The Dynamics of Employee Relationships in An Ethnically Diverse Workforce

Human Relations
http://hum.sagepub.com
The dynamics of employee relationships in an ethnically diverse

workforce
Emmanuel Ogbonna and Lloyd C. Harris
Human Relations 2006; 59; 379
DOI: 10.1177/0018726706064181
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2006 The Tavistock Institute. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.
Human Relations
DOI: 10.1177/0018726706064181
Volume 59(3): 379407
Copyright 2006
The Tavistock Institute
SAGE Publications
London, Thousand Oaks CA,
New Delhi
www.sagepublications.com
The dynamics of employee relationships

in an ethnically diverse workforce
Emmanuel Ogbonna1 and Lloyd C. Harris
A B S T R AC T
This article explores and analyses the dynamics of workplace

relationships in an organization characterized by a highly ethnically
diverse workforce. The specific objectives are: 1) to understand the
factors that are contributing to high levels of ethnic diversity; 2) to
uncover the ways in which such diversity is manifested in an organizational setting; and 3) to explore the ramifications that this diversity
and its manifestations may have for individuals and groups of
employees on the one hand and for relations between management
and groups of employees on the other. The article concludes by
discussing the implications that such ethnic diversity may have for
extant research and conceptualization of ethnic minorities in the
workplace.
K E Y WO R D S
discrimination ethnic minorities equal opportunities

language problems managing diversity
The issue of managing a diverse workforce is increasingly gaining recognition

as an important topic of research and theorizing (see Konrad, 2003).
However, it can be argued that much of the debate in this area has been
focused on quite narrow issues, with themes revolving on problems of representation and discrimination (for example, Darity & Mason, 1998; Hoque
& Noon, 1999; Modood et al., 1998) or discourses of the appropriateness
of particular conceptual or managerial approaches (for instance, Healy et al.,
2004; Liff, 1999; Liff & Dickens, 1999).
379

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Human Relations 59(3)
While existing studies have laudably increased the interest of practitioners and policy-makers in the topics of equality and diversity, a common
concern is that there has been a tendency to simplify the problems in a desire
to provide and espouse straightforward analytically driven prescriptions.
These issues have resulted in a fragmentation of studies; with specific themes
of diversity (for example, gender) gaining huge research exposure and
interest while others are relatively ignored. Of particular significance is the
dearth of research into race in mainstream work and organizational studies
(see Nkomo, 1992; Williams & OReilly, 1998). In addition, it can be argued
that many scholars of equality and diversity are using antiquated and outdated conceptions of work and discrimination. For example, much
discussion of labour market discrimination is based on conceptualizations
that date back to the 1960s and 1970s, a time when intolerance was more
visibly displayed (see discussions of the construction of ethnicity and disadvantage in Fenton, 2003; Mason, 2000). Similarly, the absence of recent
empirical evaluations suggests that many studies of discrimination fail to
account for developments in contemporary organizations which have been
transformed by demographic, geographic and socio-cultural evolutions (see
Penn, 2000). In this regard, empirical evaluations are needed that explore
contemporary workplaces and the ways in which societal and organizational
transformations are shaping employee experiences and perceptions in
relation to issues of diversity and equality.
The research presented in this article is an ethnographic study of a
medium-sized organization in a British inner city.2 The aim is to explore and
analyse the dynamics of workplace relationships in an organization characterized by high levels of ethnic diversity. In this regard, our motivation is to
understand: 1) the factors that are contributing to high levels of workforce
diversity; 2) the ways in which such diversity is manifested in an organizational setting; and 3) the ramifications that this diversity and its manifestations may have for individuals and groups of employees on the one hand and
for relations between management and groups of employees on the other. As
such, our study aims to contribute to the literature on ethnic minorities and
discrimination through the documentation and analyses of the dynamics of
relationships in a diverse workforce. Further, our study contributes practical
insights into human resource issues in contemporary work organizations,
particularly in the context of a changing demographic environment.
Prior to the presentation and evaluation of the findings, it is useful to
provide an overview of the existing research in order to locate our own
theoretical position. Although the review draws from studies of diversity
and equality in general, our interest is in the convergence of research on the
specific concerns of ethnic minorities. In this regard, we integrate a brief

Ogbonna & Harris
Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce
overview of the pertinent literature on social groups into our literature

review.
Workforce diversity and equality: A review of research

Studies of workplace diversity and equality have evolved in different directions over the last two decades. However, it is possible to categorize research
into three broad streams; studies of the relevance and appropriateness of
particular approaches (whether managing diversity or ensuring equality of
opportunities), research into the impact of diversity on organizational
outcomes, and studies exploring the issues of discrimination in relation to
particular aspects of employment. What follows is a brief review of these
three strands of research.
An important debate in the field of managing human resources has
centred on the appropriateness of the approach adopted by both managers
and academics in conceptualizing issues of people management. In the 1980s,
scholars offered opposing models and perspectives on achieving equality of
opportunity ranging from liberal and radical approaches (Jewson &
Mason, 1986) to short and long agendas (Cockburn, 1989). However, by
the 1990s, the discourse had evolved to a consideration of the appropriateness of an equal opportunities perspective. In the UK, this debate was stimulated by the contributions of Kandola and Fullerton (1994a, 1994b) which
questioned the efficacy of the equal opportunities framework. They argue
that equal opportunities is characterized by a group-based approach and that
this has proved inappropriate in conceptualizing and managing the multiple
particularities of individual concerns as well as in dealing with the problems
of contemporary organizations. This debate had particular appeal to practitioners since it coincided with a general reorientation of employee relation
strategies wherein organizations eschewed collectivist relations in favour of
individualized relationships (see Kessler & Purcell, 1995).
Recently, the central theme of discourses on diversity and equality has
focused on the means of achieving an organizational environment wherein
all members contribute to their full potential to the success of the business
(see Cassell & Biswas, 2000). As with all scholarly endeavours, different
paradigmatic positions have influenced the perceptions of researchers as to
the nature of the problem under discussion. In the context of this research
area, this is translated into a question of whether the problem of equality is
viewed as a social issue with a moral imperative or whether this is seen purely
as a commercial problem requiring a business rationale (see Noon &
Ogbonna, 2001). In this regard, those that view the problem as a moral

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imperative frequently advocate an equality of opportunity approach with

interest in compulsion (e.g. Kaler, 2001). Such scholars commonly argue that
voluntarism has proved ineffective in overcoming discrimination and that
only serious government intervention can bring about changes in the conduct
of organizations and managers. However, whereas the equality of opportunity perspective is assumed to make fundamental assumptions about
inequality and disadvantage (see Liff, 1999), the managing diversity
approach (already dominant in research and practice in the US see Kochan
et al., 2003; Konrad, 2003) is said to view such focus as unhelpful (see
Kandola & Fullerton, 1994a; Ross & Schneider, 1992), concentrating instead
on viewing employees as individuals with idiosyncratic qualities which should
be harnessed for competitive success (Johnston & Packer, 1997).
Studies adopting a diversity approach explore the academic underpinnings of this perspective as well as the practical driving forces behind it.
For example, Konrad (2003) asserts that the academic legitimacy of the
subject of workforce diversity is inevitably linked to power dynamics
between minority and majority groups. Specifically, she attributes the scholarly interest in the subject to an increase in the representation and power of
historically excluded groups in contemporary work organizations. Interest in
this area has become enshrined in the so called business case or the idea
that having a diverse workforce can be a necessary aspect of business competitiveness. Proponents of this view commonly argue that a diverse workforce
accords an organization greater opportunity to understand and serve different markets, as well as provide a richer pool of workers from which the
organization can recruit (Cox & Blake, 1991; Richard, 2000). Indeed, some
scholars have extended this line of reasoning to argue that heterogeneous (or
diverse) groups are more effective than homogenous ones on a range of
organizational outcomes (e.g. Robinson & Dechant, 1997).
Interestingly, although there is significant interest from academics and
policy-makers in the business argument for managing diversity, the research
evidence on the efficacy of this is patchy. A recent major investigation by
Kochan et al. (2003) found no evidence of positive association between gender
and ethnic diversity and performance. Indeed, some researchers have noted
that rather than foster innovation and creativity, diversity may result in
organizational inefficiency. Such insights can be explained by briefly examining theories of group behaviour. Specifically, social identity theory suggests
that individuals classify themselves and others on demographic characteristics
such as gender and ethnicity (Brunetto & Farr-Wharton, 2002). In this regard,
the membership of a group (for example, an ethnic group) offers an individual a source of social identity, while the group becomes a collective representation of this identity (see Chattopadhyay et al., 2004; Tajfel & Turner, 1986;

Ogbonna & Harris
Tsui et al., 1992). Researchers working within this perspective have theorized
a range of performance implications for work groups that are composed of
dissimilar individuals on key demographic characteristics (for example, race
and gender), including conflict behaviours (Hobman et al., 2003), turnover
intentions and commitment (Tsui et al., 1992) and overall organizational
innovation (Baugh & Graen, 1997).
Following social identity theory, it is possible to explain the lack of
positive association between gender and ethnic diversity and performance
reported in the major investigation by Kochan et al. (2003). For example, it
has been argued that members of diverse groups (particularly minority
groups or outgroups) frequently provoke distrust and competition (from the
dominant groups or ingroups) and that such groups tend to show less affiliation and commitment to each other, all of which may have negative consequences for performance (see Harrison et al., 1998; Hogg et al., 1993).
Furthermore, it is suggested that such relationship difficulties are accentuated where communication is frustrated by linguistic or paralinguistic differences between the ingroups and outgroups (Hambrick et al., 1998; Palich &
Gomez-Mejia, 1999). Thus, whatever the apparent differences may be
between the dominant group and the minority group (for example, race,
culture, gender, age, and religion), perceived or actual differences in language
and communication between the groups are likely to increase the likelihood
of tension and group dysfunction (Swann et al., 2004). Put differently, the
business case may provide the justification for not recruiting diverse groups
since such groups are by definition likely to encounter social difficulties
(including social and cultural differences as well as linguistic and paralinguistic problems) which may hamper organizational efficiency. Such potential outcome of pursuing the business case has been highlighted and
criticized by many commentators (for example, Dickens, 1999).
A third strand in the literature on diversity and equality is the exploration and analysis of the issue of discrimination and disadvantage in employment. Given the focus of this article, the review here is specifically targeted at
studies that are linked to the experience of ethnic minorities. Interest in ethnic
minorities and the labour market has come from a wide range of disciplines
but principally focusing on sociology (see Iganski & Payne, 1999; Jenkins,
1986; Jewson & Mason, 1994, Modood et al., 1998) and economics (see
Blackaby et al., 2002; Darity & Mason, 1998; McNabb & Psacharopoulos,
1981). A consistent theme of research has been the continuing disadvantage
of ethnic minorities. For example, scholars have explored the nature of this
disadvantage in relation to recruitment and selection. In a study involving
speculative job applications by two candidates, one white and the other black,
Noon (1999) concluded that the white candidate received more favourable

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replies from the same companies than the ethnic minority applicant. Other
researchers have examined the position of unemployed people from ethnic
minority communities and concluded that they are frequently discriminated
against by organizations which systematically refuse to offer them appropriate training and opportunities for work experience placements (e.g. Ogbonna,
1998; Ogbonna & Noon, 1995). Furthermore, researchers have presented
evidence to argue that, when in work, people from ethnic minority communities often experience greater difficulties in achieving promotion (see Jones,
1993) and empirical research from both the UK (see Blackaby et al., 2002;
McNabb & Psacharopoulos, 1981) and the US (see Huffman & Cohen, 2004;
McCall, 2001) report differences in pay and other benefits between ethnic
minority workers and their white counterparts.
Overall, previous studies of ethnic minorities in the labour market in
relation to equality of opportunities have consistently demonstrated that
these groups experience considerable disadvantage in all aspects of the
employment process. Recent contributions in this genre have, however,
pointed to some improvements in both the conduct of organizations and in
the success of some groups of ethnic minorities in achieving positive labour
market outcomes (Hoque & Noon, 1999; Iganski & Payne, 1999). Studies
of management of diversity have also made significant advances in arguing
for greater recognition of individual differences in equality research (Barsade
et al., 2000). Our concern in this article is not to evaluate the efficacy of the
diversity and equality approaches because we agree with researchers who
argue that the attempt to force a division between the two perspectives is
futile, counterproductive and frequently superficial (see Liff & Dickens,
1999; Noon & Ogbonna, 2001). Instead, we argue that existing conceptualizations adopting both the diversity and equality approaches have a
number of limitations. First, some commentators have argued that existing
knowledge is weakened by the assumption of collective altruism (and a
neglect of resistance and/or ambivalence) in both the objective and the
manner in which diversity/equality initiatives are implemented (see Arnold,
1997; Dick & Cassell, 2002; Prasad & Mills, 1997). In this regard, and as
is proposed in this study, the literature could be enriched by exploring and
analysing the ways in which employees (both whites and ethnic minorities
in this context) perceive themselves and others and the ways in which they
interact as part of their normal work and life in organizations.
A second limitation is that there is a dearth of equality and diversity
research from organizational and general management perspectives (see
Nkomo, 1992; Williams & OReilly, 1998). Indeed, much existing research
on diversity and equality are sociological and economic analyses of discrimination (see earlier review). Although these studies have made substantial

Ogbonna & Harris
contributions to knowledge, they are frequently devoid of critical analysis of

the organizational context and the ways in which such contexts influence
emerging patterns of relationships. Third, there is a shortage of studies of
diversity and equality of opportunities with a focus on ethnic minorities (see
Blackaby et al., 2002; Williams & OReilly, 1998). Finally, a major limitation of existing conceptualizations is that they are typically based on labour
market statistics and economic data. In this regard, few studies have provided
accounts of the lived experience of ethnic minority employees. The study
reported in this article is designed to contribute to the literature by exploring and analysing the dynamics of relationships in an organization that is
characterized by a high degree of diverse ethnic groups.
Research design and methods

In order to achieve the aims of this study, it was considered necessary to
identify a study site with ethnically diverse groups of employees. We gained
access to a medium-sized organization (identified by the pseudonym
Harmony Bakeries) located in a vibrant and highly diverse inner city in the
UK. The study was conducted between December 2002 and November 2003.
Data gathering
The current study employed ethnographic methods to gather data. This
approach was adopted to reflect our aim of observing and making sense of
the actions and experiences of organizational members from their own viewpoints. This approach is also commonly recommended for the study of social
groups because it produces thick and rich descriptions (see Heracleous, 2001;
Miles & Huberman, 1994; Schein, 1991). Our approach included some
participant observation, interviews and document analysis. We adopted a
case study approach to locate and interpret the events that unfolded during
the period of data gathering. Given the sensitivity of some of the issues
involved in the study, minor details have been altered to disguise identities
of the company, departments and individuals (including the use of pseudonyms throughout).
Initially, one of the authors (Researcher A) conducted interviews with
management staff with a view to clarifying formal relationships and eliciting espoused company position on a range of issues concerning work
relationships, equality and diversity. A total of 18 executives and managers
or just over 60 percent of the managerial strength of the company were interviewed. This researcher also observed one management meeting where one

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of the issues on the agenda related to the central theme of the research.
Following the management interviews, Researchers A and C conducted a
total of 36 interviews with staff at various operative and clerical levels with
29 of the interviewees being factory operatives. All the interviews conducted
in this company were audiotape recorded. The interviews lasted between 60
and 90 minutes on average and were all transcribed verbatim in order to
capture the full essence of the views of the participants. The research team
also collected company documents and artefacts including corporate
promotion videos, company newsletters, training manuals, annual reports
and a variety of newspaper and magazine cuttings archived by the company.
Following this initial phase, we reflected on gathered data and were
able to identify a number of common patterns. Consequently, another
member of the research team (Researcher B) worked in the company as a
line operative over a 12-week period. This arrangement was with the agreement of the company, although it was decided that in the interest of research
probity, only the Managing Director and the Personnel Manager should be
aware of this. It was agreed that the identity of all departments, sections and
individuals would be disguised in any subsequent papers and reports. This
reduced ethical concerns regarding anonymity and potential respondent
victimization. While ethical concerns remained, it was felt that the potential
for negative or harmful consequences for respondents was very limited,
consequently, covert data collection was deemed acceptable. Researcher B
(under the guise of a new employee) went through the process of job application, interview and induction training. Consistent with the company policy
on all new recruits, the researcher was assigned shift patterns which changed
every fortnight and by the end of the 12-week period, the researcher had
worked in all four bakeries in the company and had assisted with routine
administrative work in Personnel, Marketing and Logistics departments. In
addition to the observation of work and recording of the incidents that
unfolded during this phase of the research, the researcher spoke to several
individuals during work, at break times and at informal social gatherings
outside work. Data generated from this source were recorded in the research
notebook as soon as possible following the discussion or observation.
Analysis of data
Following the recommendations of Strauss and Corbin (1998), we employed
open, axial and selective coding to facilitate the task of analysis. First, open
coding was used to discover and identify the properties and dimensions of
concepts in data. This process involved the line-by-line analysis of transcripts

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and the labelling of phenomena (the label used being informed by the context
of the response coded). Thereafter, the labels used were reviewed to explore
the range of potential meanings, leading to a stage where categories and
subcategories were tentatively outlined. Initially, four factors contributing to
diversity, six bases for discrimination and four main ramifications were
outlined (although these were later revised during iterative analysis). Finally,
open coding culminated with a process during which the properties and
dimensions of each category was explored. Second, axial coding was
employed to link the core categories together at the level of properties and
dimensions. This type of coding focused on exploring how each developed
category related to their subcategories (thus forming a more precise and
complete explanation of the strategies uncovered). Particular attention was
devoted to exploring variations in bases for diversity, and the ramifications
of such diversity. Third, selective coding was used as a process of integrating and refining theory. Using a combination of researcher memoranda and
diagrams, selective coding involved the review of analysis to gauge consistency and logic while exploring outlaying cases, explaining variations, and
trimming extraneous concepts. To organize this process, a systematic
approach to the analysis of transcripts was adopted in a procedure akin to
that of Turner (1981). To improve the validity of these processes, the authors
conducted the analyses independently. Thereafter, results were corroborated
and reviewed. Although a high degree of agreement was found, four significant disagreements were uncovered. These largely revolved on interpretations of meanings of quotations from some of the interviewees. Three
discrepancies were resolved by discussion while the fourth was settled by
third-party mediation involving another colleague.
In presenting data, we are aware that our own subjectivity has influenced our interpretations. Further, we should acknowledge potential
problems (and opportunities) that arise from introducing the research team
into the research context. The research team includes members from different races (one black and two white researchers) genders (one female and two
male researchers) and backgrounds, providing the researchers with flexibility
with regard to data collection. A white female researcher was tasked with
the participant observation phase of the study (principally because of past
experience but also since the other members of the research team had been
involved with interviewing and were potentially known to the shopfloor
workers). While consideration was given to the use of multiple researchers
from diverse backgrounds during this phase of data collection, the benefits
of consistency in data collection and reporting were deemed to outweigh the
potential advantages of multiple data gatherers. However, this approach
should also be treated as a potential source of bias (as indeed, it would if the

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researcher were from an ethnic minority). We are also mindful that a sample
of one organization precludes any claim of generalizability. In this regard,
although we concur with researchers who argue that single case studies can
lead to analytic generalization (see Stake, 2000; Tsoukas, 1989; Yin, 1994),
we emphasize that our intention was not to seek generalizability. Instead, we
sought to embrace all the richness and complexity of a real organizational
setting and to capture the experiences and perceptions of organizational
members in their own terms (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Findings
Prior to the presentation of the findings, it is useful to provide brief background information on the case company. Harmony Bakeries is a specialist
manufacturer of cakes whose brands are well known in the British consumer
market. At the beginning of the study in December 2002, the companys
turnover was 40m, two-thirds of which were from the top four food retail
groups in the UK (for whom Harmony is a dedicated own-brand supplier).
At the commencement of the study, the company employed 800 people of
which 500 were classified as full-time equivalents.3 This figure fluctuated
throughout the period of the research (particularly leading up to Christmas
and Easter) and by the end of the study the organization employed 1000
people of whom 750 were full-time. The company operates on a tight margin
or that which Tim (the Managing Director) describes as running a lean and
mean process at the top and a survival of the fittest operation at the bottom.
The profit before tax for the 2002/3 financial year was 2m.
Consistent with the aims of our study, we begin our findings section
by elucidating the factors that are contributing to increasing levels of ethnic
diversity in the organization. Here, our data suggest that difficulties in
recruitment and the approach of management in dealing with business pressures are important. Thereafter, we consider the ways in which ethnic diversity is manifested in the organization by highlighting the issues of religion
and communication which emerged as important in this respect. Finally, we
discuss the implications of the increasing levels of ethnic diversity, focusing
on questions of conflict, discrimination and organizational issues.
Factors contributing to increasing levels of workforce diversity

The previous review of the literature identifies two views on the rationale for
workforce diversity and equality as; the business case (e.g. Ross & Schneider,
1992) and a moral imperative (e.g. Kaler, 2001). Our findings suggest that in

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the case of Harmony Bakeries, increasing levels of workforce diversity are

driven by a tight labour market as well as the responses of managers to
competitive pressures. These two issues are discussed below.
Recruitment difficulties
There have been several reports discussing the difficulty that certain sectors
of the British economy are experiencing in recruiting and retaining semiskilled and unskilled employees (see Labour Market Trends, 2003). This
problem has been more acute in the food manufacturing sector and has
affected the activities of Harmony Bakeries for many years. Previously, the
company minimized the impact of this by recruiting extensively from relatively poor areas (between 20 and 30 miles from the city and the factory),
where the traditional industries of steel and coal were in terminal decline and
unemployment was significantly above the national average. It also encouraged word-of-mouth recruiting and offered 50 to employees who introduced a recruit that completed three months with the firm. Under this
informal recruiting system, Harmony Bakeries was mostly staffed by (typically white female) operatives from these surrounding communities. This
approach to staffing was relatively successful until the late 1990s when a
combination of UK government and European Union grants enticed
companies to locate in these deprived areas, thus providing jobs locally and
making it unattractive for people to travel.
The decline in the number of recruits from the areas surrounding the
factory impacted on the activities of Harmony Bakeries significantly. Such
was the magnitude of the labour problem that senior managers identified this
(in the management meeting attended by Researcher A) as a serious problem
and one which had massive implications for business performance and profitability. This was reiterated by many executives during the interviews. As
Huw, the Production Manager, observed:
We have just secured a new contract from [a leading confectionery
group] and we need to recruit 100 people in the next few weeks to help
with this . . . I just dont know where these people are going to come
from.
The organization now relies extensively on the inner-city labour market. The
current recruitment strategy for operators can best be described as ad hoc or
as Debbie (the Personnel Officer) ironically put it, one of being desperate to
employ anyone that has two legs and two arms. The company also introduced regular open days where potential recruits are encouraged to come

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and apply for positions. On the day that the Researcher B went to the
company to enquire about the process of applying for a job, the researcher
was given a form to fill, interviewed and told to start work the next day. It
also emerged that many of the potential recruits that visited on the same day
were from ethnic minority communities and were sent by the local job
centres. Researcher B was later told by several people that ethnic minorities
(particularly new immigrants without English language skills) were attracted
to the company because of the ease of employment. Given the recent growth
in the population of ethnic minorities in the city (the city is also one of the
centres that has absorbed asylum seekers in the UK), the number of new
recruits from these communities has grown significantly to the point where
the new immigrant community has become the main source of shopfloor
workers in Harmony Bakeries.
Management responses to competitive pressures
In the context of a growing market (the cake market is growing at 5% per
annum) and a difficult labour market, Harmony Bakeries invested 8 million
in 2002 to streamline its manufacturing operations. However, the cake
manufacturing sector remains heavily labour intensive and this has proved a
significant challenge to human resource managers with implications for
diversity and equality.
Although the wage levels have remained relatively stable (the average
new recruit earns 4.87 per hour and this rises to 5.75 for the night shift
staff), the company has failed to attract a wide pool of workers at operator
levels. Interestingly, many employees claimed (during the formal and
informal interviews) that the pay should be higher to reflect the boring and
monotonous nature of the work. Indeed, this was one of the first topics of
discussion during Researcher Bs time on the assembly line. One employee,
James (who had been with the company for 18 months), told the researcher
that there was a high turnover of staff in the company and he attributed this
to the low wages and mind-numbing jobs. Researcher B was to experience
this directly. In one afternoon shift (510pm), the researcher spent the entire
shift putting cherries in the middle of cakes going through a conveyor belt
at a rate one every 10 seconds. After about two hours of doing this, the
researcher experienced a degree of physical strain and emotional detachment
from the job but somehow managed, in an almost automatic fashion, a
continuous action of picking cherries and putting them in the middle of
cakes.
Faced with the choice of re-designing jobs (to introduce job satisfaction) or increasing pay levels (to compensate for the boredom and
monotony), senior managers concluded that pursuing either strategy would
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be damaging to company profitability. Indeed, many executives interviewed

indicated that cake manufacturing was a fiercely competitive business and
one in which labour costs have to be kept to a minimum to ensure financial
success. The comments of Steve, the Marketing Manager exemplify this
point:
Over two-thirds of our business is with the top four food retailers and
they are continually squeezing us to try to improve the efficiency of the
supply chain. This means that prices tend to go down or remain the
same. As our industry is heavily labour intensive, the only scope we
have to keep them happy is to control our labour costs. If this means
that we pay low wages or that the conditions are such that only desperate people would work for us, then so be it.
The combination of the circumstances described above has contributed to a
radical change in the ethnic profile of staff at Harmony Bakeries. Information
from the companys archives of personnel records suggest that in 1990, over
94 percent of shopfloor workers described themselves in the recruitment
questionnaire as white British, 3 percent classified themselves as British-born
ethnic minorities and just over 1 percent indicated that they were members
of different immigrant groups. By 2002, this pattern had changed completely
with just under 50 percent categorizing themselves as white British and over
40 percent indicating that they were from ethnic minority communities (with
only 5 percent of these being British-born). Unfortunately, the company did
not maintain detailed records of nationality of its employees. However, our
interviews indicated that employees were drawn from a wide range of nationalities including Britain, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Nigeria, Somalia, Macedonia,
Czech Republic, India, Pakistan, Turkey, Israel and Palestine.
Linked to the problem of recruitment is the difficulty in retaining staff
once they are employed. The problem of retention at operator level is so
acute that the Personnel Department claimed that they no longer maintained
turnover records since this fluctuated so much from day-to-day. However,
information from the companys personnel archives (2001 Year End Personnel Review) suggested that labour turnover was 70 percent for people that
were recruited between January and June 2001. The Managing Director
confirmed that in order to address this problem, the company had reduced
the qualifying period for confirmation of employment from 12 to 6 weeks.
However, this does not appear to have improved the rate of turnover as over
half of the people that were appointed in the same week as Researcher B had
left the company by the end of this researchers 12-week period of work and
observation. Given the unattractive nature of the jobs on offer and faced with
a declining white population (along with a strategy of cost minimization),
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management chose to focus its recruitment efforts on ethnic minority

workers. This provides some support to the business case argument for
managing diversity (see Cox & Blake, 1991).
Experiencing diversity
The blend of nationalities has contributed to interesting dynamics of relationships in the workplace. Our findings suggest that two of the most important
ways in which diversity was manifested were in issues pertaining to religion
and those regarding language and communication.
Issues of religion
The ethnic mix in the company has had some ramifications for religious
issues. Of particular significance is that most of the ethnic minority staff are
practising Muslims with strong religious beliefs and outwardly apparent
manifestations (e.g. headwear) and practices (e.g. prayer traditions). The
consequences can be profound where religion is fused with culture. For
instance, Researcher B noticed that some of the ethnic minority men were
always isolated from women. One especially vocal employee, Ali (a male),
explained this segregation to the researcher as a relic of the culture and
religion of many of the minority groups. As he noted:
Our religion and culture are such that men are breadwinners and they
are not supposed to do dirty jobs . . . Most of the jobs here are demeaning and they [the men] do not like their women to see them doing these
jobs . . . You have to understand that this will reduce the respect the
women have for them outside of the workplace.
Alis comments are set in the context of the interconnected webs of family
relationships, friendships and ties that link many of the workers outside of
the work environment. In this regard, it appeared that the outcome of the
companys policy of encouraging word-of-mouth recruiting was similar to
that which obtained in the factory in the 1980s and 1990s wherein friends
and relatives of existing employees became the major beneficiaries. A particularly pertinent example is that 13 of the 29 Pakistani employees with whom
Researcher B worked on one night shift indicated that they had relatives
working for the firm.
During one induction training which Researcher B attended, Debbie,
the Personnel Officer, highlighted religious sensitivity as an important issue

Ogbonna & Harris
which should be observed by all the new recruits. The new recruits (11 new
people of which seven were from ethnic minorities, six of whom claimed to
be Muslims during conversations with Researcher B) were told that the
company took the issue of diversity and equality seriously and that an
example of this was the provision of a dedicated prayer room for Muslims.
Indeed, as the new recruits were taken round the factory Researcher B noticed
a sign on a door that said Islamic Prayer Room. During the lunch break on
the third day, the researcher walked back through this corridor and opened
the door to the prayer room. The Researcher turned on the light to reveal a
small space (around 2 meters by 2 meters) with dirty floor and old cardboard
boxes leaning on the wall. This room was above a suspended ceiling over the
factory and was very noisy from the work on the factory floor. It emerged in
conversation with three long-serving staff members that there was a previous
problem in the company which involved Muslim workers demanding a prayer
room and the company responded by providing this space. In some respects,
this provides partial support for the argument of some researchers that the
increasing visibility of minority groups is providing them with some power
capacity (albeit limited) to demand improvement in the way they are treated
in organizations (see Konrad, 2003).
Language and communication

The interviews and work observation show that the variety of languages
spoken in this organization was an important factor which influenced the
nature of individual and group relationships. Of particular significance is the
role of language in the construction of discrimination and difference. It
appeared that, consistent with the work of social identity theorists (see Baugh
& Graen, 1997; Brunetto & Farr-Wharton, 2002; Tsui et al., 1992),
language became the focal issue through which individual employees defined
their similarity to others. For example, shopfloor workers tended to develop
social affiliation and friendships that were based on language similarity, with
the two most prominent languages being Arabic and Urdu. Such was the
degree of comfort that people found in these social groupings that they
frequently asked to be put in the same shift with members of their friendship group and often stayed together during breaks.
However, language also became an important element in the definition
of ingroups and outgroups (Hambrick et al., 1998; Palich & Gomez-Mejia,
1999), with outgroups especially targeted for resentment and criticism. For
example, although it was clear from the interviews that many of the ethnic
minority workers could not communicate effectively in English,4 language
and communication problems became contested and were interpreted

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differently by English-speaking organizational members. Some people

believed that language difficulty was a genuine barrier which placed a limit
on the communication ability of the immigrant employees. As Janet, a Supervisor, argued:
I feel for these people. Youve got to put yourself in their shoes and
imagine how difficult it would be to get on in a different country and
a language that you can barely understand . . . I do my best to help
them even though this always slows things down . . .
However, it appeared that the majority of the English-speaking employees
were not convinced that the language problem was genuine. Indeed, several
white interviewees blamed the ethnic minority workers for their inability to
speak the language. As Joe, a white Machine Operator argues:
They [immigrant ethnic minorities] talk more in their own language
than they do ours sometimes even when speaking to us. You know
some of them are very very funny about speaking English and most of
them cant speak the language.
Others believed that language was often a smokescreen by ethnic minority
employees designed to minimize their workload. This was a regular topic of
conversation during breaks. James, a Machine Operator captured the feelings
of many white employees on this issue:
These people get away with murder just by pretending not to understand the language. Many of them have been here for donkeys years
. . . It is just not acceptable that they dont learn to speak English.
Ramifications
Our study also highlights three main ramifications of the increase in workforce ethnic diversity and the associated religious and language concerns.
These issues are discussed under the headings of conflict, discrimination and
organizational issues.
Conflict
Our analysis suggests that there are high levels of religious-motivated conflict
and racial conflict in Harmony Bakeries. Taking the issue of religious conflict
first, interviews with white and ethnic minority workers indicated that there

Ogbonna & Harris
was a recent history of religiously motivated clashes between groups. Anecdotal evidence reveals several arguments between Christian groups and
Muslims and more rarely (apparently on one occasion) between two Palestinian workers and a Jewish man. However, of particular significance was
the fight that broke out between two Muslim sects (Shiites and Sunnis) in
March 2003. Although the company played down the significance of this
during the formal interviews, Researcher B who was present when the fight
took place during a night shift was later told that the fight broke out as two
groups of Iraqi refugees were arguing over the religious ramifications of the
invasion of Iraq in 2003. The police were called and the company later
confirmed that the men were dismissed.
There have also been several examples of conflict between different
ethnic groups. Interestingly, such conflict occurred not just between white
employees and their ethnic minority counterparts but also between and
within different groups of ethnic minority workers. For example, Researcher
B witnessed several incidences of friction and conflict between Arabs and
black employees and between different groups of Somali workers. A particularly noteworthy example is that Researcher B was told by informants that
due to a previous history of conflict between Indian and Pakistani employees,
managers tried to keep these groups of workers apart by allocating them to
different shifts. Jason, a Night Shift Manager, explained the nature of such
conflict:
The problems that we have seen have come from ethnic groups failing
to interact with each other and that has led to violence . . . Some of
the Indian and Pakistani groups are good examples of this . . . Some
people go as far as refusing to work together on the same line . . . There
is a lot of anonymous informing on each other by telephone, weve had
symbols put on lockers and weve had actual violence between people
in and off site . . . We used to have isolated incidents of violence in
previous years but it has become more regular now . . .
However, the majority of conflict reported by respondents occurred between
white employees and their colleagues from different ethnic minority groups.
Interviews and observation of work suggest that there is little integration
between white employees and their ethnic minority counterparts. Such is the
problem of integration that in some cases there is limited communication or
contact between ethnic minorities and their white counterparts. Simon, a
Night Shift Technician, suggested that some of the tensions result from what
the white employees perceive as the greater latitude given to ethnic minority
staff particularly when they break company rules. As he explained:

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They come in here and they disregard many of the rules and they get
away with it. Last week, my friend was fired for smoking outside in
the yard. It was the first time he did it . . . The ethnic minority staff do
it all the time and when they are caught they simply say no English
and they leave them with a warning . . . Its like there is one rule for
them and another one for us.
On their part, ethnic minority employees interpreted the conflict with their
white counterparts differently. Many pointed to what they perceived to be a
lack of respect shown to them by their white colleagues, with some suggesting that the white employees disliked them because they believed that they
(ethnic minority workers) threatened their job security. One Indian
employee, Rakesh, notes:
I had an argument with John the other day [a white employee] and he
told me to go back home. He said that if we did not come here to work
they would be able to get more money from the managers.
Such feelings of distrust and perceptions of competition have been identified
as key factors that contribute to the inefficiency of socially diverse groups
(see Harrison et al., 1998; Hogg et al., 1993). In the current case, it also
emerged that work-related incidents frequently evolved into major disputes
which sometimes resulted in fights outside the workplace. Mustapha, an
ethnic minority employee, claimed that an altercation with his white counterpart resulted in a major fight outside the factory which led to him being
taken to hospital.
Discrimination
The interviews and observation of work suggest that many members of the
ethnic minority communities believe that they are discriminated against in
the organization. Direct evidence of such discrimination was difficult to
uncover during the research although there were examples of attitudes and
behaviours which could be deemed to be discriminatory. Of particular significance was the existence of what may be characterized as discrimination based
on language skills. In this regard, it appeared that there was an unwritten
but widely practised policy of not recruiting or promoting members of ethnic
minority communities (particularly the new immigrants) into certain
premium posts because it was assumed that their perceived lack of English
language skills would make it difficult for them to cope. Steve, the Marketing Manager, captured the view of many managers on this issue:

Ogbonna & Harris
We dont think that they can pursue real career jobs in this company.
They simply dont have the capability to cope with the language
demand. It is fine at the lower levels where we can try and minimize
the level of communication and interaction they need to do the job . . .
Administrative and supervisory jobs are entirely different propositions.
Amanda, the Personnel Manager, recounted a story of a particularly hardworking ethnic minority employee who was offered a supervisory role but
who later resigned because he could not cope with the pressures of the job.
Similarly, the comments of Neil, the Engineering Manager, and an outspoken critique of the companys strategy of employing immigrant ethnic
minorities suggested the possibility of discrimination not just based on
language skill but also in relation to general employment and promotion
decisions. As he argued:
You have to understand that these coloured people are not like us.
There are certain jobs that they cant do and I feel that engineering is
one of those jobs . . . They are not trained to think laterally and they
often have difficulty in problem-solving situations.
Interestingly, there were no members of the ethnic minority community
working in the engineering section in the company.
Ironically, these examples are self-fulfilling. To this extent, they have
come to represent the construction of disadvantage without self guilt, in
that the organization and its managers appear to have abrogated responsibility to promote fair employment policies. Indeed, by pointing to lack of
language skills and inability or unwillingness to adjust to what white
managers interpret as British culture, the managers in this organization
appear to be blaming the ethnic minorities for their own misfortunes rather
than the apparent unfairness in the companys recruitment and promotion
practices. This point is captured by the comments of Halima, a Pakistaniborn employee:
These people dont like us. They make it obvious all the time. They
only give us jobs that no one wants. If they really want to ensure
fairness here they should look at the attitudes of those at the top. They
mostly turn a blind eye when we are discriminated against.
Another example which ethnic minorities perceived as indicative of discriminatory attitude was the use of derogatory terms such as coloured to refer
to them. This term was recorded in nine different interviews and was also

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the term that was used in general conversations which Researcher B

witnessed in the staff rooms. Several interviewees from ethnic minority
community groups commented on the negative impact of being referred to
in such disparaging ways. As Ikenna, a Nigerian employee observed:
I cant believe that people in authority will refer to employees as
coloured in this day and age. It is like going back to the civil rights
movement in America in the 60s or the apartheid regimes of South
Africa in the 70s and 80s.
Femi, a British-born ethnic minority employee, was particularly affected by
the use of this term. He indicated that he expressed disapproval towards the
use of this term and even launched an unsuccessful formal grievance against
a supervisor who referred to him as coloured. Femi left the firm towards
the end of the study.
Interestingly, many white employees also believed that some aspects of
the ways in which they were treated by the company amounted to discrimination and unfair treatment. In this sense, they argued that the language
deficiency of many ethnic minority employees routinely resulted in extra
workload for them. As Jon, a Production Operative, noted:
We are paid the same money as these people yet there are certain
difficult jobs that they dont do. When youre on decorating and there
are four of you with two whites and two blacks, you know that the
whites will be expected to work harder and will be held responsible
when things go wrong. The blacks just get away with the easy jobs
with no responsibility.
Organizational issues
Although several aspects of the relationships in a company such as Harmony
have organization-wide ramifications, it is the issues of health and safety and
hygiene that emerged as significant. A particular source of concern was the
number of potential breaches of Health and Safety regulations that were
uncovered during the study. This problem was rationalized in different ways
by different groups of employees. For example, white employees generally
linked this to language difficulties of many ethnic minority workers which
made it difficult for them to understand written instructions. As Huw, the
Production Manager, noted:
The limited amount of English that people speak here does give us a
problem, especially when it comes to health and safety. Their writing
Ogbonna & Harris
abilities can be a problem as well. They are supposed to check the code
before they pack it and some cant read . . . Youve got to recognize
those people and put them in areas where it wont be detrimental to
the company . . .
However, an alternative interpretation is that the management of this firm
is failing in its legal obligation to health and safety in the workplace. For
example, although it was clear that many of the new recruits did not understand the Health and Safety regulations, they were allowed to operate
machinery which could put them and other employees at risk. Whilst the
research team were unable to obtain access to records detailing staff accidents, there were several uncorroborated accounts of injuries which were
claimed to have resulted from not adhering to Health and Safety regulations. This issue was a continuing source of conflict between management
and employee representatives. Towards the end of Researcher Bs observation and work, managers introduced posters in Urdu and Arabic throughout the shopfloor to help in communicating the central messages of health
and safety.
A related problem is linked to the issue of hygiene. In this regard, our
findings suggest that there were a number of misconceptions regarding the
personal hygiene of ethnic minority groups. Indeed, Researcher B noticed
that there were some parts of the lavatory that had been unofficially designated as a Muslim area by the white employees because of the perception
that certain cultural and religious practices of this group were inconsistent
with good personal hygiene. Linda, a Dry Mixer noted:
The Muslims have their own part as theyve got their own beliefs and
thats why we wont go there.
The issue of hygiene was also raised by several other interviewees particularly in relation to adhering to rules and regulations regarding the
cleaning and general maintenance of machines. Whilst there were no direct
evidence of breaches of hygiene regulations, David, a Hygiene Supervisor,
argued that the limited language skills of many ethnic minority employees
often resulted in cleaning instructions not being followed. He noted that this
increases the pressures on supervisors and other employees who are required
to work harder to ensure that machines and other materials are cleaned
properly. This issue was a continuing source of frustration that was articulated by the more vocal members of the ethnic minority workers. Many
believed that the discourse around the issue of hygiene concealed a more
sinister attempt by the white employees to discredit and dehumanize them.
As Femi argued:
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Any practice they [the white employees] dont understand is viewed as

barbaric and when they add them all up they become convinced that
we are subhuman . . . Do they honestly think that our personal hygiene
is any different to theirs?
Conclusions
The aim of this study was to explore and analyse the dynamics of relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce. The study revealed interesting
insights into the factors that contributed to high levels of workplace ethnic
diversity, the ways in which such diversity was manifested and the ramifications for the firm and the individuals and groups concerned. The
remainder of this article is dedicated to discussing the implications of the
findings.
The first implication of the study arises from the finding that a major
factor that contributed to discrimination was linguistic ability. This finding
is concordant with recent research which argues that direct forms of discrimination are becoming increasingly less prevalent while indirect, subtler forms
of discrimination are becoming more common (see Deitch et al., 2003). Interestingly, although many of the interviewees indicated that they did not
discriminate on the conventional bases (e.g. skin colour, gender, disability
and age), informants freely admitted to discriminating against those that they
perceive to have difficulties communicating in English (even when communication was not a pivotal part of the role). For example, supervisors accepted
that it was common practice not to promote those whose written skills were
known to be poor even when such promotions did not include any new
writing requirements. Similarly, evidence was found of endemic discrimination on the basis of oral communication skills. In this sense, individuals
from ethnic minority communities appeared to be especially susceptible to
not only horizontal discrimination (from their work colleagues) but also
openly admitted vertical discrimination (from hierarchical superordinates).
These findings suggest a need to reconsider and re-evaluate theories and
prescriptions in order fully to incorporate the invidious effect of the common,
but previously understudied, effects of language-based discrimination. While
earlier studies of discrimination have understandably focused on the most
tangible typologies of discrimination, for example race (see Deitch et al.,
2003), gender (see Darity & Mason, 1998) and disability (see Bruyere &
James, 1997) the findings of this study suggest a need to focus on subtler and
less direct forms of discrimination. In this regard, this study contributes to
the literature through the finding of discrimination on the basis of perceived

Ogbonna & Harris
language skills and abilities. In this sense, our study highlights the need to
adapt and evolve conceptions of discrimination as society evolves.
Linked to the above is a contribution that centres on the bases of
discrimination revealed in the case company. Whilst recognizing that the
employees of Harmony Bakeries are particularly diverse (for reasons
discussed previously), the wide range of different bases of discrimination
uncovered constitutes a revealing empirical contribution. Interestingly, 30 of
the 36 frontline operatives interviewed believed that they were discriminated
against. While recognizing that strong evidence was forwarded by informants regarding some of the more widely discussed bases of discrimination
such as colour, race, ethnicity, class, gender and sexual orientation, support
was also found regarding other diverse bases of discrimination including
linguistic ability (discussed above), location of home (city versus country),
age (both young and old), accent (in all languages), country of birth, schooling, weight and number of languages spoken. While supporting evidence is
found that concords with some theorists calls for additional empirical
research into a wider range of bases of diversity (see Barsade et al., 2000),
such explorations should be conducted tentatively and should acknowledge
and address the concerns of Konard (2003) that such widening could
detract from the central issue of discrimination. In this regard, such studies
could explore the impact of incorporating wider bases of diversity for individual and group discrimination.
Another contribution of the study relates to extant conceptualizations
and theories of ethnic minorities. Although some researchers have acknowledged the difficulty of applying abstract categorizations to a multi-faceted
construct such as ethnicity (see Fenton, 2003; Modood et al., 1998), studies
continue to treat ethnic minorities as a heterogeneous group. In the current
study, numerically, workers from ethnic minorities form the majority of the
shopfloor workforce. Whilst it must be acknowledged that ethnic minorities
were significantly under-represented at managerial levels, and that while in
the majority on the shopfloor, the range of ethnic groups was remarkably
diverse and heterogeneous, the term ethnic minority appeared inappropriate for this context. Indeed, in the current study, strong evidence emerged to
support the view that the term ethnic minority in the study of discrimination
may be misleading (in that the minority group were white, British males)
and vague (in that, given the wide range of ethnic groups, the basis of similarity was tenuous). Thus, our study contributes to the literature by positing
the view that the term ethnic minority can be inappropriate unless appropriately qualified (such as, for example, British-born ethnic minorities, immigrant ethnic minorities and non-English-speaking ethnic minorities). Such
qualification should improve the clarity of definitions and communication

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and ensure that the most vulnerable minorities are considered and that the
problems of the indigenous minorities are not overlooked or ignored. In
particular, we argue that the term immigrant ethnic minorities should be
incorporated into the lexicon of research on ethnicity and discrimination at
work.
The findings of this study also suggest a need to re-evaluate conceptualizations of discrimination in the workplace. Whereas previous studies have
tended to conceptualize discrimination largely in relation to whites and
ethnic minority groups (see, for example, Hoque & Noon, 1999; Jenkins,
1986; Ogbonna, 1998), our study shows that discrimination is best presented
as multi-faceted, in that it occurs between and within different groups, with
each facet having different (but sometimes cumulative) ramifications for the
individuals and groups concerned. For example, the discriminatory practices
of white managers in the case company may have social and economic implications for the victims, while the consequences of acts of discrimination
between Indian and Pakistani employees or between Muslim men and
women in the same organization are more likely to be social in nature. This
suggests a need to integrate the complex nature of inter-relationships that
characterize contemporary organizations in conceptualizing the nature and
consequences of discrimination.
This study also contributes insights into the debates on whether the
issue of equality of opportunity should be viewed as a moral imperative (see
Kaler, 2001) or whether the business rationale should be assumed to be paramount (sees Ross & Schneider, 1992). In the first instance, support is found
for the business argument, in that, for the case company, the employment of
workers from diverse backgrounds and cultures as well as a high proportion
of female workers has assisted the organization to sustain its competitive
position and generate both growth and profits. In this regard, the business
case is supported in the short term. However, in the longer term, the veracity
of the business case for diversity and equality of opportunities is more questionable. Indeed, creating a legislative policy vacuum in dealing with various
problems of ethnic minority communities (for example, in the area of
language discrimination) means that the fate of ethnic minority employees is
placed squarely in the hands of individual employers. Although, proponents
of the business case will argue that this organization could have done more
to minimize the language problems reported (for example, the translation of
documents, providing language lessons and using interpreters), it is clear that
many organizations, particularly those whose primary motive for hiring an
ethnically diverse workforce is cost minimization, may be reluctant to engage
in such investments.
The above point highlights the importance of commercial exigencies in

Ogbonna & Harris
discussions of discrimination at work. While this organization was seemingly

complying with the laws on recruitment (by recruiting from all sections of
the community), it was nevertheless flouting (albeit indirectly) many aspects
of the legislation by not providing a safe working environment for all its
employees. This suggests that the interpretation of work-based legislations
may be subject to commercial concerns. Thus, in some ways, it could be
argued that the duties of care and equal opportunities are not always
mutually compatible (in that, through not discriminating, health and safety
could be compromised). However, this argument is premised on the assumption that the difficulties of recruiting from an ethnically diverse population
are insurmountable while the fallacy of this suggestion is illuminated by the
excellent efforts of many UK Local Authorities to facilitate multicultural
working environments (e.g. use of interpreters, hands-on health and safety
training and the use of migrant team-leaders as communicators). Hence, a
more logical conclusion is that if organizations expect to reap the rewards
of a culturally heterogeneous workforce (see Robinson & Dechant, 1997),
then there is a need to invest time and effort in policies, training and
procedures that support such an environment.
Future extensions to this study could overcome some of the limitations
of the current study. In particular, four avenues of further research appear
especially worthy of consideration. First, the focus of the current study was
on exploring employee relationships and dynamics in an ethnically diverse
context. In this regard, while recently immigrated workers were interviewed,
the focus of the current study was broader. Future research could concentrate on such workers and specifically follow an approach designed to
research this understudied category of workers. Indeed, given recent EU
expansion, public concerns, demographic changes and a wide range of other
factors, it seems likely that this issue will become increasingly important and
contentious. Second, given the prominence of discrimination on the basis of
language, accent and linguistic ability, future studies could concentrate on
exploring and describing such discrimination in alternative organizational
contexts. In particular, service contexts that involve considerable human
interaction via language without visual cues regarding colour and race (such
as call centre operations) deserve attention. Third, the literature on diversity
and equality would be enriched by a more focused analysis of the issues
raised in this study using specific theoretical frameworks (for example, an
organizational culture perspective). Finally, the issues raised in the current
study require further research in a broader range of contexts. In contrast to
the case company that had a highly diverse workforce, further extensions to
the current study could explore these issues in organizations currently less
diverse as well as in different types of firms, sectors and countries.

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Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the helpful comments of the reviewers and the editor and we
would like to thank Claire Palmer for her assistance during this research.
Notes
1
2
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Emmanuel Ogbonna.

Given the argument that conceptions of ethnicity are socially and culturally
constructed and contested (see Fenton, 2003; Modood et al., 1998), the context in
which this article is set and the focus of much of the discussion is the UK. However,
we recognize that there are significant insights to be gained from other contexts,
most notably the US where it can be argued that some aspects of diversity research
are more advanced (see Williams & OReilly, 1998), and we have included many of
these insights to advance our arguments.
The study was conducted between December 2002 and November 2003. Thus, data
were collected prior to the implementation of the Employment Equality (Religion
or Belief) Regulations 2003 that came into force on 2 December 2003.
The participant observation work by Researcher B revealed the significance of
language difficulty. At the induction training involving Researcher B, the new
recruits were given a form to complete (name, address, date of birth, position applied
for, date and signature). Five of the recruits that were sitting nearest to Researcher
B looked confused and put the forms in their bags. These five recruits also appeared
to be reading the wrong pages on the induction booklet as Debbie (the Personnel
Officer) took the recruits through the document. At the end of the induction the
Personnel Officer asked everyone to sign and submit their induction forms. It became
clear that many of the recruits neither understood nor completed the forms and this
prompted Debbie to say: If youve got a problem writing things down, just let me
know and you dont have to write anything . . . We know that for some people, pen
and paper dont go together and thats not a problem here at Harmony Bakeries.
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[E-mail: Harris@Cardiff.ac.uk]

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The Dynamics of Employee Relationships in An Ethnically Diverse Workforce

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Human Relations

The dynamics of employee relationships in an ethnically diverse

The Tavistock Institute

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The dynamics of employee relationships

This article explores and analyses the dynamics of workplace

discrimination ethnic minorities equal opportunities

The issue of managing a diverse workforce is increasingly gaining recognition

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Human Relations 59(3)

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

overview of the pertinent literature on social groups into our literature

Workforce diversity and equality: A review of research

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Human Relations 59(3)

imperative frequently advocate an equality of opportunity approach with

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

Downloaded from http://hum.sagepub.com by georgiana ciobanu on November 22, 2007

Human Relations 59(3)

Downloaded from http://hum.sagepub.com by georgiana ciobanu on November 22, 2007

Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

contributions to knowledge, they are frequently devoid of critical analysis of

Research design and methods

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Human Relations 59(3)

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

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Human Relations 59(3)

Factors contributing to increasing levels of workforce diversity

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

the case of Harmony Bakeries, increasing levels of workforce diversity are

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Human Relations 59(3)

Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

be damaging to company profitability. Indeed, many executives interviewed

Human Relations 59(3)

management chose to focus its recruitment efforts on ethnic minority

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

Language and communication

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Human Relations 59(3)

differently by English-speaking organizational members. Some people

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

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Human Relations 59(3)

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Ogbonna & Harris

Employee relationships in an ethnically diverse workforce

Downloaded from http://hum.sagepub.com by georgiana ciobanu on November 22, 2007