market. Intell. Plan. 17 (2), 109120.
Shaw, D., Shiu, E., 2003. Ethics in consumer choice: a multivariate modelling
approach. Eur. J. Mark. 37 (10), 14851498.
Smith, A.M., 2011. Fair Trade, Public Procurement and Sustainable Development: A
Case Study of Malawian Rice in Scotland. School of Planning and Geography &
ESRC centre for Business Relationships, Sustainability and Society, Cardiff
University, Cardiff.
Smith, A.M., 2013a. Cross-border innovation in southnorth fair trade supply
chains: the opportunities and problems of integrating fair trade governance into
northern public procurement. In: Brust, D.V., Sarkis, J., Cordeiro, J. (Eds.),
Collaboration for Sustainability and Innovation in the Global South: A Role for
South-Driven Sustainability? Springer, London.
Smith, A.M., 2013b. Fair trade governance and diversication: the experience
of the national smallholder farmers association of Malawi. Geoforum 48,
114125.
Smith, A.M., 2013c. What does it mean to do fair trade? Ontology, praxis, and the
fair for life certication system. Soc. Enterprise J. 9 (1), 5372.
Smith, A.M., 2014. Access to the fairtrade system: the geography of certication for
social justice. Food Chain 4 (1), 4965.
Smith, A.M., 2015. Fair trade places. In: Raynolds, T., Bennett, E.A. (Eds.), Handbook
of Fair Trade Research. Edward Elgar, London, pp. 191210.
Sonnino, R., Lozano Torres, C., Schneider, S., 2014. Reexive governance for food
security: the example of school feeding in Brazil. J. Rural Stud. 36, 112.
Starbucks, 2014. Os Ingredientes. <http://www.starbucks.com.br/coffee/espresso/
ingredients> (accessed 10.06.14).
Tokatli, N., 2014. Made in Italy? Who Cares! Pradas new economic geography.
Geoforum 54, 19.
Valkila, J., Haaparanta, P., Niemi, N., 2010. Empowering coffee traders? The coffee
value chain from Nicaraguan fair trade farmers to nnish consumers. J. Bus.
Ethics 97 (2), 257270.
Van Maanen, J., 1979. The fact of ction in organizational ethnography. Adm. Sci.
Quart. 24, 539550.
Varul, M.Z., 2009. Ethical selving in cultural contexts: fairtrade consumption as an
everyday ethical practice in the UK and Germany. Int. J. Consum. Stud. 33 (2),
183189.
Visagie, J., 2014. Growth of the middle classes: two perspectives that matter for
policy. Develop. South. Afr. 32 (1), 324.
WFTO, 2012. 2012 Annual Report.
WIEGO, 2010. Fair Trade for Women Producers. <http://wiego.org/sites/wiego.
org/les/resources/les/FactSheet_FT_Kenya.pdf>.
Wilkinson, J., Mascarenhas, G., 2007. The making of the fair trade movement in the south:
the Brazilian case. In: Raynolds, L., Murray, D.L., Wilkinsion, J. (Eds.), Fair Trade: The
Challenges of Transforming Globalisation. Routledge, London, pp. 157179.
World Bank, 2012. Living Standards Measurement Study.
World Bank, 2013. Brazil Overview. <http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/brazil/
overview> (accessed 19.01.15).
Wright, C., 2004. Consuming lives, consuming landscapes: interpreting
advertisements for Cafdirect coffees. J. Int. Dev. 16 (5), 665680.
Yin, R.K., 2009. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Sage, London.
Zadek, S., Lingayah, S., Forstater, M. 1998. Social Labels: Tools for Ethical Trade.
Final Report. Luxembourg: European Commission.

Fair Trade Marketing

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Fair Trade Marketing

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Fair Trade market creation and marketing in the Global South

also add Nepal to our country case studies, in order to contribute

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

in the development of the Northern Fair Trade movement (Nicholls

2. The market creation and marketing of Southern Fair Trade to

2.1. The architecture of Fair Trade markets: Network and institutional

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Organisational association of interviewees

Faces do Brazil, Fairtrade Town Poos de Caldas, Fair Trade

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Image 1. Fairtrade Eastern Africa (2014) webpage images.

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Image 2. Geographical binaries: Fairtrade Eastern Africa (2015) webpage images.

In SA, we see again an inclusive geographical association but

Happy Farmers proud of produce

Begging people and hands (avoid

They are business people

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Brazil. In 2011, Fairtrade Canada did support the development of a

7358), November 2010, and is therefore, the strongest government

Image 3. Network focused image from FACES website.

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Links with volunteers from Northern countries have played an

to appreciate the quality and value of our work. It is the product

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Image 4. Website-association of craft producers.

Image 5. Website-fair trade Group Nepal.

certication bodies and networks, Fair Trade sales have developed

wider theory deployed here, that specics of market creation

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Fair trade certication

Fair trade market structure

Fairtrade International &WFTO

Wealthy middle classes, expats and

Emerged with Fair Trade craft pioneers

Dormans Safari Kenyan

Upper middle income (Higher LSM

Commenced with Fair Trade pioneers such as

Bean There Coffee and

Tourists, NGO workers, expats. Plus

Mainly in local Fair Trade retail stores and

Upper middle classes but also

Mainly via Fair Trade stores and solidarity

Handicraft, clothes and

Publically administered State

proactively involved in the construction of markets through the

in the near future. Also in SA, a range of social and eco-labels

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

Geography of supply network

SouthSouth, largely intranational, domestic, trade

Undugu (Kenya), ACP,

SouthSouth, intra- and international trade

Bean There Coffee

(Maye, 2008); accompanied by emotional and psychological bonds

possessing well dened and differentiated characteristics.

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

communications. It also appears that the Fair Trade actors in Brazil

B. Doherty et al. / Geoforum 67 (2015) 158171

You might also like