Professional Documents
Culture Documents
November 2010
Acknowledgements
The
research
for
this
paper
was
made
possible
through
support
from
the
World
Bank,
the
Interna;onal
Development
Research
Centre
(IDRC)
and
the
Danish
CommiPee
for
Aid
to
Afghan
Refugees
(DACAAR).
The
annotated
bibliography
and
the
literature
review
for
the
analy;cal
framework
developed
for
this
paper
are
published
as
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc3on:
An
Annotated
Bibliography
for
the
Case
of
Afghanistan
and
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc3on:
A
Review
of
the
Literature
and
a
Conceptual
Framework,
available
from
APPROs
website
at:
www.appro.org.af
About
APPRO
The
Afghanistan
Public
Policy
Research
Organiza;on
(APPRO)
is
an
independent
social
research
organiza;on
promo;ng
social
and
policy
learning
to
benet
development
and
reconstruc;on
eorts
in
Afghanistan.
APPRO
is
registered
with
the
Ministry
of
Economy
(Registra;on
Number:
1212)
as
a
not-for-prot,
non-government
organiza;on
and
headquartered
in
Kabul,
Afghanistan.
APPROs
mission
is
to
measure
development
progress
against
strategic
reconstruc;on
objec;ves
and
provide
insights
on
how
to
improve
performance
against
the
milestones
set
by
the
government
of
Afghanistan
and
the
interna;onal
donors.
APPRO
is
staed
by
personnel
with
many
years
of
collec;ve
experience
in
various
facets
of
development
and
scien;c
research.
APPRO
takes
full
responsibility
for
all
omissions
and
errors.
(c)
2010.
Afghanistan
Public
Policy
Research
Organiza;on.
Some
rights
reserved.
This
publica;on
may
be
reproduced,
stored
in
a
retrieval
system
or
transmiPed
only
for
non-commercial
purposes
and
with
wriPen
credit
to
APPRO
and
the
authors.
Where
this
publica;on
is
reproduced,
stored
or
transmiPed
electronically,
a
link
to
APPROs
website
www.appro.org.af
should
be
provided.
Any
use
of
this
publica;on
falling
outside
of
these
permissions
requires
prior
wriPen
permission
and
can
be
sought
by
emailing
mail@appro.org.af
or
by
calling
+93
700
538
081.
Glossary
AISA
APPRO
ANDS
CSO
DACAAR
DfID
EPAA
FAO
GoA
Government of Afghanistan
ICARDA
IDRC
INGO
MCN
MFI
MISFA
NSCSC
PRT
RALF
SDO
UNIFEM
USAID
ii
Table of Contents
Execu;ve
Summary
1.
Introduc;on
2.
Objec;ves
3.
Methodology
4.
Gender
in/and
Value
Chains:
A
Framework
5.
Saron
Value
Chain
1
5
7
7
8
10
14
16
17
17
18
19
21
25
7. Conclusion
27
24
References
26
31
32
Box 1. En;tlements and Capabili;es Approach (Excerpts from Gammage et al. [2005])
10
List of Boxes
11
12
20
24
15
15
19
21
Box
5.
Summary
of
Key
Problems
and
Constraints
for
Saron
Farmers
in
Afghanistan
List
of
Tables
Table
1:
Actors
and
Processes
in
the
Saron
Value
Chain
List of Figures
Figure 3. Costs and Values of Unpackaged Export for Packaged Foreign Retail Saron
iii
List
of
Photos
Photo
1:
Saron
Bulb
12
12
22
22
iv
Execu;ve Summary
Afghanistan
has
compara;ve
and
compe;;ve
strengths
in
the
agriculture
sector,
par;cularly
in
the
hor;culture
and
livestock
sub-sectors,
in
which
women
are
known
to
par;cipate
largely
in
produc;on
and
processing.
Orchard
fruits
fresh
or
dried
are
one
of
the
key
sectors
in
export
growth,
while
poultry
products
(both
eggs
and
meat)
can
subs;tute
for
imports,
which
amount
to
US$
78.2
million
per
annum.
In
the
non-farm
sector,
carpets
are
one
of
Afghanistans
key
export
products,
produced
mostly
by
women
and
their
children
in
their
homes.
Un;l
the
late
1970s
Afghanistan
supplied
20%
of
the
raisins
on
the
global
market,
held
a
dominant
posi;on
in
pistachio
and
dried
fruit
produc;on,
and
produced
livestock
and
wool
products
for
the
regional
markets.
The
intermiPent
periods
of
conict
since
the
late
1970s
combined
with
periodic
droughts
have
resulted
in
loss
of
agriculturally
produc;ve
land
and
weakened
produc;ve
capacity
due
to
ight
of
capital,
displacement
of
framing
communi;es,
neglect
of
irriga;on
channels,
diminished
technical
and
market
support
and,
ul;mately,
loss
of
market
share.
The
percentage
of
women
involved
in
agricultural
produc;on
is
es;mated
at
65%
of
the
agricultural
workforce.
Women
carry
out
the
bulk
of
the
value-adding
ac;vi;es
as
domes;c
chores
while
the
trading
and
marke;ng
of
nished
agricultural
products
are
carried
out
almost
exclusively
by
men
who
are
also
the
main
nancial
beneciaries
of
the
process.
Two
Key
factors
contribu;ng
to
these
inequitable
arrangements
are
gender
bias
based
on
deeply
ingrained
cultural
norms
and
the
highly
informal
agricultural
economy.
This
study
was
undertaken
to
iden;fy
constraints
and
explore
opportuni;es
for
women
to
par;cipate
and
improve
their
posi;on
in
various
stages
of
saron
produc;on.
The
ndings
reported
in
this
paper
are
based
on
primary
data
collected
through
interviews
with
key
informants
and
focus
group
discussions
and
secondary
data
from
a
review
of
the
exis;ng
literature
on
agricultural
value
chains,
value
chain
analysis,
and
gender
in/and
agricultural
development.
The
review
of
the
literature
was
used
to
develop
an
analy;cal
framework
to
examine
gender
in/and
value
chain
dynamics
in
the
case
of
saron
produc;on.1
An
extensive
review
was
carried
out
to
take
stock
of
the
available
literature
on
agricultural
produc;on,
value
chain
analysis,
and
gender
in/and
agricultural
produc;on.2
This
study
is
centered
on
saron
and
the
site
of
study
is
mainly
Herat,
supplemented
with
interviews
with
key
informants
drawn
from
commercial
actors
such
as
input
suppliers,
processors,
nancial
and
other
service
providers,
traders,
wholesalers,
retailers,
exporters,
buyers
and
middlemen
involved
in
export
to
_____________________________________________________________________________________
1
See
Appendices
1
and
2
for
the
key
informant
and
focus
group
par:cipant
details
and
the
codes
used
to
cite
them
in
this
report.
2
See
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc:on:
A
Review
of
the
Literature
and
a
Conceptual
Framework
and
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc:on:
and
Annotated
Bibliography
for
the
Case
of
Afghanistan,
available
at:
hKp://www.appro.org.af/
Publica:ons.html
markets
such
as
India,
Pakistan,
Iran,
and
UAE.
The
ins;tu;onal
actors
at
the
local
level
included
provincial
and
district
government
oces,
provincial
Chambers
of
Commerce,
and
NGOs
and
aid
agencies
involved
in
the
saron
value
chain
and
womens
socio-economic
development.
Ins;tu;onal
actors
at
the
na;onal
level
were
drawn
from
governmental
ministries,
donors,
aid
agencies,
and
NGOs
which
support
women
in
trade,
and
private
sector
organiza;ons
involved
in
business
development
support
for
both
men
and
women
such
as
business
associa;ons
and
Micronance
Ins;tu;ons
(MFIs).
immediate
prac;cal
op;on
is
to
work
toward
crea;ng
a
cri;cal
mass
of
networked
women
producers
who
could
contend
in
the
market
collec;vely.
There
are
fewer
possibili;es
at
the
lower
stages
of
the
value
chain
for
gender
mainstreaming
except,
perhaps,
labour
market
reform
to
pay
women
a
fair
wage
for
equal
work
with
men.
Such
reform
is,
however,
a
func;on
of
macro
socio-economic
and
poli;cal
factors
and
beyond
the
immediate
reach
or
control
of
the
chain
actors.
Lessons
other
than
acquiring
technical
exper;se
are
to
be
learned
from
the
main
saron
producer,
Iran.
Allegedly,
Iran
inten;onally
exports
85
percent
of
its
saron
to
Europe
unprocessed
and
unpackaged
so
the
saron
could
be
sold
on
interna;onal
markets
as
having
been
produced
in
Spain
or
the
United
Arab
Emirates.
While
the
analysis
of
this
behaviour
is
beyond
the
scope
of
this
research,
it
is
clear
that
Afghanistan
need
not,
at
least
immediately,
concentrate
on
maximizing
its
domes;c
value
adding
capacity
but
can
benet
from
expanding
the
size
of
the
saron
sector.
Two
sets
of
constraints
to
women
can
be
iden;ed
in
agricultural
produc;on.
Organiza3onal
constraints
such
as
access
to
land
and
capital
limit
the
opportuni;es
for
women
who
want
to
and
are
capable
of
star;ng
up
saron
producing
enterprises.
Ins3tu3onal
constraints
such
as
ineec;ve
regula;ons,
insucient
government
programmes
to
encourage
women
to
engage
in
entrepreneurial
ac;vity,
and
strongly
held
views
about
the
place
of
women
in
Afghan
society
can
and
do
limit
the
opportuni;es
of
even
those
who
overcome
organiza;onal
constraints.
Despite
organiza;onal
and
ins;tu;onal
constraints,
there
are
a
number
of
opportuni;es
for
women
entrepreneurs
in
general
and
women
saron
producers
in
par;cular.
For
example,
there
are
a
number
of
womens
associa;ons
and
borrower
groups
who,
with
the
help
of
na;onal
and
interna;onal
NGOs
and
MFIs,
have
managed
to
start
up
their
own
businesses.
In
the
case
of
saron,
there
is
sucient
informa;on
and
support
from
INGOs
such
as
DACAAR
for
the
women
wishing
to
start
their
own
produc;on.
The
introduc;on
of
saron
to
Afghanistan
by
DACAAR
in
1998
has
been
highly
successful
though
requires
scaling
out
and
scaling
up.
The
new
crop,
saron,
has
strong
historical
roots
to
the
region
and
thus
acceptable
to
farmers
willing
to
switch
from
other
crops.
However,
start-up
investment
is
a
prerequisite
to
ins;tute
a
new
crop.
The
distribu;on
of
free
bulbs
by
DACAAR
and
other
agricultural
extension
agencies
seems
to
have
played
a
key
role
in
luring
farmers
to
experiment
with
the
new
crop.
It
will
be
easier
to
draw
other
farmers
to
plant
saron
if
they
are
assured
that
in
rst
1-3
years
they
have
access
to
emergency
funds
to
support
their
livelihood
un;l
the
saron
reaches
maturity
and
produces
economically.
While
some
organizing
has
taken
place
by
women
who
have
formed
producer
associa;ons
in
and
around
Herat,
more
work
could
and
should
be
done
to
promote
the
forma;on
of
womens
grower/
producer
associa;ons
through
awareness
raising
and
increasing
the
availability
of
start-up
funds.
At
the
same
;me,
MISFA
and
the
MFIs
will
need
to
be
engaged
in
plans
to
mainstream
more
women
into
saron
produc;on
in
rural
areas
by
designing
new
nancial
products
suited
to
the
needs
of
saron
produc;on.
1.
Introduc;on
Afghanistan
has
compara;ve
and
compe;;ve
strengths
in
the
agriculture
sector,
par;cularly
in
the
hor;culture
and
livestock
sub-sectors,
in
which
women
are
known
to
par;cipate
largely
in
produc;on
and
processing.
Orchard
fruits
fresh
or
dried
are
one
of
the
key
sectors
in
export
growth,
while
poultry
products
(both
eggs
and
meat)
can
subs;tute
for
imports,
which
amount
to
US$
78.2
million
per
annum.
In
the
non-farm
sector,
carpets
are
one
of
Afghanistans
key
export
products,
produced
mostly
by
women
and
their
children
in
their
homes.
Un;l
the
late
1970s
Afghanistan
supplied
20%
of
the
raisins
on
the
global
market,
held
a
dominant
posi;on
in
pistachio
and
dried
fruit
produc;on,
and
produced
livestock
and
wool
products
for
the
regional
markets.
The
intermiPent
periods
of
conict
since
the
late
1970s
combined
with
periodic
droughts
have
resulted
in
loss
of
agriculturally
produc;ve
land
and
weakened
produc;ve
capacity
due
to
ight
of
capital,
displacement
of
framing
communi;es,
neglect
of
irriga;on
channels,
diminished
technical
and
market
support
and,
ul;mately,
loss
of
market
share.
Women
are
responsible
for
producing
70%-80%
of
food
crops
in
South
Asia
(Samson
2006).
They
raise
chickens
and
collect
eggs,
water
and
weed
crops,
clean
and
dry
fruits
and
vegetables,
and
process
and
package
agricultural
produce
or
products.
There
is
far
less
involvement
of
women
in
marke;ng
and
trading
of
the
goods
they
help
produce,
however.
In
Afghanistan
the
percentage
of
women
involved
in
agricultural
produc;on
is
es;mated
at
65%
of
the
agricultural
workforce
(World
Bank
2007,
UNIFEM
2008).
Women
carry
out
the
bulk
of
the
value-adding
ac;vi;es
as
domes;c
chores
while
the
trading
and
marke;ng
of
nished
agricultural
products
are
carried
out
almost
exclusively
by
men
who
are
also
the
main
nancial
beneciaries
of
the
process.
Two
Key
factors
contribu;ng
to
these
inequitable
arrangements
are
gender
bias
based
on
deeply
ingrained
cultural
norms
(Byravan
2008)
and
the
highly
informal
agricultural
economy.
The
Government
of
Afghanistan
s;pulates
gender
equality
to
be
one
of
the
most
important
cross-
cutng
themes
in
the
Afghanistan
Na;onal
Development
Strategy
(ANDS)
2008-2013.
The
Government,
supported
by
a
host
of
interna;onal
donors,
has
commiPed
to
measurable
improvements
in
womens
economic
opportuni;es
and
access
to
and
control
over
produc;ve
assets
and
income.
Since
agriculture
accounts
for
approximately
50%
of
Afghanistans
gross
domes;c
product,
systemic
interven;on
to
increase
produc;vity
through
changes
in
the
organiza;on
of
produc;on
including
the
introduc;on
of
new
technologies
is
necessary
for
crea;ng
more
viable
livelihood
alterna;ves,
par;cularly
for
women
who
are
most
vulnerable
in
poorer
rural
communi;es.
However,
there
is
insucient
precise
and
reliable
knowledge
about
gender
rela;ons
in
agricultural
produc;on
and
the
poten;al
for
women
to
assume
a
more
central
role.
The
reconstruc;on
of
the
agricultural
sector
in
Afghanistan
requires
iden;fying
system
resiliencies
and
establishing
what
works
despite
the
insurmountable
barriers
confronted
by
the
sector
over
the
years
while
ac;vely
pursuing
innova;ve
alterna;ves
to
expand
the
scope
of
current
ac;vi;es
and
increase
gender
equity
and
produc;vity.
2.
Objec;ves
This
study
was
undertaken
to
iden;fy
constraints
and
explore
opportuni;es
for
women
to
par;cipate
and
improve
their
posi;on
in
various
stages
of
saron
produc;on.
To
address
ques;ons
1-6,
above,
the
following
objec;ves
were
set
for
this
study:
-
A
review
of
the
literature
on
agricultural
value
chains,
value
chain
analysis,
and
gender
in/and
agricultural
development
Collec;on
of
primary
data
on
saron
produc;on
through
eld
visits,
focus
group
discussions
and
interviews
with
key
informants
in
Kabul
and
Herat
The methodology used to address the above objec;ves is elaborated in the next sec;on.
3.
Methodology
The
mainly
qualita;ve
data
for
this
research
were
collected
through
reviews
of
the
literature
and
exis;ng
reports
and
communiqus,
interviews
with
key
informants
within
or
related
to
the
saron
value
chain,
and
focus
group
discussions
with
producer
groups.3
An
extensive
review
was
carried
out
to
take
stock
of
the
available
literature
on
agricultural
produc;on,
value
chain
analysis,
and
gender
in/and
agricultural
produc;on.4
This
study
is
centered
on
saron
and
the
site
of
study
is
mainly
Herat,
supplemented
with
interviews
with
na;onal
key
informants
based
in
Kabul
and
interna;onal
key
informants
in
the
United
States
and
United
Arab
Emirates.
The
key
informants
included
commercial
actors
such
as
input
suppliers,
processors,
nancial
and
other
service
providers,
middlemen,
traders,
wholesalers,
retailers,
exporters,
buyers
and
middlemen
involved
in
export
to
markets
such
as
India,
Pakistan,
Iran,
and
UAE.
The
ins;tu;onal
actors
at
the
local
level
included
the
following:
(a)
provincial
and
district
government
oces
and
provincial
Chambers
of
Commerce;
and
(b)
NGOs
and
aid
agencies
involved
in
the
saron
value
chain,
in
terms
of
social
mobiliza;on,
technical
assistance,
micronance,
marke;ng
and
trade,
and
womens
socio-economic
development.
Ins;tu;onal
actors
at
the
na;onal
level
were
drawn
from
governmental
ministries,
donors,
aid
agencies,
and
NGOs
which
support
women
in
trade,
and
private
sector
organiza;ons
involved
in
business
development
support
for
both
men
and
women
such
as
business
associa;ons
and
Micronance
Ins;tu;ons
(MFIs).
_____________________________________________________________________________________
3
See
Appendices
1
and
2
for
the
key
informant
and
focus
group
par:cipant
details
and
the
codes
used
to
cite
them
in
this
report.
4
See
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc:on:
A
Review
of
the
Literature
and
a
Conceptual
Framework
and
Understanding
Gender
in
Agricultural
Produc:on:
and
Annotated
Bibliography
for
the
Case
of
Afghanistan,
available
at:
hKp://www.appro.org.af/
Publica:ons.html
The
remainder
of
this
paper
is
organized
as
follows.
Sec;on
4
describes
and
elaborates
on
the
key
elements
of
the
analy;cal
framework
used
in
this
study.
Sec;on
5,
provides
a
detailed
overview
of
what
is
known
about
saron
produc;on
in
Afghanistan,
paying
par;cular
aPen;on
to
the
role
of
women
in
produc;on.
Sec;on
6
highlights
the
key
ndings
from
the
analysis
of
the
primary
data
collected
through
interviews
with
key
informants
drawn
from
na;onal
and
local
organiza;ons
and
focus
group
discussions
with
two
women
saron
producers
associa;ons
in
Herat.
Sec;on
7
concludes
by
highligh;ng
the
key
lessons
learned
while
Sec;on
8
provides
a
series
of
recommenda;ons
aimed
at
informing
decision
making
on
gender
mainstreaming
in/and
agricultural
development.
Demand
and
market
size
at
local,
na;onal
(Kabul
and
other
major
urban
centers),
regional
and
interna;onal
levels
Costs and benets at the producer level, including labour, other inputs and credit
Market
access
and
infrastructure
(access
to
roads
and
electricity),
logis;cs,
input
supply,
processing,
access
to
markets
and
marke;ng
support
services,
access
to
capital,
administra;ve
procedures,
and
skills.
The
frame
of
analysis
adopted
for
this
study
was
informed
by
Bolwig
et
al.
(2008)
and
Laven
et
al.
(2009).
Bolwig
et
al.
(2008)
build
on
Barreintoss
(2001),
Barrientos
et
al.
(2003),
and
Tallon;re
et
al.
(2005)
to
oer
a
comprehensive
framework
for
integra;ng
gender
with
the
ver;cal
and
horizontal
aspects
of
value
chains
that
aect
poverty
and
sustainability.
Bolwig
et
al.
(2008)
then
oer
their
integrated
frame
of
analysis
to
underline
the
importance
of
the
following
components
and
aspects
of
the
value
chain:
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Types
of
actors
chain
actors,
external
actors/networks,
excluded
chain
actors
and
non
par;cipants.
Types
of
change
in
value
chain
posi;on
inclusion
into
value
chain,
con;nued
par;cipa;on
under
new
terms,
exclusion
of
par;cipants,
and
non
par;cipa;on.
How
the
change
in
value
chain
posi;on
may
be
driven
by
changes
from
above
(in
value
structure,
governance,
standards
and
cer;ca;ons),
or
from
below
(in
actor
capabili;es
resul;ng
from
upgrading
or
local
factors).
Illustra;ons
of
how
commonly
observed
ver;cal
chain
dynamics
(change
in
posi;on
and
the
causes)
may
impact
on
each
dimension
of
poverty/the
environment.
Laven
et
al.
(2009)
also
outline
an
integra;ve
framework
for
value
chain
and
gender
analysis
by
integra;ng
two
separate
frameworks
on
gender
empowerment
and
chain
empowerment
to
provide
insights
into
the
internal
dimensions
of
value
chains
such
as
ver;cal
and
horizontal
integra;on,
and
external
dimensions
such
as
gender
dynamics
in
the
household
and
the
community
and
the
ins;tu;onal
context
including
norms,
rules,
and
values.
Similarly,
Gammage
et
al.
(2005)
iden;fy
four
markets
in
which
gender
imbalances
constrain
equitable
access
and
outcomes:
labour
markets,
in
which
individuals
sell
their
labour
and
are
remunerated
by
wages;
nances
markets
which
comprise
a
broad
range
of
products
and
services
oered
by
nancial
intermediaries,
such
as
banking,
credit,
savings,
insurance,
pensions,
and
mortgages;
goods
markets
where
produc;on
inputs
and
outputs
are
purchased
and
sold;
and
services
markets,
which
encompass
the
delivery,
purchase,
or
hiring-in
of
services
that
can
enhance
or
upgrade
produc;ve
ac;vi;es.
Gammage
et
al.s
(2005)
approach
is
based
on
en;tlements
and
capabili;es
analysis
of
poverty
and
depriva;on.
En;tlements
are
dened
as
the
bundle
of
resources
that
an
individual
or
group
of
individuals
commands
for
the
purpose
of
consump;on,
produc;on,
or
exchange.
Capabili;es
are
the
individuals
or
groups
freedom
and
abili;es
to
deploy
their
resources
(Box
1).
Gammage
et
al.s
(2005)
nd
that
projects
tend
to
concentrate
dispropor;onately
on
micronance,
diversifying
agricultural
produc;on,
and
rural
livelihoods.
Far
fewer
projects
address
training
and
workforce
development;
labor
market
intermedia;on;
and
generalizing
nancial
instruments
for
insurance,
social
security,
and
pensions.
Projects
that
provide
capabili;es
and
en;tlements
may
be
more
successful
when
nested
within
programmes
and
sector
wide
ac;vi;es
that
address
structural
exclusions
and
barriers.
For
a
gender-sensi;ve
approach
to
development,
Gammage
et
al.
(2005)
propose
the
following:
-
Use of gender analysis tools to design, implement, and evaluate projects and programmes
Undertake
a
value
chain
analysis
to
iden;fy
opportuni;es
for
womens
broader
par;cipa;on
in
markets
Address informality
To
establish
the
extent,
quan;ta;vely
and
qualita;vely,
to
which
women
par;cipate
in
economic
ac;vi;es
and
benet
from
them
requires
a
methodology
that
accounts
for
the
total
input
from
women
throughout
the
produc;on
value
chain.
An
engendered
value
chain
approach
in
socio-
economic
analysis
as
adopted
in
this
study
allows
for
taking
account
of
all
aspects
of
the
produc;on
process,
distribu;on,
and
retailing
across
global
supply
networks
to
iden;fy
inputs,
outputs,
and
the
distribu;on
of
the
benets
in
a
given
value
chain.
Box
1.
En;tlements
and
Capabili;es
Approach
(Excerpts
from
Gammage
et
al.
[2005])
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
En;tlements
describe
the
bundle
of
resources
that
an
individual
or
group
commands
for
the
purpose
of
consump;on,
produc;on,
or
exchange.
Capabili;es
summarize
an
individuals
or
groups
freedoms
and
abili;es
to
deploy
their
resources.
Projects
focused
on
en;tlements
focus
on
increasing
access
to
resources
and
inputs
that
enable
women
to
enter
markets,
increase
their
produc;vity,
or
scale
up
their
exis;ng
ac;vi;es.
Projects
focused
on
capabili;es
emphasize
improving
womens
capacity
to
deploy
available
resources
to
increase
their
market
access
and
improve
market
outcomes.
Projects
focused
on
en;tlements
are
more
likely
to
have
emerged
without
an
explicit
gender
analysis
or
focus.
Projects
focused
on
capabili;es
are
dispropor;onately
likely
to
have
emerged
from
a
process
that
analyzed
gender
inequali;es
and
sought
to
address
gender-based
exclusion
or
barriers
to
market
entry
and
par;cipa;on.
The
majority
of
projects
and
programmes
pursue
an
en;tlements
approach
concentra;ng
on
direct
inputs
such
as
credit,
storage,
and
transport.
Fewer
projects
and
programmes
focus
on
a
capabili;es
approach,
increasing
womens
ability
to
enter
markets,
nego;ate
with
buyers
and
sellers,
and
posi;on
them-selves
higher
up
the
value
chain.
Programmes
and
projects
that
focus
on
enhancing
womens
capabili;es
as
well
as
their
en;tlements
are
likely
to
increase
the
value
added
of
their
produc;on,
and
enable
women
to
secure
bePer
outcomes
in
exis;ng
and
new
markets.
Market
access
is
a
necessary
but
not
sucient
condi;on
for
ensuring
bePer
mainstreaming
women
in
produc;on.
Successful
projects
and
programmes
pay
aPen;on
both
to
inputs
as
well
as
to
the
individual
or
group
ability
to
deploy
these
inputs.
Programmes
and
projects
that
provide
informa;on
and
communica;ons
technologies
are
likely
to
improve
womens
bargaining
power
with
monopsonists
(sole
buyers).
Programmes
that
provide
collec;ve
access
to
child
care
can
enable
women
to
enter
markets
or
receive
training
and
engage
in
workforce
development
ini;a;ves.
En;tlements
Credit
Produc:on
input
Transport
Storage
Capabili;es
Child-care
services
Business
Development
Services
Insurance
Market
informa:on
ICT
services
10
Training
Legal
interven:ons
that
enshrine
or
enforce
womens
access
and
labor
rights
Advocacy
Our
analysis
focused
on
the
four
key
elements
of
produc;on,
employment,
exports
and
the
role
of
women
throughout
the
process.
Value
chain
mapping
was
carried
out
as
part
of
the
analysis
to
iden;fy
the
key
commercial
and
ins;tu;onal
actors
and
their
rela;onships,
their
gender
distribu;on,
and
their
posi;on
in
rela;on
to
the
value
chain
steps
(including
produc;on
and
distribu;on
of
the
products).
Ins;tu;onal
actors
were
mapped
at
the
local,
provincial,
na;onal,
regional
and,
as
much
as
possible,
interna;onal
levels.
The
mapping
was
used
to
examine
two
sets
of
constraints,
and
to
suggest
remedial
ac;on
through
policy
and
donor-aided
programs
to
address
them.
The
rst
set,
organiza;onal
constraints,
were
dened
as
those
that
inuence
gender
balance
in
the
process
of
introducing
basic
import
subs;tu;on
measures
through
technology
transfer,
extension,
and
other
measures
such
as
rural
micronance.
The
second
set,
ins;tu;onal
constraints,
inuence
macro-
measures
aimed
at
reducing
the
quan;ta;ve
and
qualita;ve
gender
gaps
in
agriculture-based
produc;on.
Box
2.
Typology
of
Ins;tu;ons
Behavioural:
Ins;tu;ons
as
standardized
(recognizable)
social
habits
manifest
in
deeply
ingrained
behaviour
of
individuals
and
groups
as
reec;ons
of
social
norms
Cogni<ve:
Ins;tu;ons
as
mental
models
and
constructs
or
deni;ons,
based
on
values
and
embedded
in
culture
aspired
to
by
individuals
and
groups
Associa<ve:
Ins;tu;ons
as
mechanisms
facilita;ng
prescribed
or
privileged
interac;on
among
dierent
private
and
public
interests
manifest
in
ac;vi;es
of
groups
of
individuals
Regula<ve:
Ins;tu;ons
as
prescrip;ons
and
proscrip;ons
manifest
as
the
immediate
boundaries
of
ac;on
by
individuals
and
groups
Cons<tu<ve:
Ins;tu;ons
setng
the
bounds
of
social
rela;ons
manifest
as
the
ul3mate
boundaries
of
ac;on
by
individuals
and
groups
Source:
Parto
(2008)
The
work
on
the
organiza;onal
set
of
constraints
was
carried
out
through
an
examina;on
of
the
policy
process
for
reviving
agricultural
produc;on
in
Afghanistan
since
2002,
the
impact
of
these
policies
based
on
the
informa;on
available
from
secondary
sources,
and
the
assessment
of
the
impact
on
women
based
on
interviews
with
key
informants
from
the
sector.
The
analysis
was
to
reveal
path
dependency,
the
pace
of
change,
and
the
evolu;on
of
the
ac;vi;es,
roles,
and
rela;onships
within
the
saron
value
chain.
The
work
on
the
ins;tu;onal
set
of
constraints
consisted
of
taking
stock
of
formal
and
informal
ins;tu;ons
that
structure
the
agricultural
sector
including
the
alloca;on
of
gender
roles.
The
inventoried
ins;tu;ons
were
then
assessed
for
signicance
based
on
the
typology
of
ins;tu;ons
(Box
2)
to
determine
entry
points
for
policy
interven;on
to
eect
ins;tu;onal
change.
11
Source: DACAAR
12
During
the
harves;ng
the
owers
are
hand
picked
and
carried
o
to
have
their
s;gmas
removed
and
dried
to
produce
saron.
The
plant
requires
minimal
fer;liza;on.
Throughout
its
growing
process
it
needs
two
irriga;ons,
a
great
advantage
in
a
geographic
area
suering
from
a
general
scarcity
of
water
par;cularly
for
the
many
smallholding
farmers.
In
addi;on,
growing
saron
does
not
carry
with
it
the
burden
of
sin,
oTen
associated
with
growing
poppies
and
marijuana
by
most
interpreters
of
Islamic
teachings.
Producing
a
kilogram
of
dried
saron
requires
150,000
to
170,000
owers
and
around
400
hours
of
labour.
According
to
the
farmers
in
Herat,
a
jerib
of
land
(one
Th
of
a
hectare
or
2,000
square
meters)
yields
opium
worth
US$400-600,
while
the
same
land
area
can
produce
1-3
Kilograms
of
saron
worth
US$2-3,000
per
Kilogram.
Annual
global
saron
produc;on
is
around
300
tons,
of
which
Iran
is
es;mated
to
produce
between
90-94
percent.
High
quality
packaged
saron
retails
for
as
much
as
US$11,000
per
Kilogram
or
higher
in
Western
markets
while
recent
years
have
witnessed
a
surge
in
the
demand.6
One
US-based
trader
es;mates
the
demand
in
the
United
States
alone
at
20
tons
per
year
at
minimum.7
Saron
produc;on
has
signicantly
increased
over
the
past
few
years
in
Afghanistan.
There
are
no
reliable
ocial
records
of
Afghanistans
total
saron
exports
at
Afghanistans
Central
Sta;s;cs
Oce,
the
Export
Promo;on
Agency
of
Afghanistan,
or
Afghanistan
Investment
Support
Agency.8
The
Directorate
of
MAIL
in
Herat
es;mates
the
produc;on
of
saron
for
2009
at
over
900
Kilograms.
Limited
quan;;es
of
saron
have
also
been
produced
in
Maidan
Wardak,
Logar,
Kunduz
and
a
number
of
other
provinces,
largely
as
an
experimental
crop.
Herat
and
the
other
western
provinces
remain
the
main
saron
growing
regions
of
Afghanistan.
Globally,
Germany,
Italy,
the
United
States,
Switzerland,
UK,
and
France
are
the
largest
saron
impor;ng
countries.
The
major
producers
of
saron
in
the
world
are
Iran,
Spain,
India,
Greece,
Azerbaijan,
Morocco,
and
Italy.9
A
senior
ocial
of
the
Department
of
Agriculture,
Irriga;on
and
Livestock
in
Herat
es;mates
the
area
of
land
under
saron
cul;va;on
at
around
212
hectares,
involving
over
1,000
farmers
and
with
the
poten;al
to
produce
between
50
to
70
tons
of
saron.
Experts,
government
ocials,
and
saron
traders
all
claim
that
Afghan
saron
is
of
the
highest
quality
with
a
poten;al
to
make
signicant
inroads
into
the
interna;onal
market.
According
to
the
Danish
CommiPee
for
Aid
to
Afghan
Refugees
(DACAAR),
a
2007
project
survey
in
the
Herat
province
showed
that
over
80%
of
farmers
grow
at
least
small
quan;;es
of
saron
every
year
for
household
use.
The
survey
also
reported
that
about
1,100
farmers
in
Afghanistan
grew
saron.10
_____________________________________________________________________________________
6
Wholesale
and
retail
saron
price
es;mates
vary
between
US$1,100
and
US$11,000.
ICARDA
/
DACAAR
(2008).
Saron
Manual
for
Afghanistan.
Available
at:
www.icarda.org/Ralfweb/PDFs/SaronManualForAfghanistan.pdf,
accessed
January
4,
2010.
7
Email
exchange
with
a
saron
trader
based
in
San
Francisco
on
January
16,
2010.
8
Major
saron
traders
shy
away
from
repor;ng
the
volumes
of
their
trade
and
prefer
to
conduct
business
transac;ons
informally
and
without
much
publicity
via
saron
carriers
who
transport
the
nished
product
in
bulk
for
sale
in
interna;onal
markets.
9
Spice
Trade,
hPp://www.spice-trade.com/saron.htm,
accessed
September
5,
2009.
10
ICARDA
/
DACAAR
(2008).
13
%!!#"
%!!("
%!!)"
%!!*"
%!!+"
%!$!"
Source: Data collected from producers and traders in late 2009 and early 2010
According
to
the
main
traders
in
Herat,
Ministry
of
Agriculture
ocials,
and
NGO
ocials
interviewed
Afghan
processed
saron
is
exported
at
a
price
of
around
$5,500
US
to
countries
such
as
Iran,
India,
UAE,
Pakistan,
USA,
and
Europe.
Exports
of
Afghan
saron
to
the
American
and
European
markets
takes
place
through
transit
loca;ons
such
as
Iran
or
Dubai,
which
usually
brand
the
product
as
origina;ng
from
those
countries.
Interna;onally,
saron
is
graded
according
to
the
ISO
standards
(ISO
3632),
ranging
from
I
(nest)
to
IV
(poorest).
Afghanistans
saron,
if
processed
adequately,
is
said
to
be
of
the
highest
grade.11
Most
of
the
work
done
to
harvest,
process,
and
package
saron
in
Afghanistan
is
carried
out
by
women
-
up
to
80%
according
to
es;mates
by
the
key
informants
interviewed
for
this
study.
Eorts
are
being
made
by
saron
growing
women
in
Herat
to
assume
a
more
central
role
in
the
marke;ng
of
their
products.12
14
and
less
likely
to
have
been
damaged
in
transporta;on.
Some
limited
quan;;es
of
bulbs
were
also
imported
from
the
Netherlands
a
few
years
ago
but
were
found
unsuitable
for
the
harsher
Herat
climate.
The
buyers
of
bulbs
are
saron
trading
businesses,
the
government
departments
such
as
the
Directorate
of
Agriculture,
NGOs,
PRTs,
and
farmers
(see
Table
1).
Since
most
of
the
bulbs
on
the
market
are
smuggled
bulbs,
there
are
no
ocial
records
of
the
quan;ty
of
bulbs
entering
the
country.
Bulbs,
smuggled
or
domes;cally
produced,
are
distributed
by
NGOs,
PRT,
and
the
Directorate
of
Agriculture
in
Herat
to
farmers
in
limited
amounts
at
no
cost
in
some
cases
and
in
others
under
the
condi;on
that
the
farmers
return
the
same
amount
of
bulbs
to
the
distributer
aTer
extrac;on
from
the
ground
in
four
to
seven
years
aTer
the
rst
plan;ng.
The
returned
bulbs
are
then
redistributed
to
new
farmers
based
on
farmers
requests,
amount
of
bulbs
available,
suitability
of
the
land
and
environment,
and
in
consulta;on
with
village
elders
(typically
Maliks
or
Arbabs)
and
heads
of
saron
producer
associa;ons,
if
in
existence.
Trading
saron
bulbs
has
been
primarily
a
mens
job
in
Afghanistan.
Women
are
involved
in
bulb
trade
but
only
as
buyers
or
receivers.
Representa;ves
from
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Ghoryan
and
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Pashtun
Zarghoon
(both
in
Herat
and
interviewed
for
this
study),
said
that
they
have
received
limited
quan;;es
of
saron
bulbs
from
NGOs
under
the
abovemen;oned
condi;ons.
The
Associa;ons
distribute
the
bulbs
among
their
members
for
plan;ng
on
their
individual
farms.
15
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16
subsequent
years,
an
average
of
US$500
per
year
is
spent
on
each
Jerib
for
maintenance
consis;ng
of
fer;lizers
and
labour.
Weeding
or
breaking
of
the
soil
crust
is
carried
out
by
both
men
and
women.18
17
for
processing
saron
owers
in
2008.
He
also
added
that
the
quality
of
the
womens
work
was
bePer
than
that
of
men
and
that
he
preferred
to
hire
women.
More
recently
(January
2010),
womens
daily
wage
was
quoted
as
US$3
per
day
plus
US$1
for
lunch
expenses.21
In
larger
opera;ons
run
by
businesses
and
the
two
womens
associa;ons
interviewed
for
this
study,
drying
s;gmas
is
done
by
electric
dryers.
Smaller
producers
without
access
to
electric
dryers
dry
their
saron
in
open
air,
yielding
the
lowest
quality,
or
tradi;onal
siTers
over
warm
charcoal
which
runs
the
risk
of
burning
the
valuable
s;gmas.
Electric
dryers
cost
around
US$40022
each
though
recently
this
price
has
been
reduced
to
around
US$180
for
dryers
imported
from
Iran23.
The
electric
dryers
produce
much
bePer
quality
saron
in
a
shorter
;me.
The
farmers
and
businesses
interviewed
all
had
their
own
dryers
but
could
not
es;mate
the
energy
cost
of
running
the
dryers
and
seemed
not
at
all
concerned
with
electricity
consump;on.24
The
dryers
are
run
for
around
30
minutes
for
drying
one
Kilogram
of
s;gmas.
Most
small
scale
farmers
cannot
aord
buying
electric
dryers
though
there
were
numerous
examples
of
sharing
dryers
among
the
farmers
of
the
same
areas.
Both
men
and
women
take
part
in
drying
saron
s;gmas.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
18
Since
saron
is
sold
in
grams
by
retailers
and
the
packaging
boxes
need
specic
type
and
quality
of
material,
packaging
for
retail
is
likely
to
be
expensive
for
small
businesses
or
the
womens
associa;on
interested
in
entering
the
market
to
sell
their
own
brands.
In
2008
processing
and
packaging
saron
cost
around
US$500
per
Kilogram
of
saron
in
Herat.26
This
problem
is
compounded
when
the
produced
quan;;es
are
limited
and
not
(yet)
mee;ng
interna;onal
standards
in
terms
of
quality
and
cer;ca;on.
Unpackaged
saron
sold
in
bulk
yields
lower
returns
to
the
sellers.
Figure
2.
Costs
and
Values
Added
by
Saron
Actors
for
Domes;c
Packaged
Retail
Saron
in
$US.
*!!!"
)!!!"
(!!!"
'!!!"
&!!!"
F,D?/"G22/2"
H401"
%!!!"
$!!!"
#!!!"
!"
+,-./01/2"345/-0"
67,-8/-09"
:-4;/00/2"0,<-4=" :,;A,B/2",=2">-,=2/2"
C4D2"14"248/0E;"
67,-8/-0"4-">?0@=/00/09" 0,<-4="6>?0@=/00/09" ;4=0?8/-0"6-/1,@D/-09"
Source: Average values based on informa;on provided by key informants in 2009 (exclude the value of harvested bulbs).
_____________________________________________________________________________________
19
The
exact
method
of
shipment
and
retail
price
of
Afghanistans
saron
is
unknown
though
secondary
sources
report
that
expor;ng
bulk
saron
is
some;mes
done
as
simply
as
being
placed
in
travelers
luggage
des;ned
for
points
of
sale
in
Europe
and
the
United
States.
The
transporta;on
to
Iran
and
Pakistan
of
Afghan-produced
saron
is
said
to
take
place
by
land.
Needless
to
say,
much
of
the
saron
exported
in
bulk
ends
up
being
packaged
as
being
produced
by
the
bulk
recipient
country
traders.27
The
local
saron
markets
in
Afghanistan
are
supplied
by
Iranian
(branded)
as
well
as
Afghan-produced
saron,
oTen
sold
in
herb
stores
without
packaging.
The
Iranian
saron
has
a
higher
price
in
these
markets
because
of
its
bePer
packaging
and
reputa;on
of
higher
quality.
The
interviews
with
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Ghoryan
suggest
that
the
current
arrangements
for
expor;ng
may
be
changing.
The
Associa;on
has
been
aPemp;ng
to
formally
market
its
own
brand
in
compe;;on
with
the
more
established
traders.
The
main
challenges
for
the
emerging
sector
are
insucient
and
unreliable
supply
of
high
quality
saron
bulbs,
lack
of
access
to
capital
(par;cularly
for
smallholding
farmers),
lack
of
mechaniza;on,
rela;vely
dicult
physical
labour,
post
harvest
loss
of
value
due
to
inadequate
harves;ng
and/or
drying,
lack
of
direct
access
to
the
end
buyer
of
the
product
(see
Box
5),
the
lead
;me
required
before
the
plant
yields
economically,
and
lack
of
coopera;on
by
the
larger
and
more
established
traders.
The
bulb
usually
takes
up
to
3
years
from
the
rst
plan;ng
before
producing
plen;ful
owers
and
thus
a
high
yield
of
saron.
Another
major
concern
is
the
ini;al
(rela;vely
high)
cost
of
purchasing
saron
bulbs.
Most
smallholders
are
thus
hesitant
to
switch
to
saron
from
crops
with
more
immediate
return
such
as
coPon,
wheat,
or
rice.
Currently,
the
main
beneciaries
of
saron
produc;on
are
the
middle
agents
and
larger
traders
who
purchase
the
saron
in
bulk
from
the
growers
at
a
frac;on
of
the
price
paid
by
the
retail
customer.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
27 An added twist to this tale is that Iran purportedly exports 85 percent of its saron in bulk to Spain to be packaged and
sold
as
Spanish
saron.
If
true,
this
may
be
because
Iran
wishes
to
pre-empt
accusa;ons
of
monopolis;c
behaviour
in
the
world
saron
market.
See
www.rferl.org/content/ar;cle/1068856.html
for
details.
20
Figure
3.
Costs
and
Values
of
Unpackaged
Export
for
Packaged
Foreign
Retail
Saron
in
$US.
'#!!!"
'!!!!"
&!!!"
%!!!"
B)>;,"C//,/"
D1-."
$!!!"
#!!!"
!"
()*+,-.,/"012,*-"34"
5)*6,*-"
7*18,--,/"-)9*1:"34" =1>/"34">18)>"3;-<:,--,-"
=1>/".1"51*,<@:"
5)*6,*-"1*"3;-<:,--,-" .1"<:.,*:)?1:)>"3;4,*-" 81:-;6,*-"34"51*,<@:"
*,.)<>,*-A"
Source: Average values based on informa;on provided by key informants in 2009 (exclude the value of harvested bulbs)
The
Associa;on
has
121
registered
female
members
and
one
male
member.
While
membership
in
the
associa;on
is
open
to
all
women
interested
in
growing
saron,
only
40
of
its
present
members
have
saron
planta;ons
from
bulb
dona;ons
to
the
Associa;on.
The
Associa;on
has
received
saron
bulbs,
dryers,
and
an
electric
generator
from
DACAAR.
DACAAR
also
provides
guidance
and
training
in
saron
produc;on.
All
female
heads
of
the
Associa;on
are
illiterate
except
for
two
who
have
some
reading
and
wri;ng
skills
acquired
at
the
mosque.
It
was
observed
during
a
focus
group
discussion
and
a
number
of
interviews
with
the
Associa;on
members
and
Heads
that
the
major
decisions
within
the
Associa;on
were
inuenced
by
the
non-member
husbands
of
the
female
members.
While
owning
almost
all
the
land
on
which
the
women
plant
their
saron,
these
men
also
act
as
intermediaries
between
the
Associa;on
and
the
market
and
donor
organiza;ons.
The
second
associa;on,
Associa3on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Ghoryan,
was
founded
in
2007
and
registered
in
early
2009.
The
Ghoryan
Associa;on
has
72
permanent
members,
25
temporary
members,
and
non-member
female
associates.
The
Associa;on
has
received
bulbs,
dryers,
oce
supply
and
furniture,
packaging
fund,
and
training
from
the
Italian
Provincial
Reconstruc;on
Team
(PRT),
ICARDA,
USAID/ASMED,
and
Sanayee
Development
Organiza;on
(SDO).
Permanent
membership
is
limited
to
its
present
members
who
have
all
received
bulb
dona;ons
from
the
Italian
PRT
and
ICARDA
in
the
past.
The
Associa;on
does
not
admit
new
members
due
to
insucient
facili;es
and
resources
but
it
does
provide
work
opportuni;es
for
its
permanent
members
as
labourers
for
saron
farmers
across
Ghoryan
district
during
saron
plan;ng,
harves;ng
and
processing.
While
its
permanent
members
take
precedence
over
the
temporary
and
non-member
associates
during
the
work
season,
they
are
not
en;tled
to
receiving
more
bulbs
from
future
dona;ons
to
the
Associa;on.
In
a
recent
ini;a;ve,
the
Ghoryan
Associa;ons
Head
rented
one
hectare
of
land
for
a
period
of
ve
years,
installed
a
water
pump
and
a
generator
for
irriga;on,
and
assigned
25
widowed
women
as
temporary
labourers
to
grow
and
produce
saron.
The
investment
is
expected
to
be
recovered
at
the
end
of
the
ve
year
period
when
the
saron
is
produced
and
the
bulbs
have
mul;plied.
The
temporary
labourers
will
be
leT
with
sucient
bulbs
to
start
on
their
own.
The
only
male
member
of
the
Source: DACAAR
22
Associa;on
holds
the
second
most
senior
posi;on
in
the
Associa;on.
Almost
all
female
heads
of
the
associa;on
are
high
school
educated
and
ar;culate.
The
cultural
impact
of
immigra;on
to
Iran
in
previous
years
by
many
members
of
the
Ghoryan
community
in
general
has
resulted
in
a
more
open
environment
for
women
to
work
on
saron
farms,
par;cipate
in
social
ac;vi;es,
and
work
to
generate
an
income.
This
has
bePer
prepared
the
Associa;on
members,
and
par;cularly
its
senior
members,
to
be
less
dependent
on
their
men
when
compared
to
Pashtun
Zarghoon
Associa;on
members.
As
the
cases
of
the
two
womens
associa;on
clearly
illustrate,
DACAAR
has
been
successful
in
distribu;ng
saron
bulbs,
providing
training,
and
conduc;ng
research
in
cul;va;on
methods,
processing,
and
marke;ng
of
saron.
It
has
also
facilitated
the
founding
of
four
grower
associa;ons
(including
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Pashtun
Zarghoon),
the
establishment
of
links
between
the
associa;ons
and
interna;onal
buyers,
na;onal
conferences
on
saron
in
Afghanistan,
and
the
crea;on
of
the
rst
quality
control
laboratory
for
saron
in
Herat,
now
run
by
the
Department
of
Agriculture,
Irriga;on,
and
Livestock.
A
conference
in
2006
resulted
in
the
crea;on
of
the
Na;onal
Saron
Coordina;on
and
Support
CommiPee,
led
by
MAIL,
to
coordinate
the
work
of
dierent
ministries
and
research
ins;tu;ons
on
issues
such
as
produc;on
methods,
quality
standards,
import
and
export
regula;on,
and
marke;ng.
The
elaborate
strategy
submiPed
to
MAIL
by
Hashim
Aslami
of
DACAAR
in
2008
calls
for
a
number
of
measures
to
build
the
Afghan
saron
produc;on
sector
including:
-
Introduc;on
of
new
methods
for
processing
and
packaging
u;lizing
state
of
the
art
technologies
and
adherence
to
interna;onal
quality
standards
Recogni;on
of
the
poten;al
of
saron
produc;on
as
a
means
to
provide
rural
livelihoods
and
food
security,
ght
poverty,
engage
women
in
agricultural
produc;on
to
increase
gender
equity,
protect
the
natural
environment,
and
use
scarce
natural
resources
sustainably.
The
plan
calls
for
human
capital
development
through
training
and
public
awareness
programmes,
workshops,
seminars
and
introducing
saron
as
a
subject
of
study
at
Afghan
universi;es
with
agricultural
facul;es.
The
need
to
train
woman
saron
producers
and
linking
with
other
saron
producing
countries
are
also
emphasized.
The
plan
points
to
there
having
been
no
systema;c
appraisal
of
the
sector
despite
its
poten;al
promise
in
social
and
economic
reconstruc;on.
DACAARs
work
on
the
sector
since
1998
is
underlined
as
the
only
consistent
eort
to
mainstream
saron
produc;on
and
womens
role
as
a
key
part
of
that
process.
To
move
further
in
establishing
a
socio-
economically
viable
sector
the
plan
calls
for
the
crea;on
of
saron
producing
associa;ons
and
government
and
private
sector
funded
research
programmes
on
agronomics,
marke;ng,
and
packaging
of
saron.
23
Box
5.
Summary
of
Key
Problems
and
Constraints
for
Saron
Farmers
in
Afghanistan
Marke<ng
of
Afghan
product
-
-
-
24
Most
centrally,
the
plan
emphasizes
the
need
for
coordina;on
of
eorts
in
building
the
sector
through
coopera;on
and
informa;on
sharing
by
all
actors.
Part
of
intensifying
this
coordina;on
is
the
poten;ally
pivotal
role
expected
of
the
recently
established
Na;onal
Saron
Coordina;on
and
Support
CommiPee.
Finally,
aPen;on
is
drawn
to
the
need
for
tailor-made
nancial
products
to
suit
saron
producers
specic
and
unique
needs
as
paramount
in
further
development
and
expansion
of
the
sector.28
In
a
similar
vain,
ICARDA/DACAAR
(2008)
provides
a
comprehensive
list
of
problems
and
constraints
confronted
by
the
nascent
sector
(Box
5).
This
manual
for
saron
produc;on
goes
beyond
its
primary
intent
of
being
a
how-to
guide
by
speaking
authorita;vely
and
based
on
many
years
of
experience
on
a
number
of
issues
relevant
to
the
sector
including
the
suitability
of
the
crop
to
the
ecological
condi;ons
in
Afghanistan,
interna;onal
product
standards,
marke;ng
strategies,
priori;es
for
the
development
of
the
sector,
input
costs
and
revenues
from
saron
produc;on,
and
current
(2007)
prices.
A
major
omission
in
this
valuable
resource
book
is
a
discussion
of
the
governance
of
the
saron
chain,
the
inequi;es
of
which
are
likely
to
frustrate
ini;a;ves
by
women
to
move
up
the
value
chain
and
by
the
government
and
donor
agencies
to
strengthen
the
sector
in
a
gender-
equitable
manner.
28 Translated from the original in Dari. MAIL ocials interviewed for this study were aware of the existence of the
CommiPee but no details were available as to what it had accomplished since incep;on.
25
family
members.
Flower
harves;ng
begins
before
sunrise
for
a
few
hours.
Pickers
collect
thousands
of
owers
which
then
have
to
be
processed
by
having
their
s;gmas
removed.
Most
key
informants
were
in
agreement
with
one
another
regarding
the
bePer
performance
of
women
demonstrated
through
their
superior
skills,
speed,
and
pa;ence
when
collec;ng
owers
and
separa;ng
s;gmas.
Ocials
interviewed
from
two
saron
trading
companies
both
favoured
hiring
women
as
opposed
to
men
for
processing
the
owers
because
women
were
bePer
workers
and
cost
less
than
men.
Womens
role
weakens
as
we
move
up
the
value
chain
and
as
the
work
performed
requires
less
physical
energy
and
skills
and
more
investment
capital,
business
rela;ons,
and
culturally
sanc;oned
freedom
to
move
and
manoeuvre
in
a
market
environment.
This
starts
at
the
stage
when
the
saron
is
to
be
packaged
and/or
branded
and
is
ready
to
be
marketed
and
sold.
All
three
major
saron
businesses
in
Herat
belong
to
and
are
operated
by
men.
This
is
the
stage
where
the
balance
of
power
in
chain
governance
shiTs
toward
the
men
who
own
large
saron
trading
enterprises.
Women
are
consciously
barred
by
the
powerful
saron
oligopoly
from
entering
the
market
and
compe;ng
fairly.
Aside
from
being
absent
at
higher
stages
of
the
saron
value
chain,
women
also
get
paid
less
than
men
for
the
same
work.
For
instance,
the
owner
and
CEO
of
one
of
the
saron
companies
in
Herat
admiPed
that
he
paid
women
twenty
percent
less
than
the
men
who
processed
saron
owers
for
him
in
2008.
He
also
added
that
women
did
a
bePer
job
than
men.29
One
large
saron
processing
/
packaging
owner
stated
that
the
main
reason
for
employing
women
was
the
unwillingness
of
the
men
to
work
for
the
same
wage
as
women.
The
greatest
case
of
inequity
can
be
observed
in
the
ra;o
of
work
performed
versus
the
income
accrued
to
men
and
women
from
the
value
adding
ac;vi;es.
While
the
general
consensus
among
those
interviewed
was
that
women
do
most
of
the
dicult
work
throughout
the
value
chain,
the
unstated
fact
was
that
they
shared
signicantly
less
of
the
value
generated
through
their
hard
work.
Saron
produc;on
has
a
proven
poten;al
to
create
more,
and
rela;vely
lucra;ve,
jobs
for
women
at
home
and
away
from
home
even
when
they
do
not
own
land.
Those
who
own
farmland
can
generate
handsome
prots
from
growing
saron.
Saron
produc;on
requires
fewer
labour
hours
than
most
crops
and
hence
provides
an
opportunity
for
women
to
become
involved
in
other
income
genera;ng
ac;vi;es
such
as
weaving
carpets
and
tailoring.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
26
7.
Conclusion
Gender
inequity
in
saron
produc;on
is
a
func;on
of
land
ownership
arrangements,
ini;al
capital,
division
of
labour
within
the
household,
tradi;ons,
cultural
and
religious
norms,
level
of
educa;on,
and
biased
and
unhealthy
market
prac;ces
by
some
actors.
The
combined
impact
of
these
factors
places
women
at
a
signicant
disadvantage
against
men,
even
when
women
are
able
to
overcome
some
of
the
other
main
barriers
such
as
access
to
capital
or
gaining
their
husbands
approval
to
work.
This
situa;on
speaks
to
the
prevalence
of
the
largely
behavioural
and
cogni;ve
structures
(see
Box
2)
that
govern
gender
rela;ons
throughout
Afghanistan
with
some
structures
rela;ng
to
the
place
of
woman
being
s;ckier
than
others.
Gammage
et
al.
(2005)
iden;fy
four
types
of
markets
that
can
constrain
gender
mainstreaming
eorts:
Labour,
Finance,
Goods,
and
Services.
Labour
market
reform
to
remove
constraints
for
women
is
perhaps
a
possibility
in
Afghanistans
distant
future.
Changes
in
the
nance
market,
however,
have
been
well
underway
since
2003
and
through
a
prolifera;on
of
Micornance
Ins;tu;ons
(MFIs)
regulated
by
the
Micronance
Investment
Support
Facility
for
Afghanistan
(MISFA).
While
numerous
MFIs
have
taken
an
ac;ve
role
in
encouraging
the
forma;on
of
women
borrower
groups
as
part
of
their
broader
mandate,
none
of
the
four
MFIs
interviewed
for
this
study
reported
providing
loans
to
saron
growers.
There
were
two
reasons
for
this.
First,
no
saron
producer
group
had
approached
any
of
them.
And
second,
and
most
importantly,
no
MFI
in
Afghanistan
is
currently
prepared
to
provide
loans
that
run
beyond
12
months.
On
asking
whether
MFIs
would
consider
lending
to
women
saron
producers,
the
response
was
a
guarded
yes
and
based
on
a
number
of
condi;ons
including
guarantees
for
the
borrowers,
subsidies
to
alleviate
the
pressure
of
accumulated
interest
(25%
minimum
per
year),
and
favourable
results
from
piloted
micronance
products
to
suit
the
saron
producers
needs.
Security
was
also
listed
as
a
factor
to
be
considered
since
saron
growing
areas
of
Pashtun
Zarghoon
and
Ghoryan
have
not
been
deemed
as
safe
for
MFIs
presence.
A
signicant
por;on
of
the
saron
goods
market
remains
informal
(unregistered).
It
is
conceivable
to
bring
to
account
some
of
the
informali;es
through
regulatory
interven;on
but,
as
with
most
cases
of
formaliza;on
aPempts
by
the
Government
and
the
interna;onal
donors,
these
eorts
are
likely
to
be
largely
ineec;ve,
at
least
in
the
immediate
term.
A
large
por;on
of
the
Afghan-produced
saron
is
likely
to
con;nue
to
be
shipped
in
bulk
to
other
countries
for
packaging,
most
likely
to
avoid
paying
taxes
on
retail
of
packaged
saron.
The
saron
sector
has
beneted
enormously
from
the
ini;a;ves
of
organiza;ons
such
as
DACAAR
and
ICARADA
which
appear
to
have
made
signicant
strides
in
providing
some
of
the
essen;al
services
to
the
sector.
Gammage
et
al.
(2005)
also
refer
to
capabili;es
and
en;tlements
in
dealing
with
poverty
and
depriva;on,
both
of
which
have
signicant
implica;ons
for
any
analysis
of
agricultural
produc;on
and
par;cularly
one
with
gender
mainstreaming
as
a
focus
of
study.
Much
of
the
en;tlement
for
the
saron
sector
as
a
whole
has
been
provided
through
DACAARs
work
since
1998.
In
addi;on,
27
DACAAR
appears
to
have
been
instrumental
in
facilita;ng
the
emergence
of
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Pashtun
Zarghon
by
providing
exper;se
and
input
materials
such
as
saron
bulbs.
DACAAR
also
seems
to
have
provided
the
women
with
capabili;es
to
act
independently
and
to
run
a
protable
opera;on.
Much
work
remains
to
be
done
in
both
en;tlements
and
capabili;es
par;cularly
if
we
include
in
aid
programming
priori;es
land
;tling
arrangements,
access
to
nance,
and
educa;on.
Opportuni;es
for
women
can
be
improved
through
further
facilita;on
by
organiza;ons
similar
in
mandate
to
DACAAR
and,
perhaps
more
importantly,
coordina;on
of
these
eorts
by
such
bodies
as
the
Na;onal
Saron
Coordina;on
and
Support
CommiPee
which,
unfortunately,
appears
to
have
been
largely
inac;ve
since
incep;on
in
2006.
The
recent
poli;cal
turmoil
in
the
country
in
the
aTermath
of
the
Presiden;al
Elec;ons
and
the
disarray
that
spread
through
the
various
Government
Ministries
including
MAIL
could
not
have
been
helpful
to
opera;on
of
any
cross-ministerial
body,
however.
In
the
absence
of
a
whole
host
of
pre-requisites
such
as
a
widely
recognized
regulatory
framework,
func;oning
ministries
and
cross-ministerial
commiPees,
and
rule
of
law
and
security
it
is
unrealis;c
to
expect
that
chain
governance
and
gender
issues
could
be
addressed
formally
and
through
regulatory
channels.
Financial
independence
for
women
(through
access
to
aordable
loans,
for
example)
and
consensual
contrac;ng
mechanisms
between
women
producers
and
the
larger
producers
mediated
by
intermediaries
such
as
DACAAR
may
be
useful
intermediate
measures
to
address
some
of
the
most
pressing
inequi;es
in
produc;on.
The
tradi;onal
view
of
women
as
mainly
homemakers
is
more
visible
in
the
rural
parts
of
the
country
as
compared
to
urban
areas
in
which
some
women
can
work
outside
of
home
and
supplement
the
income
generated
by
the
male
household
members.
Tradi;onally
men
are
in
control
of
the
accumulated
wealth
of
the
family
and
act
as
the
households
main
decision
maker.
While
female
household
income
earners
may
gain
more
of
a
voice
in
household
decision
making,
the
balance
of
power
over
the
use
of
household
assets
remains
with
men
and
legi;mated
and
strengthened
by
the
religious
inheritance
laws
which
en;tle
a
woman
to
half
of
what
a
man
receives.
The
possibili;es
for
women
to
gain
a
higher
degree
of
independence
based
on
accumulated
wealth
are
thus
limited
due
to
this
very
cons;tu;ve
structure
(Box
2).
Over
;me,
this
has
resulted
in
mens
possession
of
most
of
the
land
in
the
family.
A
number
of
women
from
both
saron
producing
associa;ons
in
Herat
spoke
of
these
factors
at
length
and
in
terms
of
their
disadvantaged
posi;on
to
prot
more
from
growing
saron.
While
only
a
few
of
the
women
owned
their
own
farms,
most
of
them
were
plan;ng
on
the
farms
belonging
to
men
or
the
family.
The
decision
on
whether
or
not
to
let
a
women
have
a
saron
planta;on
of
her
own
rests
mostly
with
men.
However,
we
also
found
that
the
saron
bulb
distribu;on
programmes
by
NGOs
which
targeted
women
as
their
beneciaries
had
made
a
posi;ve
dierence
in
womens
ability
to
secure
farms
of
their
own.
In
nearly
all
cases,
women
lacked
the
28
ini;al
capital
to
buy
saron
bulb
and
had
to
borrow
from
men
to
pay
the
cost
or
to
receive
bulbs
free
of
charge
from
development
aid
agencies
such
as
DACAAR
ac;ve
in
their
area.
The
dominant
cogni;ve
ins;tu;ons
rooted
in
social,
cultural,
and
religious
beliefs
also
deter
women
from
reaching
the
markets.
Womens
unwillingness,
fear,
or
prohibi;on
to
freely
explore
the
markets
limits
their
capacity
to
eec;vely
employ
the
limited
resources
they
have
at
their
disposal
to
make
a
fair
prot
from
their
contribu;ons
to
the
saron
value
chain.
The
women
from
the
Associa;on
of
Women
Saron
Producers
of
Pashtun
Zarghoon
reported
that
while
the
Associa;on
consists
primarily
of
female
members,
the
main
decisions
are
made
by
its
few
male
members.
A
group
discussion
with
both
male
and
female
members
of
the
associa;on
revealed
that
women
had
liPle
knowledge
of
the
saron
na;onal
and
interna;onal
markets.
Most
of
them
had
to
go
through
the
male
members
of
their
families
or
the
Associa;on
to
sell
their
produce,
buy,
or
receive
bulbs
or
other
input
materials.
The
barriers
to
womens
full
par;cipa;on
in
economic
/
entrepreneurial
ac;vity
is
compounded
by
unchecked
prejudices
of
male-dominated
market
oligopolies
(Box
4)
which
regulate
the
market
unfavourably
for
women.30
There
is
ground
to
assume,
based
on
a
comparison
of
the
two
womens
Associa;ons,
that
the
womens
educa;onal
background
and
exposure
to
other
contexts
play
a
role
in
determining
their
place
in
the
saron
value
chain.
Ghoryans
Associa;on
was
formed
by
a
number
of
educated,
well-
groomed,
and
well-spoken
women.
They
have
managed
to
convince
several
na;onal
and
interna;onal
aid
agencies
as
well
as
a
number
of
government
organiza;ons
to
assist
them
with
their
ac;vi;es
and
plans.
The
higher
level
of
educa;on
among
these
women
seems
symptoma;c
of
the
Ghoryan
community
in
general.
Also,
a
large
number
of
the
women
have
traveled
in
the
wider
region
and
lived
in
other
countries.
All
the
women
interviewed
from
this
Associa;on
appeared
to
be
enjoying
rela;vely
more
freedom
in
the
community
than
their
counterparts
in
Pashtun
Zarghoon.
That
the
work
by
DACAAR
and
other
organiza;ons
can
facilitate
the
emergence
of
the
two
womens
associa;ons
in
Ghoryan
and
Pashtun
Zarghoon
is
testament
to
the
importance
of
the
role
of
associa;ve
ins;tu;ons
(Box
2)
as
key
ingredients
for
challenging
and
ul;mately
overcoming
the
governance
inequi;es
of
the
saron
value
chain.
Gender
inequi;es
cannot,
however,
be
eliminated
through
the
crea;on
of
womens
associa;ons
alone.
Systemic
change
in
chain
governance
requires
con;nued
support,
nurturing
and
even
protec;on
of
these
associa;ons,
regulatory
reform,
and
(dis)
incen;ves
aimed
at
crea;ng
an
enabling
environment
conducive
to
the
emergence
of
a
level
playing
eld
for
all
actors
in
the
saron
value
chain.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
29
References
Abdullaev,
F.
(1998).
Biological
Proper;es
and
Medicinal
Use
of
Saron
(Crocus
Sa3vus
L.).
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