Ethnography of a Bowling Alley

Zack Eustis
Urban Anthropology
Professor James

December 11, 2004

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Every Wednesday for a period of nine weeks, I walked out of the Bayswater Tube

Station and onto Queensway Blvd to begin my weekly bowling survey at First Bowl

Queensway. Upon exiting the tube station, bright lights accompany swarms of people,

even in the afternoon. The afternoon was when I conducted the majority of my

observations, with the exception of one weeknight visit. On the path from the

underground to the bowling alley there are several restaurants and stores. I also know

there is a movie theatre several blocks down in the opposite direction of the bowling

alley. The district seems largely based on entertainment, providing a nice location for the

bowling alley. The alley itself is just part of a larger entertainment complex. Along with

the bowling alley, there is an arcade, a rather large ice-skating rink and a small café that

specializes in fast food. My observations began each week with a trip to the front desk to

purchase my game and bowling shoes. I would start by going to my lane, taking an extra

long time putting on my shoes so as to gain extra seconds of un-noticed observation. One

of the difficult aspects of studying the bowling alley was finding a way to make subtle

observations; it’s not very common to see a person writing in a notebook at a bowling

alley. To combat this potential problem, I acted as though I was keeping track of my

score in the notebook, returning after every frame to, in actuality, write down my

observations.

I decided early on that I would not let on that I was conducting an anthropological

study. I did consider discussing my project with one of the workers, but decided against

it so as not to inadvertently cause a change in their behavior. I felt it necessary to get as

accurate of a portrayal of how the workers went about their business and felt maintaining
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my image as a standard bowler the best way to accomplish this goal. I played on the

average one to two games per session, taking notes between most frames. These games

would usually last about thirty minutes total, though I would often stretch out my actual

time in the alley by talking with the desk workers or buying food at the café. While I did

not conduct any formal interviews, I did have extended talks with the desk workers which

worked in a similar fashion as an interview. Depending on the time of day, I would

usually retreat to nearby Hyde Park and try to draw some conclusions from the notes I

had gathered. I went alone on all of my bowling visits with the exception of one outing

with four of my colleagues from class. Unfortunately, that night the alley was completely

booked disallowing us the opportunity to bowl.

The workers themselves were a very diverse group. One of the desk workers

appeared to be Muslim, while two of the security guards and another desk worker were

black. A hierarchy seemed to exist within the workers in the bowling alley. This came

into focus in my first visit. On my very first day at the bowling alley, I walked down the

stairs and was overpowered with the stench of a stink bomb. Luckily this inauspicious

beginning did not hold true for the entirety of my study. I was fortunate to have

witnessed such an incident on my first day, as the way in which the bowling alley is run

became clear rather quickly, as I observed the employees reaction to the stench. A rather

large security man walked around the desk to discuss the stink bomb with one of the desk

workers. The desk worker appeared to have some authority over the man as she asked

him to bring in some air fresheners right away, a request that he responded to

immediately. When the security guard came back with the air fresheners, two men in
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suits accompanied him. Neither of them was at all happy and angrily stormed into an

office in the back of an alley. This day of the stink bomb was the only kind of near

catastrophe that took place during my visits. From what I witnessed that day and

throughout the ensuing weeks, I concluded that from top to bottom the hierarchy goes:

The two men in suits (owners?) > The desk-workers > the security guards > the man

dressed as the queen. This system was consistent throughout all of my visits.

Unfortunately, the two men in suits did not resurface during the duration of my study. I

found it interesting that when a crisis did arise, these two men were the ones who were in

charge of returning the alley to its normal climate.

I concluded that these men in suits are most likely the owners of the alley. They

were the only workers who seemed to have any kind of office and were far more

concerned with the stink bomb incident than the other workers. The standard workers

who appeared every day included one security guard, though at times there were two.

The security guards would deal with any overly rowdy customers or ask people who were

loitering in the alley and not actually bowling to leave. Additionally, the security guards

would assist the desk workers with any problems that were too overwhelming for them to

handle on their own. For example, during an especially busy day, one lane would not put

ten pins back down thus drawing a complaint from a customer. The desk worker, the

person usually in charge of going in the back to fix any lane problems, asked the security

guard to go back and fix the pins, and he did accordingly. These desk workers were the

people with whom I had the most interaction. The desk workers job is to greet the

customers when they first come into the alley, give them bowling shoes and a lane in
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exchange for their money, and assist them with any problems they may encounter while

they bowl. There would always be at least two desk workers at a time, though during a

busy stretch there could be as many as three to provide extra assistance. It would be

logical to have the rules for bowling at the alley displayed somewhere in the front of the

building. Interestingly, none of these rules are expressly stated anywhere in the alley, or

by the workers. However, the vast majority of the customers and all of the workers seem

to follow these rules, something that is crucial to maintaining the adequate function of the

alley. The customers earn some privileges only after they have actually paid for their

game. Once they are paying customers, they have the ability to go to their lane and bowl

however many frames they purchased. They are also free to use any bowling balls that

are not in use by any other customers. The customers are not, however, allowed to go

behind the desk or into the offices or back room even after they have paid for their game.

The purchase of the initial game is the first reason a customer will approach the

desk; another reason is when a problem such as the pin-problem arises. During one visit,

I was turning in my shoes when an American man (from a business group I discovered)

insisted that the woman who was helping me go fix their lane as soon as she could. His

demeanor was rather rude and she gave me a smirk and rolled her eyes in his direction.

This incident was a rarity as on the whole, the majority of these worker-customer

interactions were cordial and to the point, without much mention of anything except

bowling. The desk workers will also not strike up any conversations on subject matters

other than bowling and helping the customers. However, if asked a question about

something unrelated to bowling, the workers noticeably relaxed a bit and were generally
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happy to talk. This makes sense, for the desk-workers are acting out the role of being a

desk-worker and are rarely able to discuss anything aside from who wants what lane and

other bowling related subjects. Discussion on topics other than bowling seemed a

welcome relief, a chance perhaps to act more like ‘themselves,’ though they immediately

step back into their worker role when another customer approaches the desk. On the

whole, I would generalize the interactions between the bowlers and workers as polite,

rarely diverting from the subject of bowling. This being a bowling alley, bowling was

considered a normal conversation topic.

As for property barriers, few places in the alley have one place specifically

designated for one person. The workers at the front desk are the exception. They are the

only ones at the desk and even the security guards appear hesitant about entering the area

behind it. However the customers would often try to lay claim to at least their own lane

in an attempt to have some kind of space as their own. One bowling group I observed

immediately laid claim to their set of chairs by setting their coats and sneakers on as

many of the chairs as possible, even though there were only three people bowling.

However, while they claimed every chair in their half of the oval, they did not take any

space from the one man who was bowling next to them. This suggests to me a type of

undefined property line that is acknowledged by the bowlers at the alley. This type of

property barrier makes sense; in order to be sure that their own lane will not be interfered

with, it’s in the best interest of each bowler to stay confined to their own lane and set of

chairs. Often, if a group is to the lay their coats on their half of the oval arrangement of

chairs, the group bowling next to them will find some way of taking up their own
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available space up to this newly defined property line. This attempt at property

establishment is similar to From Garden Suburb to Olde City Ward, when in response to a

family’s construction of an addition on their own house, “(the) neighbor, in turn, built a

two-story apartment unit right onto the property-dividing wall” (Rosin, 181). The

response in Rosin’s article and the response of a bowling group, each when their space is

not taken over but rather a new boundary is established, re-defines their own property

line in response. With these ‘property lines,’ there is a different atmosphere at almost

every lane of the alley. One lane can be quite serious if there are four semi-pro bowlers

bowling in it, while next to them could be a group of college kids just out for a good

time, while next to that could be a family out with their children. I believe this boundary

establishment provides a feeling of safety and security amongst the bowler, thus allowing

such a diverse population to coexist and feel secure,

This bowling alley is an extremely diverse place with people of all ages,

ethnicities and social classes inhabiting it. The atmosphere, is often a bit tense, especially

when two groups come into contact for the first time, thus necessitating the property

lines. The larger groups, who take up more than one lane, naturally dominate the tone of

the atmosphere. The atmosphere of the alley varied every day that I visited. Most days,

the percentage of youths in attendance was very high; thus the atmosphere was quite

jovial. At times I felt slightly intimidated by the surroundings, as I was certainly the only

person in the alley writing in a notebook between every frame. Whether the other

bowlers who were not in the majority group felt the same way as me is hard to say. By

their actions, I would say no, they did not alter their behavior, though I know I was
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considerably more self-conscious. I concluded that rather than feeling as if they didn’t

belong, these other non-youth bowlers had an increase in their desire to not cross these

property boundaries.

These interactions amongst bowlers were quite intriguing and simultaneously

frustrating to me as an observer. The bowling alley was frequently noisy with chatter

from the various groups. The individual groups rarely interacted with each other, even

when placed in adjacent lanes. The only time any interaction occurred was when the

people either knew each other already, or one group needs to use something that the other

group has got (i.e. a bowling ball). The conversation within the groups tended to be very

relaxed and light-hearted, but rarely was bowling actually discussed. A typical

conversation discusses work, family or occasionally politics. One interesting group was

comprised entirely of business men. In America, and from what I understand the same is

true in England, often sporting events can be used as grounds to stage important

discussions in a more relaxed atmosphere. The bowling alley offers a cheaper alternative

to a football match while providing the same ample opportunity for discussion. If a

business group is in the midst of a difficult discussion, transferring the setting to a

bowling alley may create a lighter mood for all involved, making negotiations easier to

work out.

The bowling alley also uniquely provides a very accessible after school program

facility for students. A program centered on the bowling alley provides kids with a place

to go after school to interact with other kids, take part in a fun and competitive activity,

and also serves as a way to keep kids from falling in with bad crowds. The bowling alley
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keeps the body active, keeps the mind engaged with the activity, all the while assisting

kids who are developing their social skills. Here lies the real intrigue of the bowling

alley. During my visits to the alley, I have seen people ranging from business men to

school groups to families all in the alley at the same time. Having this kind of place in

such a large and diverse city benefits the community, for it allows people who would not

otherwise congregate in the same place to do just that. While group to group interactions

are rare, I would argue that simply being around people unlike oneself is a very positive

experience that ideally would create more tolerance amongst these different groups

outside of the alley as well.

Few places like this exist in the city. One of the closest examples of a place that

draws such a wide variety of people is a shopping centre. A shopping centre is also

another area where people will go there by themselves or in a group, but will rarely

interact with other people who they don’t know, unless forced to out of necessity. In

Shopping, Place and Identity an interviewee when asked about community in the

shopping centre says, “Although (the shoppers) don’t identify as being in a community,

maybe they go there because they do want to be a part of it” (Miller et. al 144). One must

wonder, if this is the case for a shopping centre, those participating in a bowling activity

may unknowingly be going for the underlying sense of community. For example, take

the microcosm of the youth group. For the kids, the purpose of their trip to the alley is to

take part in their after school program and have fun bowling. While this may be the

purpose of the outing, the function is actually the strengthening of their social skills and

an increased sense of belonging within the community. By being around the diverse
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population of the bowling alley, the bowlers, through their common goal of bowling and

having a good time, may be creating a new diverse community of which they are

seemingly unaware.

While the bowling alley may function as a place of community building, its

purpose first and foremost is that it’s one of many entertainment facilities in the city.

Other such establishments of entertainment include movie theatres, pubs and to a

different extent clubs. The clubs are an exception because they have much later hours

then the other places and tend to attract a more youthful crowd (i.e. 18-30) where as the

bowling alley etc. attracts crowds of all ages. Stadiums for sporting events such as

football and rugby provide the grounds for large gatherings for the purpose of

entertainment as well. The bowling alley is unique in that is a place where people of all

ages can go, virtually any time. A pub provides a similar atmosphere to a bowling alley

in that it is a place mainly used for socialization. However, the pub is not a place for

people under eighteen, thus excluding a significant portion of the population. The movie

theatre does not discriminate based on age, unless the only movies that are showing are

for people over the age of fifteen. While a movie theatre draws a similar eclectic crowd

as the bowling alley, it is not able to provide the same amount of socialization. The

purpose of going to a movie theatre (though there are exceptions) is to sit quietly and

watch a movie. Sitting silently is not really conducive to relaxed, friendly conversation.

The bowling alley’s fun, friendly and generally relaxed atmosphere makes it the ideal

background for successful social interaction.

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If I could do it over again, I would have pushed harder from the beginning to

involve myself with other bowlers at the alley. I’ve stressed the extent to which the

individual groups did not interact with people outside of their own group. Aside from

myself, I rarely saw another person bowling alone. A single individual would be much

easier to approach. One thought I’ve had is if I had a working visa and the time to

conduct the study again, I would try to get a job as a desk worker to see the bowling alley

from the workers’ perspective. Using this method, I would be able to stay in the alley for

as long as possible; as a bowler, there was a certain limit to the amount of time that I

could spend at the alley in a given day. As an added benefit of conducting the study this

way, the financial burden of paying five pounds fifty per game would be avoided. The

next step for this study is to find more about the individual bowlers (i.e. their social class,

occupation, and especially their motivation for coming to the alley). Becoming a desk

worker would allow an ethnographer to interact with every customer who enters the

building. Engaging in constant conversation with the bowlers will provide the next step

in discovering more about kind of community is really being created in the alley.
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Works Cited

Miller, Daniel et. al Shopping, Place and Identity. Routledge, London, 1998.

Rosin, Thomas R. From Garden Suburb to Olde City Ward.