Microsoft Word - 亞洲女性移民與移工研討會會議手冊 final

2005 亞洲女性移民移工 NGO 組織者國際工作坊研討會會議手冊
International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants, 2005, Taipei
目錄 Contents
I. 簡介
Introduction …………….
………………….
………………….
4∼8
II. 活動流程
Program…………….
………………….
………………….
……9∼14
III. 會議論文 Papers
Workshop I
1. 台越跨國婚姻之研究張書銘
International Marriages: Cross-Border Marriage Business in
Taiwan and Vietnam by Chang, Shu-Ming………………16∼25
2. The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants and Marital Immigrants
in Taiwan, by Hairiah………………………………………26∼30
3. Vietnamese Brides: A Brief Profile, by AAV………………31∼37
4. The Broker System in Taiwan, A Bane to Filipino Migrant Workers,
by APMM…………………………………………………38∼47
Workshop II
1. Migrant Women in Korea through International Matchmaking
by Kim, Min Jeong…………………………………………48∼62
2. 新女性移民的暴力預防蔡順柔
Preventing Violence against Immigrant Women
by Tsai, Shun-Jou…………………………………………63∼64
3. Proactive Approaches to Preventing Violence against Immigrant
Women in Taiwan, by Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan…………………65∼79
1
4. 新移民婦女的家庭暴力現象：個人的經驗、制度的反思
潘淑滿
The Phenomenon of Domestic Violence among New Immigrant
Women:Personal Experience but Institutional reflection,
by Pan, Shu-Man……………………………………………80~86
Workshop III
1. 「我們的」法律，「她們的」命運—台灣法律如何歧視外籍與大
陸配偶廖元豪
“Our ”La ws,“Their”Li ves—How Taiwan Law Discriminates
against the Newly-Arrived Female Immigrants
by Bruce Liao………………………………………………87~104
2. 台灣移工政策現況與批判顧玉玲
AnalysisofMi gr
antWor
ker
s’Pol
icyi
nTa
iwa
n
by Ku, Yu-Ling……………………………………………105~110
3. Immigrant Workers: Facts and Figures
by Sutthida Malikaew……………………………………111~116
4. A Critical Perspective on International Instruments and National
LawsonFi l
ipinoWo me nMi g r
an ts’andI mmi gr
ants ’Right
s ,
by Lualhati S. Roque………………………………………117~131
IV. 與會組織介紹
Introduction of Participant Organizations……………132~148
V. 附件 Appendices
1. 何謂移民人權？
Rights of Migrants and Immigrants………………………150~154
2. 聯合國世界人權宣言
Universal Declaration of Human Rights…………………155~158
3. 移民移住人權修法聯盟之「入出國及移民法」修法總說明
Briefi
ngofAHRLI M’sPr
opo
sedAme
ndments to Immigration and
Entry and Exit Law………………………………………159~163
2
4. 移民在台灣大事紀
Chronology on Immigrants in Taiwan…………………164~170
5. 移工在台灣大事紀
Chronology on Migrant workers in Taiwan……………171~182
6. 參與人名單
Participants………………………………………………183~188
3
簡介
Introduction
4
Introduction
In the age of globalization, people including women are forced to leave their
family behind as migrant workers or foreign brides. In Taiwan, according to the official
data, there are now estimated over 300,000 Taiwanese who are married to foreign
spouses who are usually women, so-c alled“ f
or eign brides”.I n 2003 Ta i
wa nese
citizens who married to foreign spouses increased to over 30 percent of total registered
married population. Put it another way, one out of three marriages was international
marriage. Most foreign brides come from Mainland China and Southeast Asia. In the
meantime, there are now estimated about 300,000 migrant workers from Southeast
Asia. Female migrant workers are working as contract workers working in domestic
helpers, nannies, caretakers. Both the foreign brides and the migrant workers have
become significant groups in Taiwan in the past decade.
While in South Korea, the Korea National Statistical Office reports that one out of
every 12 marriages in the past years was international marriage and that more and
more women come from other Asian countries to marry South Korean men.
However these female migrant workers and marriage immigrants are usually
t
reateda s“pariah”intheser elat
ivelyde ve l
ope dc ount r
ies,a sthose“ ma il-orderbride s”
i
nt hewe ster
ns oc i
eti
es.We ’ver eceivedre por t
stha tt hespous esoft hes ef orei
gnbr ide s
si
mpl ywa ntnot hi
ngmor et hans ervantst os ervi cea llthe irf a
mi lies’ne e
ds.Fe ma l
e
migrant workers who work in house have to face the threat of abuse or sexual assault.
The absence and injustice of laws should ensure to protect their rights add to the
miseries of foreign brides and female migrant workers. In Taiwan, foreign brides from
Ma inlandChi nac an’ tgetpe rmissiont oworka tleaststa ying6y ears. Migrant workers
who work in house do not apply to the Labor Standard Law and are abused or
exploited easily by brokers or bosses.
Thus, it is not only important but also necessary to gather together different
women groups to discuss, get approach the issue of foreign brides and female migrant
workers, and have international solidarity among Asian NGOs. The workshop is
expected to examine the common issues and problems faced by foreign brides and
female migrant workers in Asian region. This workshop also aims to strengthen
relationship of different NGOs working on the issues of female immigrants and
migrants and to conduct different levels of coordination and cooperation through
research and regional advocacy work
5
Objectives of the Workshop
1. To have a common understanding on the issues and problems faced by

foreign brides and female migrant workers in some countries in Asia；
2. To develop regional and international awareness and support on the human
rights of foreign brides and female migrant workers；
3. To share experiences, analysis and strategies in dealing with the issues faced
by foreign brides and female migrant workers and coordinate actions at the
regional level；
4. To promote international solidarity among female migrants and immigrants
of different nationalities in the region.
6
緣起
從一個地方遷移到另一個地方是人的一個根本特點。半個多世紀之前，隨著
《世界人權宣言》的通過，遷徙權利在全世界都得到了承認。《宣言》第 13 條說：
「人人在各國境內有權自由遷徙和居住。」，「人人有權離開任何國家,包括其本
國在內,並有權返回他的國家。」據聯合國統計，現今全世界在出生國以外居住者
高達空前的 1.75 億約佔世界人口的 3%，是 1970 年以來的一倍多。
在台灣，根據內政部戶政司統計，自民國 76 年 1 月至 93 年 12 月，持有效外
僑居留證、永久居留證、已歸化取得我國籍之外籍配偶為 121,804 人，及申請入
境停留、居留及定居之大陸（含港澳）配偶為 215,818 人，共 337,622 人。在移住
勞工（即所謂的藍領外勞）部分，根據勞委會統計，至 93 年 8 月為止，共計有
308,231 人。
大量的移入人口顯示出，台灣早已從早期多移民至歐美等國的移民輸出國
家，逐漸轉變為接受移民的移民輸入國家。移民移住人口的確成為社會中不可
忽視的現象，所帶來的影響與衝擊亦非單向式的管制思考方式可解決。因此本工
作坊希望藉由和東亞、東南亞非營利組織的交流互動，針對實務層面的各主題進
行跨國合作，以保障女性移民移住者的基本人權，並形成亞洲洲際的非政府聯
盟，深化民間外交網絡，並進一步培養台灣面對未來國際公民社會的視野。
一、活動目的
1. 認識亞洲國家跨國勞工與婚姻移民的婦女人權處境，如照顧政策比較，提
供國內相關部門重要參考
台灣的跨國勞工與女性婚姻移民多來自東南亞，因此認識其他國家
跨國勞工與婚姻移民的原生處境，以及相關輔導政策等等，將有助於台
灣非政府組織推動爭取移民與跨國勞工人權行動，以及相關公部門在推
動移民與跨國勞工政策的研擬參考。
2. 發展對跨國勞工與婚姻移民人權的跨國理解與支持，促進亞洲區域不同國
家間爭取跨國勞工與婚姻移民權益相關組織的國際連結
台灣作為東南亞跨國勞工與婚姻移民的主要接收國之一，非政府組
織必須增進對亞洲其他國家的跨國勞工與移民人權現況與政策的了解，
方能掌握議題關鍵，進一步推動爭取跨區域的移工移民權益的合作，
促進亞洲區域不同國家間爭取跨國勞工與婚姻移民權益相關組織的國際
連結。
3. 深化民間外交網絡，促進各國從事跨國勞工與婚姻移民服務工作的NGO
實務經驗分享，並規劃亞洲區域層次的相關合作行動
7
藉由非政府組織的串聯，可建立、深化台灣民間外交網絡，以提升
台灣作為亞洲區域一員的重要性。此工作坊之舉辦一方面提供各國從事
跨國勞工與婚姻移民工作的非政府組織一個互相交流、分享實務經驗的
平台，一方面更期許規劃未來亞洲區域層次的合作行動。
二、主辦單位
財團法人婦女新知基金會
世新大學社會發展研究所
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants(APMM)
Organizers：
Awakening Foundation
Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies, Shih-Hsin University
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants
三、協辦單位
移民移住人權修法聯盟
In Coordination With：
The Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and Migrants
成員包括（依筆劃排序）：女性勞動者權益促進會、大武山文教基金會、天
主教希望職工中心、台灣人權促進會、台灣外勞行動、台灣國際勞工協會、
台灣基督長老教會勞工關懷中心、外籍新娘成長關懷協會、兩岸家庭關懷
協會、南洋台灣姊妹會、夏潮聯合會、國際醫療行動協會、婦女新知基金
會、勞動人權協會、新事社會服務中心、Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants
（APMM）、屏東縣海口人社區經營協會、屏東縣瓊麻園城鄉文教發展協
會。
諮詢顧問包括：元智大學資訊社會研究所左正東助理教授、世新大學社會
發展研究所夏曉鹃副教授、台大社會系曾嬿芬教授、台大社會系藍佩嘉助
理教授、東海大學社會系趙彥寧副教授、政治大學法律系廖元豪助理教授、
賴芳玉律師。
四、贊助單位
外交部
財團法人台灣民主基金會
Evangelisches Missionswerk (EMW)
Sponsors：
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
Evangelisches Missionswerk (EMW)
8
活動流程
Program
9
Program
Date：May 13, 2005 –May 15, 2005
Venue：Chien Tan Overseas Youth Activity Center, located at #16, Sec.4,Chung-Shan
N. Rd., Taipei Taiwan.
Day1 5/13
09:00-09:30 Registration
09:30-09:40 Opening
09:40-10:00 Keynote speech
Dr. Lucie Cheng
Founding Chair, Graduate Institute for Social Transformation
10:10-12:00 Workshop I
【The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants and Marital Immigrants
in Taiwan】
Moderator :
Lan, Pei-Chia Assistant Professor,
Department of Sociology, National Taiwan University
Speakers :
Aurelio Estrata Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants
Pham Kieu Oanh Action Aid International Vietnam
Chang, Shu-Ming MA, Graduate Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, Tamkang University
Hairiah Director of Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum
Perempuan Indonesia Untuk Keadilan
12:00-13:30 Lunch
13:30-15:30 Workshop II
【Action to Prevent Violence against Female migrants and
Immigrants】
Moderator :
Sr. Stephana, Wei Wei
Director of Rerum Novarum Center
10
Speakers :
Emerenciana de Jesus
Secretary General of Gabriela, Philippine
Kim Min Jeong WEHOME, Korea
Pan, Shu-Man Associate Professor,
Department of Adult & Continuing Education
National Taiwan Normal University
Tsai, Shun-Jou Manager of The Resources Center of Foreign
and Mainland China Spouses of Pingtung County
Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan Associate Professor,
Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies,
Shih-Hsin University
15:30-15:45 Coffee Break

15:45-17:45 Workshop III
【International & National Instruments on Female Migrants and
Immigrants Institutions and Laws】
Moderator :
Huang, Chang-Ling Chairperson of Awakening Foundation
Associate Professor, Department of Politics
National Taiwan University
Speakers :
Sutthida Malikaew Action Network for Migrant Labour,
Thailand
Lualhati S. Roque Executive Director of International Migrant
Resource Center
Ku,Yu-Ling Secretary General Taiwan International Workers'
Association
Liao, Yuan-Hao Assistant Professor,
Department of Law, National Chengchi University
18:30-21:30 Dinner
Day2 5/14
09:30-11:30 Plenary Discussions
11
Resources Person: Irene Fernandez

Executive Director of Tenagenita
11:30-12:00 Statements and Actions
12:10-12:30 Press Conference
12:30-13:30 Lunch
14:00-17:30 Visit Local Community and NGOs
18:30-21:30 Dinner & Asian Culture Night
Day3 5/15
09:30-12:00 Discus si
onsbe t
wee
nre
pre
sent
ati
vesofNGO’
sandGove
rnme
nt
12:00-14:00 Farewell Party
12
活動流程
時間：2005 年 5 月 13 日-2005 年 5 月 15 日
地點：救國團劍潭青年活動中心（台北市中山北路四段 16 號）
第一天 (五月十三日，禮拜五)
09:00-09:30 報到
09:30-09:40 開幕式
09:40-10:00 專題演講
主講人：成露茜世新社發所創所所長
世新大學傳播學院院長
10:10-12:00 Workshop I
【跨國勞工與婚姻移民仲介問題】
主持人:
藍佩嘉台大社會系助理教授
與談人:
Aurelio Estrada Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants
Pham Kieu Oanh Action Aid International Vietnam
張書銘淡江大學東南亞研究所碩士
Hairiah Director of Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum
Perempuan Indonesia Untuk Keadilan
12:00-13:30 午餐
13:30-15:30 Workshop II
【女性跨國勞工與移民之暴力預防】
主持人:
韋薇新事社會服務中心主任
與談人:
Emerenciana de Jesus
Secretary General of Gabriela, Philippine
Kim Min Jeong WEHOME, Korea
潘淑滿台灣師範大學社教系副教授
蔡順柔屏東縣屏東區外籍及大陸配偶家庭服務中心主任
夏曉鵑世新大學社會發展研究所副教授
13
15:30-15:45 茶點時間
15:45-17:45 Workshop III

【各國跨國勞工移民政策法令現況，與國際人權保護機制介紹】
主持人:
黃長玲婦女新知基金會董事長，台大政治系副教授
與談人:
Sutthida Malikaew Action Network for Migrant Labour,
Thailand
Lualhati S. Roque Executive Director of International Migrant
Resource Center
顧玉玲台灣國際勞工協會秘書長
廖元豪政大法律系助理教授
18:30-21:30 晚餐
第三天 (五月十四日，星期六)
09:00-09:30 報到
09:30-11:30 綜合討論，建立未來各國合作機制
11:30-12:00 提出具體宣言與行動
12:10-12:30 行動記者會
12:30-13:30 午餐
14:00-17:30 參訪國內社團與社區（聖多福教堂、台北市移民會館）
18:30-21:30 晚餐&亞洲文化之夜
第四天 (五月十五日，星期天)
09:00-09:30 報到
09:30-12:00 與國內移民移工相關公部門座談
12:00-14:00 歡送茶會
14
會議論文
Papers
15
International Marriages:
Cross-Border Marriage Business in Taiwan and Vietnam

Chang, Shu-Ming
張書銘
Scale of the International Marriage Market in Taiwan

The number of migrant partners from Southeast Asia entering Taiwan has
increased steadily from the 1990s (see Table 1). Although the numbers in the table
include male migrant partners, they make up less than 10% of the total. This
deve lopme ntg oesha ndi nha ndwithTa iwa n’sma sse conomi cinve s
tme ntinSoutheas
t
Asia since the late 1980s. We contend that globalized capital investment from Taiwan
indirectly catalyzed the development of the international marriage market.
Table 1: Residence Visas Issued for Migrant Partners
unit: person
Country Thailand Malaysia Philippines Indonesia Singapore Vietnam Subtotal
and
Year Myanmar
1994 870 55 1,183 2,247 14 530 12,784
1995 1,301 86 1,757 2,409 52 1,969 16,754
1996 1,973 73 2,085 2,950 18 4,113 20,561
1997 2,211 96 2,128 2,464 50 9,060 24,960
1998 1,173 102 544 2,331 85 4,644 19,407
1999 1,184 106 603 3,643 12 6,790 25,384
2000 1,259 65 487 4,381 3 12,327 34,291
Total 9,971 583 8,787 20,425 234 39,433 154,141
Source: Bureau of Consular Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of China.
Taiwa n’sma ssc apitali nves t
me nti nVi et
na m be gani nt hee arl
y1990s .The
Taiwan Business Organization Vietnam has about 2,000 members, most being small-
and medium-sized enterprises. Such mass investment inevitably brings social
influences to bear on hosting countries, and cross-border marriage is one such impact.
Table 1 shows that brides from Vietnam have become the single largest group among
source countries in Southeast Asia.
16
Taiwan Government Taiwanese Grooms
Organized Taiwanese Individual Taiwanese

Agencies (T1) agent (T2)
Taiwanese agencies in
Vietnam (T3)
Industrial Organization of Cross-Border Marriages
Vietnamese Agencies: Big matchmakers

(V1)
Vietnam Government
Small matchmakers (V2)

Ancillary services:
documentations (V3)
Vietnamese Brides
17
Figure 1:
Industrial Organization of Cross-Border Marriages

In their role as intermediaries between overseas brides and Taiwanese grooms,
agencies have increasingly dominated the cross-border marriage market in the past
decade. With the prospect of high earning from arranged marriage activities, the
number of agents has grown, creating a vast industry.
Figure 1, derived from our fieldwork observations, shows cross-border marriage

industrial organization. The arrows in the figure represent the relationships between
players at different layers in the hierarchy. Single headed arrows indicate a relationship
in which only the player higher in the hierarchy is able to choose business partners but
not vice versa; double headed arrows signify that both players have equal freedom to
choose partners.
Top of the structure in the figure is governments in Taiwan and Vietnam which
monitor all activities of the players in the migration process. Unlike their response to
international labor migration, however, the two governments do not play an active role
in promoting or inhibiting cross-border marriages. The officials we interviewed from
both sides all claimed that people must be free to choose whom to marry, and that
government should not interfere in the process. Governments do, however, continue to
pay attention to the problems of illegal trafficking.
Many different kinds of intermediaries provide international migration services to
prospective brides and grooms. It involves agencies geographically located in Taiwan
(T1, T2 in figure 1) and Vietnam (T3, V1, V2, V3). In Taiwan there are two types of
matchmaking agencies: the organized agency (T1) and the individual agent (T2).
Organized agencies arrange marriages for Taiwanese men with girls from Vietnam.
These agencies normally have branches overseas (T3). Some organized agencies
actually specialize in the business of international labor recruitment but, in order to
more fully utilize agency personnel, they also undertake cross-border arranged
marriage business.
Individual agents are mostly Taiwanese married to Vietnamese, and understand
the cross-border marriage procedures. They seek potential customers in the
countryside, and then approach organized agencies in Taiwan (T1) or in Vietnam (T3)
to complete the contract.
In Vietnam the government officially bans matchmaking agencies, and from time
to time the newspapers report crackdowns on Taiwanese operators. However, without
the help of Vietnamese agents scattered throughout the country, the whole industry
would have been unable to develop; actors in this industry need to maintain secrecy in
order to avoid legal problems.
18
I
nVi etnam,t hr eel ayersofa genc i
eswor ktoreachthef i
na lpot enti
a l‘ s
eller’–the
future brides. The first layer comprises Taiwanese agencies in Vietnam (T3), of which
there are two types: branches set up by Taiwanese organized agencies, or Taiwanese
agents who have married Vietnamese and lived in Vietnam for a long time. The latter
type normally have other jobs and, with the help of their social networks, assist
organized agencies in introducing girls for arranged marriages. In return, they receive a
portion of the profit, fixed by contract.
Both types of agents have to cooperate with local Vietnamese partners –often
ca l
le d‘ bigma tchma ke rs’( V1)–the second layer of industry organization. Because of
language affinity with Taiwanese, most big matchmakers are ethnic Chinese.
Researches have found that common-language communication is very important for
Taiwanese overseas investment in Southeast Asia. These big matchmakers play a
strategic role in the cross-border marriages. Their language advantage enables them to
convey important information to Taiwanese agencies, and interpret for Taiwanese
males if necessary. In addition, big matchmakers are in charge of many miscellaneous
details, including the arrangement of meetings, wedding banquets, and accommodation.
The s ebi gma t
c hma ke rsty picallyha vema ny‘ smal
lma tc
hma kers’tohe l
pt hem.
Big matchmakers normally do not have direct contact with future brides. Instead,
small matchmakers (V2) can be seen as acting as sales representatives for the big
matchmakers. They go to the countryside to search for girls who might wish to marry
foreigners. These girls are not most ethnic Chinese, raising the question as to why the
matchmakers do not like to introduce ethnic Chinese girls. One informant explained
this, saying that if a girl can speak Mandarin, she might demand too much money or
property from her future partner, thus scaring away customers and spoiling deals. In
addition, the lack of a language barrier may impinge upon the profits of intermediaries
because the prospective couples might avoid the agents and make their own
arrangements.
Once selected, rural girls are brought to TPHCM（越南胡志明市） to meet their
future partners. Vietnamese government prohibitions on these activities mean that
meetings are kept low profile. When the prospective grooms arrive in Vietnam, the big
matchmakers let the small matchmakers know where and when to meet, and the future
brides are then brought, group by group, to the meetings. To avoid any difficulties from
the police, meeting times and places are varied.
19
As well as searching for girls, big matchmakers oversee a group of people who
prepare the requisite bureaucratic documentation (V3). This is not an easy job,
requiring reading and writing skills in both Vietnamese and Chinese, the ability to
understand and manage the process of obtaining and completing the relevant
documents, and dealing with bureacrats in TECO（台北駐越南經濟文化辦事處） as
well as those in the judicial, police and health departments. This work is delegated to
professionals because Taiwanese grooms do not have the ability, and big matchmakers
do not have the time to do it.
Two organizational structures predominate in the arranged marriage business –
vertically integrated and horizontally coordinated. In gathering data, we found that if
the business is a vertically integrated agency, future brides generally all come from one
place; in horizontally coordinated businesses, girls are from different places of origin.
The first of these business types –the vertically integrated agency –typically
involves Taiwanese organized agencies establishing branches in Vietnam. Each agency
tends to have their own big matchmaker who acts exclusively for them. In turn, the
small matchmakers and documentation professionals work exclusively for their larger
counterparts. To keep profits within the company, the agencies cooperate with their
exclusive matchmakers and effectively internalize the operation. This organizational
structure is maintained to generate greater profit, to ensure that the work is
uninterrupted, and to achieve economies of scale.
The second business structure seen –the horizontally coordinated structure –is
more complicated, as the relationships between different actors are not uni-directional.
In Taiwan, individual agents can work with either organized agencies, or with
individual agents in Vietnam. If success is achieved through the Taiwanese organized
agency, an agent need only present the future groom to the organized agency to receive
commission. If cooperating with other individual agents in Vietnam, the Taiwanese
agent must bring the future grooms to Vietnam, and then leave them with the
Vietnamese agent.
In Vietnam, the individual agents, like individual agents in Taiwan, can cooperate
with any agency or matchmaker without forming an exclusive relationship. In other
words, all of the actors cooperate on an equal basis.
20
The formation of a coordinated structure relies on the skills, capital and ability of
the participants in the industry. The profit-sharing between these parties is based on a
piece wage. In this structure, downstream actors must compete with each other to get
‘orde rs’
.Themor ef utur
ebr ide
sas ma llma t
chma kerc an of fer
,t heg reatert he
likelihood of successful coordination with big matchmakers. For individual agents
unable to afford to internalize all the procedural tasks, cooperation with others can
provide the necessary skills without requiring investment capital.
Competition in the Cross-Border Marriage Market

According to neoclassical economics theory, if an industry has excess profit, it
will attract firms to enter the market, and gradually the excess profit will be taken up
until none remains. This description aptly describes the Vietnam-Taiwan marriage
market.
Since most cross-border brides are from southern Vietnam, most agencies are
also located there. In Hanoi there are only a few prospective brides, and, according to
one Taiwanese official in Hanoi, there are only two agents who visit the office to
prepare interview documents for Vietnamese girls. At present there is no agency in
central Vietnam.
Degrees of competition will affect the market price of cross-border marriage. The
usual price charged to a customer in Taiwan is between NT$250,000（approximately
US$7,800） and NT$350,000（approximately US$10,900）, depending on the services
provided.
Table 2 lists the cost breakdown of an arranged marriage. The costs we list in the
table were identified during our fieldwork, and are the maximum costs associated with
an arranged marriage. A successful operation will bring an agency from US$1,780 to
US$4,800 in profit. Given the often very low Vietnamese incomes, such a high profit
industry is attracting more and more people.1
1 One informant, a big matchmaker, is only 28 years old. Within a few years, she has successfully introduced more than 200
hundred couples, and now owns two houses and an imported car –a Toyota Camry.
21
Table 2 Cost breakdown of Arranged Marriage
Item Fee
US$ NT$
Mon
eypr
ese
nte
dtobr
ide
’sf
ami
ly
,ba
nqu
et 2,500 80,000
Small hotel accommodation 750 24,000
Marriage Certificate 150 4,800
(Fee charged by Vietnamese government)
Passport 15 480
(fee charged by Vietnamese government)
Proof of birth and single status of Taiwanese client 24 768
(Fee charged by Foreign Affairs Department,
TPHCM)
Translation of documents into Chinese 60 1,920
Documents issued by Foreign Affairs Department, 4 128
TPHCM
Health inspection 52 1,664
Interview and Visa application 50 1,600
(Fee charged by TECO)
Subtotal 3,605 115,360
Return Airfare to Vietnam 900 30,000
Br
ide
’son
e-way airfare to Taiwan 300 10,000
Miscellaneous 1,000 32,000
TOTAL 5,805 187,360
Source :TECOi nHCM,“ Guoreny uy uejinuz
ijiehunz huyis
hixi
ang”(Noti
c e
sfor
Taiwan citizens on marriage with Vietnamese girls) (HCM: TECO, September
1998).
With increasing numbers of businesses entering the market, individual profit

share will fall, and eventually no new businesses will be established. We have already
seen the result of this competitive environment. A Vietnamese big matchmaker
complained (January 2001) that the price for their service has dropped to US$4,500,
excluding airfare of bride and groom and accommodation and jewelry for the future
bride. Two years ago, the price was as high as US$6,000. At the same time, the price in
Taiwan was about US$13,600; it is now US$10,000.
22
Since the entry-level skills for matchmaking are not high, anyone with sufficient
social networks to link prospective brides and grooms is able to enter the market. In
addition to the effect of price reduction, competition also produces many market
rumors. We heard a number of negative rumors about Vietnamese brides. For example,
on one occasion while dining with a large group of matchmakers, we were told that
some girls introduced by other agencies are not virgins, or had been prostitutes, or that
agents had forced them to marry. Such statements are hard to verify. As one agent
sugg ested“ that’sa llrumor st ha ttheot herage nci
e sus et oa t
tackus ”.Thi ski ndof
rumor seems to have become a weapon of market competition.
Complete Commodification of Marriage

The competitive market has led to price reductions, thus driving agencies to
develop new strategies to accommodate the new environment, which in turn further
commodifies arranged marriage.
Ones uchs t
ra t
egyi st obr oa denone ’ssocia
lne t
wor kst o attract more potential
customers. Such social transformations are undertaken to generate greater profits. A
number of researchers have shown that social networks play a vital role in mediating
between agencies and rural males in Taiwan. Our own fieldwork data concurs.
Most organized agencies have an office in the area where most of their customers
live. In the case of individual agents, the home doubles as an office, and the customers
live in the neighborhood. To win the trust of customers agencies have to build up their
re putation.The yg ua ranteetha tthe ya rea blet
of i
nd‘ goodg i
rls’f ort heirc l
ients,a nd
tha t(a sonea gencya dverti
sed)“ ift hef uturebri
der egretstoma rryore sca pesfrom t he
marriage, we guarantee to arrange another free trip to Vietnam and pay all wedding
c osts”.Forc us t
ome rs,f i
ndi ng at rus t
wor t
hy age ntwho ha sdonebus inesswi th
acquaintances, relatives or friends can reduce uncertainties associated with the
transaction. As one customer replied when asked why he chose a particulara g ent,“I
heard someone mediate Vietnamese brides to my friends, so I went to him. I did not
want to find unknown agent because I often heard some people were cheated, and they
los tal otofmone ywi t
houtma r
ryingag i
rl”.
Social networks are equally important in Vietnam. Recruiting different kinds of
future brides is necessary for the success of businesses. Having more brides means
of feri
ngmor e“ goods ”t ochoos ef rom.Whe naTa iwa neseg room i she si
tantofma king
a decision within the short time available, being able to present a diversity of possible
brides is advantageous for the agency. In addition, a number of relatives or friends –
with differing opinions –may accompany the groom, so a wide range of choices is
required. If an agency cannot offer a customer sufficient choice in one week, it will
23
lose the customer. So, to survive in this competitive market, agencies need more girls,
with more diversified backgrounds, and different physical attributes. To achieve this
diversity, small matchmakers make an effort to build as wide a network as possible.
They search rural areas for potential brides, gradually centralizing all future migrant
partners in TPHCM.
As econdi mpor tants killint hisma rke tis‘know-who’ .Wemi ghte ve ns ayt hat
‘it’
snotwha ty ouknow,butwhoy ouknow’ .Thi sskil
li sve ryba si
ci nabur eauc r
atic
country. To obtain legal documents, a professional has to understand the regulations
thoroughly, be able to translate the documents, and crucially, keep an eye on the
efficiency of the bureaucra t
s.Fori ns tanc e,thema inpurpos eofag r
oom’ ss econdvi si
t
to Vietnam is to sign the marriage documents in the judicial department of the future
bride ’spl aceofhous eholdr e gi
stration.Af terthisvi si
t,t heg room re t
urnst oTa iwa n
and awaits the bride ’
sa rr
iva l
.Howe ver,oneVi e
tna me s
es ma l
lma t
chma kertoldust hat
“ifagr oom pa ysmor etoha stenthea ppl i
c at
ion,hedoe snotha vet ocome[ ba ck]he re
tos ig nthema r
riagedoc ume nts”.Anot herbi gma t
chma ke rboa stedthat“ weha veno
problem to do it in Aa ndBpr ovinc e”i ft heg roomspa y.I not herwor ds,br i
be sma y
hasten the bureaucratic process, or help over-ride legalities. This money is referred to
as‘ coffeemone y’.Ins omec asest hec oope rat
ingbur ea ucratsf al
sif
ieddoc ume ntsi n
order to pass the necessary health inspection. According to TECO TPHCM statistics
(to the end of 1998), about 8% of Taiwanese grooms were physically handicapped and
0.7% were mentally handicapped. One matchmaker acted for two mentally
handicapped Taiwanese, bribing the doctors to get a certificate of health. As he said,
“first,Iha vet oknow t he[ bur eauc rat
s ]we ll
,a ndt henc atcht herightt i
met og ive
cof feemone y”.Dur i
ngt hei ntermi tt
e ntpo li
ti
c alca mpa ignsa gai
nstc orruption,he
would not operate in this way. In general, the more connections with government
officials a professional has, the faster the application process and the shorter the
waiting time for Taiwanese grooms.
Concluding Remarks and Prospects

Most Taiwanese intermarriage with foreign brides can be regarded as a kind of
ethnic marriage, for most of the brides are ethnic Chinese either from China or
Indonesia. However, Vietnamese brides seem not belong to the category of ethnic
marriage. The institutional theory of international migration suggests that the
established institutions aimed at facilitating migration constitutes an important part of
social infrastructure that lasts over time and increase the movements of population
(Massey et al 1993). The case we study here shows clearly that were there no
mediating mechanism offered by profit-oriented agency, there would be no such mass
personal movement. Even in the situation of ethnic marriages, without the help of
24
mediating agency, the scale of intermarriage would not be as big as the present one.
The analysis of the cross-border mediating agency improves our understanding of the
me cha nism of‘ c ommodi fi
ed’i nternat
ionalma rr
ia ges.
In this article, we have attempted to place the issue of international marriage in a
institutionalized profit-oriented social context, whi ch i s de scri
be d a s‘ the
commo dification pr ocess’.The s t
art
ing poi ntwa st o me asuret he s c
ale oft he
international marriage market in Taiwan. Socio-demographic change in Taiwan has
created a market for profit-pursuing marriage agents. Agents scattered in different
social spheres have gradually linked to form an immense industry. Two different
industrial organization types have emerged in the matchmaking process to meet
different market constraints. As the cross-border marriage market matures, more and
more people enter the market, and competitive price, good quality and delivery on time
become the necessary conditions for success. In this competitive process, brides
become more and more commodified to conform to the new situation. They are
required to ac c eptr educedpr ic es,tobe‘ goode noug h’t oma rrya ndt obema rri
edout
when there is demand. The social networks of individuals are gradually transformed by
agents in pursuit of profit.
If cross-border migration is still dominated by agencies and resembles a
commodity transaction process, it is inevitably subject to market supply and demand
fac t
or s.Ta iwa n’sde mographi ca nds oci
o-economic stratification is unlikely to change
dramatically in the future, so the trend to marry foreign brides will continue, giving
intermediaries a niche to make money from matchmaking. However, the human rights
of the women involved, in Vietnam and in Taiwan, are being ignored by both
government and society. About 16.5% of our in-depth interview respondents
acknowledged that they were not satisfied with their marriage, and 10% of these
respondents had even seriously considered divorce. The figure might not seem high,
but if the percentage is converted into absolute numbers, more than 15,000 families
might have problems. In addition, women trafficking to Taiwan is utilizing the
marriage channel to import girls to sell into prostitution.2 The intermediary institutions
seem have led the family union migration to commodification, or even worse, women
trafficking.
※ 本文節錄自暨南大學東南亞所王宏仁副教授與張書銘合著期刊論文，請勿引
用，如要引用請先告知，謝謝！
2 A report on May 5, 2001 said that three Vietnamese girls had been imprisoned in a hut by a trafficking organization which
intended to sell them into prostitution. Taiwanese men masquerading as grooms had been used to get these girls into Taiwan
(China Times Daily, 2001/5/5).
25
The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants

and Marital Immigrants in Taiwan3
Hairiah
A. Background
The province of West Kalimantan is divided into ten kabupaten (residencies),
i.e. Ketapang, Kapuas Hulu, Sanggau, Pontianak, Sambas, Landak, Sintang,
Bengkayang, Melawi, Sekadau, and two Kotamadya (independent residencies), i.e.
Pontianak and Singkawang (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.4). The area of the province
of West Kalimantan is 146,807 square kilometers, and larger than the islands of Java,
Madura, Bali, and Lombok combined together. The significant natural feature of the
province is the Kapuas river which stretches for 1,140 kilometers. Locals use this river
as the main medium of transport in the province. Another significant characteristic of
West Kalimantan is that the area is 400 kilometers from Sarawak, East Malaysia and it
takes only six to eight hours driving from Pontianak to reach Kuching, the capital city of
Sarawak (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.5). It is argued that the geographical proximity
of Pontianak to Malaysia, which results in lower travel expenses, is one major reason
that makes Pontianak a key source of domestic labour for Malaysia and a transit area for
migrant workers who wanted to enter East Malaysia or Brunei Darussalam.
Based on the life census 2000, the population of West Kalimantan was 3.94
million which is divided into three major ethnic groupings, Malayan, Dayak, and
Chinese (BPS, 2000, p.65). The Chinese, especially, are concentrated in several areas,
i.e. Singkawang, Sambas, Kabupaten Pontianak, and Kota Pontianak. In the labour
sector, according to Central Board of Statistics of West Kalimantan only 28,363 or less
than 2% of its total workforce (1,693,461) attained university level education. The
majority of the workforce is dominated by those in the not yet complete primary school
educational category 506,754 (30%) and primary school category 469,422 (28%).
Furthermore, the level of illiteracy in West Kalimantan is 12,41% of its total residents,
particularly those who are in the >10 years old age category.
3
Hairiah, Director of The Legal Aid Foundation-Association of Indonesian Women for Justice, West
Kalimantan. Indonesia.The paper is presented in International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female
Immigrants and Migrants, May 13 to May 15 at Chien Tan Overseas Youth Activity Center, located at
#16 Sec.4,Chung-Shan N. Rd. Taipei Taiwan
26
It is understandable that with such low quality of human resources, 60% of the
labour force works in the agricultural sector (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.79). The
second biggest economic activity in Pontianak is trade, which then followed by service
and industry (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2000, p.79). It is clear from the data above that
the principal economic activities in Pontianak are dominated by the informal sectors,
such as agriculture and service.
To improve the economic condition, some women decided to leave their villages
and work as migrant workers in Malaysia. Particularly, for Chinese women, marrying
foreign men (Singaporean, Malaysian, and Taiwanese) is considered as a more viable
option.Se ve ral‘pus h’f a ctorstha tf
or ce
dt hesewome nt ol eavet heirhome st obe come
migrant workers or foreign brides, are:
1. Poverty
Poverty arguably is the main reason for these women to migrate to another country
in order to find a better life. West Kalimantan is the fourth poorest province in Indonesia.
According to Badan Pusat Statistik 2003, 15,81% of urban residents and 14,42% of
rural residents are categorized as poor.
2. Unemployment
The high level of unemployment (8,80% at national level) was another significant
factort hat‘pus hed’I ndone si
anwome ntomi g rate. The National Census 2003 showed
that, in West Kalimantan, the level of workforce participation was only 60,94% in urban
areas and 74,70% in rural areas. Consequently, the level of unemployment in urban
areas was considerably higher (15,69%) than in rural areas (6,66%). The availability of
informal sectors in rural areas- where specific skills and education are not necessary-
arguably is the main factor that differs the employment situation between urban and
rural areas.
B. The opportunity to marry foreign men

In order to better their lives, marrying foreign men- particularly Taiwanese- is
considered by some Chinese women as a better option than working as migrant workers.
This international marriage phenomenon began in the 1980s, when The Taiwan Trading
Boa rd vi si
ted We stKa lima nta na nd Singkawa ng .The Boa rd’
sme mberss awa n
opportunity to strengthen the relations between Chinese Taiwan and Chinese origins in
Singkawang through marriage. As a result, the number of international marriage
betwe e nSi ng kawa ng’sChi nes ewome na nd Ta iwa neseme ns i
gnific
antlyinc r
eased
everyy ear.I nI ndonesia,the sewome na r
ec alled“ma ilor der-brides”forTa iwanese
me n“ order”Si ng kawa ngChi ne sewome nt o be their future brides. Bong Cin Nen, a
catholic priest from Singkawang, estimated that during 21 years (1980-2001), there
were about 20,000 marriages between Singkawang Chinese women and Taiwanese men
(Equator 23 Januari 2002).
27
This mail order-brides’phe nome nonwhi cha rguablywa ss tart

e da sme anst o
strengthent heChi nes
ee thnic’re lations,nowha sbe comea ne xtreme lypr ofitablesector
for some people. These people who work as brokers take advantage of low level of
education among Chinese women in Singkawang, their unawareness of their legal rights,
and the increasing of consumptive lifestyles in Chinese community. Those brokers are
also benefited by gender inequality, particularly, the strong patriarchy culture in Chinese
community which values daughter less than son. All those factors have been
ma nipu l
atedbybr okerstoobt ainpa r e
nts ’permi s sionsf orma rriage s.
They travelled to poor and remote villages seeking young women who lived in
poverty. The brokers offered and persuaded these women to marry foreign men as
means to better their lives. On many cases, these brokers employed local people who
acted as match makers and wedding organizers between Indonesian brides and
Taiwanese men. The future brides were required to give their total agreement to
eve ry thi
ngpr oposedbyt hebr oke rsinc ludinga ddingy ear
st obr ide ’
sr ealc hronolog ica
l
age .I twa sthec ommonpr acti
cei nt his‘ indus try’f orthebr oke ra ndhi s/hera ge
nt sto
forge the paperwork; in fact many of these women were much younger than the
pres cr i
bedl eg alageof18.Ont heot herha nd,t hebr i
de’spa r
entspl ay edas i
g nif
ic a
nt
role in influencing her decision to accept the wedding proposal, especially if the
daughter rejected the initial proposal. Usually, the latter occurred because the daughter
thought that the age discrepancy between herself and the groom was too much. In such a
case, some parents forced their daughters to accept the wedding proposal without further
objection. Often these young women succumbed to this parental pressure in order to
fulfil the perceived family obligation, the traditional female role of dutiful daughter and
also to achieve their own personal expectation for a better life. As soon as the parents
gave their permission, brokers processed all the necessary paperwork and the wedding
preparations. The groom spent about 60-70 millions rupiah, including the travel
expe ns e
sf rom Ta iwa nt oI ndone sia. Thebr ide ’
spa re
ntsus uallyr eceive da bout4-6
millions rupiah from the groom. After completing all the necessary ceremonies and
paperwork, the bride was taken to Taiwan.
C. Problems
In such a case, it is obvious that a daughter is perceived by her parents as a means
to be tterf ami ly’se c onomi cc ondi tion.I tc an be a r
g uedt ha tthesey oung a nd
inexperience brides moved to Taiwan without sufficient information about the country
and their legal rights. Consequently, whenever these women faced hardship in their
ma rri
a gesa ndl ifeinTa iwa n,theyc oul ddonot hingbuta cceptthei r‘
fate’
.Somebr aver
brides opted to return to Indonesia and left their children in Taiwan.
28
Those who decided to divorce and separate from their Taiwanese husbands often
did so because they had been physically, psychologically, and sexually abused by the
husbands. As soon as the women arrived in Indonesia, some of them applied for divorce.
Ac cordingtoSi ngkawa ng’sci
vi lcourt,from 1997t o2003,t he rewe re170‘ ma i
lor der
brides’whodi vorce dthe i
rabusiveTa iwa ne sehusba nds .Unf ortunatel
y,a f
terdi vor cing
the husbands, these women were unable to obtain the custody rights for their children.
According to Indonesia civil laws, a child of an International marriage between an
Indone si
anwoma na ndaf or
e i
g nma na doptsthehus band’sna t
ional
ityunt ils he/he
reaches the age of 17 when she/he can choose which nationality she/he wanted (UU
no.62, Tahun 1958).
It is clear that the international marriage between an Indonesian woman and a

Taiwanese man, in some cases, has placed the woman in unfortunate situations. In an
att
emptt opr otectthewo me n’srights in an international marriage, in 1997 The Chinese
Forum, together with local priests, required that the couple produce a letter of
permission from both the prospective parents/guardians prior to the wedding.
D. The efforts
As one of the organizations t hatwor ks f orwome n’sr ightsinI ndone sia,
particularly in West Kalimantan, LBH-APIK provided legal assistance for women
victims of international marriage. LBH-APIK also designed and organized public
education through media by providing all the necessary information and legal
consequences for Indonesian women who choose to marry foreign men. At the higher
level, LBH-APIK together with some local NGOs and local government have tried to
formulate the Regional Action Plan. This plan is based on the National Action Plan on
the issues of human trafficking, especially the trafficking of women and children.
According to Presidential Decree, no.88, 2002, definition of women and children
trafficking is;
“Allf or msofa ctionsunde rtakenbype rpe t
ratorsoft raffi
ckingthat have one or
more of the elements of recruiting, transporting between regions and countries,
transferring, sending, receiving and temporary placement or placement at their
destination of women and children. It includes using threats, verbal and physical abuse,
abduction, fraud, deception, misuse of vulnerability (eg. If someone has no alternative,
is isolated, addicted to drugs, trapped in debts), giving or receiving payments or profits
in cases involving women and children who are used for prostitution and sexual
exploitation (including pedophilia), legal or illegal migrant workers, child adoptions,
fishing platform work, mail order brides, domestic helpers, begging, pornography,
drug dealing, selling of body organs, as well as other forms of exploitation
”
29
LBH-APIK, local NGOs and the local government have worked together to
prevent and stop trafficking, particularly women and children trafficking. Regarding
trafficking issues, we realize that our main problem is the unavailability of
comprehensive and specific legal mechanisms and also lack of coordination and
network mechanisms among the stakeholders. Therefore, our main responsibility is to
build solid network mechanisms where each element of society is responsible and
actively involved in preventing and ending women and children trafficking.
E. Hopes
A person is free to marry someone she/he wishes regardless of her/his nationality.
The most important thing is the availability of accessible and accurate information about
both parties, i.e. identities, legal consequences, prior to marriage. The problem arises
when one of or both parties are unable or prevented from accessing accurate information.
This may lead to various kinds of exploitative treatments as we have seen in some cases
regarding mail order brides.
I believe that it is our main responsibility to increase public awareness on the issue
ofpubl icle galright s ,vi ol
e nc
ea ga instwome n,a ndwome n’sr ights,g e
nerally
,a ndma i
l
orde rbr ide ’
sphe nome non,pa r
ticu la
rly
.Toa chi eves uchobj ective, we need to form
solid national and international network mechanisms. I believe that the availability of
solidn etwor kme c ha ni smswi l
lhe lpusi ni mpr ovingwome n’ sr ight
sa ndc ondi ti
on.
Therefore, in this international workshop, I hope to learn and share experiences with
other friends and I hope that this will widen my horizon and enrich my spirit.
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
The Broker System in Taiwan,

A Bane to Filipino Migrant Workers
Aurelio Estrata
Paper of Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM) for the Workshop on Female
Immigrants and Migrants
May 13-15, 2005 Taipei, Taiwan
Taiwan is one unique place in the world in that it legalizes the extortion of exorbitant
fees for blue-collar foreign workers by Taiwanese brokers. At the same time, in
practice its government provides such brokers with unlimited powers over the migrants
and more often than not shields them away from any wrongdoing. Aside from the
brokers, migrant workers need also to pay placement fees for recruiting agencies in
their home countries.
Labor exporting countries like the Philippines accept this reality without questions or
make its own policies called Memorandum Circulars suited to particular places like
Taiwan. Historically, the Philippine government has revised its own regulations twice
since 1998 on how much should the placement and broker fees should be in the island.
These policies, however, make sure that its economic interests in its Labor Export
Policy are not diminished. The Philippine government also earns a lot from the fees
that the migrants are paying to certain government agencies. At the same time, it has in
its possession a P2 million bond and escrow from each Philippine agency allowed to
deploy workers to Taiwan, which it can use for whatever purpose it desires. It also
needs the remittances of the Filipino workers to prop up its bankrupt economy.
Exor
bit
antBr
oke
rs’Fe
es
In 1998, the Philippine government pegged a uniform salary exclusive of

documentation and processing costs.4This was hardly followed in practice as both
placement agencies in the Philippines and brokers in Taiwan set their own recruiting
fees without issuing any official on what they collected. Or these same entities
disguised these overcharging through the issuance of fraudulent loans. The collection
of exorbitant fees created much outrage from both migrant workers and advocates alike
comi ngmos tlyf rom Roma nCa tholicChur chNGO’ s.Thi sle dt ope t
it
ions i
g ning
campaigns and esearches meant to expose and oppose such practices.
In the year 2000 at the urgings of a priest named Fr. Marco Brioschi of the Catholic
Bis hopsConf erenc eoft hePhilippines’(CBCP)Epi scopa lCommi ssionf orthePa s
tor a
l
Care of Migrants and Itinerant People (ECMI), an agreement supposedly to make
placement/brokers fees more transparent was forged. This was signed between the
Taiwanese brokers and Philippine placement agencies with Fr. Marco signing as
witness on behalf of Bishop Arguelles of the CBCP.
4
MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 09 Series of 1998, POEA
38
The Philippine government took advantage of this by drafting another memorandum

circular (MC) in the first quarter of 2001, which revised its 1998 MC. Through the
Philippine Overseas Administration Office (POEA) it stated that its basis for the
revi sioni sa fterc ons ultationswi th“ the civil society/non-governmental organizations, the
private industry sector and its counterparts in Taiwan, and upon recognition of the role of
Taiwan manpower agencies (TMAs) by labor sending countries, including the Philippines, in
facilitating and providing welfare services to foreign workers: 5”
In effect, the Philippine government concurred with brokers and placement agencies in
legalizing overcharging of its fees. Besides the pre-deployment fees to be collected as
enunciated in the MC of 1998, on-site fees were added.
A total of NT$52,000 were to be collected from factory and construction fees for
registration and handling fees. For those working in homes this amounted to a total of
NT$32,000. It was also made clear that the employers should shoulder the airfare of the
migrants.
This again changed in November 2001, when the POEA issued another MC to comply
with the new rules of the Council of Labor Affairs on the matter, which is still being
implemented.6 But besides the new fees, the new MC is silent on the payment of
airfare, but in actual practice it is now shouldered by the migrants and is legalized
through the addition of an addendum in the contract regarding this. In addition to this,
it reechoed a new ruling by the CLA that board and lodging fee for those working in
factories and construction may be charged to the migrants of up to NT$4,000 each.
Att hes amet ime ,theCLAi se vende nyingt hatt her

ei sabroke r
s’fee
.Wha tital
lows ,
it says, are only service and transportation fees. The Manila Economic and Cultural
Office call it on-site handling fees. This was implemented in January 23, 2002 and
charged for those who obtained their ROC visa after November 9, 2001. Those who
came in before those date where charged a maximum of NT$1,000 a month.7
Collection of on-site handling fees should remain as follows:
1st year - NT 1,800/month

2nd year - 1,700/month
3rd year - 1,500/month
If the worker will return to the same employer, service and handling
fees will be NT1,500/month for the 4th, 5th and 6th year. If a different
employer, the fees would be:
4th year - NT 1,800/month

5th year - 1,700/month
6th year - 1,500/month8
5
MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 05 Series of 2001. POEA
6
MEMORANDUM CIRCULAR NO. 19 Series of 2001, POEA
7
What Foreign Workers in Taiwan Need to Know, pp. 23-25, Bureau of Employment and Vocational Training, July 2004
8
MECO Labor Center, Taipei
39
Supposedly, there should be a Services Contract agreed upon both by the Taiwan
broker and foreign worker. The service fees can only be collected if there is an
itemization of services with the corresponding fees agreed by both parties.
In addition to these, foreign workers should sign a Fees and Salary Declaration of
Taiwan Bound Workers form. This specifies all the fees to be paid in both sending and
receiving countries and the amount of wages to be made in Taiwan. After the
Philippine Overseas Administration Office (POEA) has verified this, this should be
shown to TECO when applying for a visa. The Philippine Labor Representative in
Taiwan again authenticates this.9
Processing Cost For Agency Hire in Philippines
Placement Fee: (equivalent to one NTS15,840/ PHP26,769

month salary
Processing Fees:
POEA PHP200
OWWA Membership Contribution USD 25/PHP 1,275
OWWA/PhilHealth Medicare Premium PHP900

Documentation Costs
Visa/Work Permit PHP3,600
Medical Examination PHP3,395
Miscellaneous (Passport, NBI Clearance, PHP1,000
notaries, pictures, PDOS, etc.)
Airfare (USD150-200) PHP11,200
TOTAL 48,679++
(XR: 1USD= 56.00PHP)
Source: POEA http://www.poea.gov.ph/Country/taiwan.htm
In addition to this even rehires that need to exit Taiwan after three years of work need
to pay again the placement fee and all other necessary documentary costs including a
new visa from TECO.10 When Filipino migrant organizations raised this issue in a
dialogue with MECO on August 15, 2004, the Philippine officials present admitted that
there is an existing agreement between the Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration (POEA) and the CLA regarding this.11
That is why it is not surprising that the Labor Representative, Reynaldo Gopez has
time and again even endorsed the rights of brokers and suggested strengthening its
powers.
On November 29, 2004 Mr. Gopez stated that mandatory direct hiring, among other
9
What Foreign Workers in Taiwan Need to Know, pp. 25-26, Bureau of Employment and Vocational Training, July 2004
10
MECOLa borRe presentati
veEs therF .Guir
ao’sa ns wertotheq uery of Gi Estrada, APMM in January 2003
11
Present Situation of Blue Collar Foreign Workers in Taiwan, Gi Estrada, APMM, Undated, 2004
40
things, is impossiblebecaus e“ thiswi l

lviol
a tether i
ghtsofr
ecr
uit
menta gencies…” 12
This is in reaction to a statement signed by many Filipino migrant organizations
opposing the increasing costs of deployment to Taiwan.13
And very recently this year, the Labor representative stated again in Taiwan News that
he“ woul dr e
questTa iwan’sCounc i
lofLa borAffairs( CLA)t oma ndateTa i
wa n
manpower agencies to provide board and lodging to migrants who are awaiting transfer,
ora reinvol vedinl abordi s
put es”14, which in actuality is already happening. His main
reasonf ort hi
sist ha ta llshe l
tersr unbyNGO’ sandMECO a li
kea regove r
ne dby
regulations. We will talk more about this later.
In addition to Mr. Gopez, the Manila Regional Trial Court on Dec. 14, 2004 ruled that
portions of the Migrant Workers Act, pertaining to illegal recruitment, are
unconstitutional. 15 Migrante International quickly responded that, in effect, the
decision would legalize overcharging of recruitment agencies including the
non-issuance of official receipts for payments collected from Overseas Filipino
Wor ke rs( OFW’ s )
.Unde rt heMi g rantWor kersAc t,ove rchar
g i
ngi se quiva le
ntt o
illegal recruitment.16
Earnings of Philippine government from migrant workers in Taiwan
Year 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Deployed 87,360 84,186 51,145 38,311 46,371 45,186 45,059
workers
Actual number 114,25 113,928 98,161 72,779 69,426 81,355 91,150
of workers 5
Earnings from P265.6m P256m P155.4m P116.6m P141m P137.4m P137m
Government at US$6.8m US$6.3m US$3.1m US$2.2m US$2.6m US$2.5m US$2.4m
P3,040 each
migrant
Remittances in US$93.2m US$93m US$80.1m US$59.3m US$56.7m US$66.4m US$74.4m
US$ at based on based on based on based on based on based on
US$816 each 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000
migrant calculation calculation calculation calculation calculation calculation
Services rendered by the brokers and their responsibilities
According to MECO, these include the following:17
- Providing transportation services to and from the airport

- Providing transportation and food whenever there is medical examination
12 Kabayan, Taiwan News, November 29, 2004

13 Oppose Systematic Increase of Costs of Deployment to Taiwan! Joint Statement of Filipino Migrant Organizations in Taiwan,
Nov. 20, 2004
14 Protecting workers' rights is Manila's mandate, says concerned national, Kabayan, Taiwan News, April 24, 2005
15 Manila Court Strikes Out Unfair Provisions of Migrant Workers Law, Arab News, January 2, 2005
16 Mani l
aCo urtDe cisio nAug ur’s More Misery for OFWs, APMM News Digest, December, 2004
17
Ang Pagtatrabaho ng mga Dayuhang Manggagawa sa Taiwan, http://www.poea.gov.ph/html/gabay_taiwan.html
41
- Providing board and lodging in case the worker is allowed to transfer to another
employer
- Getting the Alien Residence Certificate (ARC) of the worker
- On site orientation
- Providing assistance to the worker in case he/she is to be terminated by the
employer
- Providing assistance in terms of mediating between the worker and employer
whenever there is friction between them based on the methods of settlement agreed
upon by MECO-CLA.
- Providing assistance in filing information/documents/cases to the authorities
concerned in Taiwan like the tax bureau, police, labor, bureau, etc.
- If it becomes necessary, to assist the worker in transacting business with the bank
and of remitting money to his/her family.
- The Taiwanese broker should always ensure the security of the worker and to get
all the benefits that is due him/her and in the shortest time possible.
-
The reality
One question needs to be raised though. Whose side does the broker really represent
especially when there are disputes between the employer and worker? This was very
clear in the case of Cecilia18 who was terminated by her employer, Asustec, and was
sent directly to the airport. When the author helped to negotiate better terms for Cecilia
inMECO’ sof fice,he rbr okeradmi tted that she was representing Asustec when asked
by a Philippine government official. Cecilia was not even given food by the broker for
threet ime swhi leshewa ss t
ayi
nga therbr oke r’
spla ce.
In the first place, the interests of brokers and workers are totally at odds with each
other. Brokers exist for profit and they would be more than happy to see a worker sent
home as they could find another one as a replacement.
Then what if the workers have conflicts with the brokers themselves?
1. Case 1 –Virtue Human Resources Co.
In the case of Maricor et al who used to work as caretakers at the Hsin Yang Ming
Hospital Nursing Home in Taoyuan, the broker named Dallas Huang of Virtue Human
Resources Co., Ltd. was even given the right to take custody over the workers. The
Taoyuan Labor Bureau gave this right to him even if the workers had a conflict with
Da llasove rove r
cha rgingofbr okers’fe eandwi tht hee mpl oyerf ornon-payment of
overtime pay.
Mr. Huang took the female workers to a place, which they initially did not know. He
then took the liberty of intimidating the workers by threatening them in several ways.
What broke the workers will was his subtle way of intimidation. While drunk, he
visited the workers one night at around midnight and was accompanied by a number of
male persons. Immediately after, the caretakers signed the waiver he was forcing upon
them on Dec. 11, 2004 and sent them home afterwards.
18
Family name not provided for the workers protection
42
This is not the only case of Mr. Huang. Another 5 female caretakers at the Fu Lin
nursing home in Hsinchu County were successful in getting back wages for overtime
and severance pay from their employer. However, all five were not able to get back the
maximum amount of NT$50,000 overcharged them by the broker. The Hsinchu Labor
Bureau did not uphold the enunciation of the CLA that
The private employment service agencies shall not collect the fees other than those
st
ipulatedi n “S t
andardf orLi ce
nse Fe e and Ot he
rFe esCol lected by Pr i
vate
19
Employ me ntServi
ceAge ncies”f romthef oreigne r
s.
And MECO could not do anything about it except persuade the workers to file a case
in the POEA and blacklist Mr. Huang. Initially, the broker offered to pay back only ¾
of the overcharged fee. MECO on the other hand tried to persuade the workers to
accept it as the workers were told that Mr. Huang should not shoulder all the blame as
the migrants had signed a side agreement in the Philippines that they had incurred a
loan with their placement agency.
Despite his being blacklisted by MECO, Mr. Huang continues to operate as a broker.
Another case of overcharging is pending against him at the Chu En Fu Elder Care
Center in Sanshia, Taipei. There was a deadlock in the settlement of the dispute
between the employer/broker and the workers at the Taipei County Labor Bureau on
May 5, 2005. And because of this, the case would have to go to court.20
This is despite an illegal act done by the employer by firing all the 4 complaining
worke rs.De spi
tet his,a ndMr .Hua ng’sout ri
ghtl iet hathene verove rchargedt he
brokers, the employer was able to hire two Indonesian caretakers the next day through
thebroke r’
sa ss
ist
anc e .
2. Case 2 –Asia Human Resource Management & Consult Co. Ltd.
Another Wang, but with a different spelling and whose name is Grace overcharged 19
factory workers in Tai Fong Circuit Industry (TCI) in Sinfong, Hsinchu and two
caretakers also in the same area. But compared to Dallas Huang, Grace of Asia Human
Resource Management & Consult Co. Ltd. was more blatant in overcharging. All of
these reflected in the pay slips of all the workers with the employers consent.
The TCI workers paid NT$6,000 a month for 20 months, while the two caretakers paid
NT$9,000 a month for 10 months.21 This payment was allegedly for a loan incurred in
the Philippines with the placement agency. With the assistance of the Hsinchu
Confederation of Trade Unions (HCTU), all if not most of the overcharged fees were
given back to the workers. But again, the Hsinchu Labor Bureau turned a blind eye on
the erring broker and never fined it or anything.
19
Rights and Obligations of Foreign Workers, http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/ehome4.htm
20
Minutes of the settlement dispute at the Taipei County Labor Bureau, May 5,2005 This was never signed by the workers
21
APMM News Digest, December 2003 and June-July 2004
43
It seems the CLA and its local bureaus do not give a damn in penalizing Taiwanese
brokers. In a dialogue with the CLA in Nov. 25, 2004, they stated that of the 500
complaints against such entities from January to October of 2004 for charging
excessively only 15 or 3% had been fined. The CLA also admitted that it has never
revoked the license of any broker company but has suspended some since the time that
they have been in operation.22
Event he CLA’ sof f

iciala nnoun ce me ntson ove rcha rgi
ng a re biased in favor of
Taiwanese brokers. The CLA blames overcharging solely on placement agencies of
sending countries or to employers who allegedly collects kickbacks from the brokers.
These are very clearly enunciated in its report on protection of foreign workers:
If the manpower agency involved is found guilty by its government, its license will be
revoked according to Taiwan's Regulations on Approval and Management of Private
Employment Service Institutions. By October 2002, 13 Thai, 39 Filipino and 1
Indonesia manpower agencies had their licenses revoked by Taiwan authorities.
The practice of overcharging brokerage is caused in part by employers who receive
kickbacks from manpower agencies. In order to solve this problem and ensure the rights
of foreign workers, CLA has revised its Employment Service Act and other pertinent
regulations that authorize the government to disapprove application for foreign labor or
revoke a permit if the employer involved is found to receive kickbacks.23
3. Detention and Other Powers
Brokers, however, have other powers or abusive practices that even police authorities
condone. These include the following:
a. Detention powers
On two occasions known to APMM, Kan Ling, a broker for Ritek and other
companies in Sinfong, Hsinchu had detained three Filipino workers. The first
occurred on the night of March 7, 2004 when two Filipino workers in Ritek were
involved in a brawl. They were promptly padlocked in two separate rooms of the
ladies dorm. The next day, they were deported.
When a Taiwanese working for the same company, called the police, he was
merely told two things. Allegedly, hat the conditions in the detention center were
22
Statement of APMM, Taiwan’s Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) Attitude will not solve the Runaway Problem among Foreign
Workers
23
REPORT ON PROTECTION OF RIGHTS FOR FOREIGN WORKERS IN TAIWAN, III, 1. I and iv
http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/engtitle.htm
44
humane and that the broker had the right to monitor and hold erring foreign
workers who are to be deported.24
The second incident occurred in May 2004 when Willy Rodriguez was caught
stealing the ATM card of his fellow worker then withdrawing money from the
ATM machine. He was also detained by Kan Ling in the same dorm and was not
allowed any visitors. APMM had to right MECO to intervene which they did. They
told Kan Ling that the court only gave it custodial and not detention rights and that
Willy should also be allowed visitors.
b. Custodial and Deportation Powers
Like previously stated in the case of Maricor, et al, the Taoyuan Labor Bureau gave
custodial powers to their broker even if they had a dispute with each other. The
same Labor Bureau also gave another broker the same power to a Filipina who
complained of sexual harassment by her employer, even if supposedly in sexual
and physical abuse cases, such migrants should be taken to other shelters not
owned by brokers.
Another power that brokers exercise is taking the workers to the airport that had
been illegally terminated. This is in connivance with employers. Brokers are not
held criminally liable for these even if such acts are unjust, against the will of the
workers and cause a lot of stress on them.
Then there is a rape case known to APMM that was allegedly committed by a
legislator. When the victim, reported the alleged rape case, the broker immediately
took custody over her. But she was told bluntly that she should not report this to
the authorities as this might affect the chances of the legislator in the coming
elections during that time. At the same time, the broker acted as the agent of the
broker in negotiating a settlement with the victim, which she finally accepted for
fear of physical retribution.
Br
oker
sa l
soa c
ta sthei
mpl ementersoft heempl oy
ers
’unj
ustpol
ici
es.Ora
cta
s
t
heemploye
rs’henchmen when workers complain.
A Taiwanese lawyer that we consulted had this to say. Detention of migrant

workers is definitely an unlawful act and even a crime in Taiwan, in case they used
practical force or threat to do that. He added that only government officials could
lawfully use force to deport foreigners. And in conclusion, he said, no private
pe r
so ne njoy ssuc hahor rendousa uthor i
tyove rothe
r’spe r
sonalfr eedom a ndbody
integrity without specific statutory authorization.
And as stated earlier, Mr. Gopez of MECO is requesting the CLA to mandate
Taiwan manpower agencies to provide board and lodging to migrants who are
awaiting transfer, or are involved in labor disputes. This is tantamount to feeding
them to the lions especially when migrants are in the latter category.
24
Do Taiwanese Brokers Have Police Powers? APMM Statement
45
Paying Lip service
Both the Taiwanese and Philippine governments are trumpeting that one way to solve
the overcharging of brokerage fees is for promoting direct hiring programs. The CLA
has stated that it had concluded bilateral agreements on two countries regarding this.
These include Thailand and the Philippines. For the latter, there had been two
memorandum of agreements made so far on this.
Buti na ni nforma lt alk wi th APMM’ sTa i

wa n Coor di
natorr e cently,Mr .Gope z
admitted that the special hiring program for Taiwan (SHTP) is a failure in that it has no
teeth. The agreement is only optional and not mandatory.
Indeed the figures attest to this. In 2002, the Philippine Overseas Employment Agency
(POEA) admitted that only a total of 157 workers were deployed for 2 employers,
namely, Dominican International School (Primary and Secondary Teachers-14) and
Nanya Plastics Corporation (General/Factory Workers-143). A total of 46,371 Filipino
workers were deployed to Taiwan that year. This means that only .003 % did not pass
through agencies in 2002.
The Philippine Labor Representative, however, seems not deterred by these miserable
figures. He is banking on promoting the SHTP to those working at homes, that is if the
employers would agree to it.
On illegal repatriation, the CLA says that it has required that the employer and the
worker in the presence of a local labor authority must sign an agreement of contract
termination. And supposedly foreign workers in Taiwan are now furnished with an
orientation packet that contains comprehensive information on how to prevent an
empl oy erorma npowe ra gencyf rom f orginganagreeme nt(
ofcontractt
ermination).It
’s
25
another matter though if these are being implemented.
Conclusion
The best solution for the abuses that the broker system foments is for its total
abolition. This can be done through mandatory direct hiring instead of the
illusionary one being practiced right now. According to a Philippine government
official, two of the reasons why their nationals run away from their employers
include excessive, illegal collections of fees by manpower agencies26 and that they
were going to be arbitrarily repatriated.
Another solution would be for the introduction of the standard employment contract so
that all side agreements being forced upon the workers are considered void. The brokers
and/or employers are forcing these on the workers. At the same time, the detention and
custodial powers of the brokers should be taken away from them or even be considered
25
REPORT ON PROTECTION OF RIGHTS FOR FOREIGN WORKERS IN TAIWAN,
http://www.evta.gov.tw/english/workers.files/engtitle.htm
26
Labor Council offers amnesty for runaways, Taipei Times, August 30, 2003
46
cri
mi nal.I nt hef ir
s tplac e,iti stheg overnme nts’r esponsi
bil
it
ytopr
ima
ril
yas
sis
tit
s
nationals and not private firms solely motivated by profit.
Ofc our seit’sa notherma tteri fbothg ove rnme ntsha vethepol i
tic
a lwi llt oimpl ement
these. The Philippine government would want to maintain the status quo as its economic
benefits from exporting its own people are more valuable than in protecting the interests
of its blue collar workers. This also holds true for the Taiwan government. It needs the
brokers to keep in line the foreign workers who might want to assert their rights because
of exploitation and abuse by their employers. This ensures a regular supply of docile
and cheap labor.
There is therefore a need to develop a strong migrant movement that should have strong
ties with local and international advocacy and solidarity groups. It is only through the
actions of this movement that will ensure that changes for the better would be possible
in the foreseeable future.
47
Migrant Women in Korea through

International Matchmaking
Kim Min Jeong
This paper aims on studying the development of migrant women who had
international matchmaking with Korean males today, and mentioning the existence of
detailed law system and parts to improve by studying the systematic consideration
related to their humane reality within Korea.
Also, I am going to simply introduce about the organization –WeHome currently
working.
1. Present Status of Korea

According to the data from National Statistical Office, there are total of 127,762
migrant women who married Korean men from 1990 to 2004. It shows that international
matchmaking is increasing recently based on the fact that it was only 619 women who
registered their matchmaking with Korean men in 1990, while it was 19,214 in 2003 and
25,594 in 2004. Among 25,594 women who registered for international matchmaking in
2004, there were 70.4% Chinese, 9.6% Vietnamese, 4.8% Japanese, 3.8% Philippine,
and other citizenships according to the citizenship distribution entered Korea. The
specific statistic data is <Figure 1>.
As seen in <Figure 1>, matchmaking with female immigrant increased at 2000
after a specific period of decrease during Korean economic crisis at the end of 1990s.
<Figure 1> Yearly change of migrant women spouses who married Korean
men(number of persons) –05, National Statistical Office
30,
000
25,
594
25,
000
19,
214
20,
000
15,
000 12,
647 11,
017
10,
365 9,266 10,
006
10,
000 8,
054 7,304
5,775
3,
109
3,
072
5,
000 2,
057
619 663
0
90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 20 1 2 3 4
48
According to <Graph 1> and <Figure 2>, 70% of women spouses have Chinese
citizenship, and most of them are Korean ethnics. The most significant part is that 10%
of the married spouses in 2004 are Vietnamese women, and this number is related to the
rapid increase of Korean businesses introducing Vietnamese women since 2000.
Cu rr
ently
,ba nisterswr i
tt
en‘ ma rryVi etname sevi r
gins’canbef ounda llaround
the country. As a result of such situation, a wife with Vietnamese citizenship within
Korea is no more an awkward in our surroundings.
Such situation is considered relevant to the providing structure of Vietnam, but I

suspect that this know-how of the providing structure is based on their experience in
past of providing women to Taiwan.
Such meditation businesses in Korea are sort of free businesses, and the secret
maneuvers of how many businesses exist in Korea is not yet counted. There is a law
currently in p reparation as persecution cases are rapidly increasing.
<Graph 1> Citizenship distribution of foreign spouses of Korean men(number of

persons) –05, National Statistical Office
2001 2002 2003 2004
Total
10,006 11,017 19,214 25,594
persons
Japan 976 959 1242 1224
China 7001 7,041 13,373 18,527
U.S.A. 265 267 323 344
Philippines 510 850 944 964
Vietnam 134 476 1,403 2,462
Thailand 185 330 346 326
Russia 157 241 297 318
Mongol 118 195 318 504
Others 660 658 968 925
49
<Graph 2> Citizenship distribution of foreign spouses of Korean men in 2003 and
2004(%) –05, National Statistical Office
80 2003 2004
6 72.
69. 4
70
60
50
40
30
20
7.
3 9.
6
10 6.
5
4.
8 4.
9 3.
8 5 3.
6
1.
7 1.
3 1. 3 1.
8 1. 5 1.
2 1.
7 2
0
J
apan U.
S.A. Vi
etnam Russi
a Ot
her
s
Wege nerall
yt hinkof“ f
a r
m ba che lors”whe nwes ayme nha veinternat
ional
matchmakings. However, the ratio of re-matchmaking is increasing according to the
statistics, and I understand that an industrial structure where men can have another
spouse whenever with a certain amount of money paid is the cause to make men marry
again through an easier way.
Today, the formal cost needed to marry with these women differ for each country,
and each meditation businesses, but it is generally US $9,000-11,000 through
consultation, and there are people there are additional cost from US $500-3000 in case
of men.
<Graph2> The sort of matchmakings of Korean men spouses(number of persons)

-05, National Statistical Office
Year 2001 2002 2003 2004
Total
10,006 11,017 19,214 25,594
number
First
6,676 7,739 11,175 13,667
matchmaking
Re-matchmaking 3,230 3,844 7,781 11,591
50
<Figure3> Yearly change for first matchmaking/re-matchmaking of Korean men

spouses(%) –05, national Statistical Office
80 Fi
rstmarri
age
7
0.2 Re-marr
iage
6
6.7
70
5
8.2
60 5
7.4
50
40
4
5.3
4
0.5
30 3
2.3 3
4.9
20
10
0
2001 2002 2003 2004
(1) Current Status of Poverty
From an experimental case and observation, foreign spouses who marry Korean
men have economic difficulties for diverse reasons. Therefore, women with citizenships
other than Chinese do not get any formalized language education, nor are they provided
with proper labor cost along with other foreign employees as they enter Korea. Not only
does the government not provide any technological educations to the poverty class since
they do not have Korean citizenship, but also are they not provided any formal and full
service for the most simple Korean education to survive.
(2) Current Status of Violence
No research has been made for foreign spouses who married Korean men in
country unit, but as a result of conducting a research for 100 women who had
international matchmaking in Gwangju Women Development Center in 2002, 30% is
enduring spouse violence –57% physical violence, 18% violent words, 12% economic
crue l
ty, and46% oft hema nswe r
edthatthey‘ justendureit’.
According to the consultation cases, there are many cases where immigrant
females have wrong information in the process of deciding the matchmaking in their
home country, or where they marry irrelevant to their decisions such as threat or fraud.
51
Fore xampl e,‘inKor e

a,farmer sar
erespect
e da ndrich’,‘themenha vemuc hmone y,so
donotbr inga ny t
hing’,‘Iha veac lose
tf ullofc l
othe sforyou’,‘youwi l
lha veno
problem in living sincethema nissorich’,‘Iwi llsent300dol l
a r
spe rmonthtoy our
familyba cki ny ourhomec ountry
’,‘youwi llgettostudyi nKorea’,andother
s.Insome
caseswhe ret hewome nt urndownt heme n,‘Godwi llpunishy ou’incaseofc er
tain
reli
gions,‘pa ya llthecostsspenttotakec a
r eofy ou’,‘pa yal
lthemone yheha dtopa y
sincehec amea llthewa yhe re
’,andotherthr e
atsma ket hemma rr
y .
Today ’sma tchma ki ngwi t

hKor eanme na rema inlydonet hroughma t
chma king
information company, specific religion group, and personal introduction. Among the
contents in the consultation, there are many cases where men avoid inviting their
spouses to Korea after sexual activity due to rapid decision to matchmaking due to the
characteristic of this sort of matchmaking, some Vietnamese women are sent back to
their country even when they are pregnant.
As 20s women marrying older Korean men are increasing, there are more and
more cases with women not only being sexually harassed within the families, but also
being treated like an employee or a maid. Also, there are even cases where the brokers
or spouses sent them back to their countries by force if a problem occurs within the
family.
Even when they come to Korea, many women are exposed to cold prejudice from
the surroundi ng s
;‘di sguis ema t
chma ki
ng’ ,‘ peopl
ewhoma rri e
dformoney’
,‘peoplet o
runa wa y’,‘whor e’,andma nyot herprejudic es.Suchwr ongpr ej
udi
cesge
nerall
ys pread
in the society either strong or weak are understood as the largest factor to prevent
multi-cultural families to root down healthy in Korean society.
Currently, some of the women who select matchmaking as a tool for immigrant is
in trafficking or cases where they are demanded sexual trade from their spouses, so
special interest and protection measures are demanded for these women.
2.Current Status of Governmental Migrant Women related Policy
The Korean government allows even the foreign male spouses married to Korean
women to achieve citizenship through professional revision of national law on
December 13th 1997, but the chances to achieve the citizenship along with the
international matchmaking in the past, the qualification is given after living 2 years in
52
Korea. The qualification conditions are relaxed to give naturalization chances for those
who are realized proper by the Minister of Justice after satisfying the residual period for
naturalization in case of spouse death or missing, divorce or separation due to spouse,
and nurture of juveniles since January 20th 2004.
The Korean government is entrusted with operation of 2 migrant women victims

of trafficking recess centers in the country, along with legal consultation and
homecoming supporting since 2003.
The Korean government is providing domestic emergency phone 1366, migrant

women victim of trafficking recess centers, and three way interpretation service in
English and Russian since 2003.
The Korean government is providing legal service free of charge from Korea
Legal Aid Corporation for female violence victims since 2003.
Ministry of Gender Equality created civil fund from March 2005 managed by a
civil organization, and started Korean and cultural education, consultation, and
maternity helpers distribution businesses by dividing the country into 6 sections.
Ministry of Health and Welfare is currently under research of basics for

international matchmaking families now on April 2005.
3. Performance and Limits
(1) Performance
The Korean government and local government is supporting fund for onetime
project businesses to the civil organization so they can perform businesses for migrant
women.
The reality is that immigrant labor support organization and women organizations
are all carrying out Korean education and simple adaptability education for only those
who have easily approach.
Recess centers for victimized migrant women of family violence is newly built in
2 places on 2004 with civil fund, and there are more and more cases where female
consultation centers and recess centers all around the country are accepting victimized
53
women of family violence.
Right now is at a stage where critical mind for prejudices of immigrant women
and families began to develop all over the society based on related women organizations
and immigrant labor support organizations.
(2) Limits
The government is not applying any formal measures to integrate immigrant

women fighting with poverty with labor market, and the immigrant labor support
organizations and women organizations are also not carrying out development or
practice to have these women escape from poverty.
The Ministry of Gender Equality began Korean education to the families in the
form of entrustment to civil organizations, but the effect is doubtful considering the
approach to women scattered around the country.
Most of immigrant women have lack of understanding for Korean, so they end up
being neglected from all information to keep their own health if other families do not
teach them.
The citizenship law revised on January 2004 has difficulty to directly prove
spous e’sc aus et odivor c
eor separation, but it is yet unknown how fair the Ministry of
Justice will be in the process of decision making. Also, the 2 years of regulating period
is raising criticism or human right invasion.
The Ministry of Gender Equality is providing three way interpretation of English

and Russian 24 hours and female emergency phone 1366 since 2002, but a satisfactory
efficiency is yet unfound due to unstable system and inefficient system operation of
interpretation. Moreover, the usage for 1366 is comparably low since a systematic
promotion was unmade for victimized women of violence, but it is steadily increasing
from Chinese compatriots.
While there were 4 researches made related to migrant entertainers in Korean for
the last 5 years, there is only 1 research in profess based on social welfare demand in the
scale of country of research for foreign spouses of Korean men.
There are many cases where intentionally exaggerated information goes back and
54
forth in international matchmakings through matchmaking information companies or

brokers, which is something women organizations and immigrant labor support
organizations are worried about. Now at April 2005, a bill based on the approval of
international matchmaking company is currently laid before the National Assembly.
4. Further Policy Tasks
The government must prepare a systematic device so the women who enter Korea
can receive Korean education and technological education at the point they enter the
country for a certain period of time. All education organizations helping low-income
Korean women must be opened to all women without Korean citizenship.
NGO and women organizations must try to develop differentiated programs that
can cover diversity of citizenships and cultures by making diverse attempts for these
women to adapt to Korean labor market.
The government must prepare a systematic device so they can receive basic
Korean education and cultural adaptation education free of charge. The government
must develop education information and program along with professional teachers so
these women can receive differentiated education.
Civic groups should make efforts to develop new programs through various
attempts, make policy proposals, and monitor and pressure the government to make
institutional frameworks for the women who the government can not guarantee the
protect.
The government should provide all information on health in various

languages.Along with local governments, civic groups should make efforts to offer
appropriate education and information to those women.
The government should protect families forged by interracial marriage. Where

violence is committed on women in those families, the government should institutional
frameworks to protect the women while not limited by the Emigration and Immigration
Control Law.
The government should make and distribute guidelines that where domestic
violence is committed, police should ask the victim what she wants in the absence of the
perpetrator, with a translator present. It should also make sure the guidelines are
55
followed.
The government and civic groups should strengthen human rights and counseling
education on officials and counselors to eliminate bias against families forged by
interracial marriage. Moreover, they should develop and implement various programs to
remove such a bias in society.
The Korean government should make sure that those women are not denied all
welfare laws such as the National Basic Livelihood Security Law and the Mother and
Fatherless Child Welfare Law even before they acquire Korean citizenship.
The Korean government and local governments should make sure that in the long
run, domestic violence victims among migrant women have access to entry into shelters
and that financial assistance is provided for various translation services. Also, they
should assist financially in stable operation of existing shelters for female foreigners.
As for translation service through hotline 1366 for women, the Korean
government should expand the language from the current three to Vietnamese,
Mongolian and Chinese. The civic groups, consigned by hotline 1366, should train
counselors on basic language skills.
The government, NGOs and academia should conduct survey to make sure
healthy lives of families forged by interracial marriage in Korea. It is in urgent need to
conduct research and survey on the situation of violence on women and others for
protection of human rights.
The procedures and practices of interracial marriage through international

matchmaking companies are in the territory of ‘ human trafficking’defined by
international organizations. The government should regulate those matchmaking
companies and matchmakers. To this end, civic groups should make efforts to come up
with proper measures, propose relevant policies to the government, and monitor the
government.
The victims by matchmaking companies and matchmakers should be recognized

as victims of human trafficking through certain screening. Relevant laws should change
to make sure that those women recognized as victims of human trafficking can be
engaged in rehabilitation and treatment programs in Korea.
56
The Korean government should help migrant women keep their identity through
expanded permanent residence system. To this end, civic groups should come up with
proper measures and work hard to act on the measures.
5. Review of Existing Laws
●Nat
ional
it
yLaw
1) Article 6 (Requirements of simple naturalization)

② For eigne rswho ha veKor eans pous esbe long t oI te
m 1a nd a r
egr
ant
ed
naturalization even though they do not meet requirements in Item 1 Article 5.
1. Those who are married to Korean nationals and have registered address for
more than 2 years in a row.
2. Those who have Korean spouses of 3 years, and have registered address for
more than a year in Korea after marriage.
3. Those who do not meet Item 1 and 2, but can not lead a normal married life for
reasons such as spouse’ s death or disappearance while having an address in Korea after
marriage, meet the remaining period of Item 1 and 2, and are recognized by the Ministry
of Justice <Added in January 20, 2004>
4. Those who do not meet Item 1 and 2, but raise or will to raise teenagers born in
a marriage with the spouse, meet the remaining period of Item 1 and 2, and are
recognized by the Ministry of Justice <Added in January 20, 2004>
2) Limits of Revised Nationality Law

Foreigners have extreme difficulties proving themselves that they are
economically abandoned and verbally abused. Attitudes should be flexible enough to
accept the claims of victims even it they are not able to prove economic abandonment.
It is highly likely that policy enforcers interpretate laws in their own way as Item 3
and 4 Clause 2 vaguely mentions the requirements for simple naturalization. Thus,
relevant clauses should be made clearer or relevant enforcement guidelines should
specifically mention the requirements for simple naturalization.
Namely, the clause for 2 years of grace period is against human rights protection,
it should be repealed as soon as possible.
●Nat
ionalBas
icLi
vel
ihoodSe
cur
ityLaw (
Publ
icAs
sis
tanc
e)--> Revision
57
Bill Pending in the National Assembly

○Pr oblem wi thnotgivi
ngt hes
pouseofKoreannationalsbenefi
ts
○Whe ref a mi l
yme mberswi t
hanon-Korean national number at n, the family
receives benefits for n-1
●Mot
herandFat
her
les
sChi
ldWe
lfar
eLaw
1) Article 4 (Definition)
② Unde rthel aw,mot herbel
ong st oi te
m 1a ndi sdefineda st hosewhor a ise
children.
1. Women who are separated or divorced with their husbands
2. Women whose husbands lost ability to work due to physical or mental disability
3. Single women (excluding those in a common-law marriage)
Article 12 (Benefits)
Where claims are made, state and local governments can offer following benefits
in accordance to Article 11. Note where the beneficiaries are also protected under other
laws such as the National Basic Livelihood Security Law, make sure that benefits are
not overlapped.
1. Living expenses
2. Aid for child education
3. Training and living expenses during job training
4. Childcare expenses
5. Other expenses set by executive order
2) Expansion of Beneficiaries of Mother and Fatherless Child Welfare Law
Those women who are belong to the categories in Clause 1 Article 4 of the Mother
and Child Welfare Law should be granted living expenses, aid for child education and
training expenses, and entry into welfare facilities.
To this end, unreasonable clauses should be repealed, including those under the
Emigration and Immigration Control Law that only husbands can be guarantors for
wives and that if wives run away, they remain unregistered as husbands withdraw the
guarantee, so that the Emigration and Immigration Control Law and the Mother and
Fatherless Child Welfare Law are not conflicting.
58
●Expans
iono
fpe
rmanent resident system
1)Expansion of Beneficiaries of Permanent Resident System
○Thos ewhoa r ea dultsbyKor eanCi vilLaw,a rea bl

et os uppor tfa mi l
y( ifnot,
their family members are), have good behavior and basic knowledge necessary to live in
Korea such as Korean customs, and live in Korea for more than 5 years
○Thos ewhoa ref oreigni n vestors,inve s
ti
ngmor ethanha l
fami l
liondol l
a r
si n
Korea and contribute to creating jobs, living in Korea for more than 3 years as corporate
investor (D-8)
○Thos ewho are recognized by the Minister of Justice as having certain credit
2)Expansion of Permanent Right of Residence as Migrant Women’

s
Freedom to Choose
The only way for migrant women married to Korean men to lead a stable life in
Korea is to acquire Korean citizenship through simple naturalization procedure that they
can apply for, 2 years after they come to Korea. It is as if they I in particular women
from the Third World) are forced both directly and indirectly to give up their identity
and be naturalized as a Korean in order to lead a stable live in Korea.
Measures should be taken for spouses of Korean nationals holding a F2-1 visa to
grant permanent right of residence within a short period of time rather than the current 5
years after they come to Korea so that they are not discriminated against under relevant
laws.
●Re gulationBillonI nt
ernati
onalMat
chmaki
ngCompani
es--> Pending in
the National Assembly as of May 2005
○Ani nc re asingnumbe rofKor eanme na ndmi grantwome narevic t

imizeddue
to fierce competition and too many matchmaking companies.
○Ma tc
hma king companies should be regulated, but there are no laws to regulate
them.
○ The r
ea rema nybr oke r
swhoa r
ea ctinga si ndivi dual
si nloca la r
eas.Th e
problem is that it is hard to distinguish acquaints and brokers in matchmaking.
○ La wsc a nnot100% r egulate brokers, bur proper regulations are needed to
minimize victims.
59
●Ot hers
○Whe reunr eg i
steredwome na l
onea rer a i
singchi
ldre
nbor ni nac ommon-law
marriage with Korean men, drastic measures such as pardon and grant of permanent
right of residence are needed for those child-rearing women.
○I tisa lmos timpos siblet os eet heirc hil
dr engrow whenwome nf rom theThi rd
World get divorced while not having custody of their children and Korean citizenship.
Thus, measures are needed for those women.
○Mi grant women should be granted freedom to separate from their husbands for a
certain period regardless of the Emigration and Immigration Control Law. Those
women from the Third World who are subject to language and emotional abuse from
their husband have no choice but to endure in silence for fear of their husband’ s
withdrawal of guarantee on them.
6. WeHome- The Migrant Momen’

s Home
WeHome in Kyunggi province, Korea had dealt with migrant women for a decade
as a shelter for migrant women. Starting from 2003, WeHome has been doing business
to protect female migrants who are sexually abused, consigned by the Ministry of
Gender Equality.
WeHome pays attention to all migrant women in Korea. It consults with abused
women, focusing on rescuing them, protects them in a shelter, conducts survey of their
cases, inform the public of the results, makes policy proposals, support establishing
groups for migrant women and cooperate with domestic and international groups.
The following figures show the current situation of migrant women who stayed in
a shelter operated by WeHome in 2004:
<Figure 3> Number of clients according to reason for entry into a shelter in 2004
Domestic Sexual Medical Sexual

Total Others Children
Violence Abuse Treatment Trafficking
99 61 0 5 5 4 24
60
< Figure 4> Number of clients by country in 2004
Total China Philippines Uzbekistan Mongol Japan Vietnam Peru Others Children
99 24 15 12 2 4 10 2 6 24
1)How Enter Shelter?
○Marriage
In this case, women are recognized as domestic violence victims, so they enter
shelters via official channels such as police, hot line 1366 for females, counseling
centers for females, direct calls and counseling. Neighbors play an important role in the
process.
○Entertainer
In many cases, women enter shelters via a phone call or police. In the case of a
shelter supported by the Ministry of Gender Equality, it has done work to protect women
from Russia and former Soviet countries for years, so by word of mouth, women contact
the shelter. Korean male customers or American soldier-boyfriends were found to play
an important role in the process.
2)How Seek What to Do
Clients’decision-making process on what to do is influenced in large part by

’
Koreasthe Emigration and Immigration Control Law and Nationality Law.
When women enter shelters, the shelters listen to the problems facing the women,
provide legal information and explain what they can do with the shelters (just few
information that can be opted within the framework of laws).
The direct reasons for clients to enter shelters differ by client, but the common
tr
eadist heirhomec ountry’se conomi ccondi ti
on,na me ly,pove rtya ndune mpl oy
ment
.
They decide what to do based on legal information from shelters and information from
human networks.
Female foreigners living in Korea after marriage with Korean men tend to endure
61
in silence the violence by their husband since various laws such as ---- leave those
women no option but to put up with the violence. Especially, where the women have
children in their long married life, the tendency gets greater. When they think they can
no longer endure, they opt for working as unregistered workers after finding a job
through human network.
How clients leave the shelter, when they decide to leave with what plans differ
according to their psychological and physical conditions.
Unfortunately, in the process, there are only a few that the shelter can do for those
women: file back pay complaints to the Ministry of Labor, offer medical service, ask
favors to their husband and other family members if the women want to live again with
their husband, help legal procedures if they want divorce, and assist financially if they
want to go back to their home country.
62
Preventing Violence against Immigrant Women

新女性移民的暴力預防
蔡順柔
本基金會長期辦理外籍配偶在台灣的生活輔導適應時發現，我們無法進行「輔
導外國人」，我們所有工作夥伴只能「陪伴外國人」
、只能「情感支持外國人」，這
不是謙虛，也不是不好意思，而是我們和這群外國人的語文溝通有一定的字話與
字數，用字太難聽不懂，用字太深無法理解，這時後我們得配合肢體動作的表現，
讓其理解與明白。
也許你會想，有這麼難嗎？那麼請妳現在想想「暴力」這兩字怎麼說？請妳
想想「預防」這二字又要怎麼說？對誰說？可以怎麼說？不能怎麼說？當我們面
對一群外國人來台灣時間不一時，對中文的理解程度也不一樣，我們的說話方式，
開始有了不一樣的速度，有了不一樣的用詞，而台下所閃耀出的眼神則是不一樣
的風情。
在這邊要和大家分享我們在第一線上所必須可能運用處理的新移民女性暴力
預防的模式，有靜態：就是預防暴力平面文宣的宣導（就是發發小紙張，113 那
張哩）、有動態：就是下鄉宣導（聽說讀寫寫樣樣來）。
這模式對象有下列幾種，第一對象：新移民女性—與在地機關社團合作，於
各地開辦中文班、生活適應班、考駕照班時，安排暴力預防的課程，並提供多語
文文宣資料支持及翻譯人員即時翻譯。
第二對象：在地女性—與在地婦女社團或民間社團合作，於其開辦各種有關
婦女書院、兩性權益或婦女學習等課程時，安排有關新移民生活支援課程，內容
含括：同理心、嬰幼兒哺育照顧、親職教育、多元文化學習支援及「關心隔壁外
籍配偶暴力預防」。
第三對象：學校機關—與教育相關單位合作，於週三或週六的進修時間進行
種子教師培訓或相關議題的經驗分享與演說，及國際文化理解教育。
63
第四對象：社團幹部與社區工作者—配合縣內各活動之幹部培訓，社區營造
之社區營造點計畫課(安全照顧….)，或針對內政部外籍配偶照顧輔導基金舉辦相
關座談進行宣傳與傳播（其實有時是下鄉陪長者喝茶聊天）。在這告訴諸位，在鄉
下文宣品常被當作水果箱禮合的內容物或在果園被墊雞大便（還是不要浪費政府
人民納稅錢），畢竟面對面（見面三分情）還是很有用。
第五對象：志工層級--参與者多是各種社會階層都有學生、家管、退休人士、
一般社會人士、異文化生活經驗者或對異文化議題有興趣者，這一類的志工培訓，
志工人員流動率高，不穩定。但是基本上只要上過對部份課程是有關於多元文化
認識之基本訓練，對於新移民的暴力宣導作業也會有幫助，他/她也有可能是受暴
力者的通報人。
不過目前，我們在中心遇到一些問題有下，提供出來也讓大家一同為我們的
新移民女性想想。新移民女性遭受家暴時分為兩種身份：一為持有有效居留證者，
二、為持有身份證者。
持有有效居留證者，若遭受家暴，有具體實證，可被安排至庇護所，等待遣
返或由社政人員協助爭取監護權。但若無具體實證，還是得安排警察接回家中（請
不要忘記外國人沒有後頭厝可依靠），待有具體實證後就可進入庇護所，所以我要
說的是，我們真正缺乏的是一個在地可以暫時收容外國人的協助居住所。
如果持有有效居留證者，若確實是遭受被迫賣淫者，在等待偵查中，亦不該
被當作人犯般的關在居留所（社政體系表是這非家暴個案，是屬於刑事案件）
，但，
我想這類的人權是應受到注意與重視的，我們期待的雖不是歐美國家的花園與游
泳池，我們只期待的是有一張床，有溫暖、有照顧、有人道的關懷。
以上，我認為在外國人入境台灣時，我們各部門本就應該有義務協助一個外
國人在台生活支援，包括醫療、工作、文化、教育、法律上等各樣的支持。將心
比心，如果那天我們或我們的孩子去了國外，總是希望他國對待我們如同自己國
民一般，享有被應該對待的態度，而不是每每遇到新移民受暴時總不知該如何「正
式」處遇，而危及他/她的權益甚至生命。
64
Proactive Approaches to Preventing Violence against

Immigrant Women in Taiwan
By
Hsiao-Chuan Hsia
Associate Professor, Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies, Shih Hsin University
Consultant, TransAsia Sisters Association, Taiwan (TASAT)
Consultant, Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and Migrants (AHRLIM)
Board Member, Awakening Foundation
In order to discuss how to prevent violence against immigrant women in Taiwan,

we need to have a thorough understanding of why they migrate to Taiwan and the
general situations they face as “
foreign brides”27.
THE PHENOMENON
In recent years, paralleled with the impending threat of the G ATT and WTO to
the agricultural economy and the exodus of labor-intensive industry, thousands of
Taiwanese peasants and working-class men have been leaving the countryside in
search of brides. Led by marriage brokers, they are transported to the modern
international airports, where their humble glances are immediately seized by an alien
combination of luxurious lounges, complex and wordy immigration forms, and
expressionless customs bureaucrats. Experiences like this are rare in their solemn lives.
Meanwhile, across the South Pacific, marriage brokers and matchmakers weave in and
out of communities on the margins of cities and rural areas in Indonesia, Vietnam, and
other Southeast Asian countries, encouraging young women to meet the men they hope
to introduce. During the meetings, the men cast their anxious, searching glances, while
the women act shyly and the matchmakers confidently try to sew the two together into
a couple. Days later, the engagement ceremony is held. The men return to Taiwan to
wa its eve ralmont hsupt oay earf ort heir“forei
g nbr ides”t oa rrive.Tr ansna
t ional
marriages of this type require a large sum of money, many times half of the savings of
a family from rural Taiwan. If a man successfully marries a woman, he must pay the
broker a sum between US$10,000-15, 000,onl y10% ofwhi chg oest ot hebr ide’s
family as a dowry. Still, a dowry of this size is a considerable sum to families in
Southeast Asian nations where wages are low.
27
Thewor
d“f
ore
ignbr
ide
”isc
ommonpa
rla
ncei
nTa
iwa
n,a
ndr
efl
ect
sthedi
scr
imi
nat
iona
gai
nstThi
rdWor
ld
women. I use the term in quotes to remind readers that the term is ideologically charged.
65
This is not a new phenomenon. Starting in the early 1980s, men from rural areas
in Taiwan began marrying brides from Thailand and the Philippines. By the end of the
1980s, the Taiwanese government stopped issuing visas to single women from
Southeast Asia since several women were caught engaging in prostitution after coming
toTa iwa nont ouristvisas.Sincet hen,theTaiwa ne seme nwhowa nttoma rry“ for
eign
brides ”ha vet og ot oSout heast Asia. Since early 1990s, Indonesia became the
prima rys ourceof“ forei
gnbr ides ”inTa i
wa n.Fore achoft hepa stfewy ea rs,more
than 2,000 women from Indonesia have left their homes, heading to their imagined
“pros perouspa radise ”—Taiwan. In order to reduce the number of Indonesian brides,
the Taipei Economic and Trade Office in Indonesia slowed down its speed in
processing visas for the women, adding anxiety for the women who must submit to an
interview for a visa to Taiwan. Many Indonesian brokers became impatient with
Ta i
wa ng overnme nt’ss l
owpa cea ndincrea
sing l
yma tchIndonesianwome nwi thHong
Kong men, while Taiwanese brokers have begun to turn their attention towards women
in Vietnam, Cambodia, and other countries. According to the newly released study by
the Ministry of Interior, there are 240,837 foreign spouses, including those from
Southeast Asia (42.2%) and Mainland China (57.8%), who entered Taiwan between
1987 to August 31 of 2003. Ninety-three percent of these foreign spouses are women.
Among the women from Southeast Asia, 57.5% are from Vietnam, 23.2% from
Indonesia, 5.3% from Thailand and another 5.3% from the Philippines.
Most Southeast Asian women decided to marry Taiwanese because they hope to
escape poverty in their home countries, which has been intensified by globalization.
Globalization entails privatization, deregulation and liberalization, which means
unemployment, hunger and disease, and a threat to survival for the vast majority of
laborers. World Bank and IMF have driven hundreds of millions of people into poverty
in the guise of offering loans to developing countries and promising a boos in
development by carrying out SAPS (for further analysis, please refer to Hsia 2003).
Under the sway of distorted development, farmers and workers in the Philippines,
Indonesia, Vietnam and other Southeast Asian countries have been increasingly
squeezed economically and forced to find work abroad. For women in Southeast Asia,
they could choose to find work outside of their native countries or escape their
economic plight through transnational marriages.
66
Situations of Immigrant Women in Taiwan
Stressed Economic Conditions
The men whom the Southeast Asian women married are mostly farming and
working class in Taiwan. Taiwan gradually began to take on the characteristics of a
semi-peripheral country after it became increasingly incorporated in the world
capitalist system in the 1980s. This is when Taiwan began to exploit Southeast Asia
and other peripheral countries. At the same time, globalization began to push
liberalization, privatization and deregulation, resulting in distorted development in
Southeast Asian countries and a great number of agricultural and industrial laborers in
distress. The poverty created by globalization was not as serious in Taiwan as in
Southeast Asian countries, but agriculture in Taiwan was clearly hollowed out by the
twin forces of continued urbanization and industrialization, as well as international
pressure on agriculture. Low-skilled workers have also been affected by the
increasing threats of liberalization. These low-skilled agricultural and industrial
laborers found survival more and more difficult and in an extremely disadvantaged
pos it
ioni nTa iwan’sdome st
icma r
riagema rket.
Under these circumstances, the economic situations of the Southeast Asian

women tend to be in stress. According to a recent survey, 31.3% of the interviewed
women said their family expenses are higher than family income, 48.9% just make
ends meet and only 2.7% have income higher than expense. Almost eighty percent
(78.
5%)oft heSouthe astAs ianwome n’sfami l
iesrelyont he i
rhusba nd’si ncomea nd
7% of the women are the primary earner of their families. 40% of their Taiwanese
husbands are working-class and 65% of the interviewed foreign spouses from
Southeast Asia make less than 2,0000 NT (about US$588).
Since the Taiwanese husbands are mostly working-class, most foreign spouses
need jobs to supplement family income. However, they face many obstacles while
searching for jobs. First of all, due to language barriers and isolation in the household,
they do not have adequate access to related information and resources. Furthermore,
some employers mistreat the foreign spouses as the results of prejudice and the women
often do not know their legal rights and lack social support.
67
Lack of Social Network and Support
Since the “ foreign brides”come to Taiwan alone, their social network before
marriage cannot serve as effective social support after they are married. Most of the
immigrant women from Southeast Asia cannot speak and read Chinese, especially
Mandarin, which makes it even more difficult for them to build new social network in
Taiwan. As Ya-Ching from Thailand described,
I was happy and afraid at the same time when I arrived in Taiwan the first day. I
told myself, no matter what happens, it’ s my destiny. I didn’
t realize that because
of language barriers my mother-in-law and I have had many misunderstandings
and problems. At the time, I didn’ t have any friends to talk to and didn’ t know
what to do. I was crying alone in my room everyday…… Now I look back, it’ s not
that they didn’ t treat me well, but because I didn’ t understand what they were
saying, I thought they also talked bad things about me and felt really sad.
Although Taiwan has passed law against domestic violence and provided related
services, it is practically in vain for immigrant women due to (1) language barriers and
lack of access to information; (2) social workers and other service employees are not
properly trained for multicultural issues.
Prejudice and Discrimination
“Foreign brides”have been commonly constructed by the governmental agencies,

the media and general public as “ social problems”and often linked to labels such as
“fake marriage, real prostitution”and “deteriorating quality of the future generation.”
Elsewhere I have analyzed how these images are constructed by the media and
governmental agencies without any substantial data (Hsia 1997; 夏曉鵑 2001). It is
sufficient to say that governmental agencies and media have become what Becker
called “moral entrepreneur”and their definitional work of the transnational marriages
and those involved become the dominant discourse, in which immigrant women, their
husbands and families are constructed as “
inferior other”
.
The most recent illustration is the “

new Taiwan’
s Children”(新台灣之子)
discourse. As the number of immigrant women’ s children increases, many media cover
stories of the claimed propensity of immigrant’ s children to “delayed development”
and much governmental projects have aimed to solve the problems. However, none of
these claims are supported by reliable data (夏曉鵑 2004). These claims are based on
the assumption that the immigrant women are from the poor developing countries and
68
therefore lack education and ability to educate their own children, which clearly has
racist and classist tones behind.
The media and governmental construction have strong impacts on the public
perception of the immigrant women. A national survey released in November of 2003
reveals that 60% of the interviewed think that the government should restrict the
number of immigrant women and 20% think we do not need to give “ foreign brides”
and “Mainland brides”equal treatment.
This unfriendly environment has penetrated into the relationships among those
involved in the transnational marriages. For instance, at the earlier stage of the
marriage, the families and groom often worry that the bride will run away or steal
mone y.Ta iwa n’si mmi grationr ulesused to s tatet ha t“ fore i
gnbr ides”mus tl ea ve
Taiwan after their first six months of residence in Taiwan. The women often used the
opportunity to returned to their home countries, often becoming a crucial moment for
the success or failure of the transnational marriage. Before returning home to Indonesia,
Shei-Fe n’smot he r
-in-l awr emi ndedhe r,“Yous houl dhur ryba ck,otherwi sepeople will
be gintot al
ka bouty ou.”Sheonl ywe nthomef orawe ek,butne ighbor sbegant oa sk,
“Ha sy ourda ug hte r-in-lawc omeba c
k? ”Themot he r
-in-law wa sa ng ry.“Itwa sl ike
theywe rewa t
c hings omeki ndofpl a y
,j ustwa it
ingt olaug ha tus!”Themot her-in-law
was also worried that the new bride would run away as many people had said, and
sighed,“ It
’sha rdt oha veaf oreignbr idea sada ug ht er
-in-law.Youdon’ tknowi fshe ’
s
sincereo rnot .Wha ti fsher unsa wa y?”Any t
imet ha tthe“ for eignbr i
de ”wa ntsto leave
homeorr emi tmone yt ohe rf a
mi lya broa d,itstre ngthenst hes tereotypeof“ fore i
g n
brides”popul ar i
ze dbyt heme dia.Shu-Hs i
e n’
sf i
rs thus banddi ed,a nds heha dac hild
in Vietnam. After she married her Taiwanese husband, she started to send money back
to Vietnam to raise the child, which began a long-standing argument with her husband.
Shu-Hsien later decided to return to Vietnam, and did not contact her husband in
Ta i
wa n.He rhus ba nda ndhi sf ami l
ya ndf riendsc onc lude dt hisprobl em,“ Yous ee,i t’
s
justlikewha tt heys ayi nthepa pers!Shej ustcamet oTa iwa nf ormone y.”(Hsia 2003;
夏曉鵑 2002)
Eve nift he“ foreignbr i

des”“ perform we ll”a nda cta sthepa r
ag onofne wbr ides,
it is still hard to shake the preconceptions held by their husband and families. For them,
the“ goodf oreig nbride s”a reexc epti
ons .A ha ppilyma rri
edma ns a i
d,“ Mywi f
eis
great, and she gets along with my family well. But other people might not have the
sa mel uc k[wi thf orei
gnbr ides]
.I’vehe a
rds tori
e sa boutwome nwhor una wa y.”The
69
for
ceofreale
xper
ienceswit
h“ fo
rei
gnbri
des
”isnote
noug
htoove
rpowe
rthei
mag
e
of“for
eig
nbri
des
”cr e
atedbythemedia
.
There is often friction in transnational marriages that leads to conflict, that in turn
strengthens discrimination aga instthi r
d wor l
dc ount r
iess t
emmi ng f rom Ta iwa n’s
economic prowess. For instance, when questioned about high fees, a matchmaker
retort
e dbys ay i
ngt hat,“ The r ea real otofpr ocedur esa ndy ouha vet og ive‘ red
enve l
op s’t o[ bribe ]officialsi fy ouwa ntt o hurry things up. You know how it is in
unde rdeve lopedc ountries.Eve ryonewa ntsmone y.Ha !”Fur ther
,“ forei
g nbr ides ”of ten
send money home, which can be a burden to the agricultural and working class
families of their husbands, which are not wealthy to begin with. This is often a source
ofc onf l
ict.Iha veme tma nyhus ba ndsof“ f
oreignbr ides”whodonotvi ewt heirwi ve s
’
desire to send money home as a result of Third World poverty. Instead, they blame
the women and interpret it as the essential characte ri
s ticsoft he“ for eig nbr ides”,
sa yi
ng ,“Yous ee ,theyj ustc omet oTa iwa nformone y.”
I have accompanied Taiwanese men and their families numerous times to

Indonesia and Vietnam to meet prospective brides or visit the families of their wives.
Often times the men and families reveal their explanation of the poverty of Southeast
Asian countries through casual comments. During one such trip in Jakarta, the family
and myself visited a park with a large lawn. The mother of the Taiwanese man cried
out ,“ Wha ta waste of land! If this were in Taiwan, someone would have planted crops
ont hatlandl onga go.”Theot herc ompa nionsf r
om Ta iwa na llagreed,ands ome one
elsea dded,“ Whe nIa rr
ive da tmywi fe’shome ,thel ivingr oom wa se mpty
,wi t
hout
even a chair. If it wereTaiwa n,e ve nifthef a milydidn’tha vemone yforfurni
ture,they
woul dha vepi leds omes tone supt oma keac ha i
r.
”Anot hera dded,“Thepe opl ehere
arepoorbe caus ethey’r
el azy.Thel andhe rei ssof ertile,how c antheynotma ke
mone y?”Themi nutedi f
fere nce spe rceive d by pe oplef rom “ corec ount
ries”a re
interpreted as problems resulted from the essence of people from the periphery. Even
thing sa smi nut ea s“ ta
kingas howe r”of tenbe comei s suest hatleadt oc onfl
icts
.
Many husbands and families of the“ for ei
g nbr i
de s
”c ompl ai
nt hatthewome nt ake
showe rsthre et ime sada y ,andr a t
ionalizei tas,“The yj us tdon’ tknow how t os ave
mone y.Nowonde rtheyares ounde ve l
ope d.”
This essentialism is thus used to explain the underdevelopment of the periphery,

ignoring the historical and dynamic relationship between the periphery and capitalism,
and viewed it instead as inevitable. Guided by this framework, the unequal division of
70
labor between core/semi-periphery and periphery constructs the personal and gender
relations among those involved in the transnational marriages, that is, the
personalization and engendering of international division of labor (ibid).
Immigrant women therefore have constantly encountered prejudice and

discrimination in their daily lives and the pressures have become enormous for them.
Koya from Cambodia once shared her feelings with tear, “ We foreign mothers can only
get 50 points (out of 100 perfect points) no matter how hard we try…. We are also
pregnant for 10 months and since the very first day our children saw the sunlight
(when they were born) I have been worried about them. How can I not take good care
of them and teach them?! But no matter how hard we try, whenever the grandparents
hear babies cry, they say we don’ t care enough for them! People think we don’ t know
how to teach our children. Should anything happens to the children, they blame it on
us!”
Somes chol ar
sc ontendt hatt heinfluxofal argenumbe rof“ foreig nbr i
de s
”ha s
contributed to a more plural society in Taiwan,t urningthei slandi ntoa“ gl
obal
village.” The s e t ransnati
onal ma r
ri
a ges do not , howe ver,l ea d t o “ loca
l
internationalization,”a stransnationalma r
ria
ge sc ry s
ta l
li
zea nune quali nternationa
l
division of labor into personal relationships. We can therefore boldly assert that
transnational marriages are the deepest state of capital internationalization. These
commodified transnational marriages link together the men and women most seriously
affected by unequal development. The marriages are the flip side of capital
internationalization. These transnational marriages also add an understanding and
ac ceptanceoft hei nte
r nat
ionaldivi s
ionofl a
bori ntope ople
’sstockofknowl e
dge ,and
among interpersonal relationships.
“Loc alinternationali
zati
on”as romanticized by some scholars will only come
about as a result of the purposeful mass consciousness-raising performed by a social
movement. Furthermore, this social movement cannot be achieved merely by
empha sizingt hei mpor tanceof“ mult
icultur
alism.” I tne eds to be enlightened by
political economic analyses to pinpoint the formation process of unequal status and
treatment among different cultures.
71
Constraints imposed by Laws and Regulations
All countries today allow the incorporation of migrants into their citizenry
through naturalization, although the criteria they use vary. Three principles and their
combinations describe extant practices: descent (jus sanguinis), place of birth (jus soli)
and place of residence (jus domicile) (Faist 2000). Taiwan’s policy of incorporation has
been known as based on the principle of jus sanguinis, which is inclusive of people
who can claim a common ancestral origin, real or imagined, and somewhat exclusive
of people who do not share that commonality. The coupling of national identity and
political unit established nearly a century ago by Sun Yat-Sen, the founder of the
Republic of China, reflects a traditional Chinese emphasis on lineage and ancestry in
the context of Manchurian minority rule and foreign imperialism However, Taiwan’ s
rapid economic growth and slow but impressive democratization have raised
skepticism concerning the nationalist ideology and have led to a variety of alternative
conceptualization vying for dominance in a new nation-state building project currently
in progress (成露茜 2002). Despite some changes, descent and ancestry principle
continues to operate. Recent changes in Nationality Law notwithstanding, it remains
extremely difficult for those excluded from nationality to become citizens of Taiwan,
except for the spouses and children of the Taiwanese citizens (成露茜 2002; 曾嬿芬
2004). Prior to the changes in Nationality Law in 1990s, for a long time, foreigner
cannot be naturalized as Taiwanese citizens unless they are women married to
Taiwanese men. Foreign women are seen as “ naturalizable”because of their ability to
continue Taiwanese “ blood.” As the number of immigrant women from Southeast
Asian and Mainland China increases, the worry about their “ low qualities”and thus
“deterioration of the quality of future generation,”the government has added “ proof of
economic abilities”as new requirements for those women to be naturalized. This
classist view of the immigrant women become clear when one notices that among all
the projects aiming at “ improving”the qualities of immigrant women and their
children, none has targeted on immigrant women from first-world countries, such as
the U.S. and Japan.
Moreover, the welfare system in Taiwan is based on household units and

identification cards (proof of citizenship) are the necessary criteria. Consequently,
immigrant women who have not obtained Taiwanese citizenship are often illegible for
social services and welfare benefits ( 潘淑滿 2004; 趙彥寧 2004). Battered
immigrant women without Taiwanese citizenship would be deported if they get
divorced and can hardly return to Taiwan to visit their children, whose custody almost
72
always are ordered to fathers by courts. Consequently, many battered immigrant

women decide to endure domestic violence for the sake of children. The husband’ s
power over immigrant women is thus sanctioned by the state. In other words, Taiwan
government does not grant foreign women citizenship in their own rights, but mediate
their rights through their status of wife. Once their status as wife of a Taiwanese man is
lifted, they are no longer eligible for applying for citizenship.
Proactive Approaches to Preventing Violence
Empowerment and Building Social Networks
As mentioned earlier, for the immigrant women from Southeast Asia, language
barriers are their first and foremost obstacles to actively participate in Taiwanese
societies. As a tool to increase the subjects' ability to engage in dialog with others and
to increase democratic participation in the Taiwanese societies, a Chinese Program for
the "foreign brides" was initiated on July 30, 1995. I nspi
redbyPa ul
oFr e i
re’s(1970)
“Pe dag ogyoft heOppr essed”a ndAug us toBoa l’s(1979)“ The ateroft heOppr essed”,I
have worked collectively with the communities to empower these immigrant women.
Through trials and errors in the past 10 years, we have helped the immigrant women
turn themselves from being isolated in the household and silent in the public to vocal
in the public and actively organizing themselves (for more details please refer to Hsia
2002, 2004). Last year, these immigrant women in collaboration with local women
have officially founded a national organization, TransAsia Sisters Association,
Taiwan(南洋台灣姊妹會, TASAT).
The process of empowering immigrant women from the stepping-stone of

offering Chinese courses is not always nice and smooth. On the contrarily, we have
constantly encountered the emotions and even resentment among the immigrant
women themselves. It is unfortunately true that as Freire (1970) pointed out the
duality of the oppressed, meaning that the oppressed often internalized the oppressor
consciousness. We often find, for example, that immigrant women who married
Taiwanese are prejudiced against migrant women who work in Taiwan on contracts,
women of one nationality resent women from another nationality; or women from one
ethnic group resent women from another ethnic group of the same nationality.
Similarly, the Taiwanese women volunteering in helping and organizing immigrant
73
women also face difficulties, such as emotions and resentment among themselves and
their own prejudice and discrimination against immigrant women. For every encounter
of these difficulties, TASAT and her affiliated volunteers have taken the pain
collectively to transcend their own limitations, which I have analyzed elsewhere (夏曉
鵑 2004). Let’ s suffice summarize here that the empowerment of immigrant women
from the starting point of learning Chinese has gradually enhanced immigrant wome n’s
ability of civic participation, via being able to communicate with the local Taiwanese
and create network among themselves. The involvement of local Taiwanese volunteers
also help create more friendly environment for the immigrant women, in which
immigrant women are encouraged to share and to speak up.
The network established not only help immigrant women to break away from
isolation, which makes them more vulnerable to domestic violence, but also provide
those who are threatened or hurt by violence someone to run to. At TASAT, we also
inform immigrant women all sorts of existent resources so they can help themselves
and others. TASAT also pushed the government to establish multi-lingual hotline
services for non-Chinese speaking immigrants.
In addition to empowering immigrant women and Taiwanese volunteers, TASAT

has also made efforts of changing the public perceptions of immigrant women. Via
sharing, seminars, writings, films etc., TASAT and her members constantly aim at
creating the betweenness of the Taiwanese and the immigrants, by pointing out the
similarities between our own biographies and those of the immigrant women. Stories
used to create empathy include the facts that most Taiwanese citizens are descendents
of immigrants at different time of history and that many Taiwanese citizens have
experienced emigrating to first-world countries.
Immigrant wome n’s voices often have strong impacts on subverting public images
of immigrant women as submissive, problematic and incompetent. Via theater,
paintings, writings and sharing at various forums and activities, immigrant women
have changed man Taiwanese’ s stereotypes (Hsia 2004). Recently, TASAT has further
changed the public perceptions by offering Taiwanese pubic language and cultural
courses on Southeast Asia taught by the immigrant women themselves. The change
of public perceptions would then gradually help create a friendlier environment for the
immigrant women, which would contribute to the prevention of violence against them.
74
The Struggles for Citizenship Rights
As mentioned previously, legal constraints make immigrant women more

vulnerable. As Piper and Roces (2003) points out, NGO advocacy work plays crucial
role in cha ngesi nr ecei
vingc ount r
ies’r
egulat
ionson immigration. It is also the case in
Taiwan. Several NGOs in Taiwan had worked on immigrant and migrant issues
individually for a few years. The government’ s proposal of the establishment of the
Bureau of Immigration triggered these NGOs to come together and formed the
Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and Migrants (AHRLIM) in
December, 2003. This proposal by the government was perceived as xenophobic by the
NGOs because its main functions were to police, investigate and deport migrants and
immigrants of whom the Bureau officials suspect illegal or dangerous. This proposed
Bureau does not provide any channels for migrants and immigrants to protect their
rights. In order to promote both the Human Rights of immigrants and migrants, as well
as the development of a healthy, pluralist society, a group of non-governmental
organizations concerned with Human Rights, immigration policy, foreign labor, and
democracy have joined with lawyers and scholars bearing a long term interest on these
issues to form The Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and
Migrants.
The AHRLIM initiated a signature campaign to halt the deliberation on the

amendments proposed by the Executive Yuan rapidly gained much support and after
some intense rounds of lobbying at the Legislature Yuan, the said proposal was not
passed. The position of the Alliance stated in the signature campaign is as follows.
Every individual enjoys basic human rights, regardless of race, color, gender,
language, religion, political or other creed, nationality, social status, wealth,
place of birth or any other social distinction. We support plural social
development and the promotion of social dialogue designed to eradicate
discrimination.
Based on this position, the three demands of the AHRLIM’

s first action were,
一 According to the “ Universal Declaration of Human Rights,”it is clearly stated that
national policies must not infringe upon the basic rights of the individual for
reasons of race, nationality, gender, and so forth. Although Taiwan has signed this
Declaration, the Executive Yuan’ s plans for a Bureau of Immigration combine
police, investigative, and judicial functions in a single body and make immigrants
75
and migrants into a population of suspected criminals. The proposed Bureau would
focus on preventive control, covering up human rights’violations in the name of
security. We ask for an immediate halt to deliberation on the amendments proposed
by the Executive Yuan and propose that public discussion of immigration policy be
allowed to return to its basis in Human Rights.
二 Given that immigration policy in itself requires comprehensive planning, and given
the need to prevent abuse of authority, we suggest related laws be reviewed. The
draft governing the organization of the Bureau of Immigration proposed by the
Executive Yuan is part of organizational law that should be amended at the same
time amendments are made to the related functional codes—The Immigration and
Entry and Exit Law—in order to establish the terms of concrete norms for a
comprehensive immigration policy, including issues such as the specific tasks to be
assumed by the Bureau of Immigration, channels for supervision of the Bureau and
handling of complaints, and jurisdictional divisions with other departments.
三 The draft proposal presented by the Executive Yuan for the organization of a
Bureau of Immigration and related immigration codes are measures that directly
affect the future of Taiwanese immigration policy, including the organization and
authority accorded to the actual administrative organs concerned. As such, it forms
a crucial link in the national immigration policy, affecting the rights of immigrants
and migrants. National immigration policy further contains implicit ideas about
social organization that will directly affect the way Taiwanese people imagine
“citizenship”and identity. Hence, we ask that public debate on such an important
matter be expanded such that immigrants, migrants, their families and
society-at-large may have a greater chance to participate in and understand the
stakes of making such policy.
Since the government’ s proposal was temporarily halted, the AHRLIM has been
working on efforts to examine t hegove rnme nt’
s proposed amendments to Immigration
and Entry and Exit Law and draft the Alliance’ s own proposal in order to establish the
terms of concrete norms for a comprehensive immigration policy. In order to create
pubic debate on such an important matter be expanded such that immigrants, migrants,
their families and society-at-large may have a greater chance to participate in and
understand the stakes of making such policy, the Alliance have had several rounds of
public hearings inviting NGOs, concerned citizens and non-citizens, to discuss the
current immigration policy and related issues and the principals of the Alliance’
s draft
on the amendments to Immigration Law. At present, AHRLIM has already submitted
the draft to Legislature Yuan with more than enough endorsements for legislators from
76
various political parties. The AHRLIM’ s proposed amendment to Immigration Law

emphasizes the protections of immigrants’social, political and economic rights, which
would eliminate the legal constraints imposed on immigrant women as mentioned
previously.
In addition to drafting the amendments to Immigration Law, the AHRLIM has

taken on several issues, such as condemning the official of Ministry of Education, who
said that immigrant women should not have too many children because of their ill
quality, to raise the public consciousness of the human rights issues of immigrants and
migrants.
The Alliance purposefully used International Conventions, such as the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, to push for a more inclusionary immigration policy.
Since R.O.C. is not recognized by most international political communities, it has been
the primary national anxiety to prove to the world that Taiwan has achieved the
international standards on all grounds. The AHRLIM’ s strategy is thus to radicalize all
seemingly progressive political rhetoric, such as human rights and multiculturalism, to
challenge the san juanis tradition of incorporation as well as the sexism and racism
embedded in much of Taiwan’ s immigration laws and regulations.
77
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--------，2001，〈「外籍新娘」現象的媒體建構〉，《台灣社會研究季刊》，第 43 期，
頁 153-196。
--------，2002，《流離尋岸：資本國際化的「外籍新娘」現象》，台北：台灣社會
研究季刊叢書。
--------，2003，〈實踐式研究的在地實踐─以「外籍新娘識字班」為例〉，
《台灣社會研究季刊》，第 49 期，頁 1-47。
--------，2004，〈資本國際化與跨國婚姻：結構與反抗〉，發表於世新大學社會發
展研究所主辦「跨界流離：全球化時代移民工與社會文化變遷」學術研討
會，台北，2004, 6/18-19。
曾嬿芬，2004，〈誰可以打開國界的門？移民政策的階級主義〉，發表於「跨界流
離：全球化時代移民工與社會文化變遷」，世新大學社會發展研究所主辦，
2004/06/18-19。
曾嬿芬，2004，〈外勞政策的國族政治〉，《台灣社會學》，即將出版。
趙彥寧，2004，〈種族歧視後的社福資源分配邏輯〉，發表於「跨界流離：全球化
時代移民工與社會文化變遷」，世新大學社會發展研究所主辦，
2004/06/18-19。
趙彥寧，2004，〈現代性想像與國境管理的衝突：以中國婚姻移民女性為研究案
例〉，即將出版。
79
新移民婦女的家庭暴力現象：個人的經驗、制度的反思
The Phenomenon of Domestic Violence among New Immigrant Women:
Personal Experience but Institutional reflection
潘淑滿
台灣師範大學社會工作學研究所副教授
Shu-Man Pan
Institute of Social Work, the National Taiwan Norman University
中文摘要
台灣在家庭暴力防治工作的推動，與歐美國家的發展經驗一樣都是與婦女權
益運動的發展息息相關，不過後來的實踐路徑與工作模式卻截然不同，歐美國家
對於家庭暴力防治（特別是婚姻暴力防治）工作的推動，主要是依循著由下往上
推動的草根精神，可是台灣卻逐步走向由上往下推動模式。根據統計資料，每 100
位遭受家庭暴力的被害人中有 8 位是婚姻移民婦女（遠高於婚姻移民人口佔總人
口的 1.5﹪高出許多），而每 100 位婚姻移民婦女中就有 1 位遭受家庭暴力。婚姻
移民婦女遭受家庭暴力之所以如此普遍與嚴重，明顯的受到移民政策的影響，父
權意識也是導致家庭暴力的主要原因。在我的研究報告中，發現「入出國及移民
法」規定28，加上社會福利法規對於社會資源的使用幾乎都是建立在「家戶」或
「戶籍」的概念，導致未取得永久居留權（或身份證）的婚姻移民婦女，無法獨
立行使社會福利權，這種完全依附在「戶籍」制度的思維，完全無視於全球化發
展的趨勢，才是對當代公民權實踐最大的諷刺。最後，針對目前婚姻移民婦女的
家庭暴力防治工作之公私部門互動經驗，提出幾點意見。
28
當婚姻移民婦女在取得永久居留權之前，她所擁有合法居住在台灣的權利，主要是依附在配偶
關係之上，如果這層關係消失了，當然她的身份也會跟著消失
80
一、前言
就我個人研究領域或實務經驗，我無法對跨國勞工議題提供任何意見，只能
就婚姻移民的家庭（與婚姻）暴力現象提出我個人的觀察與看法。我想在短短的
十五分鐘內，簡單說明台灣家庭暴力防治工作29的發展經驗、婚姻移民婦女遭受
家庭暴力的現況與目前家庭暴力防治網絡在處理受虐婚姻移民之困境。
二、台灣家庭暴力防治工作的發展經驗
台灣在家庭暴力防治工作的推動，與歐美國家的發展經驗一樣都是與婦女權
益運動的發展息息相關，不過後來的實踐路徑與工作模式卻截然不同，歐美國家
對於家庭暴力防治（特別是婚姻暴力防治）工作的推動，主要是依循著由下往上
推動的草根精神，可是台灣卻逐步走向由上往下推動模式。以我比較熟悉的美國
經驗而言，美國對家庭暴力（domestic violence）的重視大約是在 1960 年代左右，
不過當時主要關注焦點是兒童虐待而非婚姻暴力，當時無論是配偶虐待（spouse
abuse）或婚姻暴力（marital violence）都被忽略。到了 1970 年代中期，許多婦女
團體在各地成立緊急庇護中心，開始提供給受虐婦女緊急庇護及支持性服務
（Schornstein, 1997；Egeland,1999）30。Del Martin 在 1975 年成立「全國婦女組
織」（National Organization for Women, NOW），開始對婚姻暴力現象進行系統性
的調查研究，之後每隔十年就會對家庭暴力進行全國性的調查（高鳳仙，1995）
後。而美國律師界也開始展開家庭暴力防治法的制訂工作，督促立法機構修訂民
法與刑法，規定假如受虐婦女選擇留在原來家中，那麼民法必須提供施虐者禁制
令與驅逐令的規定；假如受虐婦女選擇遠離家庭另尋其他安全住所，那麼根據根
據 1985 年修訂的住宅法規定，地方政府必須提供安全的住宅給受虐婦女；如果婦
女接受緊急庇護，那麼州政府則必須提供社會與健康服務經費之補助（Johnson,
1995）。到目前為止，美國的婚姻暴力防治工作的主力仍是民間婦女團體，許多婦
女與民間團體考量移民婦女因公民身分、語言及文化之差異，導致婚姻移民婦女
遭受婚姻暴力之普遍性及求助之困難，所以在各州成立緊急庇護安置中心、並提
供後續服務。
台灣對於受虐婦女問題的關心約晚了 20 年左右。1987 年劉可屏教授發表《虐

妻問題》一文之後才引起學術界的關心；1989 年婦女團體成立康乃馨專線，開始
提供受虐婦女電話諮詢服務；之後「北婦」又結合了學者與資深工作者實地前往
國外實地考察，並由「善牧基金會」成立第一個受虐婦女庇護中心，開始提供受
29
我個人較熟悉婚姻暴力所以討論內容主要是以婚姻暴力防治工作為主。
30
根據美國疾病控制局（Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, CDC）的統計，在 1995 年「受虐
婦女聯盟」
（Coalition for Battered Women）在全美 51 州中提供了 1100 個緊急庇護服務方案，提供
給受虐婦女緊急庇護與支持性服務。
81
虐婦女的緊急庇護與支持性服務。在 1990 年代中期以前，婦女團體對於婦女受虐
現象的關注，仍舊是停留在零星式的關懷，直到 1993 年鄧如雯殺夫事件及 1996
年彭婉如遇害事件之後，才激起婦女團體全面式的反婦暴行動，終於在 1997 年與
1998 年分別通過了「性侵害犯罪防治法」與「家庭暴力防治法」，進而於 1999 年
6 月下旬以前，各縣市正式成立「家庭暴力防治暨性侵害防治中心」（潘淑滿，
2001）。至此以後，台灣的家庭暴力防治工作開始進入由上往下推動、由公部門主
導而民間團體配合的發展模式。約莫在 2003 年年中，才開始委託賽珍珠基金會提
供婚姻移民婦女有關家庭暴力防治之諮詢專線服務，各縣市更進一步結合識字班
培訓通譯志工人力資源。
簡單的說，美國並無單一的家庭暴力防治法，推動婚姻暴力防治的主力是婦
女團體，大多數的經費都來自募款與自籌，非營利組織可以維持民間團體的自主
性，且工作模式相當有多元、彈性。相較之下，台灣有單一的「家庭暴力防治法」
與「性侵害犯罪防治法」做為家庭暴力防治工作的依據，縣市政府（公部門）是
家庭暴力防治三級預防工作的主力，非營利組織則是以公辦民營或委託方案方式
與政府搭配，在合作過程民間團體的自主性及對政府監督制衡的力量卻逐漸消失。
三、婚姻移民家庭暴力之概況與困境
到底婚姻移民婦女遭受家庭暴力的概況如何呢？根據「入出境管理局」及「戶
政司」的統計資料，截至 2005 年 3 月底因婚姻關係移居台灣的外籍與大陸配偶共
有 343,341 人，其中大陸與港澳地區配偶有 218,841 人（約 64﹪）
，而外籍配偶有
124,500 人（約 36﹪）
。有關婚姻移民婦女遭受家庭暴力的統計資料，目前仍舊缺
乏完整性，全國性的統計資料主要是來自「內政部家庭暴力防治委員會」的公告
資料31。在 2003 年全國家庭暴力的通報案件有 36,772 人次（本國籍有 34,838 人
次、大陸與港澳 1,013 人次、而外籍為 921 人次），在 2004 年則增加為 46,613 人
次（本國籍有 43,092 人次、大陸與港澳為 1,835 人次、外國籍為 1,686 人次）。雖
然婚姻移民人口數約佔台灣總人口數的 1.5﹪左右，但是婚姻移民婦女遭受家庭暴
力的比例卻遠高於這個數字，2003 年婚姻移民遭受家庭暴力的人數約 2.5﹪，而
2004 年提升為 7.6﹪。在 2004 年每 100 位遭受家庭暴力的被害人中有 8 位是婚姻
移民婦女，而每 100 位婚姻移民婦女中就有 1 位遭受家庭暴力。
根據「美國醫學會」（the American Medical Association）的研究報告，三個美

國婦女就有一位曾經遭受婚姻暴力，且婚姻移民婦女遭受婚姻暴力的比例遠高於
本國婦女。根據 Narayan（1995）的觀察，許多婚姻移民婦女移居美國不久之後
就遭受婚姻暴力，之所以遲遲不敢報案的原因主要是擔憂報案或訴請離婚後，會
讓自己喪失核發居留身份，加上語言隔閡、社會支持系統不足及經濟依賴丈夫
31
主要是根據各縣市通報資料。
82
等因素，使得許多婚姻移民婦女都會採取隱忍暴力的方式。在我的研究中32也顯
示與 Narayan（1995）相同結果，相信婚姻移民婦女遭受家庭暴力的現象，遠比
浮出抬面的數字要多許多。美國在 1994 年通過「暴力犯罪控制及執行法」，規定
凡是與美國公民或具有永久居留權之居民結婚而取得有條件永久居留權的人，如
受其配偶暴力傷害，則可單獨提出解除條件居留的申請（營志宏，2004），就是避
免婚姻移民婦女為了取得永久居留權，而在遭遇家庭暴力時仍必須不斷忍受。
婚姻移民婦女遭受家庭暴力如此普遍與嚴重，主要是受到移民政策的影響，
當然父權意識也是導致家庭暴力的主要原因。我的研究報告（2004a）亦發現「入
出國及移民法」規定33，加上社會福利法規對於社會資源的使用幾乎都是建立在
「家戶」或「戶籍」的概念，導致未取得永久居留權（或身份證）的婚姻移民婦
女，無法獨立行使社會福利權。取得永久居留權的婚姻移民婦女，必須視她是否
獲得未成年子女監護權，才能決定其社會福利權行使的範圍。這種完全依附在「戶
籍」制度的思維，無視於全球化無疆域發展的新趨勢（潘淑滿，2004b）。加上跨
國婚姻關係中男方家庭，都抱持著強烈的「傳宗接代」的父權思維，使得「生兒
育女」成為影響婚姻移民婦女在婆家中地位的關鍵因素。由於婚姻移民婦女離鄉
背景，在缺乏足夠支持系統的生活情境中，加上語言與文化適應上的問題，很容
易讓她們淪為家庭暴力的犧牲品。在資本主義與父權意識雙重壓迫下，當婚姻移
民婦女在遭受婚姻暴力之際，由於缺乏非正式的支持系統，只能仰賴正式支持系
統所提供的緊急庇護安置，這也就是為甚麼東南亞籍婚姻移民婦女，對庇護中心
的使用率或居住期間，都要遠比本籍婦女高出許多的理由。除了危機處置過程所
需要提供的服務如：緊急庇護、醫療服務與法律諮詢之外，受限於婚姻移民婦女
「公民身份」條件的限制，很難連結其他公部門的資源，有效的協助受虐婚姻移
民婦女走出婚姻暴力的陰影，追求獨立自主的生活目標。
四、結語
對現代國家而言，「公民身份」（citizenship）不只是一種資格要件，同時也
關係著個人的社會權實踐。在我的研究中，看到當第一線工作人員在面對婚姻暴
力防治資源的有限性時，種族情結與階級優越感總是在那裡隱約發作，最後醞釀
出以「道德審查者」取代「服務提供者」的角色，甚至成為國家社會秩序管制的
一環。試想，這種建立在種族主義的移民政策，又如何能有效的因應全球化所形
成的跨國人口流動之福利需求呢？在面對全球化發展趨勢所形成的跨國人口流
動，所帶來的多元文化與種族的衝擊，我們準備好做為一個移民國家了沒？除了
32
潘淑滿（2004.6）
。婚姻移民婦女、公民權與婚姻暴力。社會政策與社會工作，8（1）
：85-132。
33
當婚姻移民婦女在取得永久居留權之前，她所擁有合法居住在台灣的權利，主要是依附在配偶
關係之上，如果這層關係消失了，當然她的身份也會跟著消失
83
在國境管理機制的移民政策的爭論之外，是否也考量過如何幫這些由合法管道移
居來台的婚姻移民婦女，快速融入台灣主流社會？而這套機制又應該建立在甚麼
樣的基準？幾個思考方向提供婚姻移民婦女家庭暴力防治工作參考。
（一）移民國家的移民政策
台灣的移民政策可以分為政策與管理兩個層面。就政策面而言，規範來自東
南亞籍或中國籍的婚姻移民之法源非常不同，對於東南亞籍婚姻移民婦女的規範
主要是依據「國籍法」，而中國籍婚姻移民婦女的規範主要是依據「大陸地區與台
灣地區人民關係條例」（簡稱「兩岸人民關係條例」）
，兩者取得台灣公民身份的途
徑不同。就年資而言，前者約三年，而後者約八左右。就管理層面而言，負者東
南亞籍婚姻移民婦女的管理單位是「內政部警政處外事課」（簡稱「外事課」），而
負責中國籍婚姻移民婦女的管理單位則是「內政部警政署入出境管理局」（簡稱「境
管局」）。這種兵分二路的國境管理機制，無論就理論面或就實務面，都是一種資
源的浪費。對於每一個現代民主國家而言，國境管理當然是國家主權的延伸，所
以建構一套有效的國境管理機制與規範自有其必要性。然而，台灣受到與中國糾
隔不清的歷史因素影響，有關移民政策的規範與管理機制，一直呈現出紛亂不一
致的現象，這也就是為甚麼只要是移民政策的討論，往往就會落入國家認同的爭
論中。在面對全球化跨國人口流動的發展趨勢，台灣必須重新檢視這些過去的歷
史包袱所建構的移民政策的適切性。如果台灣是一個實體主權的國家，那麼移民
政策就必須擺脫與中國糾隔不清的關聯，建構出屬於移民國家的移民政策。當然，
許多人擔憂快速成長的中國婚姻移民婦女的人口群，可能會影響台灣未來主權改
變的事實，更有人對假結婚而取得合法來台工作，可能對台灣的政治與經濟產生
衝擊而擔憂不已。不可否認的，這些現象都是存在台灣社會的事實；然而，這不
也是所有西方移民國家都須要面對的課題嗎？我們絕不能因咽廢食，要杜絕上述
的擔憂，必須發展出一套明確、單一的移民政策，同時輔以有效的配套管理措施，
才能讓台灣成為一個名符其實的移民國家。
（二）政治權與社會權分離的移民者政策
在現代民主國家中，公民身份的界定關係著 Marshall 公民權論述中的政治
權（選舉與被選舉權）與社會（福利）權，政治權是現代民主國家中每個國民都
享有的權力，且政治權與社會權兩者之間具有線性的互動關係。可是，當我們將
這樣的概念擺在全球化的脈絡下剖析，卻發現 Marshall 公民權的論述充滿著許多
的矛盾。根據移民法的規定，婚姻移民者必需在取得永久居留權（有國民身份證）
之後，才有選舉與被選舉的政治權、而非天賦人權，而婚姻移民者的社會福利權，
往往也隨著公民身份狀態而改變，所以公民身份不只影響政治權、也關係著社會
權的實踐，當然更關係著婚姻移民婦女在台灣的生活品質。
84
許多人擔憂假結婚真移民的結果，可能很快就會動搖台灣的主權。在這種憂
慮的情結下，使得目前有關是否開放移民政策的論述，都環繞在政治權的討論，
不僅忽略了對合法移民者的權益保障，更阻礙了台灣邁向移民國家的發展腳步。
如果現在我們不去正視婚姻移民，對社會福利、教育、就業與醫療等各項制度所
形成的衝擊，那麼未來台灣社會將會付出巨大的成本來彌補。因此，當我們在爭
論婚姻移民者的政治權之餘，是否可以思考如何將政治權與社會權切割開來討
論，切實的思考甚麼樣的移民者政策內涵，才能確實的幫助婚姻移民者融入台灣
主流社會，也幫助本籍人士發展出尊重多元文化差異與種族的胸懷，建構一個多
元文化並存的移民國家。
（三）符合多元族群需求之婚姻暴力防治模式
目前台灣的婚姻暴力防治模式已運作多年，無論是資源網絡的整合或婚姻暴
力防治的理念都已步上軌道；然而，婚姻移民婦女婚姻暴力的現象，卻成為目前
婚姻暴力防治體系最大的考驗。除了因公民身份與語言限制，對實務工作者在專
業服務過程所造成的困境之外，實務工作者本身對婚姻移民婦女的偏見與迷思，
往往讓他/她們成為道德審查機制的一環。加上婚姻暴力防治資源有限性的侷限
下，實務工作者在無形中就醞釀出排除主義，以消極的服務取代積極尋求問題解
決的對抗策略。如何因應婚姻移民發展趨勢，建構一套有效的婚姻暴力防治體制
呢？目前「內政部家庭暴力防治委員會」主要是著重於服務輸送與資源網絡的討
論，卻忽略實務工作者本身的文化敏感度的培育。除了目前積極的推動的識字教
育、生活教育、通譯人才培育及 113 志工諮詢專線之外，我們應該進一步思考如
何突破公民身份的限制，發揮社會工作所強調的倡導功能，建構一套真正符合婚
姻移民婦女需要的婚姻暴力防治模式。同時，有關單位也應該思考應透過何種在
職教育或訓練之機制，培育第一線提供實務工作者對多元文化的敏感度與覺察
力，建立一個符合多元文化差異需求，而不是以主流意識抑制多元差異的婚姻暴
力防治模式。
（四）公私部門合作過程民間團體的主體性
當家庭暴力防治工作制度化之後，有關家庭暴力防治工作的規劃與推動就逐
漸回歸公部門。在現有人事結構與經費限制下，政府單位主要是以公辦民營或方
案委託方式委託非營利組織提供服務，而非營利組織也為了組織的永續經營而進
入承攬政府方案的循環，而逐漸失去對政府部門監督力量與機構本身的主體性。
因此，我們應該重新思考目前家庭暴力防治工作中公、私部門合作關係的適當性，
逐步降低民間部門對公部門的依賴關係，恢復民間團體對議題的主導性與對政策
的監督力。
85
參考書目
高鳳仙（1995.3）。美國家庭暴力法概觀。東吳法律學報，8（2）:189－231。
潘淑滿（2001）。婚姻暴力現象與制度的反思。社區發展季刊，（94）：134-146。
潘淑滿（2004a）。婚姻移民婦女、公民權與婚姻暴力。社會政策與社會工作，8
（1）：85-132（TSSCI）。
潘淑滿（2004b）。失去界限的年代：婚姻移民的抗拒與接納。發表於「全球化 vs.
在地化學術與實務研討會」（9. 24-25）。
營志宏（2004）。美國移民法。台北：揚智文化。
Egeland, B. （1993）. A history of abuse is a major risk factor for abusing the next
generation. In Gelles, R.J., & Loseke, D.R.（Eds.）, Current Controversies on
Family Vioelence. （Chapter12）Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Na
ray
an,
U.(
199
5).‘ "
Mal
e-order" brides: Immigrant women, domestic violence and
immi
gra
tionl
aw’
,Hypatia, 10（1）:104-119.
Schernstein, S.L. （1997）. Domestic Violence and Health Care.（Chapter 3, pp. 46-69）
New York: Sage.
86
“Our ”La ws,“The ir

”Li ves
—How Taiwan Law Discriminates Against the
Newly-Arrived Female Immigrants
Bruce Liao*
Taiwa n’
sl egals y stemr eflectsthiss oc i
e t
y’slac k ofs ympat
hy t owardt he
so-ca l
led“ ali
ens pous es” —the newly-arrived female immigrants (NAFI) who are the
spouses of Taiwanese men. This essay presents some, but by no means all, of the
discriminatory and hostile measures embodied in Taiwan law.
Pre-Entry Barriers
First, there are pre-entry barriers in the law.

De spi tethej udici
a lrecog ni
tionoft he“ c onst
itut
ionalr i
g httol i
vingt og e
the rwi th
fami l
yme mbe rs”,t he r
ea reha rs
ha ndr e si
sta ntlawswhi chc onst
itute the barriers of
fami l
yr euni on f or internationa lma rriage s,s ucha st he “ sc
r eening” i nterview
mechanisms for either visa-issuing or entry purposes. In addition, the statutory
provisions authorizing government officials to reject entry applications are largely
vague and open-ended. Accordingly, those officials have virtually unchecked discretion
inma kingde ci
sionsa ff
ec t
ingag rea tnumbe rofNAFI s’rightt of a
mi lyr eunion.
Also, the relevant statutes permit government agencies to promulgate annual
“entryquot as”.Unl iketheU. S.I mmi gra ti
ona ndNa t
ionalityAc t
,theTa iwa nla wsdo
note xe mptTa i
wa nes eciti
zens ’aliens pous esf rom t
henume ri
c alli
mi tati
ons .Themor e
notorious is that the statutes explicitly provide that the entry quotas could be allocated
along the national or regional lines. This squarely reflects the racial-color-national
origin bias implicitly embedded in the minds of many Taiwanese.
Deportable All the Time
Int e
rmsofTa iwan’simmi grati
onl egals cheme ,itisf airtos a
yt hatNAFI sa re
“depor t
a bl
e”a llthetimebe twee ne ntr
ya ndna turali
za t
ion.
Fo ronet hi
ng ,theleg a
lc ausesf orde portat
ionde cisi
on,s ucha s“ threat
e ning
nati
ona ls ecurity” or “violation of publ ici nterest”a rel ike wise ve ry va gue,
over-breadth, and open-ended. Some of them make certain trivial offense deportable.
For instance, merely gambling in a casino could be expelled for breach of peace. For
*
Assistant Professor of Law, National Chengchi University.
87
another, immigration law enforcement officials could make and enforce

deportation-related decisions—deportation and temporary detention—unilaterally.
Neither court order nor administrative hearing is needed prior to making such
signifi
ca ntde c i
sions .De spit
et heCons tit
utionalCour t
’sr uli
ng t hata ny de c
ision
spe
(whether criminal, administrative, or civil one) constraining people’ rsonalf reedom
must have a judicial order in the first place, the immigration statutes provide no
impartial ante-checking mechanism at all. Therefore, NAFIs, like other aliens in
Taiwan, are under ongoing pressure and anxieties of being expelled all the time.
Fu rt
hermor e,thecaus esf orde por tationdonott akeNAFI s’persona lcondi tions
into account. As a result, they could be held deportable even they are totally NOT
blame wo rthy.Fore xample ,divor ce,wi thoutr egardt ot hef acttha ti t’
sduet ot he
Taiwa nes es pous e’sfaul
ts ucha sha vinga na f
fairorba t
teri
ngwi fe,i soneoft he
primary reasons for immigration officials to deport NAFIs. That is tantamount to
giving Taiwanese spouse a privileged position, a leverage to abuse his alien wife.
Other Harsh Measures
There are other legal measures which are both hostile and unfair towards NAFIs.
For instance, NAFIs from mainland China, unlike alien spouses from elsewhere, are
not allowed to work unless they can satisfy some very limited, narrowly drawn,
circumstances provided by law.
Another example is the requirements of naturalization. Due to the absence of
well-crafted permanent resident scheme, NAFIs must officially get the Taiwan
citizenship in order to live in this land with dignity. Nevertheless, the Na
tiona
lit
yAct’
s
“fina nciall
ya ffordable ”r e quire me ntc ons t
itut
e sa n unsurpa ssabl eora tleastve
ry
troublesome burden for those low-income families. Ironically enough, the citizenship
status is oftentimes most crucial for those NAFIs in the low-income families because
the national ID card (which only citizens are entitled to have one) can absolve them
from certain employment discriminations. The financially affordable requirement in
practice makes contribution to a vicious circle to the most needed.
There is one more noteworthy statute: the 10-year ban on being civil service
employees for those immigrants whose national origin is mainland China, despite her
citizenship. That is akin to denying them a significant part of employment
opportunities in Taiwan. It no doubt creates a second-class citizenship system which
should be condemned in light of international human rights conventions and the
Taiwan Constitution.
88
The Absence of Antidiscrimination Laws
To many Taiwanese, the infusion of immigrants is a relatively novel experience.

In the meantime, the notion of multiculturalism is also foreign to most Taiwanese,
notwi thstandingt hisisland’sf orma lde moc rat
ics y
stema ndt heLi beral
ism-oriented
Constitution. Against this backdrop, xenophobia, Nativism, and national origin
discrimination have permeated through Taiwan society. NAFIs encounter a variety of
discriminations on a daily basis, such as racial insult, negative stereotyping,
discrimination in employment and transactions, etc.
In order to guarantee NAFIs’c ivilr i
ghts,cer t
ains ortofl ega lreme diesmus tbe
available for them. Nonetheless, there is no general antidiscrimination law in Taiwan,
not to mention any statute specifically enacted to protect immigrants from racial
discrimination. Without the minimum guarantee of civil rights, merely providing
“we lfare”or“ bene fi
ts
”woul ds t
igma ti
z ethemf urtheranc e,rathert hane mpowe ring
themselves. Thus far, it appears unforeseeable for any government effort in dealing
with the social discrimination problem.
89
「我們的」法律，「她們的」命運
—台灣法律如何歧視外籍與大陸配偶
廖元豪*
前言
近年來，來自東南亞與中國大陸的新移民女性34—就是俗稱的「外籍配偶」
與「大陸配偶」—數量增加相當快。她們衝擊了我們不自知的「漢族中心主義」，
豐富了台灣的文化。但在此同時，台灣社會中的部分人士，卻似乎還沒有心理準
備接受我們已經是一個移民國家、多元文化國家的事實。對這些遠渡重洋來作我
們「台灣人媳婦」的姊妹們，社會中卻瀰漫著一種規避、冷漠，甚至排斥的氣氛。
法律反映社會，因此台灣社會對新移民女性的偏見，也就赤裸裸地體現在法
律措施之中。這種不公平的敵意與歧視，藉由號稱正義的執法者手中予以執行。
在此同時，法律也會回過頭來強化、鞏固社會的偏見。於是，含辛茹苦、居功厥
偉的女性婚姻移民，就在「民主」且「正義」的法律下，遭受次等公民的待遇。
她們的「台籍配偶」，往往也連帶遭受同樣的污名與鄙視！
「我們的」法律35，在哪些方面對待「她們」不公平呢？
一、大門深鎖，充滿疑懼與排拒氣氛的國界
—入境團聚的歧視措施
憲法與法律都保障「婚姻自由」
、「婚姻制度」以及「夫妻共同生活」的權利。
然而，當台灣人娶嫁的對象是外籍或大陸籍之時，我們的法令措施卻處處刁難外
籍或大陸配偶來台行使「夫妻共同生活」的權利；用極為敵視、猜忌的眼光看待
原本應該是值得祝福的婚姻。
事實上，司法院大法官早在 1989 年的釋字 242 號解釋，就承認夫妻「實際共

同生活」的家庭生活與人倫關係，是憲法第二十二條保障的基本人權。但我國的
法律以及行政措施，似乎從未將這樣的憲法訓令放在眼中，在「她（他）們」要
入境之前，就設下層層關卡。36
*
政治大學法律學系助理教授，移民移住人權修法聯盟顧問。
34
由於近年來的婚姻移民係以女性為主，故本文原則上以新移民女性為探討重點。但同樣的現
象，當然也適用在男性婚姻移民。
35
這些法律包括「入出國及移民法」（以下簡稱「移民法」）
）、「台灣地區與大陸地區人民關係調
例」（以下簡稱「兩岸條例」）
、「外國護照簽證調例」，其他相關法律以及執行母法的各種行政命令。
36
例如，對於台籍配偶幫大陸配偶申請來台團聚卻被拒絕的案件，行政爭訟實務上，不承認「台
籍配偶」可以提起訴願或訴訟（注意，不是打官司敗訴，是根本不准打官司！）。理由居然是：大
陸配偶能不能來台，台籍配偶並「沒有『法律上的利害關係』」！也就是說，「夫妻共同生活」並
90
（一）空泛許可條件與羞辱性的面談機制
我們的法律對「結婚」沒有任何國籍限制。但是外籍與大陸配偶要「來台」
團聚依親，卻必須經過許可。這似乎是說：跨國婚姻的共同生活，是附條件的。
而相關法律中，各種「許可」與「不許可」的條件，卻都充斥著不確定法律
概念，使駐外單位與境管單位取得廣泛而不受約制的判斷權限。這些空泛的用語，
如「在我國境內無力維持生活，或有非法工作之虞者」37、「有事實足認意圖規避
38
法令，以達來我國目的者」、「其他有危害我國利益、公共安全、公共秩序或善
39
良風俗之虞者」、「有事實足認係通謀而為虛偽結婚」40、「有違反善良風俗之行
41
為」等。請問，有幾個人能從這些條文中，知道主管機關如何認定「公共安全」、
善良風俗」？當夫妻兩人履行了民法上的結婚要件—公開儀式加上兩人以上證
人—請問誰有權力輕易認定這是「虛偽結婚」？
政府機關並沒有如國內其他機關，在法律規定很抽象的時候，用行政命令進
一步界定清楚這些概念的意涵。所以在所有的法規裡面，我們都找不到「標準」。
更糟糕的是：主管機關拒絕許可的決定，甚至可以「不附理由」！42使得主管公
務員實際上享有單獨評價、決定異國婚姻的權力，卻不用負任何責任。
行政機關沒有明確清楚地界定這些模糊的概念，卻運用「面談」的手段來認
定「台灣人的另一半」是否符合來台條件。同樣地，沒有任何法律或命令，明確
地規定面談的標準、注意事項、標準程序，或是問題的種類方向。模糊的法律要
件，配合上法律中蘊含著的歧視與排斥態度，加上行政單方「我說了算」的決定
權限，
「面談」往往成了外籍與大陸配偶感到最羞辱的一個過程。簽證或境管官員
持著不信任的態度，詢問令人難堪的隱私問題。然後，如果任何答案不能令詢問
者感到滿意（天知道怎樣才叫做滿意或符合標準？）
，出現一點錯誤或瑕疵，主管
不是法律所承認的「權利」。所以，拒絕大陸配偶來台，也沒有侵害台籍配偶的「權利」。沒有權
利受害，自然不能提起訴訟。換句話說，必須是被拒絕入境的大陸配偶，用自己的名義提起爭訟
才可以。
參見行政院訴願委員會院台訴字第 0930091695 號訴願決定（2004/12/2），available at
http://210.69.7.199/eyweb/hope03.asp?hopeeventid=3852；院台訴字 0940083927 訴願決定
（2005/4/26），available at http://210.69.7.199/eyweb/hope03.asp?hopeeventid=4782 。
37
外國護照簽證條例第 12 條第 1 項第 6 款。
38
39
40
大陸地區人民進入台灣地區許可辦法第 19 條第 1 項第 7 款。
41
大陸地區人民進入台灣地區許可辦法第 19 條第 1 項第 9 款。
42
原則上，行政機關作成限制人民權利的行政處分，都是應該附理由的。「行政程序法」第 96 條
第 1 項第 2 款就有一般性的明文規定。但外國護照簽證條例第 12 條第 2 項明文規定「依前項規定
拒發簽證時，得不附理由」。大陸配偶來台，則因母法兩岸條例第 95 條之 3 明文「依本條例處理
台灣地區與大陸地區人民往來有關之事務，不適用行政程序法之規定」，因此可以不附理由拒絕許
可。
91
機關就可能拿著雞毛當令箭，剝奪跨國婚姻雙方「共同生活」的權利！
試想，我們容許同樣的情形—共同生活要主管機關許可、許可的條件非常抽
象、主管機關拒絕不用說明理由、面談的時候羞辱鄙視—適用在「台灣人嫁台灣
人」的情況嗎？這些法令，對婚姻欠缺最基本的尊重。即便是移民法制，對於「依
親」、「婚姻」難道不該從寬對待嗎？
在這些法令之下，婚姻不再是基本人權，而只是有賴行政官員施捨的恩惠—
如果新娘或新郎是外國人或大陸人的話。
（二）差別待遇的配額
移民法與兩岸條例都明定主管機關可以訂定居留的數量配額。這使得外籍與
大陸配偶，即便符合條件，也可能因為申請人數量太多，得「排隊」更長的期間
方能來台。（外籍人士之居留配額管制目前似尚未實施，大陸移民之配額則已公布
43
）這樣的規定有什麼問題？
第一，移民法制裡設置配額，初看之下似乎很正常。但是若對「婚姻移民」
設數量限制，那就有問題了。
婚姻是基本人權。國家權力不但不該干預此等私密決定，更應該積極保障，
維護婚姻共同生活。因此，移民法制必須對「婚姻移民」另眼看待，給予較其他
類型移民（如：經濟或投資移民）更「優惠」之待遇，以促進家庭團聚（family
reunion）。這就是為什麼美國移民法明文規定包括配偶內的近親，申請入境與綠
卡，不列入「總額限制」計算。44也是「移工及其家人權利公約」與歐洲各國，
努力保障移住者「家人團聚權利」的原因。
然而，現行移民法制不但在外人居留上，仍將婚姻移民一併納入配額管制。
形同對婚姻生活課處「數量管制」。難道婚姻可以用數量與來衡量？
第二，主管機關不僅可設「總量管制」，甚至可以「依國家地區」而設不同的
居留配額！亦即，我們喜歡的，看得起的地區，居留配額就開放多一些；我們鄙
視、排斥的國家，配額就少些甚至封閉。
這種「移民分等」的措施，既是種族歧視，也是對婚姻生活之不當限制！實
在不是宣稱「人權立國」的政府所應有的舉動。
43
見「大陸地區人民在臺灣地區居留數額表」。
44
8 U.S.C. §1151(b)(2).
92
國際法與憲法，雖然都承認國家對於移民可以作相當程度的管制，甚至作「總
量管制」。但是不准許政府在外國移入人口中，再依據不同國別或地區，作差別待
遇，設定不同的配額。我國已經批准的「消弭種族歧視公約」第一條，就明文規
定，即使是關於歸化、國籍之相關法律，亦不許針對特定國別予以差別待遇，否
則就是種族歧視。美國早已於 1965 年廢除移民之國別限制，其移民法與國內法尚
有多處特別明文規定入出國與移民規範，不得依據國別而有差別待遇。以「零移
民」為目標之英國，與傳統上堅持單一民族國家的德國，亦分別於 1981 年與 1992
年刪除歸化或移入之國別限制措施。
然而我國的移民法、就業服務法、兩岸條例等法律，都明目張膽地要「精挑
細選」不同國家與種族的移入人口。彷彿不同國別的人，可以論斤稱兩待價而沽。
這種赤裸裸把人—即使是外國人—當作商品的舉動，當然牴觸種族歧視公約，也
違背世界文明趨勢，亟待改正。
反觀我們的移民法制，對於以婚姻為主的一般移民，設立種族與總量門檻，
讓多少夫妻無法在台灣長居久安，享有平等公民權；卻對經濟與專業移民不加限
制。此等作法，與世界潮流大相逕庭。落入種族歧視、侵害人權的窠臼而不自知。
既然明知移民國家、多元文化，以及全球化，是台灣必然的趨勢，這些依國別而
為的歧視措施，早早刪除為妙。
二、少了一張身分證，就朝不保夕？
—隨時可被攆走的「外籍」與「大陸」配偶
新婚姻移民（多半是女性）來到台灣與台郎相聚，也是台灣人的「另一半」，
理也被當作「自己台灣人」，或「半個台灣人」。但實際上並非如此。他們一天沒
有取得中華民國國籍並設戶籍，並拿到那張身分證，就隨時都可能因為細故或其
他非常不公平的原因而被驅逐出境！
當一個人隨時可能被「驅逐」
，家庭與生活中心就隨時可能被摧毀。這時，她
連安定生活的權利都沒有，遑論憲法寫得琳瑯滿目的其他權利了。
（一）寬泛且不公的驅逐事由
法律中充滿了各種抽象模糊的「驅逐出境原因」，授予執法官員極大的解釋空
間。諸如：
「有危害我國利益…之虞」、「危害國家安全」等。尤其是所謂「從事與
居留目的不符之工作」
，不但可被擴張解釋，而且極為不公—配偶團聚，共同生活，
有什麼「特定居留目的」？難道婚姻移民來台，只准從事與生育有關的任務？
93
這些抽象規定的影響使得婚姻移民隨時身處險境。例如：
合法依親的大陸配偶，只因雞毛蒜皮的（涉嫌）聚賭，當天就可以「從事與
許可目的不符之活動」、「觸犯社會秩序維護法」而被強制出境。45而無視於這樣
的驅逐，就是拆散天倫！
又如，知名黑人 DJ 巧克力（男性）
，在台灣工作十六年，也是「台灣人女婿」
。
雖曾感染梅毒，但已證明治癒，法律上仍然被認定「罹患傳染病」而強制出國，
而未詳究這是不是被「咱台灣人」給傳染的，也不顧他現在已經沒有「足以妨害
公共衛生」的狀況了。豈可謂平？
可見，在這些不確定法律概念下，
「嫁給台灣人」、
「娶了台灣人」乃至「待了
很久」等事實，對他們的身分毫無保障。只要稍有小差錯，主管機關說趕就趕。
（二）我說了算—欠缺最起碼的正當程序
在兩岸條例與移民法中，不僅驅逐的「事由」規定極為寬泛，驅逐的程序更
是粗糙不堪。兩者相加，就等於完全賦予執行機關片面決定生殺大權的權限。行
政機關得單方逕行決定並執行「驅逐」與「收容」46處分，事前無須經司法裁決，
甚至不適用最基本的「行政程序保障」。
然而，驅逐出境與強制收容，對於人民權利之侵害極為嚴重。二
者均涉及憲法上的人身自由與居住遷徙自由。強制收容可拘束人民身
體自由逾年，限制之強烈固不待言。而驅逐出境對於已在國內居住相
當期間，或因婚姻而與台灣產生相當程度依賴關係的「外人」
，無異於
完全破壞其原有之生活秩序。
因此，侵害如此嚴重的處分，難道僅因被處分人乃「外人」（外國
人，或大陸地區人民）而不受憲法「正當程序」之保障？答案顯然是
否定的。在我國憲法下，未經法院決定，行政機關根本無權限制人民
的身體自由。這樣的保障，無分本國或外國人，一體適用。對照大法
官釋字第一六六與二五一號解釋將違警罰法有關「警察官署裁決拘留」
規定宣告違憲之意旨，舉輕以明重（違警拘留可不能關個數月甚至逾
年），更可得知驅逐與收容絕無理由讓警方單獨決定，而排除法院或其
他中立第三者審查的理由。又如，觀諸我國現行其他法律，除刑事訴
45
這是兩岸關係條例第十八條的規定。台灣人聚賭，依照社會秩序維護法第八十四條，頂多罰新
台幣九千元。但大陸配偶卻要付出被驅逐的代價。
46
驅逐前的暫時監禁措施，但實際上，這種「暫時」卻可能相當長期，尤其是在大陸人民部分更
是如此。
94
訟程序外，社會秩序維護法之「拘留」，兒童及少年性交易防制條例之
「安置」，其侵害程度雖不如移民法制中的「收容」，但均有之「法院
裁定」之機制。唯獨移民法制授權警察機關單方恣意妄為，歧視態度
可見一斑。
尤有甚者，由警察人員組成的境管機關，容易將這些婚姻移民視作潛在的犯
罪者而存有敵意。執行上更見嚴苛的一面！47
拿台灣境管單位最「心儀」的美國來相比。依據美國移民法制與憲法實務，
在美國境內之外國人，均受憲法正當程序（Due Process）條款之保障。除自願離
境外，驅逐出境應給予聽證機會。48移民法並規定應由獨立之移民法官
（Immigration Judge）49審理「禁止入境」（inadmissibility）與「驅逐出境」
（deportability）之事項。50即便在「反恐戰爭」（War on Terror）的口號與氣氛下，
美國司法機關仍然堅持移民官員無權逕行將外籍人士驅逐出境，法定之聽證權不
得非法剝奪！51而移民法甚至加入一節，專門設置由法院審理外籍「恐怖份子」
之驅逐出境與收容程序。52可見其對基本正當程序之重視於一斑。重大影響身體
自由之類似決定，決不許由行政人員單方決定！
（三）活該，妳家的事—驅逐決定鮮少考慮被驅逐者處境
在移民法與兩岸條例所規定的驅逐原因之中，都非常片面、單向地從治安、
國家安全等角度思考問題，而從未考量外籍或大陸配偶的情況。
例如，外籍或大陸配偶一旦離婚，警察機關就不再延長居留。時間一到，就
會因「逾期居留」而被驅逐出境。法律中完全沒有考慮「離婚原因過錯在誰？」
的重要因素。換句話說，不論離婚的原因事由於新移民女性被虐待，或是台籍配
偶出軌外遇，離婚的結果都是「滾回妳（你）的國家去」！53
47
例如，在前揭「大陸配偶聚賭被驅逐」一案，其實法律只規定「得」強制出境，行政機關仍應
視個案情況，選擇侵害較小的方法，處理大陸配偶違法的事件。但警察機關卻逕行選擇最嚴苛的
處理方式。
48
E.g. Yamataya v. Fisher, 189 U.S. 86 (1903); Wong Yang Sung v. McGrath, 339 U.S. 33 (1950).
49
可參考 Office of the Chief Immigration Judge 之網頁，available at
http://www.usdoj.gov/eoir/ocijinfo.htm (last visited, May 1, 2005).
50
8 U.S.C. §1229a.
51
美國第九巡迴上訴法院，於 2004 年 11 月 18 日作成判決，判定司法部不得未經正式聽證程序，
而由移民官員片面將被指稱非法移民之人驅逐出境。被指控者有權請求由移民法官進行聽證。關
於本件判決，見 Morales-Izquierdo v. Ashcroft, 2004 WL 2609957 (9th Cir. 2004), also available at
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data2/circs/9th/0370674p.pdf (last visited, May 1, 2005).
52
Immigration and Nationality Act §§501-507.
53
在某些案例中，「外籍」配偶為了申請歸化，已經先行放棄了原國籍，這時我們又將她（他）
驅逐回「祖國」，會產生「無國籍人民」的窘狀。
95
由於「離婚」將使其喪失居留於台灣之權利（無論離婚原因為何）
，許多婚姻
移民（外籍配偶）
，在取得身分證之前，可說全然受制於台籍配偶與其家庭。這種
「絕對控制權」的擁有，也可能是部分嫁娶婚姻移民之台灣人，可以予取予求的
原因。
這方面，美國的規定就頗有值得參考之處。依美國法，外國人若與美國公民
合法結婚，即當然取得「附條件永久住民」之身分，而結婚兩年後即可取得正式
之「永久住民」（俗稱綠卡）身分。54此外，美國公民一方之配偶，若對外籍配偶
在取得正式永久住民身分前，施以家庭暴力（身體或精神），則受虐者可逕行取得
55
正式永久住民身分。以此避免「正式綠卡等待期」內，美籍配偶之予取予求。
此外，若尚未取得綠卡的外籍配偶被驅逐，將遭到嚴重困境（extreme hardship），
則可免於驅逐。56
三、歸化前的其他不公
（一）大陸配偶工作權
「工作權」是生活的基本條件，往往也是個人自我實現以及社會尊重的前提
條件。然而兩岸條例與「大陸地區配偶在臺灣地區依親居留期間工作許可及管理
辦法」卻規定，大陸配偶必須來台滿兩年，並且僅在極特殊的條件下（如：台籍
配偶為低收入戶，或年滿六十五歲，或為身心障礙者等）
，方可投入就業市場工作。
同時對「外籍配偶」卻沒有類似限制規定。在台灣動輒大幅引進「外勞」的同時，
卻原則上禁止真正需要工作的婚姻移民在台工作，實在沒有道理。
（二）違法排除補助
「特殊境遇婦女家庭扶助條例」針對遭遇各種生活困難（如：虐待）的婦女，
給予各種金錢補助。這個法律是以「需求」而非「身分」為基礎，因此並沒有任
何規定排除「外籍」或「大陸」人民。因此，新移民女性（無論是來自「外國」
或「大陸地區」）若在生活中不幸遇上各種困境，理應可以依法申請補助。
然而據知部分地方政府，卻往往在法律沒有明文規定的情況下，逕行作國籍
上的差別待遇，認定「外籍」或「大陸」配偶不適用這個規定。57這樣的差別待
遇，完全沒有顧及母法原本的設計目的，而僅從行政便利（有戶籍才照顧）或對
「外人」的偏見（資源要優先給予「我國國民」）而生，其實已經構成了「原籍歧
54
8 U.S.C. §§1154 (a) & 1186.
55
Id. §§1154 (a)(1)(A)(iii)(bb) & 1186a(c)(4).
56
Id. §§1186a (c)(4).
57
通常是以「設籍於本縣」當作門檻。但外籍與大陸配偶，並不能在台灣地區正式「設戶籍」，
因此被排除於保護範圍之外。這種「戶籍等於國籍」的制度，也充斥在我國的法制中，形成非常
怪異的現象。
96
視」
（national origin discrimination）而不自知。而這更使得遭受虐待、性侵害或其
他不幸遭遇而陷入困境的新移民女性，無法尋求救濟，受到二次傷害與打擊。
（三）歸化障礙
如果婚姻移民想要徹底地「作台灣人」
，申請歸化中華民國，照理我們應該是
舉雙手歡迎。不過，相關法令中又設了一些不該有的障礙。
第一個是「財力限制」。
「需財力證明方可取得國籍」的規定，在實務上已經使得許多跨國通婚家庭，
為此焦頭爛額。舉例而言，國籍法施行細則第 7 條第 1 項第 1 款，對於「以我國
國民配偶之身分申請歸化」，設有財力要求—平均每月收入達基本工資二倍，或最
近一年存款達基本工資之二十四倍。58這不是意味著，貧窮夫妻沒有長久共同生
活之權利！59
第二，是可能即將加入的「考試」。
據知政府有意修改國籍法，規定外籍配偶必須經過認證、考試，確定其具有
「國中程度」方可許可取得我國國籍。這樣的措施，顯然是從「我們」的「優越」
眼光來挑選、檢驗「他們」60；不但沒有培力、協助的效果，在今天台灣法律與
社會的情境下，只會讓外籍配偶與其家屬的處境更加困難！
「考試及格才能入籍」的最根本問題是：沒國籍，沒人權！缺了一張身分證，
在台灣生活真是寸步難行，還要遭到隨時可能被驅逐的命運。在這些婚姻移民還
沒有取得「國籍」
（也就還是「外籍」配偶）的情形下，我們的法律制度對他們幾
乎是沒有任何保障的。61既然「身分證」是移民享有基本人權的「起點」
，我們當
然不能把它當「門檻」！
四、次等國民—貶值的身分證
照理來說，婚姻移民一旦歸化，就應該不折不扣成為台灣人，享有一切國民
58
「大陸地區人民在臺灣地區依親居留長期居留或定居許可辦法」第 32 條規範了原籍大陸人民
申請定居之財力要件，與外籍人士歸化之規定相當。
59
在「大陸地區人民在臺灣地區依親居留長期居留或定居許可辦法」第 32 條（規範大陸人民「定
居」台灣）也有相同的財力要件規定。
60
「我們」這些「本土台灣人」
，並不需要定期檢定是否具有國中程度。所有讀者可以捫心自問，
現在去參加任何國中程度的國英數理化社會等測驗，自己能不能考及格？
61
政府官員這時又最愛拿「美國也這樣」來類比。美國的「公民歸化」確實有考試制度，但美國
與我們有以下非常重要的差異—
一、美國只考基本語文與、政府與歷史基礎知識，比「國中程度」低得多了。
二、美國有完整的「永久居留」制度，取得綠卡的外國人，受到相當高度的平等保障。
因此「公民身分」的重要性遠低於我國。外國人因此並不那麼需要美國國籍。
97
應有的權利。「次等國民」從憲法保障全體國民的角度來看，是不允許的。
但兩岸條例第 21 條，卻明定「大陸地區人民經許可進入臺灣地區者，除法律
另有規定外，非在臺灣地區設有戶籍滿十年，不得登記為公職候選人、擔任公教
或公營事業機關 (構) 人員及組織政黨」。亦即，即便妳（你）已經排隊多年，合
法定居並拿到身分證，甚至可以投票選總統，依然不能擔任「任何公職」！62
要知道，一旦「大陸配偶」定居並設籍於中華民國自由地區，定位上就已經
不再是「大陸地區人民」，而是不折不扣的「中華民國（自由地區）國民」，是可
以選總統的「頭家」。無論採「憲法一中」還是「一邊一國」，甲女都是「構成國
家之要素」（見釋字 558）
。因此，任何人都不能拿「限制大陸人民權益有其必要」
來限制這個類型的新移民—她（他）已經是「自由地區人民」了。既然要許可「外
人」入籍63，就表示接納他她成為這個共同體的一份子，理當心手相連，享有
相同待遇與尊嚴。若對自己「國民」仍疑神疑鬼，豈不令人心冷？兩岸關係條例
第二十一條對原籍大陸之國民予以歧視，既不公平又無必要。
五、欠缺制裁社會歧視、促進多元的反歧視法
不只公部門的歧視會傷害新移民，社會瀰漫著的貶抑與敵視氣氛，會造成更
嚴重的後果。但我們的法律卻放任、容忍這種情況。
（一）社會歧視欠缺反歧視法的制衡
新移民女性們由於他們原有的口音、外觀等特徵，在台灣這個欠缺多元文化
薰陶，又充滿種族歧視的社會，受到許多不利的待遇。包括不雅且帶有貶抑的稱
謂（如：大陸妹、外籍「新娘」）
，就業交易的困難與排擠等。現實上，「沒有身分
證」往往更強化了這些社會歧視效果：銀行開戶困難、謀職困難、辦信用卡困難…
雖然「理論上」，身分證有時並不是從事工作與交易的「法定要件」，但他人或因
無知，或因故意歧視，卻造成了新移民的困境。
在此時，我們的政府從未大力宣導「居留證即可開戶」？更沒有制定人權法、
反歧視法，對於僅因「沒有身分證」而歧視新移民就業、開戶、交易的台灣人給
予任何制裁。也因此，我們容忍歧視與欺凌，卻不願透過法律排除歧視，進而積
極塑造一個多元寬容的社會環境。
以美國為例，法院明確宣示：在美國境內的外國人，均受憲法平等保護條款
（the Equal Protection Clause）之保障。政府原則上不得以其外國人身分（Alienage）
62
無分相關職位是否影響國家安全，包括清潔隊員或是基層的公務人員，都不能擔任。
63
如果她（他）真有危害國家安全之虞，應該是一開始就不允許入境，或將其驅逐出境才對。
98
或原籍地（national origin）而給予差別待遇。64因此，具有永久住民身分者，除
工作、生活、教育與公民並無實質差異外，甚至有權擔任州政府層級，非涉政治
功能的各項公職，65也可以享有絕大部分之社會福利。而各種民權法（Civil Rights
，亦禁止私人的國籍歧視或原籍歧視。66因此，除了政治性質的選舉與被選
Laws）
舉權外，永久住民享有相當完備的生活與社會權利。
（二）歧視語言欠缺制裁
台灣社會對婚姻新移民的歧視，除了展現在「行為」之外，也體現在「語言」
之中。以下舉二個最近的實例。
例一：在陸委會副主委邱太三的離職記者會上，有記者為了要「為大陸配偶
請命」而問道：
「何時開放大陸配偶從事八大行業」
，「台灣男人也喜歡這種口味」。
67
這種擺明把婚姻移民當娼妓看待的用語，在歐美會被當仇恨言論來懲處；我
們的大記者居然公開說出，各媒體照載，而且從邱副主委以下沒有人做任何糾正
或譴責！這位記者敢不敢把「大陸配偶」換成「原住民族」試試看？根本就是欺
負中國女性移民敢怒不敢言嘛！68
例二：中時晚報在四月一日也登出一篇由該報記者所寫的評論文章「新移民
天堂」
。內容指出：大陸與外籍新移民，已經快要「淹沒」台灣了。而且大陸配偶
不知照顧兒女，責任都丟到老榮民與政府身上。我們一直給移民與新台灣之子各
種優惠與福利，納稅人都是「替別人養小孩」云云。69
它無視新移民女性承擔絕大部分家務工作、填補社會安全網漏洞的貢獻；又
把「新台灣之子」入學的基本權利說成「優惠」；更將一切對新移民的最起碼人道
待遇都當成是「我們」的「施恩」
。這樣的論述，既不符事實，也極不公允。但是
卻在大報的評論（注意，不是外人的「投書」）刊出。實在讓人心寒！70
64
E.g. Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365 (1971)（對外國人予以差別待遇之措施，應受憲法嚴格
審查。因此州法規定排除外國籍人民領取社會福利，被認定違憲。）.
65
E.g. Sugarman v. Dougall, 413 U.S. 634 (1973).
66
美國聯邦與各州之民權法均禁止種族歧視與原始國籍（national origin）歧視。而解釋上往往及
於特別保障外國人。移民法更明文禁止在就業領域對移民予以歧視（8 U.S.C.§1324b）。
67
黃國樑，邱太三告別秀；女記者：想念你的小窩，聯合晚報，2 版（2005.4.1）。
68
廖元豪，媒體語言中的種族歧視，蘋果日報，論壇（2005.4.4）。
69
洪茗馨，新移民天堂，中時晚報，A2（2005.4.1）。
70
參閱廖元豪，前揭註 5 文。其他的批評意見，參照施威全，移民天堂？，中時晚報，A2（2005.4.4）
（刊登一篇回應批評，算是「平衡報導」？）；苦勞評論，大媒體，小遺憾？，苦勞網，available
at http://www.coolloud.org.tw/news/database/Interface/Detailstander.asp?ID=105167 (last visited, Apr.
23, 2005).
99
除此之外，我們也可以看到，每當有所謂「越傭凌虐雇主」或「外籍勞工涉
嫌犯罪」的事件，各電子媒體就傾向於以誇張的方式大幅報導。它們鮮少（如果
有的話）追問：這些案子是零星、偶發個案，還是普遍現象？「外勞」的犯罪率
真的高於「正港台灣人」嗎？71藍佩嘉教授就一針見血地指出：「當外勞的犯罪個
案在媒體曝光時，嗜血的報導風格經常把部分與整體混為一談，把個別外勞的犯
罪，延伸為該國外勞或是全體外勞的道德缺陷」。72而對於新移民女性，媒體強調
「假結婚真賣淫」等偏見刻板印象的興趣，遠高於關懷她們在台灣所受的歧視與
不利處境！更遑論深入探究「為什麼『我們』需要『她們』？」或「我們怎樣珍
惜『她們』？」
前述的幾篇報導與評論，顯示了當前新聞媒體對於新移民處境的的歧視態
度。而這樣的態度，也恰恰反映了當前台灣當前的本土種族氣氛。日常生活、媒
體，乃至學術論述中的稱呼、語言，以及其他貶抑，都會反映這種歧視文化。配
合我們一向對膚色、性別與語言的階層排序概念，來自東南亞地區的外籍人士，
也就成為歧視的對象了。即便是高階政府官員，也往往會（自覺或不自覺地）冒
出一些非常不妥，沒有人權考慮的用語。73
媒體或許只是媚俗地「反映」這樣的歧視文化。然而無論是平面或電子媒體，
在大眾文化上的影響力都遠遠超過普通人。甚至可說，在大眾媒體的時代，媒體
所展現的「虛擬真實」有時可能比「現實」還有影響力！因此，媒體的歧視，不
僅是單純的「反映」歧視，它更有「強化」歧視的效果！例如，一個原本對婚姻
移民並無惡感的人，可能因為媒體三天兩頭（選擇性地）播放或評論「外籍新娘」
或「大陸新娘」假結婚真賣淫，或是拋夫棄子的新聞事件，而對新移民女性產生
偏見。也許某個人原本對外勞心存感謝，認為他們辛苦地擔任了許多台灣人不願
意廉價從事的工作，但卻因為「外勞逃跑」、
「槍擊要犯使用外勞卡」之類的報導，
排拒感油然而生。使得原本不利移民與移工的台灣（經濟、政治、文化等方面）
環境，更加敵視與惡劣。
從人權的角度來說，媒體的偏見報導助長了歧視的文化，鞏固了排外歪風，
而使得移民與移工在台灣遭受到本土主義型的種族歧視，侵犯了移民與移工的平
等權、人格權，同時也對他們的工作權產生不利影響！這是亟需檢討反省的現象。
71
事實上，外勞的犯罪人口率明顯低於台灣本國人。根據警政署 2003 年的統計，外勞的犯罪（嫌
疑）比率為 0.08%，本土台灣人則是 0.7%。後者遠高於前者。
72
藍佩嘉，前揭註 2 文。
73
如：日前立法委員質詢內政部部長蘇嘉全有關「靖廬女子洗冷水澡」之事項，蘇部長竟然回應
曰：「不能對她們太好！」。見 TVBS 相關報導（侯沛岑＆鍾德榮，靖廬女子洗冷澡，蘇嘉全冷言
以對，available at http://www.tvbs.com.tw/news/news_list.asp?no=alisa20050318175732 (last visited,
。
Apr. 23, 2005)）
100
而其影響呢？這樣的文字用語，出現在媒體（包括號稱「質報」的大報社評）
，
跟街頭巷尾的隨口說說，是不一樣的。依恃「第四權」光環而表現出的文字，加
上無遠弗屆的傳播效果，會讓不知情的讀者相信這些「錯誤的印象」。於是形成或
至少強化「敵視」或「鄙視」新移民女性與其子女的氣氛。今後任何給予她們的
福利措施，不會被公眾認為是「她們應得的」，卻會被視為「浪費台灣有限資源」。
74
而社會原本充斥著的歧視行徑（拒絕就業機會，排斥與其交易等），也會在沒有
「反歧視法」的情況下更加蔓延。
就新移民女性而言，這樣的訊息以一種擬似客觀中立的方式，反覆地在大眾
媒體出現。等於是重複地告訴她們：「妳們是次等」「妳們不配這些『優惠』」。將
更可能懷著自卑、鬱悶，乃至敢怒而不敢言的情緒，痛苦地在台灣生活。這些痛
苦，往往不是主流族群所能體會—因為你我不是受害者！
不少研究顯示，歧視性的語言對於被攻訐的少數族裔，有著明顯的心理、生
理，與公民權利的損害。例如，Richard Delgado 即曾仔細分析種族侮辱（racial
insults）之傷害。75指出，由於「種族」基本上乃是個人無法擺脫的身分。因此，
面對「基於種族」所做的攻訐，被攻擊族群的受害者無所逃於天地之間，只好默
默承受。在這樣的壓力下，很容易產生自我憤恨（t oha
teone
’ss
elf
）或乾脆忘卻
自我存在（to have no self at all）。羞辱、隔離與自恨的心情，會造成當事人對自
我價值之存疑。同時更進一步會影響受害人與自己所屬族群成員之人際交往能
力。這種心理傷害會累積、持續，而且不會因為被害人取得高社經地位而消失。76
甚至會影響受害者教養子女之能力，進而形成下一代的失敗主義心理。77
而媒體的歧視論述，對於台灣當前的新移民女性而言，會形成相似的傷害：
她們對於「非我族類」的身分，永遠無法擺脫（即便已經歸化取得身分證，還是
會被當作「外人」78）
，因此這些污名標籤，也就永遠跟著她們，甚至釘在她們的
子女身上。新移民作為一個族群，這種「低劣」、「浪費資源」、「外來入侵者」的
形象，根本無所逃於天地之間。而且，無庸置疑的，同樣是女性婚姻移民，如果
她們是來自日本的黃種人，或來自美加歐洲的白種人，絕對不會受到這麼深的歧
視。她們的種族、膚色，其實決定了她們的命運！
這或許就是為何我國已簽署並批准的聯合國「消弭一切形式種族歧視公約」
（Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination）第四條明文
規定，所有批准該條約的國家，必須禁止種族主義之宣傳與其他歧視語言的原因。
74
參閱夏曉鵑，婚姻移民佔用社會福利資源？，中國時報，名家專論（2004.3.14）。
75
See Richard Delgado, Words That Wound: A Tort Action for Racial Insults, Epithets, and Name
Calling, in WORDS THAT WOUND: CRITICAL RACE THEORY, ASSULTIVE SPEECH, AND THE FIRST
AMENDMENT 89-110 (1993).
76
See id. at 91.
77
See id. at 92.
78
參閱廖元豪，「海納百川」或「非我族類」的國家圖像？—檢討民國九十二年的「次等國民」
憲法實務，收於『法治與現代行政法學：法治斌教授紀念論文集』，頁 279 以下，頁 301-304（2004）。
101
我們目前的法律，對於此類惡劣言論，近乎無能為力。79
六、結語
這些法令措施，充分反映了立法者與行政部門對於外國人與移民的基本態
度：疑懼與排拒。我們的移民法制，並未將移民或移住人士視為台灣這個生命共
同體現有或潛在的「成員」；甚至也沒有把他們當作可貴的「資產」。相反地，無
論這些「外人」或「新移民」如何努力為這塊土地打拼，這些法令所象徵的傾向
就是：你們是「外人」
，所以給你們進來，或是所有的有利措施，都只是「恩惠」。
先別說實際上的侵害與影響，這樣的「態度」本身，對於那些千里迢迢離鄉
背井來到台灣，下半生就注定在此生根落地的「外籍配偶」，情何以堪？尤有甚者，
法律往往是一種重要的象徵。這種「表現功能」（expressive function）會鞏固既有
的社會意識型態，也會進一步影響現有的文化價值觀。80這些歧視意味濃厚的法
律，很有可能回頭來正當化，甚至強化台灣社會既有的歧視與排拒81—告訴社會
大眾，歧視有理，侮辱無罪。在這樣的交互影響下，使得移民移住者在台灣的社
會處境，更加不利。
台灣移民法制之所以採取這樣的態度，當然源自對當代移民移住問題本身的
陌生，因此對台灣當今遇上的多元文化與移民湧入問題不知所措。在欠缺知識背
景下所制定的法律，自然充滿了自衛排他的狹隘國族主義心態。
若吾人對當代的移民移住問題稍加研究，即可發現我國法制在兩個層面上，
沒有跟上時代潮流。因為落伍，所以不知道自己在侵犯人權。這兩個重要的世界
潮流是：
第一，國家的移民管制權力，開始受到基本人權的限制。
移民管制，尤其是入境或歸化限制，涉及國家主權之行使，因此國家應享有
相當廣泛的管制權力。但二次大戰後至今，國際人權法與各國法制的發展，即便
對這種相當接近主權核心的國家權力，仍然課加了一些基本的，最起碼的界限，
諸如：
-移民管制可規範總量或者其他資格，但不可依據種族、族裔、國別等因素作
為篩選因素；
79
「公然侮辱」與「誹謗」的刑責，以及民法上「妨害名譽」的損害賠償，都必須以「直接指摘
特定人」為要件。所以，如果廣泛攻訐「所有」的外籍或大陸配偶，反而在法律上沒有任何責任！
80
See e.g. KENNETH L. KARST, LAW’
SPROMISE, LAW’ SEXPRESSION: VISIONS OF POWER IN THE
POLITICS OF RACE, GENDER, AND RELIGION (1993).
81
「大地地理雜誌」第 188 期（2003.11）委託世新大學民調中心進行「東南亞籍及大陸女性配偶
議題」民調，半數受訪者對新女性移民現象感到憂心，六成民眾認為應限制女性配偶來台人數，
而兩成民眾甚至認為不應該給予東南亞與大陸女性配偶平等待遇。這種「不以歧視為惡」的想法，
才最令人心驚。有關媒體與政府如何扭曲新移民女性之形象，參閱夏曉鵑，「流離尋岸：資本國際
化下的『外籍新娘』現象」，第三章至第五章（2002）。
102
-移民或移住者的「家庭團聚權」受到重視。因此配偶或其他近親，享有入境
團聚與生活的「權利」而非「恩惠」；
-入境管制固享有極大（立法與行政）裁量，但外國人一旦入境，即應盡可能
享有與國民相當的權利保護—包括基本民權（civil rights）、工作權、教育權與社
會福利權等；
-種族主義、排外本土主義，以及衍生出來的各類歧視言語或行為，均應加以
限制或禁止。
從這些基本文明標準來衡量，我們的移民法制裡頭，實在有太多「不及格」
的條文。公然實施種族歧視、侵害婚姻生活權利而不以為意。這樣的成績，就一
個宣稱人權立國，亟亟於以民主自由制度作為在國際上「走出去」資本的國家來
說，實在拿不出去。
第二，移民移住人口，是國家的經濟文化「資產」而非「負債」。
說也奇怪，台灣在歷史上明明是個移民國家，但是在法制上卻毫無此等認知。
敵視移民移住者的排外風潮（Xenophobia）與本土主義（Nativism）瀰漫在各種
公共言論、行動與法令規章之中。「我們」與「他們」截然二分。這些都是站在將
「外人」視為「入侵者」、「問題製造者」的假定之下，所做的反應。
然而這種對「外來者」的恐懼，是不必要也不正確的。許多研究早已指出，
移民、移工或其他類型的移住者，對於被移入國利大於弊。以移工為例，雖然他
們可能佔去一些就業機會。然而實際上的負面影響，根據實證研究，遠不如想像
中來得大。在經濟層面，白領的技術移民，為被移入國的科技與產業發展貢獻良
多，創造了更多就業機會。藍領的「外籍勞工」
，填補了許多「本土居民」所不願
擔任的工作，尤其在「非正式經濟」場域提供生產力與服務。外籍的家庭監護工
（所謂外傭）除了提供服務外，甚至也有讓本地女性能夠從家務中解放出來，去
發展另一片天的效益。這些恰好都是我們在台灣看得清清楚楚的貢獻。
在文化方面，雖然有人會擔心移民過多，會使本土文化變調。然而，拋開這
種「本土文化永恆不變」的錯誤認知，就會了解：移民帶來更豐富多元的價值觀
與生活形態，他們可以讓「台灣人」的定義更豐富，讓「台灣精神」更充滿生機。
尤其許多來自東南亞地區的「外籍配偶」，讓現住在台灣的居民，有著學習不同語
言的機會，可以體驗不同的服裝、節慶與生活方式。這是多麼可貴的資產！在這
方面，瑞典、荷蘭等國家，甚至在國家基本政策上就以維護移民所帶來之「多元
文化」作為基礎。即使是強調「族群融合」的國家，在法律政策上也已體會文化
103
的可變性，不再把傳統當作不變的元素，而歡迎移民帶來新成分。美國的主流論
述由強調融合的「大熔爐」（melting pot）轉變成以多元文化為基礎之「馬賽克」
（mosaic）或「沙拉盅」（salad bowl），也反映了這個文化觀的轉變。
這樣的轉變，在法律與國家政策上的意義是：移民所帶來的文化「衝擊」
，在
進行利益權衡時，被視為一項正數，是一種公共利益甚至人權本身，而非對社會
利益的危害。在這樣的背景理解下，無論是法律的制定，或是憲法或法規之解釋
適用，都應以歡迎移民移住者之多元文化背景為繩，並且積極提供移民移住者適
應台灣社會的機制（如：語言學習），甚至致力於讓既有國民有機會去向外國人學
習。
104
台灣移工政策現況與批判
Analysis of Migrant Workers’

Policy in Taiwan
顧玉玲
全球化下資本與人力快速跨國流動，台灣前約有三十萬移民勞工，含廠工、
營建工、幫傭、及看護工。這個數據並不包括在台的外籍、大陸籍的白領專業人
士，因為相關的法令、規範、主管機關都不同，所以白領階層不在今天討論的「移
工政策裡。此外，逾十二萬名家務勞動者在職場上面臨性別的、階級的、性的、
種族的、勞動條件邊緣化、及「無法可保」的特殊問題，也暫不作深入分析。今
天只針對一般的藍領移工面對的政策性困境。
藍領移工特別指來自東南亞、來台停留至多六年的 guest-worker，他們為台
灣的建設與發展貢獻心力，卻受到不公平的政策對待及社會污名。每年，台灣政
府都在捉「逃跑外勞」，至今官方的統計上有七萬多名非法工作的移工滯留在台，
台灣政府視他們為不定時炸彈，是社會安全的破壞者，但我們可能更要討論：為
什麼外勞要逃跑？台灣的勞動政策如何對待移工？外勞面對的困境如何解決？
政策背景
一、80 年代起產業外移、關廠大量出現，非法外勞增加
二、1989 年起開放專案引入，至 1992 年公布就業服務法，正式引進外籍廠工、
營造工以提供企業廉價勞動力。
三、緊接著，又為了填補台灣社會福利的不足，陸續開放了外傭、監護工來台，
以滿足老弱病殘幼的照護需求。
三、外勞來源國的確立，市場需求並不是決定性的因素，主要仍以「台灣政治外
交」、及「外勞偷跑率」為重要參考。
移工困境
一、不得自由轉換雇主（所以沒有協商權、反抗權）
transfer of employer is forbidden (no negotiation right)
二、嚴格的聘僱年限（所以沒有社會資源的保護及相關權利）
strict time limit to the period of employment( no social/civil right )
三、仲介業者的剝削（應爭取國家仲介、直接雇用）
the exploit from agency (demanding direct-employment or state as agency)
105
四、政府及媒體聯手的社會污名（如健檢的設計、新聞的處理…）stigmatization
from both the media and government
五、與台灣本地工會的結盟不足（與一、二互為因果，喪失團結權）
lack of cooperation with local unions (no unite right)
六、家事服務工是「法外孤兒」（推動「家事服務法」特別立法）
House-hel
per
sandcar
egive
rsa
ren’
tpr
ote
cte
dbyl
aborl
aws(
promot
ing
“Househol
dServi
ceAct”
)
106
消取外勞居留年限，爭取移工基本人權！
Abolish the six-year time limit of residence in Taiwan,
Fight for the basic human rights of migrant workers!
顧玉玲
台灣正式開放引進外籍勞工，已經 15 年了。
舉目望去，近年來紛紛開工或剪綵落成的重大公共建設、北二高、六年國建、
快速道路、北高市捷運、高速鐵路……都有外籍勞工的身影及付出，而台灣地區
十二萬戶老、弱、殘、幼的家庭所需的照護、幫傭工作，也落在遠渡重洋來台的
外籍家務服務者身上。
外勞一進入台灣，稅金、勞保費、健保費一項也不能少，但幾乎一受重傷就
被直接遣返。他們在台工作期間，依法繳交全額保費，卻領不到失業給付、老年
給付、傷病給付、生育給付……外勞不僅得不到社會權的保障，台灣的社會保險
制度還倒過來佔外勞便宜！
就業服務法規定，藍領外勞來台累積居留期限不得超過六年，但白領外勞卻
沒有這個限制。居留年限的設定不但對外籍勞動力總量控管毫無意義，反而還使
企業人力培訓成本增加、不肖仲介更增各式名目超收費用、屆期外勞以逃跑取得
非法續留台灣的機會、勞委會年年耗費行政人力財力捉逃跑外勞……不當政策導
致一連串骨排效應，年年自食惡果。專對藍領外勞設計的居留年限，不但暴露行
政機關的階級歧視，更讓勞、資、政三方都付出不必要的慘痛代價！
全球化的風潮下，資本、勞動、人力的流動早已大規模出現。台灣政府為了
挽留企業出走、立法引進廉價外勞，同時又以「防止變相移民」為由，設定外勞
居留期限不得超過六年，正暴露出執政者的短視與粗暴，一面要以廉價外勞討好
資本家，一面又以「用完就丟」的心態逼外勞快速進出，卻罔顧移民勞工的基本
人權。當朝野還在以「進入國際社會」進行攻防戰時，聯合國訂立的「1990 年保
護所有移徙工人及其家庭成員權利國際公約」
，早已要求移工接收國應對引進外勞
107
明訂各式保護條款。但在台灣，六年的居留年限卻成為外勞行使社會權及政治權
的緊箍咒。對這群來台貢獻心力的外籍勞動者，我們只使用他們有限的勞動力，
不必關心勞動力的承載者的人身需求，社會權因此可望不可求（大概只有醫療權
勉強得到保障，但問診時無法順利以母語表達症狀的困擾，又使多數外勞寧可私
下交換母國藥草及偏方來治病。）
，參與公共政策制定及間接或直接參與政治的空
間（所有的公民權、限制性投票權、參政權….等制度設計，都唯有在住民擁有長
久居留權時，才會被認真討論與對待。即便是勞委會號稱好意為外勞設計的「錢
流管理」，也明確拒絕民間要求與外勞直接對話。），更是想都不必想！
白領移工來台，也同樣有各式不合理的健檢、工資、及申請入籍等不合理的
條件規範，但居留年限並不管制。也就是說，藍領外勞是台灣社會唯一一群「用
完就丟」的人，既無入籍可能，也無轉換雇主的機會，遇到不肖雇主，唯有忍氣
吞聲，外勞市場成為單方市場，外勞毫無勞動條件的議價能力，職場受虐、逃跑
也就層出不窮。移民法已送入立法院，先來後到的移民社會早已成形，而台灣的
移工政策在居留年限的設計上，明顯夾帶的種族、階級歧視，又怎能視而不見？
2004 年 1218 國際移工日，台灣國際勞工協會串連台灣由南至北數十個外勞

服務團體，共同至行政院抗議不當的外勞政策，並正式提出「取消外勞聘僱年限」
的單一訴求，要求政府儘速修改就業服務法，在外勞引進總量不變的前提下，取
消外勞聘僱最高六年的期限，保障外勞在台的合理居留權，讓官資勞三方得利。
而唯有外籍勞動者不受六年居留的限制，才能進一步打開移工在台灣的社會權及
政治權的參與空間！（原刊於聯合報 2004 12 18）
108
Foreign migrant workers protest
Taipei Times , Thursday,Dec. 16,2004, Page 2
By Cody Yiu STAFF REPORTER
LABOR RIGHTS: Foreign workers gathered at the Executive Yuan yesterday to protest
a six-year limit on how long they can be employed in Taiwan
Foreign migrant workers' advocacy groups yesterday filed a petition at the

Executive Yuan to abolish a six-year time limit for employing foreign migrant
workers.
"This restriction is rather puzzling to us, as it is unheard of in other places.

Hong Kong and Singapore have set quotas for incoming migrant workers, but never an
employment time-limit restriction," said Ku Yu-Ling (顧玉玲), secretary-general of
the Taiwan International Migrants' Association.
As Dec. 18 is International Migrants Day, a group called Promoting Alien for

Household Services Act yesterday gathered over 30 foreign workers, including blue
and white-collar professions, to fight for three rights: working rights, immigration
rights and the right of political participation.
At the Executive Yuan, the group was received by representatives from the
Ministry of the Interior (MOI), the Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) and the National
Police Administration.
The MOI's department of household administration, which is responsible for

drafting a comprehensive immigration policy, stated that it would consider including
migrant workers in the policy.
"Although no conclusion was reached during today's meeting in regard to our

three calls, I was pleased with the government's sincerity in having invited several
cross-administration representatives to talk to us," Ku said.
In response, the CLA said that the purpose of the six-year restriction was to
curb immigration by long-term residents -- previously, they could apply for
109
naturalization -- and to prevent a loss of revenues. Fees paid by employers who hire
foreign migrant workers are reduced over time.
Article 52 of the Employment Service Law (就業服務法) stipulates that a

blue-collar foreign worker cannot be employed here for more than an accumulated six
years.
"This law was enacted before the amendment to the Immigration Law (國籍法),
which then stated that a foreigner might become eligible for naturalization after five
years' residency. The six-year restriction was set to prevent aberrant immigration,"
Liao Wei-jen (廖為仁), a section chief in charge of foreign labor affairs at the CLA,
said yesterday.
Furthermore, Liao added, a company that has employed a foreign worker for
more than five consecutive years is entitled to pay lower fees and other benefits.
As immigration problems are no longer a concern, Liao said the elimination of

the six-year employment restriction was likely.
Liao said differences in policies governing the employment of blue and

white-collar foreign workers did not indicate discrimination.
"The importation of blue-collar foreign worker has been a supplementary policy,

where supply meets demand ... the employment of white-collar foreigner workers has
been policy for societal-effectiveness," Liao said.
110
IMMIGRANT WORKERS: FACTS AND FIGURES

Situation of Burmese, Lao and Cambodia migrant workers in Thailand (2004)
Pranom Somwong / MAP Foundation (Thailand)

Sutthida Malikaew / Action Network for Migrant Labour (Thailand)
FACTS
 It is estimated that there are at least two million immigrant workers from
Burma, Laos and Cambodia in the country. About 80 percent are from
Burma.
 According to the Ministry of Interior survey, there are 1,284,920(illegal)

migrants from Burma, Laos and Cambodia. Out these amount 1,122,192
migrants workers showed up (921,492 Burmese, 179,887 Lao, and 183,541
Khmer) and are registered by MOI. Those who registered are granted the
temporary ID card in July 2004.
 Out of those migrants, there are 93,082 new born -14 years old and 10,000
elderly and dependants.
 Employment department granted work permit for 814,247 migrants: 610,

106 Burmese, 99,352 Lao and 104,789 Khmer)
 The work permit granted when those migrant had registered and complete the
physical check up. There is no differentiate number of men and women but there
are also found that 9,383 migrant women are pregnant.
 Immigrant workers are allowed as manual labourers only. They can be farm
workers, factory workers, labourers in fishing boats or in fishery-related
industries or domestic workers.
 In Bangkok, the highest number of registered workers are domestic workers

followed by factory workers and manual labourers
 Although 80 percent of migrant workers are from Burma, many are ethnic
minority peoples such as the Mon, the Karen and the Shan, who flee poverty,
war and ethnic cleansing in their homelands.
 There are still a number of immigrants live and work underground and thus
don’tha ve a ccesst o basic he al
thc ares ervi
ces. Forr e g
istere
d wor ke rs
,
employers always confiscate the ID cards and work permit of migrants. So they
don’thavea c ce s
st obas
iche althc ar
ea swe l
l
 Immigrant workers who are HIV-positive have no access to medical services.

111
Work and Living Condition
Though the registration of illegal migrant worker aimed to provide those immigrant
rights to stay and work in the allowed occupation in Thailand, which they will enjoy the
rights under Thai labour law, in practice, most of workers are more or less still being
exploited. Some of them still face the slavery –like condition. According to the latest
regula ti
on,t hewor ker
sc anc ha ngethe irempl oyerift he ywon’ tfeelsatisfi
edwi ththe i
r
work conditions. In fact, to change employer is very difficult.
Rule for Changing Employer
Office of Foreign Workers Administration, Department Of Employment, Ministry

Of Labour explained the steps below:
- Employers have to inform the employment department within 15 days to

withdraw the work permit and they have to return work permit to employment
department
- If worker still would like to work in Thailand, they have to find new employer
who got the quota from employment department. (The employer who registered
their need of hiring migrant workers earlier at the period of time allowed by
government)
- A worker and a new employer go to apply the new work permit from
employment department and pay the fees again 1900 baht for 1 year work permit,
900 baht for 6 months and 450 baht for 3 moths. (This fee is the main problem
because it is different from a year earlier when migrant would have to pay only
for new card 150 baht when changing employer NOT the fees of new work
permit because they paid already at first time of register.)
- According to Labour Protection Law, employer has to be responsible for the

work permit fee. The fact is most of employer deduct from worker wage and
evena skwor ke
rt opaybyt hems e
lve sifwor ke rdoesn’ thavemone ythe ymi g
ht
need to find new employer that can give them job and they have to pay again.
Situation after registration period - November 15th, 2004
Ministry of Labour by the Employment department joined the campaign with

Immigration on mass crack down to illegal workers and arrested the employer who
hired the illegal workers. The news in website of MOL on November 17, reported the
case of 13 (10 Burmese and 3 Lao) migrant workers were arrested in Bangkok at a small
factory, they been charged on entry and work illegally in Thailand. Their employers are
not at the factory at that time but the authorities would arrest them later.
112
All the workers were sent to Immigration Detention Centre (IDC) for
deportation. However, there was no report about how Labour Protection office
would facilitate the process to call for their wages from their employers.
Travel issues
Workers are allowed to stay and travel in registered province. Workers may be
deported if they leave the provincial area designated to them without obtaining
permission. If worker wishes to travel out of their provincial area they have to asked
permission from the Governor of that province. In Chiang Mai when some workers
have to go back to Burma, MAP contacted through informal channel with
Immigration officers whom workers can trust and they take risk to travel back home.
Other Situation
Registered factory workers are entitled to receive minimum wage, as do Thai in

reality, they receive less than half the legal minimum wage or about 70 to 80 baht
while working 10 to 14 hours a day with no holidays. (The minimum wages
announce by MOL in Jan 2005, the highest is 175- and the lowest is 137 Baht
subject to working area)
Despite the low pay, most workers have to pay for room, board as well as
food. Many of them work under slave-like conditions. Though registered, these
migrant workers are not entitled to social security protection or compensation when
work-related accidents occur.
It is not allowed the employer to keep worker ID card. However, employers

normally refused to let the workers keep their ID cards, their work permit card
and health issuance card claiming that they are afraid of workers moving away, thus
subjecting the workers to extortion from police and gangsters. Also they
Migrant workers live in confinement because they fear being arrested. Migrant
workers cannot protect their labour rights because once fired, they are considered
illegal immigrants and must be deported. They are not allowed to set up worker
union.Most workers are in the sectors that are not protected by minimum wage laws,
namely fishery, farming and domestic worker.
Domestic worker, Thai nationals or immigrants, are only guaranteed monthly

payments in Thai bath and at least a six-day leave each year. The law prohibits
sexual harassment but the problem remains rife because domestic servants are
powerless against employers. Labourers on fishing boats are not under minimum
wage laws. The wages are decided between employers and employees.
113
Providing humanitarian aid to immigrant workers who face various forms of

exploitation is difficult because the authorities often slap those who do so with
criminal charges for offering shelter to illegal aliens.
REGISTRATION PROBLEMS
The ID cards for registered workers for 2003 expired as of June 30, 2005. But
the Interior Ministry has failed to issue them new ID cards in time although they
have already paid the fees.
Consequently, many registered workers face arrest or extortion from police and
gangsters.
In the 3,800-baht registration fee, the workers must pay 1,200 baht a year to be
under the National health Scheme - widely known as 30- baht health programme.
But most of them unable to use it due to communication problems and their
employer confiscate their health insurance card.
Many workers felt disappoint with registration because they feel that the costly
registration doesn't neither protect them from extortion nor provide them with better
work conditions and welfare.
STATE POLICIES
The state views the influx of migrant workers from neighboring countries as
national security threats, which must be eradicated. Consequently, policies are based
on suppression and control, not on labour rights protection.
Registered migrant workers are defined as aliens entry Thailand illegally who
are allowed to work on a year-by-year basis by cabinet resolution. This robs the
workers of job security.
Thai government tries to implement the MOU on labour with Burma, Lao and
Cambodia.
After June 30 2005, only migrant who previously registered work permit are
allowed to renew the work permit registration in 2006. The migrants who registered
fortempor a ryIDc ardwi l
lbede por
tingba cktot heirc ount
yofor i
g i
nifthe y’renot
the member of family of register workers (who got the work permit)
LABOUR LAWS
The prosecution process in the court is a time consumer prevent exploited

worked from seeking justice.
114
Labour Relation Act bars immigrants from setting up labour unions.
It is against the law to pay factory workers by piece of work but this is common
practice in garment factories along Thai-Burma border.
The labour law gives employees the right to have no less than 30 days paid
holidays and 30 days paid sick leaves. It seems not enforced.
Late payments are common. By law, employers are required to pay interest on
late payments. It is not enforced.
VIOLATIONS
Due to strict, suppressive policies, the majority of migrant workers who

register in July 2004 still have to live and work underground, thus making them
highly vulnerable to exploitation and rights violations.
Apart from slave-like work conditions, migrant workers are subject to routine
and systematic extortions by officials and their associates.
Many employers refuse to pay workers. Instead, they tell the police to arrest the
workers and deport them.
The police tend to ignore crimes committed against migrant workers, thus
encouraging criminals to break the law.
It is said that some police and officials involve in trading human, which cause it
next to impossible to crackdown on human traffickers or to protect the migrant
workers' rights.
Violation of human rights in detention centers and police jails is rife. Migrant
workers are robbed of labour rights and freedom of movement. Many employers
prefer female migrant workers because the pay is lower and they are more
submissive.
CHILDREN
Many migrant workers are children. The number of children of migrant

workers born in Thailand constantly increases, but Thai authorities deny the children
of migrant workers the right to their nationality by refusing to issue birth certificates
The children of immigrant workers are also denied the right to education and
health care. As child workers, they are subject to various forms of exploitations.
WOMEN
Most female migrant workers do not have access to reproductive health

services. Unable to access family planning and safe sex services, many female
workers Suffer unplanned pregnancies and unsafe abortions.
115
It is found that many female workers are fired when pregnancy. Many
expecting mothers do not have access to prenatal care and safe delivery. Some die
from abortion complications. Unequal gender relations and lack of safe sex
information also leave women migrant workers vulnerable to HIV infection.
CRACKDOWN POLICY
The current frenzy to meet the government's policy on the crackdown of human
trafficking rackets and illegal workers has intensified arrests and violations of
human rights of migrant workers.
Not knowing who real officials are, migrant workers are obliged to pay bribes
to avoid being arrested and deported.
The use of paramilitary village volunteers in the crackdown has given rise to
local mafia groups who abuse their power to extort money from immigrant workers.
Their other crimes include murder and rape.
Due to their close links with state officials and deep hatred against immigrant
workers, criminals are rarely caught and punished.
Workers face additional exploitation and rights violations after they are
deported. The Burmese reception centre in Myawaddy, for example, reportedly
forces returnees to have HIV blood tests.
Back in Burma, the workers face similar routine extortions so they can return
home _ or cross the border again to find work and to escape violent oppression,
which includes imprisonment, physical abuse and forced labour.
PREJUDICES
State authorities and the media constantly spur public prejudice against migrant
workers by portraying them as national enemies, criminals, disease carriers and
stealers of Thai jobs.
All migrant workers from Burma are lumped together as Burmese although
they are from different ethnicity. They therefore are subject to prejudice by the Thai
public who, owing to the ultra-nationalist teaching of history, view the Burmese as
national enemies. Deep prejudice makes the public turn a blind eye to the plight of
immigrant workers.
116
A Critical Perspective on International Instruments

andNationalLawsonWome nMi grants’andI mmigrants
’
Rights
Lualhati S. Roque, Executive Director

International Migrants Resource Center (IMRC)
To the International Workshop for Asian NGOs on Female Immigrants and Migrants
May 13-15, 2005, Taiwan
Allow me first to extend my thanks and appreciation to the AWAKENING

FOUNDATION for inviting me to this important conference. I am confident that the
information we can gather from our discussions will add up to the enrichment and
enlig ht
e nme ntoft hepe oples’knowl e dg ea ndt huspromot ea na tti
tudeins upportoft he
rights and welfare of women migrants and immigrants. I guess this is the very vision
that the organizer of this conference, as their name implies, has devoted to address and
to which IMRC give its full support.
Fellow participants and guests to this conference, I think this gathering is

appropriate to deliberate on the plight of women im/migrants who are victims and
survivors of various human rights violations. As such, it is also apt that we talk about
the relevance and viability of legal instruments available to protect their rights and
welfare.
In presenting a critical perspective on national and international instruments on

women im/migra nt
s’r ight s,mypa pe ra ss
e r
tst woi nter
loc kinga ndi nte r-connected
factors:
1) National and international instruments are crafted to respond to and appease

growingpe opl es’pr ot
e stsove rhuma nrightsviolati
ons ;a nd,
2) However, it is wrong to completely ignore these laws and instruments.
Citi
ngt hesei ns t
rume ntsi na ssert
ingmi grant
s ’rightsputt ot a s
kt hosewhoc ommi t
human rights violations, even by ommission.
The common denominator that this paper wants to bring forth to put to action
these twof ac
tor
smovi ngist heur ge ncyofg et
ti
ngt hemi grants’g etor ga nizedt o
enablet h
emt oactonthei
rproble msa nde mpowe rthems elve sbyt akingt heir“ destiny
117
i
ntot
hei
rha
nds
”.
To elaborate, I will discuss the following points:
1. What is the context of the export of Filipino women?

2. How effective are international and national instruments in
protecting their rights?
3. What is our challenge as advocates of women im/migrants rights?
1. What is the context of the labor export policy?
I seek your indulgence as this paper will greatly focus on the data available on
Filipino women migrants/immigrants due to the broadness of the topic assigned to me
and due to limited time to do extensive study on an interesting and challenging subject.
Being the second largest exporter of labor in the world next to Mexico and because of
the fact that women comprise half of this, the experiences of Filipino women is already
a susbtantive representative of the rest.
To understand the role and use of international and national instruments

conc erningwome ni m/mi gr
ant s’rights,wemus ta lsounde rst
andt hec ont
extoft he
export of Filipino labor under the bigger context of the obtaining social and economic
condition of Philippine society and see through the motives of a specific national
jurisprudence, the Labor Export Policy of the Philippine government.
According to Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales of the Catholic Bishops

Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), this exodus of Filipino workers manifests the
failure of the Philippine governme nt’se conomi cpr ogr am.The reisals
oas a ying
among OFWs contemplating working in Iraq about how in Iraq, they face only one
enemy, the bullet, while in the Philippines, they face three challenges a day –breakfast,
lunch and dinner. This is quite sad as OFWsa rec ons trai
ne dt o“ bit
ethebitt
erpi l
ls”
just to be able to survive –a slow death caused by hunger, or sudden death caused by
bullet. A postscript to that is the saying that it is better that only one OFW dies rather
than his/her entire family.
History of the Philippine labor export is traceable to the Structural Adjustment

Programs (SAP) imposed by the IMF-WORLD BANK to succeeding Philippine
governme nts.TheSAP’ spr ogram of“ ma rket-oriente dl andr eform”br oug hta bout
massive displacements of peasants as their agricultural lands were not distributed to the
118
tillers but went to the hands of big business who converted massive agricultural lands
into golf courses, subdivisions and for tourism businesses to cater to the lifestyle of the
wor ld’srich and famous circle.
Alongside the entry of foreign big business into the local market due to trade
liberalization during the term of former president Diosdado Macapagal in 1961-1965
(father of the incumbent president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo) slowly wiped out the
small and medium scale Filipino manufacturers that send thousands of workers out of
jobs. After Macapagal, during the 2nd term of then Pres. Ferdinand Marcos, intensified
trade liberalization and led to more closures of local companies and drove overseas
workers abroad particularly in the Middle East. To systematize this newfound
“ i
ndus try” oft hePhi li
ppi neg ove rnme nt,Ma rcosbr oughtoutt he La borExpor t
Program of the Philippine government in 1970. Henceforth, successive administrations
did not depart from the LEP as its main source of revenue even as they continually sold
out the control of Philippine natural resources and patrimony to local and foreign big
business. The result is the massive and corrosive destruction of the natural base for
economic growth and development of the Philippines.
He nce,Ar chbishop Ros ales’s tateme nta nd t he OFW s a ying unde

rlinethe
national context framing the forced migration of Filipino workers. Along with
chronic grinding poverty brought about by a distorted vision of national economic
development through the backward agrarian, import-dependent and export-oriented
economy –the Labor Labor export policy of successive Philippine governments fuels
the systematic commodification and export of workers. Integral to this massive exodus
of human resources to strange lands and foreign culture are the Filipino women.
Government statistics provide that everyday, almost 3,000 Filipinos work and
live overseas and about two-thirds of them are women exported largely as entertainers,
domestic helpers, brides and factory workers. Unfortunately, even as women went
ove rseasinmul t
itudesg ivingr isetot hephe nome nonof“ feminizationofl a bor ”
.The
treatment of Filipino women as inferior to their counterpart continues even if they also
perform the same jobs as the male workers. This situation put Filipino women in great
jeopardy. The same situation is true among women immigrants who as brides
oftentimes are treated also as second-class citizens and as mere extensions of the male
species.
119
The more oppressive situation found in the husband-and-wife relationship of

Filipino women as brides to foreign nationals have correlation with the status of the
Philippines among the community of nations. It is the opinion of this speaker that, if
the very nation of the Filipino bride has not gained respect because of the failure of the
Philippine government to equally rise vis a vis the economically prosperous
community of nations this unequal relation will replicate down the line –from trade
relations, political, immigration laws, and the like. Thus, its citizens cannot expect
otherwise especially for the more vulnerable women migrant workers, brides and
entertainers.
Concrete details of human trafficking and the resulting physical and emotional
violence committed against women brides/espouses are documented in the topic of
VAW in this conference and for sure violates the various provisions of the Philippines
“Anti-trafficking Act”andt heUN Protocol Against Trafficking in Persons- Especially
Women and Children or Trafficking Protocol and other similar jurisprudence.
Not far from this experience are those of the Filipino Overseas Performing
Artists (OPAs) who sell their bodies and talents to chauvinist clientele in Japan and in
other Asian neighbors who subject them to backward and feudal treatment. OPAs and
similar kind of employment raised to a new level the old customary treatment of the
role of women as sex objects. This time the role of women as entertainers grew from
private confines to a commercial and massive social function. It is now a new sector in
thePhi lippinee c onomy a nd na medt he “
entertai
nme nti ndus try”.Thus ,Filipi
no
women continue to experience the same marginalized and inferior position overseas
either in the job sites or in foreign homes.
(power point statistics about deployment by sex/as OPAs/as foreign brides)
Meanwhile, because of unceasing growth of unemployment, succeeding

Philippine government administrations uses the LEP to: a) defuse social tension by
exporting its vast number of un- and underemployed abroad; and, b) to earn much
needed dollar remittances to prop up a falling peso, pay balance of trade deficits and
onerous foreign loans.
While it was initially implemented as an allegedly temporary stop-gap measure

in the 1970s, it has become more entrenched over the years so that today, President
Gloria blatantly targets the deployment of one million workers a year. It is astonishing
120
thatGMA’ sa dmi
nis
tra
tion now c
ons
ide
rsl
abore
xpor
tasa pol
icy for national
development.
Thus ,f
rom a round36, 000Fi lipinos“ de
ploy
ed”t ootherc ountri
e sin1975 ,t here
are now approximately 8.1 million Filipinos toiling around the world today. Last year
the Arroyo administration exported a record 933,588 Filipinos and received US$8.5
billion in remittances of overseas Filipinos.
As globalization intensifies, so is the deterioration of poorer economies, so is

human migration and human trafficking. WTOs program of trade and investment
liberalization, privatization and deregulation create the condition for the current
massive outflow of human resources out of the country and for the State to violate
existing national and international instruments.
Pr oofoft hisisPr es.GMAr roryo’she l

lbe ntpus ht oexpor tlabora sher pillar of
“de ve lopme nt”for“ job-c reat
ion”a nddr awinghe ra dmi nist
ration’stargetof1mi llion
jobs overseas! To date, in both lower and upper houses of Philippine congress, new
bills is being deliberated to prop up and legalize this kind of development logic and
thrust even throwing away the principle of the Migrant Act that discourages labor
export and defines development and job creation as internally generated. Listen to this:
“While recognizing the significant contribution of Filipino migrant workers to

the national economy through their foreign exchange remittances, the State does not
promote overseas employment as a means to sustain economic growth and achieve
national development. The existence of the overseas employment program rest solely
on the assurance that the dignity and the fundamental human rights and freedoms of
the Filipino citizens are not, at anytime be compromised or violated. The State,
therefore, shall continuously create local employment opportunities and promote
(
equitable distribution of wealth and benefits of development.”Secti
on2,R. A.8042or
Mi grant’sAc tof1995)
(power point showing table of number deployed since 1975 and amount of
remittances)
In addition, the LEP is lucrative for the Philippine government because of the
various state exactions or fees migrants pay directly into government coffers before
and after they leave. It is estimated that each migrant worker pays around P16, 000
121
(approx. US$ 296.) directly to the government for things ranging from passports, birth
certificates and NBI clearances among other things. With almost 3,000 going abroad a
day, this translates into P480, 000. (approx. US$ 8,900.) in revenue daily.
Gi ve nt hiscont ext
,i ti
scl
eartha tOFWsa reindeedt hePhi l
ippinegove r
nme nt
’s
“ cas
hc ow” .Thus ,f rom t hepoi
ntofv ie w ofc ommuni tyba sedmi gra
ntorg anizati
ons ,
like MIGRANTE INTERNATIONAL, it is clear that the primary interest of the
Philippine government is to intensify its labor export policy in exchange for highly
crucial dollar remittances.
(chart of fees paid by OFWs to government)
As such, the Philippine government cannot enact national laws or seriously

implement jurisprudence that counters this trajectory. If it signs international covenants,
this is so for formality sake. It i
stheg overnme nt’sbl inda dhe renc etoWTO di ct
ates
that direct the Philippines over-all objective of keeping markets open for its labor
export –the rights and welfare of Filipino migrants, especially women, take a backseat.
In brief summary, the Philippine ’
sLa borExpor tPr og rami sroote dint hef ai
lure
of its government to chart its own economic and political development through
genuine agrarian reform and create a modern industrial base to make the local market
vibrant, prosperous and stable. This path, which many advanced countries passed
through to attain economic growth and independence, is necessary to liberate a nation,
like the Philippines, from centuries of domination of its economy by foreign big
business and local big comprador/bourgeoisies.
Moreover, said blueprint for (mal)development would logically result into

dependence on foreign technology and foreign market, not to mention political
subservience to foreign policy dictates of the dominant economic partner of host
country. Thus, without a sustainable and self-reliant domestic economic base, the
Philippine government will perpetually export its human power to sell to foreign
masters in exchange for much-needed revenue at the expense of the rights and welfare
of its workers.
122
2. How effective are international instruments and national laws on

Fi
li
pinowome
nmi gr ants’right
s?
It is but right to acknowledge that the creation of international and national

instr
ume ntstoa ddres smi grant s
’conc
ernr ecognize sthepl ighta ndpr oblemsoft his
sector, including their families.
However, these instruments must be seen in the particular policy direction of

each concerned government. In reality, general principles remain only in letters when
it runs counter to specific government policy like labor export. For example, the
Phi l
ippineg ove rnme nt’sl abore xp
or tpol icy,beingi t
ss ourceofr evenue ,i
tsag encies
abroad opt not to touch the sensitivity of its main employer. It comes to my mind this
specific provision –Article 7 of The International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights that states that:
“The state parties to the present covenant recognize the right of everyone to the
enjoymentofj ustand f av orablec onditi
onsofwor k …”;“f airwage sand e qual
renumeration for work of equal value without distinction of any kind, in particular,
women being guaranteed conditions of work not inferior to those enjoyed by men, with
equalpayf ore qualwor k…”
Various accounts of OFWs in difficult situations prefer to call for the help of
their i
mme diatef a
mi l
iesorofpe opl e’
sor ganizat
ionsandNGOs .Emba ssyof f
icial
sa re
reported to play passive and evasive over complaints filed before embassies/consular
offices abroad. At worst, there are cases where OFWs who successfully escaped from
their tyrannical employers are even returned by embassy personnel to their abusive
employers. Subsequently, reports of the death of the OFW follows. (Catherine
Baut ista’
sc aseofmal t
reat me ntan dunpai ds al
aryc aseagai nsthe rLe bane s eempl oyer;
MIGRANTE file May 2004.)
In this light, national and international laws and conventions on migrant rights
bec omei l
lusor ya nds er
vet oma i
ntaina“ statusquo”s ystem whe re
inmi g r
ant sa re
systema ticall
y“ tr
a ded”a nde xpl
o it
eda sc hea pa ndflexibl
elaborwi thintheframe wor k
of neo-liberal globalization.
123
The widespread abuses migrant workers are subject to is well-documented by

everyone from the government, church and academe. Likewise, the most vivid
stories of human rights violations emanate from the migrants themselves and through
theirpe ople’sor
ga nizations.
Following was documented by Migrante International:
“My leneMa nda s

,24y earsoldf r
om Pi ki t,Nor t
hCot aba t
ol eftforKuwa ita sa
domestic worker on September 26, 2003. She worked from 4am to 2am everyday and
was given little food if any. Sometimes, her employers would tie her in a chair and
throw cutlery at her while she watched them eat. When her employers abruptly put
her on a plane for the Philippines 8 months later, her with swollen hands because of the
strong bleach they poured on it; her hair was shorn unevenly because they cut it and
her ears were like cauliflower because she was repeatedly slapped in the head.
Mylene arrived at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport with only the clothes on her
back andwi thoutas inglec entofhe rwage s.”
Other research concedes that, "Discrimination against migrant workers is

e
widespread and pervasive. It occurs in all migrant-rce
ivi
ngs
oci
eti
es…" (Capulong)
a. 1990 International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All

Migrant Workers and Members of their Families
Below is a long list of international conventions that are supposed to protect the
rights of women migrants. The conventions and declarations range from the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the more directly relevant 1990
International Conventional on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Members of their Families.
(power point list of all the conventions and dates of ratification)
This Migrant Workers Convention provides for the first time an international
definition and categories of migrant workers and it sets international standards of
treatment by extending human rights to migrants and their families. It also seeks to
establish national standards for the protection of the rights of migrants and their
families because it calls on signatory states to enact national legislation in accordance
with the convention. After its ratification, not one receiving country has signed it. As
such, even if the Philippines have ratified it, it is not applicable to Filipinos in Taiwan
124
because Taiwan is not among the signatories.
Consequently, this convention remains an illusion because it does not manifest in

the daily lives of countless migrants. Similarly, the other conventions and protocols
aboutmi g r
ants’r ightsa lso ha vel ow leve lsofa cc ept
a bilit
y ,impl e me nt
ati
on a nd
compliance – even if nations have ratified them. Further, many contain legal
loopholes that allow nations to choose what they will or will not adhere to (Capulong ).
Moreover, for all its comprehensiveness and motherhood statements –the international
convention remains in paper for many migrants.
Concerning women, only two out of the twenty-one protocols and conventions
specifically tackle the specific issues of women –namely, the 1979 Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the UN Protocol
Against Trafficking in Persons –Especially Women and Children.
Especially since in the International Convention on Migrants, no distinctions are

made between male and female migrants. This is despite the abundance of research
that speaks volumes about the particularly vulnerable status of women migrants.
Employed largely as domestic workers and entertainers, women migrants are more
prone to modern-day slave like treatment and sexual abuse and harassment.
(statistics on how more women migrants are victims of abuses –migrante)
By not having an international convention that distinguishes some of the issues

that women migrants, the particular forms of oppression and exploitation that hit
women migrants remain in the dark or between the lines of such conventions.
Majority of women im/migrants come from poor and underdeveloped countries

in Asia, Latin America and Africa, categorized as the Third World. Omitting their cases
of human rights violation are tantamount to double jeopardy –they being from a poor
nation and, as poor women. My searching mind would raise this question –is it
because the migrant women are a big reserve of cheap labor that it is but practical for
the world trade big business operators to remain silent on this issue?
Respective legislators and policy makers of labor exporting countries will most
likely remain silent until they are woke up from their slumber and callousness by the
br untofthepe oples’move me nt.I nt hi
slight,thi
sma ke slegi
s lat
ione mpi ri
c i
sta nd
125
tailis
ttope opl es’actiont he ms el
ve s.AFi lipi
nos ayi
ngthatfitstot hi
ss lumbe ris“ What
.I
is the use of the grass, if the horse already died” fthis is always the case, people
los etheirrespe ctsofpubl icof fi
cials. Ont hepos i
ti
veside,pe oples’a ct
ionse nlighten
policy makers and make them work.
b. Migrant Workers Act of 1995
In the Philippines, there are also numerous laws and resolutions enacted about
the rights of Filipino migrants. I will focus on the main one which is RA 8042 or the
1995 Migrant Workers Act, which marks its 10th year this June 7.
(power point of Philippine laws/policies regarding migrants –especially R.A.

8042 and anti-trafficking act)
This Migrant Workers Act is the Magna Carta for Filipino migrants and it
addresses everything from welfare assistance to illegal recruitment. It defines the roles
of government agencies and in its guiding principles, saying that the Philippines do not
deploy migrants as a matter of national policy nor will it deploy migrants into
situations that violate the dignity of the Filipino people.
For example, to pay for costs related to the repatriation of a migrant in distress,
various Philippine Consulates essentially force distressed migrants to work for
different agencies while either half or their entire salaries go directly to the Consulates
to“ pa y”f orthe i
rr epatriationt ot hePhi lippine s. Aswe l
l,Cons ula t
esa ndtheDF A
use thet acti
cofs queezingmone yne e dedf orre patriationf r
om t hemi grant’sfamilyor
other community groups. (source Migrante International case files)
The s
es cheme sa reovera nda bovetheMi gra
ntWor ke rsAc t’
spr ovisionf ora
P100 million pesos Emergency Repatriation Fund for distressed overseas Filipino
workers funded by the OFWs themselves.
c. International and national laws propagate a status quo where women

im/migrants remain marginalized
In the Philippines, the then Ramos administration swiftly enacted the Migrant
Workers Act less than three months after domestic worker Flor Contemplacion was
wrongly executed, on March 17 by the Singaporean government, for allegedly killing
126
another OFW and her young ward.
To douse cold water on the Filipino peopl e’

sout r
a geove rFlor’sdea t
h,t he
Ramos administration presented the Migrant Workers Act as their antidote for human
rights violations against OFWs. However, in the decade that has passed since its
passage, OFW victims and survivors of gross abuses still multiply and the Act proves
inutile inside the Philippines and especially overseas where foreign governments are
not bound by it at all.
It is saddening to know that with regard to international instruments, for example,

none of the receiving countries have acceded, signed and ratified the International
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrants and Their Families.
International and national laws remain inadequate and with many loopholes.
Reality shows that world economic and political bigwigs disallow application of
international instruments for them. It now becomes evident that in many respects the
enactment and existence of such laws serve to placate outrage over human rights
violations against migrants and thus to preserve a system wherein migrants continue to
be exported and traded on the global market as cheap and flexible labor.
There is the school of thought that migration is inherently concomitant with

“g l
oba lization”orf rom s omei n t
ernati
ona la ndwe ll
-funded NGOs simply puts the
issue of migrant worker as a matter of methods or mode of migration, and thus, the
task is to enact laws to mitigate the abuses faced by migrant workers. This perspective
does not acknowledge the possibility that the basic problems of the Filipino people can
be addressed and that .There must be, and there is, an alternative to a world where
more than 100 million are uprooted and displaced because of militarization and
neo-liberal globalization.
In this light, the national laws and conventions exist to assure migrants and the
peopl et hat“ some thingi sbe ingdone ”a bouthuma nr ightsviola ti
onse veni fa l
lt he
action that takes place is in the realm of public posturing and not in the daily lives of
migrants toiling mostly as domestic workers, entertainers, laborers, and seafarers.
Since governments and the international community cannot ignore the reality of
rampant human rights violations against im/migrants, national laws, protocols and
conventions are enacted to signify that the state(s) are responding to the abuses.
127
Oftentimes, international conventions and protocols, national jurisprudence is honored

more in breach than in practice.
3
. Whati
sthec
hal
lengef
ormi
grantwor
ker
s’advoc
ate
s?
In the light of the inadequacies and loopholes in the letters of the law and in
compliance of national governments, what is our task as migrant advocates,
researchers and organizers?
As with most things, this issue also has unseen benefits and it lies in the strength
of the migrant workers themselves. Despite the serious flaws contained in the legal
arena when it comes to the rights and welfare of migrants –we must work to empower
migrants and migrant organizations so that they can assert the rights contained in such
laws.
a. The need for Migrants to Get Organized –
Precisely because of the flaws, it is clear that the laws very existence guarantees
nothing. It is up to the migrant workers, their organizations and advocates to resort to
action –Philippine cause-or iente dgroup’ sc al
li t“ Arouse, Organize and Mobilize”or
(AOM) and to ensure implementation of the provisions contained in the conventions
and laws.
Through mass actions and campaigns, the international and national instruments
become real and more relevant as we use them to uphold and advance the interests of
Filipino and other migrants. Consequently, without our collective action – the
documents remain such, words on paper that collect dust in bookshelves around the
world. Thus
,iti
sonet
hingt
osi
mpl
yknowwhatone
’sr
ight
sar
eandc
ompl
ete
ly
another to be able to assert them effectively.
Thus, it would be extremely limited and futile if we approach the desire to

address migrants' rights by simply relying on legal instruments. Instead, we must rely
on migrant organizations and their strength to take collective action to address their
plight. The migrant worker themselves are in the best position to assert the rights
contained in conventions and national laws. It is they and their families that put flesh
and blood to these bodies of lifeless words.
128
Hence, we must support the efforts of migrant groups to call for systemic
changes in society. If anything, such violations will intensify given that anti-migrant
policies and actions escalate most during times of economic crisis or in the case of the
Philippines –in times of big budget deficits and gargantuan corruption that drains its
finances. Without this component, there will be no end to the cycle and pattern of
human rights violations, of OFWs or foreign bride crying for justice.
To conclude, our greatest challenge is to support the organizing of migrants

because only then will they have the strongest voice with which to assert that,
“Mi grantsr ight sar ehuma nr ights!Conve r
sely,mi gr
antsmus tl inkwi tht hebi gger
Philippine society seeking genuine structural change if indeed it is serious to end its
policy of exporting and commodifying labor so that its people can live with dignity and
self-respect as it contributes its labor to the creation of a domestic and progressive
self-reliant national economic base.
b. Linking up with other migrant organizations and getting the support of friends
-
Migrants themselves must take the lead in fighting for their rights and welfare.
Be i
ngor ga ni
zed,str engthe nthemi grant s’capac ityt
oconf
ronttheir problems and their
nemesis. In asserting their rights and in getting more experience in lobbying,
negotiations and dialogue temper the migrants' spirit and eventually
regains/strengthens their dignity and self-respect.
As leaders themselves, migrants are not passive and the receiving end of the
so-called advocacies of non-government organizations. Once they grasp their problem,
theybe comea wa kene da nde a gertol ea
rn. He nce ,int hePhi lippi nes etting,pe oples’
organization of marginalized sectors like the migrants are considered as the lead
organizations in their area of struggle while NGOs or other service institutions serve as
their support mechanisms. There must be no misinterpretation of this lead and
secondary role of the marginalized people and the supportive role of other positive
elements in society. To reverse this relation would create another form dependency,
disempowerment and opportunistic misrepresentation.
129
Itisa l
soi mpor tantt hatmi grants’or ga nizationsmus tc onduc tnetwor king among
similar organizations of other nationalities to forge solidarity and cooperation as they
share the same exploitative laws and oppressive working conditions. Many lessons
could be derived from their respective experiences although set in different settings.
Research work is an important cog in the entire support machinery for migrants.
With my due respect to the diligence and discipline in study of members of the
academe and researchers, our output must show the light, so to speak, to help attain
g enuinepubl ica wake ni
ngore nl
ig htenme ntonmi gr
ants’issue .Ourl a boriousr esearch
must serve address the problems of our specific concern. Compiling of statistics and
quantitative data is important but it does not end there. Approaching the problem in
isolation of a bigger problem and superficially from a bigger societal context leaves it
wi thou ta“ head”a ndbe comede ada ndinutiler esear
chwor k.
Critical and analytical research must trace and look deeper into the core of every
issue subjected for study. Approach must be able to provide a critical analysis to bring
these quantitative information into a holistic knowledge that shows the roots of the
problems and therefore suggests concrete alternatives for policy direction and even
ultimately to more definitive recommendations and courses of actions. Living
researches, like giving life to international and national instruments must link up with
issuesa ndt hepe oples’or g anizations.Thef ina ltesti sf ort hepe opl es’move me nt
finding our work educative and truth liberating.
Conclusion –
Labor export policy should cease. This is the most humane and right thing to
happen. No more additional national and international instruments are required if only
this root of more human rights violations ends. In this way, we will see that the dream
for a Filipino society where the search for economic prosperity no longer tears families
apart is realistic and attainable. #
130
Sources:
Ligaya Lindio-McGovern, PhD; The Export of Labor and the Politics of Foreign
Debt (The Case of Overseas Filipino Domestic Workers); Nov. 4-9, 2001, Manila, Phil.
Van Mackelenbergh, A. 2001. The Significance of the UN Convention on the

Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families and the
Challenge Ahead for Migrant Advocates and Migrant Organizations. Workshop
Paper presented at the International Migrant Conference. Manila, Philippines.
November 2001.
Capulong, R.T. 2001. A Human Rights Perspective on the International

Instruments, Laws and Ins t
itut
ionsonMi grantWor kers’Ri ght s. Wor ks
hopPaper
presented at the International Migrant Conference. Manila. Philippines. November
2001.
Migrante International Executive Committee, 2005. Modern-day slavery,

crackdowns and neo-liberal globalization: Filipino women migrant situationer.
Quezon City, Philippines. March 5, 2005.
National Alliance of Philippine Women in Canada, 2005. Filipino Women in
Ca nada’sLi ve-in Caregiver Program. Canada. February 28, 2005.
Ce nterforWome n’sRe sources,2005. Kababaihan sa Paggawa. Usaping Lila
Fact Sheeet. Quezon City.
“OFWsPhi li
ppi neGov ernment’
s‘ Cas hCow’ ,
” Phi l
ippineDa
ilyInqui
rer
,28
April 2005.
Philippine Overseas Employment Administration
Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas
Overseas Workers Welfare Administration
Migrante International Migrant Assistance Committee cases
Philippine Census. 2005. Survey on Overseas Filipinos.
131
與會組織介紹
Introduction of Participant Organizations
132
Awakening Foundation
婦女新知基金會
Our History
In 1982, a group of women who supported gender equity founded the Awakening
Magazine to arouse women's self-awareness and to strive for women's rights. With
much difficulty, the group published the magazine and organized various events like
anti-sexual harassment activities and the advocacy of Equal Employment Law. After a
few years, Awakening Magazine has gained a positive reputation and respect from the
Taiwanese community. In hopes of mobilizing more women, the founders established
the Awakening Foundation in October, 1987.
Our Mission Statement

To raise public awareness of women's issues, to fight for women's rights, and to
improve the social conditions of all women
To raise feminist consciousness.
To mobilize women, to eliminate sexism, and to promote gender equity.
To carry on the women's movement and to end all forms of discrimination and
oppression.
Our Work
Each year, we set a theme which corresponds to current women's issues.
Hold seminars, public hearings, and speeches to address women's issues and relevant
topics
Provide direct aide, counseling, and information for individual women and other
organizations
Hold lectures and seminars on women's issues for various communities, organizations,
and schools.
Publish the monthly Awakening Newsletter .
Pushed for the Family Law reform and drafted the Equal Employment Bill.
.....................................................................
Awakening Foundation 婦女新知基金會
4F, No. 264, Lungchiang Rd., Taipei, 104, Taiwan
E-mail：hsinchi@ms10.hinet.net
Tel：02-25028715
http://www.awakening.org.tw
捐款劃撥帳號：11713774 戶名：財團法人婦女新知基金會
133
Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies

Shih Hsin University
世新大學社會發展所
The main goal of the Institute for Social Transformation Studies is to search for a
compr ehensivea ppr oacht og ove
rnanc ethroug hvi gorouss tudie sofTa iwa n’ ss
oc i
a l
problems arisen out of the fast economic growth in the past decades. Hopefully, more
holistic visions can emerge in the process of persistent questioning and investigation.
Such visions need to be practiced at the grassroots, and the experience brought back to
re-examine the theories, so that both theoretical knowledge and capacities to act can
grow and prosper. These should be done principally in a manner of faculty-student
collaboration in the Institute.
Unlike the growth theory of developmental economics, the Institute emphasizes
balance in development in economy, society and culture through invigorating the
initiatives of people. The main focus of studies and practices will be the following:
Super-state
In view of the importance of international agents, the institute pays attention to the
various economic and non-economic international agreements and the work of
communication system. The large amount of cases accumulated by UN agents after
WWII will offer us as good experience to study.
Social Issues in Taiwan

Taiwa n'sma nys oci
alpr oblems ,abor ig i
nalpe opl e ’
sde ve lopme nt,ethni cr el
a tions ,the
feminist movement, environment and ecology, educational development, labor
problems, and the social impact of religion are all within the scope of the Institute's
curriculum.
Developmental fieldwork
The Institute believes that non-profit organizations and individual communities are
prime movers in social development, and therefore encourages students to join at least
one NGO or community organization to bring together theory and practice, obtain
first-hand grassroots experience and share their observations with the organizations.
International teaching and training

International trends are also covered by the Institute's research and teaching.
Discerning the effects of trade-related and non-trade-related international protocols on
134
local societies, and developing policies in response are major concerns of the Institute.
To nurture a broader international perspective in students, the Institute has arranged
academic cooperative relations with foreign educational institutions and grassroots
organizations, and assists faculty and students in going abroad for further study and
research.
At a time when demands for localism and internationalism coexist, social development
needs to be even more far-sighted. Training professionals who are equally adept at
research and real-world action is the mission that the Institute has set for itself.
....................................................................
Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies, Shih Hsin University
世新大學社會發展研究所
#1, Lane 17, Mu-Cha Rd. Taipei, Taiwan, 116
E-mail：e62@cc.shu.edu.tw
Tel：(02)2236-8225#3512
http://cc.shu.edu.tw/%7Ee62/social_transformation.htm
135
Rerum Novarum Center

新事社會服務中心
Rerum Novarum Center started in 1971 to help young girls who worked from
countryside to the factories in the cities. Since 1983, the Center has carried the
present name. However, Rerum Novarum Center has developed wider concerns since
1994. Rerum Novarum Center belongs to the Society of Jesus, and is located beside
the Holy Family Church in Taipei City.
There are 14 full-time staff to offer the services for the basic human living needs and
rights of the low-income workers, women, indigenous, and migrant workers and
job-injured people. The Center develops and strengthens the neglected and marginal
people, as well as, grass-roots communities through casework, education, peer
groups-building and social actions in order to concretize Christian faith and to serve
for human rights and social justice.
Migrant Services
The target group of the services is the domestic helpers and the caregivers in Taipei
Area.
(1) Legal Aid Service: To solve the problems of labor contract, labor-management
conflicts, Labor Insurance, labor injury through telephone services and interviews.
(2) Counseling: To solve psychological pressure and problems through casework and
small Group work.
(3) Social Service: The staff has to go to Manila Economic Cultural Office, court, and
house of migrant workers, detention centers or police offices, hospitals and broker
companies to help the clients. The staff also takes the responsibility as an interpreter.
A Shelter House was started in 2002.
(4) Advocacy: To advocate the rights of migrant workers through social actions.
.....................................................................
Rerum Novarum Center 新事社會服務中心
106 台北市和平東路一段 183 巷 24 號
E-mail：rerumnov@seed.net.tw
Tel：02-2397-1933．2394-7474 Fax：02-2341-0106
http://www.seewa.com.tw/rerum_novarum/index.htm
服務時間：星期一至星期五(週日外勞活動)上午 09:00~12:00 下午 1:30~5:00
捐款劃撥帳號：19093533 戶名：新事社會服務中心
136
Tai
wanI
nte
rnat
iona
lWor
ker
s’As
soc
iat
ion
台灣國際勞工協會
The principle of TIWA is to promote the interactions between migrant and local worker,
to improve the working condition and social environment for the migrant worker and
to inc
re a
set her ightsa ndbe nefi
tsf orthela bor.It’
sbe en14y earssi
nc emi g r
ant
workers started being imported in 1989. Migrant workers are everywhere in Taiwan
who creates the labor experiences and social network, which Taiwanese had never had
before.
Nonetheless the Taiwan Government Administrated policy had always deal with the
migrant workers in the way of dominating them by the system of Taiwan society. As
the cheap labor in Taiwan, migrant workers face the worst working condition, become
the“ scape goat”f ort herais
ingune mpl oyme ntra t
e,a ndha sbe enma r gi
na li
ze da nd
demonized. Migrant workers in Taiwan have never been fairly treated by the Taiwan
soc i
etyu nde rthet hinkingofe c onomyde velopme nt .The rea re“ f
or eignbr ide s”who
work in Taiwan as the migrant workers also. Besides the culture difference, the
international marriage brought them to the more difficult situation in the society.
TIWA（Ta
iwa
nInt
erna
tiona
lWor
ker
s’As
soc
iat
ion） established in October 30, 1999 is
the first local NGO in Taiwan which work for the migrant labor with concern for not
only the migrant workers but the foreign brides as well. The members of TIWA are
labor union members and organizers. TIWA promotes the inter-communication
betwe ent hel ocala ndmi gr
antwo r
ke rs
,mi gr
ant s’r i
g htsande mpowe rt
hemi gr
a ntst
o
organize their own independent organization, such as TIMWA for the Indonesian
workers and KASAPI for the Filipino workers. Fighting against the ethnic-separation
ideology, TIWA promote the migrant culture on the other hand, by helping the migrants
create cultural activities such as migrant band etc. in order to transform the typical
impression of Taiwan society of the migrant workers. Further more, to practice the
social justice with respect and equality.
.....................................................................
TIWA 台灣國際勞工協會
臺北市杭州南路一段 55 號四樓之一
E-mail：tiwa.home@msa.hinet.net
Tel：02-23928777 / 02-25952977
http：//blog.twblog.net/tiwa/
捐款帳號：台灣銀行 045001123769 台灣國際勞工協會
137
TransAsia Sisters Association, Taiwan (TASAT)
南洋台灣姊妹會
Who We Are
Thep
henome
nonof“
for
eig
nbr
ide
s”i
nTa
iwa
nst
art
edi
nth
e1980
sandr
eac
hedt
oahi
ghpoi
nt
i
nth
e1990
s.“
For
eig
nbr
ide
s”i
sthe term the media used to refer to the women from Southeast
Asia married with Taiwanese men. The term itself reflects the discriminatory attitudes the
Southeast Asian women face in Taiwan. When these women immigrated into Taiwan, they first
faced obstacles in language and living. However, for years the government has done little to
respond appropriately to the needs of these women.
Our language program, initiated by Dr. Hsiao-Chuan Hsia and several organizers in 1995, is
the first language program for the immigrant women in Taiwan. It was developed by an NGO
in Meinung, Kaohsiung and later expanded to other communities. In addition to language
programs, we also developed various workshops for the Southeast Asian women to help them
build solidarity among themselves and with the local communities.
To accomplish further goals, we decided to establish a formal organization, and hence

Transnational Sisters Association was born on Dec 7, 2003 in Kaohsiung, Taiwan.
What We Do
1. Provide immigrant women a resource-network and help them stand up for their rights in
families, society, work, education and law.
2. Help immigrant women integrate with the communities.
3. Encourage Taiwanese to know more about Southeast Asia.
4. Advocate for a multicultural and equal society.
5. Lobby for legal reforms and legislation for immigrants rights.
--------------------------------
中華民國南洋台灣姊妹會
No.9, Longshan St., Meinong Town, Kaohsiung County 84346, Taiwan
E-mail：sisters.asso@msa.hinet.net
Tel：886-7-6852818
Fax：886-7-6852817
捐款劃撥帳號：42178601 戶名：中華民國南洋台灣姊妹會
138
The Alliance for Human Rights

Legislation for Immigrants and Migrants (AHRLIM)
The Government of Taiwan, which espouses a concept of nationhood based on human

rights, is always touting its human rights record, yet has consistently ignored the rights
ofi mmi grant
sa ndmi grant sinitsac t
ualpol icies.Ta iwa n’smi gratorypopul ation did
not just appear out of nowhere in the last two years. Our ancestors were precisely those
hardy souls who traveled, in small groups, across the ocean to brave a new life in
Ta i
wa n .Ironic
ally ,t
oda y ’sTa i
wa nesesoc iety,it
s el
fc ompos edofi mmi grant
s,looks
upon new migrants and immigrants with fear and casts them into exclusion.
The media regularly depicts spouses from mainland China and other nations and their
families in stereotyped images that alternately cast immigrants and migrants either in
terms of greedy, unscrupulous parasites or in terms of dysfunctional families
re s
pons i
blef orsoc ialunr est
. Thea dmi nistr
a ti
on’ scrudeme asuress i
mpl ya s
sumet ha
t
foreign and mainland Chinese spouses are criminals. In spite of the numerous flaws in
the methods used to compile statistics on acculturation, the thoroughly unpersuasive
results as derived from such controversial studies are often cited by local governments
de l
ibe rat
e lyhopi ngt oc reatethei deat hat“fa l
sema rria
ges”r unr ampa nt
.I mmi g rant
interviews that invade privacy and infringe upon human rights have even been turned,
quite unbelievably, into signs of achievement in political commercials promoting the
g overn me nt’strackr ecord. Ag ains ttheide alofana tionbas edont hec onceptofhuma n
rights, Taiwan has let the actual situation on the ground deteriorate to the point that
government policies and media reports definitively serve only to sow hate and
reinforce public misconceptions.
In order to promote the rights that immigrants and migrants should enjoy,
non-governmental organizations concerned with the rights of immigrants, migrants,
and foreign labor have joined with lawyers and scholars bearing a long term interest in
this issue to form The Alliance for Human Rights Legislation for Immigrants and
Migrants (AHRLIM). The following petition presents our position and demands. We
invite individuals and groups to sign this petition and join us in providing suggestions
for government immigration policy and related legal codes. Our goal is to promote
public dialogue and understanding of this issue, to eliminate discrimination, and to
enable immigrants and migrants to enjoy the same rights accorded to other members of
Taiwanese society.
139
移民／移住人權修法聯盟
標榜人權立國的台灣政府，對於移民人權卻是長期漠視。在全球跨國資本流動
快速的今天，台灣社會加入了一群或因工作或因婚姻而移居台灣的新移民，根據政
府統計，外籍與大陸配偶人數約為 30 萬人，合法登記的移駐勞工亦約為 30 萬人。
移民/移駐人口不是這一、二年突然湧現的，因為，當我們回溯台灣的歷史，其實
閩南人的祖先，正是一批批漂洋過海，來台打拼的「羅漢腳」。只是今天，一個主
要由移民組成的台灣社會，是以怎樣的眼光在看待新一代的移民？
「外籍配偶普查開跑查緝淫窟」、「新台灣之子新邊緣人」外籍與大陸配

偶及其家人不是被媒體塑造成為錢圖謀不軌的「外籍新娘」，就是製造社會亂象的
問題家庭。而政府粗糙的執行措施卻是將外籍與大陸配偶預設成罪犯，所以，目前
政府規劃的內政部移民署編制的 75%是警察；而大張旗鼓的生活適應普查過程，
漏洞百出、缺乏誠意的調查方式，卻只成為各地方政府在媒體上突顯「假結婚」狀
況嚴重的最佳數據；侵犯隱私、傷害人權的面談內容，竟然成為政府炫燿政績的宣
傳品。向來以人權立國自居的台灣，落實到政府政策與社會輿論上，卻是污名化與
仇視的刺激。
為了爭取移民移駐人民應有的權利，關注外籍配偶與工作者權益議題的非營
利組織，以及長期關注此議題的學者、律師籌組「移民移駐人權修法聯盟」，希
望藉由提出對政府移民政策的建議與修法方針，促進社會大眾理解對話、消除偏見
歧視，俾使移民移駐者享有作為臺灣一份子的權利。
.....................................................................
http://220.130.161.21/migrants/
140
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM)
APMM is a cause-oriented regional centre committed to support the migrants'

movement through advocacy, organizing, and building linkages for the advancement of
migrants' rights. The name APMM was realized in March 2002 and originally came
from the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrant Filipinos or APMMF, which was
established in 1984. APMM is working with different nationalities of migrants
particularly in Hong Kong and South Korea.
Mission & Vision
We are now working towards helping build a movement of migrants of different

nationalities in the Asia Pacific and Middle East (APME). We envision this as
organized into a strong migrant movement, actively defending their rights, advancing
solidarity with people's movements in the countries where they are working and
linking up with their peoples movements in their home countries.
Movement building is both a goal and a strategy to achieve APMM objectives for the
strengthening of overseas migrants' capabilities. Migrant movement building
underlines APMM's fivefold program strategies which are:
Advocacy and Campaigns for the defense and protection of migrant workers rights;
Migrant Organizing and Linkaging to strengthen the solidarity movement of migrants;
Women's program to orient and organize women migrants;
Mission and Network building for the enhancement of migrant workers upliftment and
well-being;
Education and Research for advocacy, information sharing/networking and resource
development.
....................................................................
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM)
c/o Kowloon Union Church
No.4 Jordan Road, Kowloon, Hong Kong SAR
E-mail：apmm@hknet.com
Tel：(852) 2723-7536 Fax：(852) 2735-4559
http://www.apmigrants.org
141
ActionAid International Vietnam (AAV)
Founded in 1972, ActionAid International presently operates in more than 30

countries and territories in Asia, Africa and Latin America.ActionAid Vietnam (1992)
has a mission to eradicate poverty and its causes for the poor and marginalized people
by ensuring their rights and entitlements to a life of dignity and justice.
6 main areas of focus: food security, education, health (HIV/AIDS), governance,

social corporate responsibility,gender equity and rights for women.
Main project activities in 2005
In collaboration with the communities, government and NGOs in the concerned

countries, carry out participatory action research on the situation of trafficked
Vietnamese women and children in (i) China (ii) Cambodia and (iii) Taiwan.
In collaboration with the communities and local organisations, carry out

part
ic i
patorya ctionr esearc hon‘ highr i
sk’g roupsofwome
nandc
hil
dreni nVinhl ong
and Tay Ninh, to establish an active prevention plan.
Organizing international workshops to share research results and key issues, to

build the coordinating network of the concerned parties in the protection of the rights
of trafficked Vietnamese women and children.
.....................................................................
ActionAid International Vietnam
5th Floor, HEAC Building 14-16 Hamlong st. Hanoi Vietnam
E-mail：OanhP@actionaidvietnam.org
Tel：84 4 9439866 ext 140
Fax：84 4 9439872
Mobile：0912170942
142
ACTION NETWORK FOR MIGRANTS (Thailand)
The Action Network for Migrants has a growing membership of NGOs and CBOs
working with migrant workers and their families from Burma, Cambodia and Laos in
Tha iland. Thene twork’svi sioni sthatthi sc l
usterofc ount ries,conne ctedbybor de
rs,
tied by history, enriched by both the diversity and the inter-linkages of culture and
language, will be a model of safe migration and fair work in the future. The network
seeks to advocate for the rights of migrants as workers and their right to access health
and education services.
Members of the network work in counselling, domestic work, outreach, sex work,
factory work, as health carers and legal advisors, sit on the Committee for the
Protection of the Rights of Migrants in the Ministry of Labour and on the sub
committee on Migrant and Stateless people in the National Human Rights Commission.
Network representatives are also members of regional networks such as the APNSW,
CARAM –Asia and Mekong Migration Network.
ACCESS FOR ALL
To increase migrants access to information and effective health services, the Action
Network for Migrants calls for the Royal Thai Government to:
 grant temporary legal status to migrant health volunteers

 protect all migrant workers, including sex workers under the labour laws
 include migrant worker leaders (women and men) in policy decisions affecting
their lives
 ensure the safety of migrants in detention and deportation, including protection of
women from sexual violence
To show commitment to the theme of the XV International Aids Conference, we call
on Thailand and all the countries participating in the Conference
 To provide access to health education and care for all migrants and their families,
regardless of legal status
 to ratify The UN Convention On The Protection Of The Rights Of All Migrant
Workers And Members Of Their Families (1990).
.....................................................................
E-mail：action_migrant @yahoo.com
143
GABRIELA
GABRIELA Network (GABNet) is a Philippine-US women's solidarity organization,

which addresses issues affecting women and children of the Philippines, but which
have their root causes in decisions made in the United States. GABNet is an
all-volunteer organization of women with chapters in Chicago, Irvine, Los Angeles,
New York/New Jersey, Seattle, San Francisco Bay Area, and Washington, DC.
GABRIELA is an acronym standing for General Assembly Binding women for

Reform, Integrity, Equality, Leadership, and Action. It also commemorates Gabriela
Silang, known as one of the first and fiercest women generals in the Philippines who
led the longest series of successful revolts against 18th Century Spanish colonizers.
The organization was formed in 1989 by a group of concerned women who met in
Chicago. At that time, the people of the Philippines were protesting the continued
presence of US military bases in Clark (Air Force) and Subic Bay (Navy). GABNet
decided to work in solidarity with GABRIELA Philippines--that c ountry’soldesta nd
largest national multi-sec t
oralall
ianc eofmor etha n200wome n’sor ganizati
ons,whi ch
were at the forefront of the US bases issues--in order to galvanize a US forum for their
concerns.
Since our inception we have focused our efforts on organizing, educating, networking,
anda dvoc ati
nga roundt het r
affickingofFi lipi
na sthroug hthe“ ma i
lor derbr ide
”
industry (now known as international matchmaking services), prostitution generated by
militarization and tourism, and forced labor migration .
GABNet operates a national speakers' bureau, which offers lecturers and discussants
who lead in-depth discussions and multi-media presentations on these issues, and also
publishes the bimonthly newsletter, kaWomenan.
....................................................................
Postal Address：P.O. Box 4386,Manila 2800,Philippines Office
Office Address：35 Scout Delgado,Roxas District,1103 Quezon City
Email：gabwomen@yahoo.com
Philippines Telephones：(632) 371 2302、(632) 374 3451、(632) 374 3452
Fax：(632) 374 4423
http://www.gabnet.org/index.html
144
International Migrant Resource Center (IMRC)
IMRC is an education and resource center that is pro-people, pro-migrant, progressive

and anti-imperialist. It is a movement-oriented institution in the sense that it links with
mi gr
a nts’move me nt sa ndt he
irst
ruggles.Itsrol eist opr ovi dea na l
y t
ic alpa pe r
sa nd
inputs, and serve the informational and educational needs of the sectoral movement in
thePhi lippinesa ndt heg rowingprogre s
s i
vemi g r
a nt’smove me ntg l
oba lly.
Objectives
1.To provide informational and educational materials, analytical papers, primers, facts
and figures, etc. that would equip the migrant workers (land-based, sea-based) and
their families of their rights and welfare and current migrant issues and concerns.
2.To provide pre-departure orientation seminars (PDOS) to would-be migrant workers

and maximize the PDOS in imparting basic knowledge of the migrants rights and
welfare, how to effectively assert and uphold it; and promote their well-being;
3.To carry out researches and other documentation projects that would deepen the
knowledge on the conditions of the migrant workers and their families;
To establish linkages with other migrant-friendly institutions as well as overseas

Filipino organizations both here and abroad.
Programs:
Education
The IMRC will issue timely, informative, and educational materials and analytical
papers, trends, primers, facts and figures, on issues of the day besetting the Filipino
migrant workers.
It shall also develop modules, sponsor seminars, and alternative education that would
serve and empower the migrant workers and their families.
145
It will gather analytical materials and other informative resources from other countries
to enhance its data base of resources. To obtain resource materials of genuine migrant
groups around the world that would serve as venues for solidarity linkages with them.
Alternative PDOS
Maximize the pre-departure orientation seminar or PDOS to equip the migrant workers
of their rights and welfare. Prepare them with the necessary organizing skills upholding
the i
rrig htsa ndwe lf
aret ha twouldg uidethe m ont hedo’sa nddon’ t
’sint he irhost
countries pertaining to customs, labor standards, community life, and availing of
services from state instruments and institutions.
Research
Come out with research papers that would influence policy making and public opinion.
Maximize the internet for research on state laws, policies and instruments, analytical
researches on the issues concerning migrants as well as country profiles, labor
standards that would be useful for migrant organizations.
Conduct surveys on migrant issues and present to the public the analysis of it.
Information and Publication

Coming out with timely analysis and publications pertaining to issues affecting the
migrant workers and their families.
Dissemination of publications like newsletters, posters, and primers on a massive scale

that would unite the mass of migrant workers and their families. Maximization of the
internet for publication of a webzine and news bulletin of policy papers.
.....................................................................
International Migrant Resource Center (IMRC)
UCCP, EDSA, Quezon City
E-mail：imrc_pdos04@yahoo.com
146
WEHOME
In 1969 the international catholic organization "AFI" (Association Fraternelle

International) was founded with the assistance of the German and Austrian churches.
This community was built to establish workers centers in the whole world. In 2003
Open Safe House "WEHOME" for female foreigners.
WeHome provide migrant women with legal and medical consultaion, safe shelter and
assistance for your return home. We also do activity for advocacy their rights in
Korea.We are concering expecially victim of trafficking in Human, domestic violence
and sexual assault.
.....................................................................
WeHome-The migrant women's home
676-136 An yang 4dong Kyonggi Korea
Email：aragina@hanmail.net
Tel：81 31 466 2876
Fax：81 446 2876
http://www.kafi.or.kr
http://www.e-ju.net
147
Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hokum Indonesia (YLBHI)
VISION AND MISSION
Tog etherwi t
ha llthena ti
on’ss oc ialcompone nt
s,YLBHIha sthes tr
ongc ommi tme nt
to make the utmost effort in order to achieve the following in the future:
1. A system of law-conscious community which is established upon a just, humane and
democratic socio-legal system ;
2. Legal and administration systems that are capable of providing both procedures and
institutions through which every one could benefit from the law (A fair and transparent
institutionalized legal-administrative system);
3. An economical, political and cultural system that opens access for any group or
individual to involve in the making of decisions that affect their interests; and ensures
that the whole system respects and upholds human rights (An open political-economic
system with a culture that fully respects human rights).
Ideally, democracy opens the widest possible opportunity for the public to be the
subject instead of object of the political struggle of interest. People should be able to
represent themselves, rather than having been represented by political interests that
overlook their aspiration. The ideal democracy is attempted from the ground, grows
along with public awareness of their economic, social and cultural right. A radical
democracy, in YLBHI point of vi ewi s“ ...notonlyt ode fendc as
e soft heinterestsof
public at large, but also break through the structure that causes the incessant
unde rde velopme nt,pove r
ty,oppr ess i
ona nda bandonme nt...”.
.....................................................................
http://www.ylbhi.or.id
148
附件
Appendices
149
附件 1
何謂移民人權？
從一個地方遷移到另一個地方是人的一個根本特點。半個多世紀之前，隨著《世
界人權宣言》的通過，遷徙權利在全世界都得到了承認。《宣言》第 13 條說：「人
人在各國境內有權自由遷徙和居住。」，「人人有權離開任何國家,包括其本國在內,
並有權返回他的國家。」
據聯合國統計，現今全世界在出生國以外居住者高達空前的 1.75 億人，約佔

世界人口的 3%，是 1970 年以來的一倍多。
如此衆多的人員流動和隨之帶來的多元性本應令人慶賀，但現實是移民引發
人們對國家和社會安全、就業機會和社會資源的焦慮。聯合國秘書長安南表示，
這些疑慮是可以理解的，但停止移民的政策一定會失敗，而唯一面對的方式就是
各國採取理性、合作、創造性和同理心的態度來管理移民。安南堅信，這是確保
效解決移民所産生的一系列複雜問題，兼顧移出和接收國利益，維護移民權利，
並為各方帶來益處的唯一途徑。
聯合國關於移民人權的公約和相關討論大致包括難民、人口販賣、移民，以
及種族歧視。
難民議題
1951 年以來，國際社會爲保護移民通過若干公約和議定書。其中最重要的是
有關難民地位的《1951 年公約》和《1967 年議定書》，以及處理移民保護和人口
販運問題的《1990 年公約》和《2000 年議定書》。
《1951 年關於難民地位的公約》
明定了難民地位的定義和對難民的法律保護，還禁止驅逐或強行遣返獲得難民地
位的人。《1967 年關於難民地位的議定書》擴大了 1951 年公約的範圍，將原本受
益者由 1951 年 1 月 1 日之前成爲難民的人，擴大為這一日期以後成爲難民的人。
人口販賣
《2000 年聯合國打擊跨國有組織犯罪公約關於防止、禁止和懲治販運人口特
別是婦女和兒童的補充議定書》,旨在防止和打擊販賣人口，特別是販賣婦女和兒
童，保護和幫助人口販賣的受害者，並促進締約國在實現這些目標方面的合作。
此外，《2000 年聯合國打擊跨國有組織犯罪公約關於打擊陸、海、空偷運移民的
補充議定書》旨在打擊和防止偷運人口，重申移民本身不是犯罪，移民可能是需
要保護的受害者。
150
移民及其家庭
《1990 年保護所有移徙工人及其家庭成員權利國際公約》在各國移民工人
權團體的奔走下，終於在 2003 年七月一日正式生效，該公約明定接受國有責任確
保移民的權利。安南大聲疾呼各國簽署，並指出，接收國需有符合國際標準的反
歧視法律，必須採取措施鼓勵文化多元性，而各國領導人應清楚地認識到，對移
民任何形式的歧視都是對《世界人權宣言》中確立的公正社會原則的一種倒退。
《公約》的目的是，在防止和消除在整個移徙過程中對所有移工及其家庭
成員的剝削方面發揮一定作用：
準備移徙
在準備移徙時，移徙工人最好能獲得對要去國家的語言、文化以及法律、
社會和政治結構的基本瞭解。《公約》第 37 條規定，有適當證件的移徙工人及
其家庭成員有權在離國以前或至遲在就業國接受其入境之時，被告知適用於其
入境的一切條件，以及他們在就業國必須滿足的要求，和這些條件有任何變動
時他們必須聯繫的機關。
調整問題
移徙工人特別易受種族主義、仇外心理和歧視之害。在他們生活和工作的
社區，他們時常是懷疑或敵視的目標。故意將移徙和移民與犯罪聯繫在一起是
一種特別危險的趨勢，這種趨勢默許和縱容仇外心理、敵視和暴力行爲。將非
正常移徙者廣泛定性爲“
2
非法”
，暗中將他們置於法制範圍和保護之外，從而使大
量移徙者本身被看作罪犯。
反對種族主義、種族歧視、仇外心理和相關的不容忍世界會議(2001 年，南
非，德班)的 168 個與會國也討論了調整問題。會議通過的《宣言和行動綱領》
鼓勵各國開展宣傳運動，確保公衆得到有關移民和移徙問題的準確資訊，包括
移民對東道國社會的積極貢獻。
據瞭解，移徙工人還被排除在有關工作條件的法規範圍之外，被剝奪參加
工會活動的權利。《公約》第 25 條規定，移徙工人在工作報酬和其他工作和就
業條件方面應享有不低於適用于就業國國民的待遇。《公約》的一些具體條款保
證正常或有證件移民的行動自由、結社和組織工會的自由以及參與公共事務的
權利。
《公約》第 31 條要求締約國確保尊重移徙工人及其家庭成員的文化特性，
不阻止他們與原籍國保持文化聯繫。
151
社會和文化障礙
移徙工人的生活條件往往不能令人滿意。他們面臨著嚴重的容納問題，雖
然他們也參與各種社會保障辦法，但他們及其家庭並不總是能與東道國國民享
有同等福利和同樣利用各種服務。《公約》第 27 條規定，在社會保障方面，移
徙工人及其家庭成員應享有與就業國國民同樣的待遇，只要他們履行法律規定
的要求。第 28 條規定，他們有權得到維持其生命或避免對其健康造成不可彌補
的損害所緊迫需要的醫療。
種族歧視
依據聯合國大會 1997 年 12 月 12 日第 52/111 號決議決定，2001 年於南非德

班召開「反對種族主義、種族歧視、仇外心理和有關不容忍行為世界會議」，這一
世界會議著重行動，以消除種族主義的切實步驟爲重點，包括預防、教育和保護
等方面的措施。大多數人都認爲，種族主義者並非天生，而是後天發展而成，無
知是種族主義的主要原因之一。正如聯合國秘書長在 1999 年 3 月 21 日消除種族
歧視國際日活動上所說的那樣，“ 無知和偏見是蠱惑人心的工具…因此，我們的使
命是用知識戰勝無知，用容忍戰勝偏見，用寬容戰勝孤立。我們不但能夠而且必
定和必須戰勝種族主義。”
移民絕不是最近發生或局部地區的現象。自從實行按勞取酬制度以來，男男
女女不斷離開家鄉，到其他地方尋找更好的工作和生活。人們離開本國的其他原
因是內亂、不安全或迫害等。然而在這個全球化的世界裏，我們看到的勞工流動
程度之高史無前例，移民壓力日益增加。國際勞工組織駐聯合國代表加雷思·豪厄
爾指出，“
加諸移民的限制越來越多，導致販賣移民的情況增加，並往往給個人帶
來悲慘的後果。”
婦女和兒童占難民及國內流離失所者的一半以上，在其他各類移民中所占的
比例也日益增加。白天在街頭打工、晚上露宿街頭的兒童有 96％是移民，其中大
約一半是 8 歲至 14 歲的女孩。
移民是一個特別脆弱的群體，他們的權利，不僅是勞工權利，還有人權，都
經常受到侵犯。他們共同面臨著歧視和仇外的敵視。據國際遷徙組織說，移民“ 越
來越被當作今日社會所面臨的各種各樣內部問題、尤其是失業、犯罪、毒品、甚
至恐怖主義問題的替罪羊。” 如聯合國移民人權問題特別報告員加芙列拉·羅德裏
格斯·皮薩羅女士所指出，“ 許多沒有證件或情況不正常的移民，包括販賣人口活
動的受害者，尤其有這種情況；他們的人權最容易受到侵犯。” 據聯合國說，每年
有 30 萬到 60 萬婦女被偷運到販進歐洲聯盟各國和某些中歐國家。這一問題在
152
非洲和拉丁美洲也很普遍。
羅德裏格斯·皮薩羅女士向聯合國人權委員會報告說，“
膚色、長相、服裝、
口音或宗教與東道國大多數人不同的人們，不論有無合法身份，都經常受到人身
暴力和其他侵犯權利的行爲之害。”她還說，“
移民免不了有一種疏遠感。”
她的報告指出，過去十年，世界上幾乎每個區域以赤裸裸暴力的方式對移民
表現出不容忍、歧視、種族主義和仇外心理的現象急劇增加，令人驚恐。報告指
出，財富的不公平分配、處於邊緣地位和社會上的排斥，都可能加劇種族主義。
有人正在利用新的通訊技術（包括因特網）來散佈不利於移民的種族主義和仇外
宣傳。報告還強調，女移民處於雙重的邊緣地位，她們的處境很可能是，在家中
和在工作場所，都容易遭到暴力侵犯和淩辱。用性服務換取過境許可是一些邊界
的慣常習例，也是女移民經常受到的一種基於性別的淩辱。在大多數國家的非正
式部門中，女性移徙工人占絕大多數，充當傭人、工業或農業部門工人，或在服
務部門工作。
2001 年 1 月在達沃斯召開的世界經濟論壇會議上，人權事務高級專員兼反對
種族主義、種族歧視、仇外心理和有關不容忍行爲世界會議秘書長瑪麗·魯濱遜警
告商界領導人說，“ 工作場所的歧視仍然是一個令人關切的世界性嚴重問題。”她
說：“研究表明，工作場所的種族歧視，對少數民族和移徙工人，對他們子女的未
來發展和職業前途，都可能有嚴重的影響。由於種族、膚色、國籍、血緣或族裔
原因受到傷害的雇員會感到緊張、憤懣、疲勞，最終可能影響工作質量。” 她最近
還表示擔心，“ 移民的子女和家人受到的苛刻對待，私營和公共部門對外籍人員表
現的恐懼和厭惡，被販賣的人口由於自己無法控制的不正常居留問題而被當作罪
犯對待。”“ 雇主對移民的偏見加劇移民高失業率的問題。這一問題阻礙遷升機
會，並降低移民子女成年以後改善經濟情況的能力。”
她說： 2000 年 10 月，爲籌備即將舉行的反對種族主義、種族歧視、仇外心

理和有關不容忍行爲世界會議而在曼谷召開的一次研討會上，專家們指出，有些
移民被視爲與衆大不相同，他們製造一種緊張關係，一方面適應勞動力的需求，
另一方面卻被認爲損害到當地文化的完整性。有一位專家說，“ 消除社會上對外人
的偏見將是一個遠比消除法律上以及體制上的歧視困難、長遠的問題。” 他們都同
意，在移民過程的兩頭都需要實行教育方案，使人理解多樣性並培養容忍態度。
研討會還關切地注意到一個人數在不斷增長的移民子女分群體的脆弱性。這些人
是曾被強姦的女移民的子女、異族通婚所生子女以及移民在目的地國/東道國所生
子女。這些子女在東道國，在家鄉和祖國，都受到種族歧視，往往被人侮辱。
153
2000 年，聯合國大會首次將 12 月 18 日作爲“

國際移徙者日”
，希望這將有助
於人們認識到移徙者在促進東道國和祖國經濟方面所作出的貢獻。
國際貨幣基金組織最近估計，移徙工人彙回祖國的收入在 1997 年達 770 億美

元，在國際貿易貨幣流量中僅次於世界石油出口。
154
附件 2
聯合國世界人權宣言
鑒於對人類家庭所有成員的固有尊嚴及其平等的和不移的權利的承認，乃是世界
自由、正義與和平的基礎，
鑒於對人權的無視和侮蔑已發展爲野蠻暴行，這些暴行玷汙了人類的良心，而一
個人人享有言論和信仰自由並免予恐懼和匱乏的世界的來臨，已被宣布爲普通人
民的最高願望，
鑒於爲使人類不致迫不得已鋌而走險對暴政和壓迫進行反叛，有必要使人權受法
治的保護，
鑒於有必要促進各國間友好關系的發展，
鑒於各聯合國國家的人民已在聯合國憲章中重申他們對基本人權、人格尊嚴和價
值以及男女平等權利的信念，並決心促成較大自由中的社會進步和生活水平的改
善，
鑒於各會員國業已誓願同聯合國合作以促進對人權和基本自由的普遍尊重和遵
行，
鑒於對這些權利和自由的普遍了解對於這個誓願的充分實現具有很大的重要性，
因此現在，大會發布這一世界人權宣言，作爲所有人民和所有國家努力實現的共
同標准，以期每一個人和社會機構經常銘念本宣言，努力通過教誨和教育促進對
權利和自由的尊重，並通過國家的和國際的漸進措施，使這些權利和自由在各會
員國本身人民及在其管轄下領土的人民中得到普遍和有效的承認和遵行，
第一條
人人生而自由，在尊嚴和權利上一律平等。他們賦有理性和良心,並應以兄弟關係
的精神相對待。
第二條
人人有資格享有本宣言所載的一切權利和自由，不分種族、膚色、性別、語言、
宗教、政治或其他見解、國籍或社會出身、財産、出生或其他身分等任何區別。
並且不得因一人所屬的國家或領土的政治的、行政的或者國際的地位之不同而有
所區別，無論該領土是獨立領土、托管領土、非自治領土或者處於其他任何主權
受限制的情況之下。
第三條
人人有權享有生命、自由和人身安全。
第四條
任何人不得使爲奴隸或奴役；一切形式的奴隸制度和奴隸買賣，均應予以禁止。
第五條
任何人不得加以酷刑，或施以殘忍的、不人道的或侮辱性的待遇或刑罰。
第六條
人人在任何地方有權被承認在法律前的人格。
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第七條
法律之前人人平等，並有權享受法律的平等保護，不受任何歧視。人人有權享受
平等保護，以免受違反本宣言的任何歧視行爲以及煽動這種歧視的任何行爲之害。
第八條
任何人當憲法或法律所賦予他的基本權利遭受侵害時，有權由合格的國家法庭對
這種侵害行爲作有效的補救。
第九條
任何人不得加以任意逮捕，拘禁或放逐。
第十條
人人完全平等地有權由一個獨立而無偏倚的法庭進行公正的和公開的審訊，以確
定他的權利和義務並判定對他提出的任何刑事指控。
第十一條
凡受刑事控告者，在未經獲得辯護上所需的一切保證的公開審判而依法證實有罪
以前，有權被視爲無罪。
任何人的任何行爲或不行爲，在其發生時依國家法或國際法均不構成刑事罪者，
不得被判爲犯有刑事罪。刑罰不得重於犯罪時適用的法律規定。
第十二條
任何人的私生活、家庭、住宅和通信不得任意幹涉，他的榮譽和名譽不得加以攻
擊。人人有權享受法律保護，以免受這種幹涉或攻擊。
第十三條
人人在各國境內有權自由遷徙和居住。
人人有權離開任何國家，包括其本國在內，並有權返回他的國家。
第十四條
人人有權在其他國家尋求和享受庇護以避免迫害。
在真正由於非政治性的罪行或違背聯合國的宗旨和原則的行爲而被起訴的情況
下，不得援用此種權利。
第十五條
人人有權享有國籍。
任何人的國籍不得任意剝奪，亦不得否認其改變國籍的權利。
第十六條
成年男女，不受種族、國籍或宗教的任何限制有權婚嫁和成立家庭。他們在婚姻
方面，在結婚期間和在解除婚約時，應有平等的權利。
只有經男女雙方的自由和完全的同意，才能締婚。
家庭是天然的和基本的社會單元，並應受社會和國家的保護。
第十七條
人人得有單獨的財産所有權以及同他人合有的所有權。
任何人的財産不得任意剝奪。
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第十八條
人人有思想、良心和宗教自由的權利：此項權利包括改變他的宗教或信仰的自由，
以及單獨或集體、公開或秘密地以教義、實踐、禮拜和戒律表示他的宗教或信仰
的自由。
第十九條
人人有權享有主張和發表意見的自由：此項權利包括持有主張而不受幹涉的自
由，和通過任何媒介和不論國界尋求、接受和傳遞消息和思想的自由。
第二十條
人人有權享有和平集會和結社的自由。
任何人不得迫使隸屬於某一團體。
第二十一條
人人有直接或通過自由選的代表參與治理本國的權利。
人人有平等機會參加本國公務的權利。
人民的意志是政府權力的基礎：這一意志應以定期的和真正的選舉予以表現，而
選舉應依據普遍和平等的投票權，並以不記名投票或相當的自由投票程序進行。
第二十二條
每個人，作爲社會的一員，有權享受社會保障，並有權享受他的個人尊嚴和人格
的自由所必需的經濟、社會和文化方面各種權利的實現，這種實現是通過國家努
力和國際合作並依照各國的組織和資源情況。
第二十三條
人人有權工作、自由選擇職業、享受公正和合適的工作條件並享受免於失業的保
障。
人人有同工同酬的權利，不受任何歧視。
每一個工作的人，有權享受公正合適的報酬，保證使他本人和家屬有一個符合人
的生活條件，必要時並輔以其他方式的社會保障。
人人有爲維護其利益而組織和參加工會的權利。
第二十四條
人人享有休息和閑暇的權利，包括工作時間有合理限制和定期給薪休假的權利。
第二十五條
人人有權享受爲維持他本人和家屬的健康和福利所需的生活水准，包括食物、衣
著、住房、醫療和必要的社會服務：在遭到失業、疾病、殘廢、守寡、衰老或在
其他不能控制的情況下喪失謀生能力時，有權享受保障。
母親和兒童有權享受特別照顧和協助。一切兒童，無論婚生或非婚生，都應享受
同樣的社會保護。
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第二十六條
人人都有受教育的權利，教育應當免費，至少在初級和基本階段應如此。初級教
育應屬義務性質。技術和職業教育應普遍設立。高等教育應根據成績而對一人平
等開放。
教育的目的在於充分發展人的個性並加強對人權和基本自由的尊重。教育應促進
各國、各種族或各宗教集團間的了解、容忍和友誼，並應促進聯合國維護和平的
各項活動。
父母對其子女所應受的教育的種類，有優先選擇的權利。
第二十七條
人人有權自由參加社會的文化生活，享受藝術，並分享科學進步及其産生的福利。
人人對由於他所創作的任何科學、文學或美術作品産生的精神的和物質的利益，
有享受保護的權利。
第二十八條
人人有權要求一種社會的和國際的秩序，在這種秩序中，本宣言所載的權利和自
由能獲得充分實現。
第二十九條
人人對社會負有義務，因爲只有在社會中他的個性才可能得到自由和充分的發展。
人人在行使他的權利和自由時，只受法律所確定的限制，確定此種限制的唯一目
的在保證對旁人的權利和自由給予應有的承認和尊重，並在一個民主的社會中適
應道德、公共秩序和普遍福利的正需要。
這些權利和自由的行使，無論在任何情形下均不得違背聯合國的宗旨和原則。
第三十條
本宣言的任何條文，不得解釋爲默許任何國家、集團或個人有權進行任何旨在破
壞本宣言所載的任何權利和自由的活動或行爲。
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附件 3
移民/移住人權修法聯盟之「入出國及移民法」修法總說明
【提案總說明】
現行之「入出國及移民法」立法迄今已歷經十多年，當初的社會實況與本國
移入移出人口都已產生結構性的變化。相較過去「移出從寬、移入從嚴」的閉瑣
管制原則，行政部門面對大量遷入本國的婚姻移民，雖已對外宣示將移民相關政
策定調為「身份從嚴、生活從寬」
，相關輔導措施也相繼推出。但牽動外國人入境、
居留、定居、驅逐出國及歸化等權益密切的入出國及移民法，卻未見同步調整，
形成侵害人權的諸多疑慮。
台灣的移入人口以來自東南亞國家的婚姻移民和外籍勞工為多數，其中越南
籍 131,590 人占 26.24％、泰國籍 112,499 人占 22.44％、菲律賓籍 92,157 人占 18.38
％、印尼籍 60,050 人占 11.98％較多，其餘人數較多者依序為美國籍 30,813 人、
日本籍 25,201 人。
台灣面對移入人口的增長是近十年來的事，其實在半個多世紀之前，隨著《世
界人權宣言》的通過，遷徙權利在全世界早已經得到了承認。《世界人權宣言》第
13 條即說：「人人在各國境內有權自由遷徙和居住。」「人人有權離開任何國家，
包括其本國在內，並有權返回他的國家。」
《1990 年保護所有移徙工人及其家庭成員權利國際公約》在各國移民工人
權團體的奔走下，終於在二 OO 三年七月一日正式生效，該公約明定接受國有責
任確保移民的權利。聯合國主席安南大聲疾呼各國簽署並指出，接收國需有符合
國際標準的反歧視法律，必須採取措施鼓勵文化多元性，而各國領導人應清楚地
認識到，對移民任何形式的歧視都是對《世界人權宣言》中確立的公正社會原則
的一種倒退。
我國的憲法學理上，把在本國境內的外國人，認定是易受侵害的少數族群，
而應該給予特殊的照顧與保護。然細觀現行移民法，對於外國人事務的規範及基
本權益的保障不僅不夠完善，其中更是充滿了許多模糊性的國家安全和歧視管控
等倒退邏輯。為統籌入出國管理，規範移民事務；保障外國人及歸化者人權，落
實移民輔導，推廣多元文化，入出國及移民法不應定位為片面「管制移民」之法
律，而是應該以保障移民移住者人權作為核心目的，以保障人權、移民輔導，與
多元文化之推廣為基本目標，方符合人權立國之精神。爰提出「入出國及移民法」
修正草案。
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【立法重點】
一、現行法中對於禁止國人出國或外國人入境、居留、永久居留的諸多條件，多
處以抽象之「國家安全」作為禁止管制入出國之原因，概念上過於寬泛，且
似有重國權輕人權之嫌，並不合乎現代「國家為人民而存在」之理念。故於
修正版本中，「國家安全」修正為「公共利益」
，且應有「具體事實」作為依
據，方可保障國民出國或外國人入境之遷徙自由。
二、以負面列舉規範無戶籍國民之居留及定居條件：無戶籍國民仍屬憲法上之「
國民」，為國家之構成要素，理應享有完全國民權利。本法雖因我國特殊之
情勢需要，而作特殊限制，但仍應與典型之外國人有別，亦與憲法增修條文
第十一條另有特殊定位之「大陸地區人民」不同。依此，其申請居留或定居
應定位為「歸隊」，以許可為原則，不許可為例外。故一方面應以負面列舉
方式，規定不准居留或定居之例外事由；另一方面嚴格限縮不許可事由之範
圍，以合乎比例原則。﹝第 9 條﹞
三、限縮並具體化各項限制外國人遷移及定居之理由：刪除現行法中禁止外國人
入國、居留許可及驅逐出國之各款理由中，模糊且擴張裁量之不確定條款。
﹝第 14、20、31 條﹞
四、增訂損失補償之請求權：外國人因相關訴訟或財稅事件而暫時禁止出國者，
若事後證明其並未違法，則構成合法侵害之特別犧牲，應可請求損失補償。
﹝第 17 條﹞
五、增列防家暴條款：依現行法令，我國國民之外籍配偶，於取得永久居留或歸
化之前，居留地位並無保障，一旦離婚即不具繼續居留之理由而將被限令出
國。在此種居留地位不穩定之情況下，本國籍配偶取得施虐之事實上權力；
外籍配偶必須默默忍受我國籍配偶之虐待而無法以離婚取得救濟。為補救此
一漏洞，特仿效美國移民與國籍法第 204、216 條規定，對於受虐之外籍配
偶，給予其永久居留之權利。﹝第 21 與 29 條﹞
六、修訂以不同國家或地區作為居留或永久居留之配額限制：在移民事項上，國
家可以法律訂總量配額或依工作類型訂定配額，但原則上不得以「國家」作
配額區別，否則構成廣義之種族歧視。爰刪除現行法中以「依不同國家或地
區」作為配額條件之規定。其中因依親、投資、受聘僱工作或就學而居留者，
則不受配額限制。﹝第 21 條﹞
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七、增訂外國人於居留原因消失但仍同意其繼續居留的許可條件：外國人於原居
留原因消失後，其居留許可應予廢止。但在特定情形下，外國人與台灣地區
仍有重要或必要之聯繫，則仍應容許該外國人繼續在台灣地區居留一定期
間，以符正義與人倫。包括外國人與本國雇主發生因勞資爭議而正在進行爭
訟程序者，或是外國人原為台灣地區設有戶籍國民之合法配偶，但因不可歸
責於外國人一方之原因而離婚者。﹝第 29 條﹞
八、針對外國人入出境之各項重大行政處分，若授權主管機關公告不予許可之事
由，形同授予主管機關訂定抽象規範之權力。此種公告在性質上應屬法規命
令，自應適用法規命令訂定程序，於事前給予將草案預告，給予公眾陳述意
見之機會。為免「公告」之性質定性產生爭議，且為避免主管機關任意以國
家安全等理由規避相關程序規定，本法相關之公告皆應適用行政程序法第一
五四條之預告程序。﹝第 20 條﹞
九、限縮驅逐出境之理由：依照現行法的規定，外國人處於隨時可以被驅逐出國
的情況，不論錯誤歸於那一方面，因此僅將禁止入國的條件中，擇出具體重
大違規或嚴重犯罪記錄者，始得作為驅逐出境之原因，避免侵害人權。﹝第
31 條﹞
十、重大行政處分須經書面通知並經過聽證程序，始得執行：禁止外國人入國或
強制驅逐出國皆為重大之行政處分，應以書面記載處分之主旨、事實、理由、
法律依據，以及救濟途徑，並通知當事人，以保障當事人權益。﹝第 14、
31、65 條﹞
十一、增列外國人之收容應由高等行政法院於二十四小時內裁定之司法審查條
款：外國人因故無法立即出國，依法可暫予收容，但收容涉及人身自由之
限制，依憲法第八條第一項規定，非經法院審問，不得為之。大法官釋字
第一六六號與第二五一號解釋亦同此意旨。此一要件不得以「事後行政爭
訟」取代之。為符合憲法保障人身自由之意旨，爰增列由高等行政法院於
二十四小時內裁定之司法審查條款。﹝第 33 條﹞
十二、增列難民庇護專章：基於人權精神，於本法中增列專章，保障因為種族、
宗教、國籍、隸屬某特定社會團體或政治見解原因，受到迫害之外國籍與
無國籍人士，向我國循求庇護之各項權益；並明定主管機關應設置「庇護
審議委員會」，委員會之委員由主管機關聘請具有法律或相關專門知識之公
正人士擔任，主責申請庇護之事前審查、聽證及其它特殊狀況之決定。﹝第
35-56 條﹞
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十三、增列人權保障專章：因為語言文化的差異、社會照顧系統及福利服務的不
足，移民與外國人更加容易成為落入弱勢邊緣處境的族群，因此增列本章
共十一條，以落實多元文化與族群平等進步觀念，任何公權力的行使都必
須保障基本人權，不得以其國籍或原始國籍、種族、族裔身分、膚色，或
出生地之優越或低劣為由，有任何之差別待遇。其中包括反歧視條款、明
定永久居留身份者的法定權利、設置「移民移住權利保障申訴委員會」及
二十四小時的申訴專線電話、依據行政程序法建立聽證制度及救濟途徑
﹝第 57-67 條﹞
十四、禁止婚姻媒合作為營業項目並任何形式廣告：婚姻本質上不宜做為商業交
易標的。民法第五七三條亦規定「因婚姻居間而約定報酬者，就其報酬無
請求權」，顯已將婚姻媒合之商業契約視為類似違背公序良俗之法律行為。
且當前婚姻仲介在商業機制下（收費和廣告），已產生類似販賣人口之惡劣
行徑，更有污名化婚姻移民之潛在效果，故應予以全面禁止。目前已登記
營業之婚姻媒合業，仍有過渡期間可處理其營業。本法修正條文之施行日
期係由行政院定之，行政院自應斟酌信賴保護之必要程度，給予其過渡期
間。（第 80、109 條）
十五、增列入出境查驗專章：規範移民署人員入出境查驗的權限，同時規定人民
申訴與救濟途徑﹝第 81-85 條﹞
十六、刪除按捺指紋條文：現行戶籍法中之按捺指紋措施，在民間團體與專家學
者之抗議下，遲遲未能實施，可見其爭議之大。在人權（特別是隱私權）
之疑慮未能消除前，不宜實施。對移民移住者，亦應一視同仁。對申請居
留或永久居留者，要求其按捺並留存指紋紀錄，並以之為許可要件，明顯
係站在不信任外國人士，將移民移住者視為潛在威脅之落伍思維。爰予刪
除。﹝現行法第 64 條﹞
移民／移住人權修法聯盟發起團體：
女性勞動者權益促進會、大武山文教基金會、天主教希望職工中心、台灣人權促
進會、台灣外勞行動、台灣國際勞工協會、台灣基督教長老教會勞工關懷中心、
外籍新娘成長協會、兩岸家庭關懷協會、南洋台灣姊妹會、夏潮聯合會、國際醫
療行動協會、婦女新知基金會、勞動人權協會、新事社會服務中心、Asia Pacific
、屏東縣海口人社會經營協會、屏東縣瓊麻園城鄉
Mission for Migrants（APMM）
文教發展協會…. .
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學者、律師顧問群：
元智大學資訊社會研究所左正東教授、世新大學性別研究所陳宜倩助理教授、世
新大學社會發展研究所夏曉鹃副教授、台大社會系曾嬿芬教授、台大社會系藍佩
嘉助理教授、東海大學社會系趙彥寧副教授、政治大學法律系廖元豪助理教授、
賴芳玉律師、賴淑玲律師等
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附件 4
移民在台灣大事紀
時間事件
政府開放「外籍配偶」返台定居，不再以短期居留的形式留
1994 年
在台灣生活。
「美濃愛鄉協進會」基於人道及社會關懷，與龍肚國小共同
1995 年 07 月 30 日開設「外籍新娘識字班」
，為台灣首創以「外籍配偶」之需求
為主的課程。
台北市政府社會局委託新事社會服務中心在天主教聖家堂舉
辦『菲傭外籍新娘--台北關心妳』的活動，邀請法律專家與
1998 年 6 月 21 日
學者以英語座談方式增強外籍家務工作者認識身份權，工作
權及婚姻關係中的權利。
1999 年衛生署將未領取身份證的外籍配偶納入到健保系統。
內政部公佈「外籍配偶生活適應輔導實施計畫」
，規劃辦理外
1999 年 12 月 28 日籍配偶生活適應及語文訓練，提升其在臺生活適應能力，使
能順利融入臺灣生活環境。
外交部取消外籍配偶來台滿十一個月得申請「居留簽證」的
2000 年 05 月
規定，改為可直接向駐外單位申請居留簽證。
新事社會服務中心與朱惠良、范巽綠立委在立法院舉行「正
視外籍新娘問題」記者會，由「外籍新娘」
、夏曉鵑教授及韋
2000 年 5 月 2 日
薇修女爭取外籍配偶的工作權、財產權及子女監護權等，呼
籲勿把外籍配偶當作次等國民。
陸委會將來台探親的規定改為來台團聚，符合團聚條件的大
2000 年 06 月 26 日
陸配偶，在台停留時間從原定的三個月放寬為半年。
2000 年 07 月 01 日立委張蔡美在立院召開「大陸配偶在台居留期間工作許可問
題公聽會」，會中勞委會與陸委會同意給大陸配偶工作權。
泰緬地區的華裔難民權益促進會利用內政部修訂「入出國及
移民法施行細則」前，提出 3 點訴求，即要求將所謂的居留
2000 年 09 月 29 日期限由 7 年改為 3 年的規定，追溯既往，即自入境之日起算，
縮短時間。希望內政部放寬規定，讓泰北難民持居留證也能
在台工作，並准予辦理結婚登記，讓他們的孩子有戶籍。
桃園爆發外籍新娘嫁到台灣被丈夫施暴而行乞的社會事件。
2000 年 10 月 20 日
罕見疾病基金會執行長曾敏傑表示，台灣未持有健保卡及身
2000 年 10 月 23 日分證的大陸及外籍新娘人數不少，一旦患有罕見疾病，將不
能享有罕見疾病法的保障。
164
據東森新聞報導，每個月越籍配偶的仲介結婚案，超過一千
2001 年 07 月 14 日對，越籍配偶在台灣婚姻仲介業中變成需求最多的一群。
北市爆發警察擄妓勒贖案，大台北地區有一成員包括警察的
2001 年 08 月 28 日不法集團，強行擄走來台賣淫的大陸妹後，要求被害人或業
者交付贖款，否則將把全案移送法辦。
立法院審查通過入出國移民法修正案放寬永久居留權限制，
其中有關外籍在台人士的永久居留權的條件也有所放寬，凡
2002 年 04 月 22 日對台灣有特殊貢獻或為國家所需高科技人才或「來台曾合法
居住 20 年以上，其中有 10 年每年居住超過 183 日者」等新
規定可不受在台居留期間限制。
新事社會服務中心與「美濃外籍新娘識字班」(南洋台灣姊妹
會前身)及邱創進立委等在立法院舉辦「許外籍新娘一個合法
2002 年 5 月 21 日保障的勞動權益公聽會」，倡議修改就業服務法第 48 條及第
51 條，爭取「外籍新娘」不需要身份證就可以工作，同時，
不需要向中央機關申請工作證。
勞委會於 6 月底公告，持有居留證的大陸配偶，日後不用申
2002 年 07 月 04 日請工作證，即可於居留期間在台灣找工作，但是「就業服務
法」卻獨漏東南亞外籍配偶。
勞委會為方便外籍配偶在台工作限制，未來在台已取得居留
證的外籍配偶，在台工作如未事先申請工作許可證將無須受
2002 年 08 月 12 日
罰，預計有 6 萬名外籍配偶受惠﹔勞委會也研擬於當年 1 月
份就業服務法修法後被罰鍰部分予以退費。
陸委會主委蔡英文表示「大陸配偶」的居留權與取得身份證
年限，涉及政府移民政策的一體性，年限不可能再調整，考
2002 年 11 月 19 日慮已在台灣居留多年的「大陸配偶」權益，會另行考量新舊
制銜接的問題。
「大陸配偶」在現行制度，約需 8 年取得身份
證，新制卻需要 11 年。
立委秦慧珠與中華民國早產兒基金會 30 日聯合舉辦公聽
會，秦慧珠表示，
「外籍配偶」來台的情形日益頻繁，外籍新
娘因為文化與語言隔閡、生活習慣困難、容易緊張或未定期
2003 年 01 月 31 日
產檢等因素，生下早產兒的機率相當高。政府應儘速建立懷
孕通報系統，並對要求外籍配偶再作一次健康檢查，以保障
「外籍配偶」孕育健康的下一代。
由婦女新知基金會推動的外籍配偶正名運動展開，由來自東
南亞的「外籍」與「大陸配偶」票選她們最喜愛的名稱，
「新
2003 年 03 月 13 日
移民女性」獲得最高票，並藉此呼籲不再使用「外籍新娘」
或是「大陸新娘」等象徵外來者的符號來稱呼外籍配偶。
165
2003 年 03 月 20 日行政院指定內政部為婚姻媒合業主管機關。
經濟部將婚姻媒合業納入商業法令管理，分為營利與非營
2003 年 4 月 11 日
利，至 2004 年 6 月營利部分目前有 198 家登記。
就業服務法修定，有居留證之外籍配偶不需申請工作證就可
2003 年 5 月
以工作作證。
民進黨立委湯火聖、蘇治芬等人 9 日上午在立法院表示，
「外
籍配偶」因成長環境與社經背景的不同，難以融入台灣社會，
2003 年 06 月 09 日
只能在外籍人士圈子活動，因此衍生許多社會問題。要求政
府能檢討移民政策，建立嚴謹的移民審查制度。
經濟部將婚姻媒合業納入商業法令管理，分為營利與非營
2003 年 04 月 11 日
利，至 2004 年 6 月營利部分目前有 198 家登記。
發生「蛇頭推人落海事件」，中國女偷渡客慘遭蛇頭推落海，
2003 年 08 月 27 日 6 死 20 獲救。引發行政院針對移民問題研議成立移民署的專
司管理。
內政部戶政司開始每三個月召開一次跨部會、跨縣市的『外
籍與大陸配偶照顧輔導措施』會議，負責統籌協調各部會與
2003 年 09 月
地方縣市外籍與大陸配偶相關事務，至 2005 年 1 月已舉行過
六次會議。
中華兩岸婚姻協調促進會不滿「大陸配偶」身分取得延長，
2003 年 09 月 20 日
20 日下午發動近 3 千人上街陳情。
針對大陸配偶假結婚真賣淫的問題，高市議員趙天麟表示，
中央今年九月起實施「大陸配偶」入關面談以來，就發現許
多牛頭不對馬嘴的答話，九月一日至九月十六日止面談的三
2003 年 09 月 30 日百四十人中，就發現有一百八十人供述不實，疑為假結婚的
比率頗高。他要求市府民政局及警察局在查察戶口及臨檢
時，針對假結婚來台進行違法行為的「大陸配偶」及「外籍
配」偶進行加強查察，以保障合法婚姻移民者的福利。
台灣 21 世紀婦女協會、台北市社區婦女協會、台灣女人連線
等六婦女團體上午偕同段宜康在立法院召開「大陸配偶草
2003 年 10 月 08 日案，台灣女人有話要說」記者會。要求保障大陸配偶合作工
作權但限制參政權、中國配偶配額制度化、制訂移民法解決
台灣移民問題等。
「台灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例」修正草案通過。在最
具爭議的大陸配偶身分問題上，最後依朝野協商結論，將大
2003 年 10 月 10 日陸配偶取得身分的年限由行政院版的十一年改回八年；但這
八年的算法，由原來的探親二年、團聚二年、居留四年，改
為團聚二年、依親居留四年、長期居留兩年。同時採取配額
166
制，即內政部得訂定依親居留、長期居留及定居之數額和類
別，報請行政院核定後公告之。
行政院擬定「移民署組織條例」草案，移民署負責入出國境
的控管與查緝，並將探討「內政部入出國及移民署組織條例」
2003 年 10 月 15 日
草案，未來將對偷渡犯或人蛇集團問題作適當處理，同時加
強移民輔導，以保障民眾合法權利。
內政部進行「外籍與大陸配偶生活狀況調查」，此為全面性的
2003 年 10 月 16 日
普查，調查期間為 2003/10/17-2003/11/7。
2003 年 10 月 29 日公佈實施修正後的兩岸人民關係條例。
行政院提出『入出國及移民法』修正草案，其內容主要為配
2003 年 12 月
合移民署成立後面談查察機制之增修。
警政署 12 月 1 日起全面實施「大陸配偶」面談，從國境線上
2003 年 12 月 01 日
全面把關實施面談，並強化境內的複式面談及查察。
南洋台灣姊妹會成立，為臺灣第一個由外籍配偶所共同組成
2003 年 12 月 07 日
的人民團體。
移民移住人權修法聯盟成立，由婦女新知基金會、台灣人
權促進會、南洋台灣姐妹會、新事社會服務中心、外籍新娘
2003 年 12 月 12 日
成長協會、女性勞動者權益促進會發起，針對行政院移民三
法的缺陷法令，為移民爭取法令權益及保障。
2003 年 12 月 16 日移民移住人權修法聯盟參加內政部移民人權座談會。
2003 年 12 月 21 日移民移住人權修法聯盟連署書開始連署。
「移民/移住人權修法聯盟」舉辦「移民署等於警備總部復
2003 年 12 月 24 日
活？！」記者會
「移民/移住人權修法聯盟」舉辦「暫停立法，公開討論─我
們要一個保障人權的移民署」記者會，會中邀集各黨派立委
2003 年 12 月 31 日連署「移民/移住公約」，內容包括暫停「移民署組織條例」
的立法，回歸公共討論等，獲得國民親三黨及無黨聯盟代表
的支持。
2004 年 02 月 18 日移盟召開「外國人心酸血淚，移民法枉顧人權」記者會。
中華兩岸婚姻協調促進會召開記者會表示，大陸配偶面談制
度實施 3 個月，出現口試題目過於私密、口試人員觀念先入
2004 年 02 月 24 日為主等情況。大陸配偶入境台灣時，會被問到「你內褲穿什
麼顏色？」、「一個晚上跟先生做幾次」等涉及個人隱私的問
題，讓這些被迫面對的大陸配偶是又生氣又尷尬。
移盟赴政院抗議，要求撤銷中國配偶設籍財力證明規定。根
2004 年 03 月 05 日據行政院核定的新修正的「大陸地區人民在台定居或居留許
可辦法」中規定，大陸配偶申請來台定居，需有 500 萬以上
167
的動產或不動產證明，或每月收入達基本工資的 2 倍以上
31680 元。然而政策實施後，民間反彈聲浪不斷，內政部四
日緊急重新修訂相關辦法，撤銷 500 萬門檻限制，增訂也可
提出 24 倍(約 38 萬)的存款證明，也可提出定居申請。不過
這項新修訂的辦法，移民團體仍不滿意，要求行政院撤回或
取消相關財力證明規定。
立法院法制委員會審議移民署草案相關法案，移盟遊說。法
2004 年 03 月 29 日制委員會上午先進行內政部組織法的討論，下午因無委員出
席而流會，故政院版移民署組織條例仍未開始審查。
2004 年 04 月 16 日至移盟草擬聯盟版移民署組織條例。
2004 年 04 月 18 日
2004 年 04 月 19 日至移盟尋求立委連署提案將聯盟版移民署組織條例付委。
2004 年 04 月 23 日
2004 年 05 月 17 日移盟參與勞委會移工議題座談會。
2004 年 05 月 18 日內政部移民署組織條例和移民法座談會。
內政部公佈「外籍與大陸配偶生活狀況調查」報告，內容顯
2004 年 06 月
示外籍與大陸配偶之生育率等未超過國人一般生育率。
2004 年 06 月 05 日移盟和台灣社會研究季刊舉辦外國人健檢議題座談會。
雲林縣發生越籍配偶段氏日玲被棄置一案，媒體大肆報導，
2004 年 06 月 10 日點出目前對於外籍配偶所遭遇的問題，政府仍無法有效的解
決。
經建會提出報告：每 3.1 對新人就有 1 對是外籍或大陸配偶，
92 年度婚姻移入人口已逾移民總人口的半數，且其中幾乎都
是大陸港澳地區配偶，每 3.1 對結婚登記者，就有 1 對是與
2004 年 06 月 16 日外籍或大陸港澳地區人士結婚，出生嬰兒中每 7.5 個出生嬰
兒中，就有 1 個是外籍或大陸港澳母親所生；且由於跨國及
兩岸婚姻多半是口耳相傳，在區域分佈上有聚集於某些特定
鄉鎮村落的現象。
教育部常務次長周燦德上週在全國教育局長會議中公開呼籲
在場 25 縣市教育局長，勸導縣市境內的外籍和大陸新娘「不
2004 年 07 月 12 日要生那麼多」的言論引起強烈的不滿，移民/移住人權修法聯
盟召開「饒了外籍大陸配偶和她們的家庭吧！」記者會並
前往教育部遞交抗議書。
行政院長游錫堃於高雄視察外籍配偶生活狀況時，指示成立
2004 年 08 月【外籍配偶照顧輔導基金】，提出十年每年三億，共三十億的
行政預算。預計於 2005 年 3 月開始運作。
168
2004 年 10 月 20 日至移盟舉辦北中南三區四場次「誰是台灣人?移民法令總體檢公
2004 年 10 月 27 日聽會」。
「外籍配偶」阿蓮遭夫家遺棄，原本面臨 12 月 1 日被遣送回
2004 年 11 月 02 日國的命運，在立委簡肇棟和其他親友的建議下，靠用刑事官
司名義讓她延期居留在台灣，繼續照顧兒子。
馬英九在台北文化獎頒獎時推崇移民成就台北文化，台北市
是各種文化匯集所在，因此在台北市，可以感受到多樣性的
2004 年 11 月 14 日
族群文化，更由於各種外來文化相互包容、欣賞、尊重，展
現出台北特殊的文化魅力與精神。
行政院院會通過「外籍配偶入籍應通過語文與常識考試」但
2004 年 11 月 17 日
後來立法院未審議通過。
台聯立委陳建銘舉出各國的移民制度，強調開放敵國移民的
2004 年 11 月 26 日國家只有台灣一個，建議修法，改發台灣綠卡。不給身分證，
也不給投票權，只開放健保駕照銀行開戶等其他權力。
內政部全面取締大陸新娘的婚姻仲介廣告，但未擴及到對於
2004 年 12 月 20 日
東南亞地區婚姻仲介廣告的執行取締。
南洋台灣姊妹會召開記者會，理事阮氏延紅公開控訴獨家報
2004 年 12 月 28 日
導罔顧媒體專業之惡劣行徑，要求獨家報導限期道歉。
2005 年 01 月行政院成立外籍配偶照顧輔導基金管理委員會。
行政院主計處指出至 93 年底止，我國外籍與大陸配偶人數約
達 33.8 萬人，其中外籍配偶(含歸化取得我國國籍者)占 36.1
％，大陸及港澳地區配偶占 63.9％。持有效外僑居留證之外
2005 年 02 月 03 日
籍配偶達 9 萬 5 千餘人(不含已取得我國國籍者)，較 92 年底
增加 10.5％；其中男性以泰國籍占 34.1％居首，女性則以越
南籍占 69.8％最多。去年平均每 100 對就有 23 對是異國聯姻。
台北市政府成立「新移民會館」，提供新移民女性日常活
2005 年 02 月 26 日
動之公共空間。
2005 年 03 月移盟提出移盟版入出國及移民法修正草案，送入立法院提案。
外籍配偶報考國中小學力鑑定，桃園 6 日有一場國中小學學
力檢定考試，來自越南和緬甸的外籍配偶表示，即使來到台
2005 年 03 月 06 日
灣，還是要拼拼看這裡的國中學歷，一方面讓自己有個目標，
另一方面也為了孩子，希望和孩子一起努力學習。
越南政府認為台灣男人組相親團到越南招親，就像是販賣人
2005 年 03 月 16 日口，將取締罰款。也是第一個針對臺灣婚姻仲介活動的採取
反制措施的外國國家。
169
教育部次長范巽綠於金門表示，將修正國籍法，規定外籍配
2005 年 3 月 21 日偶歸化須通過「國中程度」認證考試。
教育部的統計資料顯示外籍配偶子女入學人數快速增加，目
前就讀國小的外籍配偶子女已有 40907 人、國中也有 5504
人，佔全台 28.4 萬國中小學生的 1.63%。台灣教育部門預估，
到 98 學年時，台灣的外籍配偶子女進入國小一年級就讀人數
2005 年 03 月 23 日
將從今年的 1 萬多人成長到 3 萬多人，佔國小學生約一成六。
教育部門要求國中小學老師要研發認識東南亞文化教材，為
多元文化融合做好功課。
高雄市政府對外籍新娘仲介廣告下令即報即拆，十八日工務
局違建大隊兵分三路展開拆除行動，一度遭受業者拉高分貝
2005 年 04 月 18 日
強烈抗議，唯在優勢警力戒備下，一共完成拆除二十七件不
良外籍新娘廣告。
170
附件五：
移工在台灣大事紀
時間事件
通過「十四項重要工程人力需求因應措施方案」，引進 3000
1989 年 10 月
名「外勞」。
1990 年中華工程公司以專案引進外勞
台灣政府針對非法打工的外國人，展開了大規模的查緝行動。
1991 年 02 月
1991 年 11 月 11 日開放國家建設六年計劃與六行業十五職要所需外勞。
勞委會公告「外國人聘僱許可及管理辦法」(Regulation on
1992 年 07 月 27 日 Employment and Management of Foreign Workers)。其中，外
勞入境前需提供健康檢查項目。
1992 年 08 月 17 日勞委會公告開放七千名幫傭。
1992 年 08 月 20 日公告開放養護機構聘僱外藉監護工。
1992 年 09 月 26 日公告受理紡織業等六十八行業申請聘僱外籍勞工。
勞委會公布並施行「就業服務法」(Employment Service Act)，
在該法第五章「外國人之聘僱與管理」中，明文規範外國人
1992 年 10 月
之聘僱與在台就業的管理原則。台灣外勞政策的法源基礎，
便是源於「就業服務法」的制訂與施行。
1993 年 01 月第二次公告開放增加一千名外傭名額。
1993 年 01 月 12 日公告七十三行業可聘用外勞。
開放陶瓷、石材、水泥、棉紗、染整、鋼鐵、沖剪專案引進
1993 年 05 月
外勞。
1993 年 08 月 06 日公告開放新設廠及擴廠且有營運事實者，得專案申請外勞。
1993 年 09 月 09 日公告受理重大公共工程申請僱用外籍營造工。
公告受理工作性質較辛苦、國人工作意願較低、缺工嚴重，
1994 年 08 月 20 日而對產業發展具重要性的行業。十一月另開放紡織、模具、
毛衣、編織、塗料、織襪等七行業專申請外勞；
1994 年 08 月 27 日公告開放經濟部加工出口區及科學園區專案引進外勞。
開放投資金額在新台幣二億元以上的新設工廠或擴廠者可申
1994 年 10 月 8 日請外勞，同時也開放公私立學校、社會福利機構及醫院興建
工程所需外勞。
行政院勞委會公告就業安定費繳費標準，自十一月一日起實
1994 年 10 月 14 日
施。
1995 年 6 月 14 日開放收容慢性病患者之護理機構申請僱用外籍監護工。
171
包括印尼、馬來西亞、菲律賓及泰國政府，都與台灣簽訂了
1996 年官方版的雙邊協定，來自這些國家的外籍勞工，除原本簽訂
為期一年的工作合約之外，得再展延一年。
1997 年 06 月六輕工地發生菲籍與泰籍勞工的衝突。
*外籍勞工可以再增加一年的居留期限，也就是最長可以居留
三年。
1998 年 *桃園大溪「擎揚電子公司」倒閉關廠，在關廠後一個半月，
外勞於台灣參與勞工自救抗爭。整個過程由李道明以紀錄片
形式紀錄下來，於 2003 年完成。
行政院院會通過勞委會「外籍勞工政策檢討」與「加強外籍
1998 年 02 月 19 日
勞工管理方案」
，規定未來外勞政策將維持「適度緊縮」政策。
外勞就業安定費調高，其中，家庭監護工仍維持六百元，其
1998 年 03 月 31 日
餘各類外籍勞工就業安定費均一律調漲二百元。
1998 年 04 月 01 日外籍女傭、監護工納入勞基法。
勞委會公告包括營造業等製造業聘雇的外勞在台工作期限，
1998 年 07 月 21 日將由現行規定的兩年，放寬為可繼續申請在台工作兩年。
1999 年 01 月 01 日外籍女傭、監護工不適用於勞基法。
北市警察局查獲逃跑外勞自組非法之人力仲介公司，仲介雇
1999 年 03 月 13 日
主非法雇用逃跑之外勞。
世新大學社會發展研究所、女媧工作室、Asia Pacific Mission
for Migrant Filipinos(APMMF)舉辦「是外勞搶走了我們的工
1999 年 05 月 20 日至
作嗎？--資本國際化與失業問題」座談會，台灣各工運團體
1999 年 05 月 21 日
和原住民勞工團體首次共同與菲律賓移工團體面對面討論相
關問題。
行政院審查就業服務法修正草案第五十一條修正案，其中最
受矚目的是外籍家庭幫傭、重大建設勞工許可期限三年延長
1999 年 07 月 02 日
為六年案。惟修正案中明定，該外勞在台工作滿三年後，必
須先出境四十天，始得再入境工作。
菲國政府公告風波：菲律賓政府對仲介業者進行評鑑，實施
「黑名單」制度；欲爭取勞資爭議發生時的介入權。
此公告引起台灣仲介業者強烈的不滿。
1999 年 08 月 *台菲航權爭議：菲國政府中斷與台灣方面於 1996 年簽訂的
「中菲航權協定」，引起台灣當局嚴重的不滿。仲介業者叫囂
抗議，欲促政府伺機凍結菲勞。
*菲、印勞工再起衝突。
1999 年 08 月 02 日正當我國與菲律賓航約談判出現重大衝突之際，勞委會針對
172
菲律賓政府公告對我國人力仲介業者認可新規定，發表嚴正
聲明，指菲國規定我方仲介業者必須依菲國法令保障菲勞，
並矮化我中央勞委會為「台灣省」勞委會，已明顯侵犯我國
行政權和司法權。勞委會要求菲方於兩週內改善，否則將自
八月十六日起暫停引進菲勞。
台塑六輕廠於晚上 10 點發生大規模的泰勞、菲勞的激烈對
1999 年 09 月 05 日
抗，是國內有史以來最大規模的外勞衝突事件。
*中菲航線停航。
1999 年 10 月 *勞委會擬於 11 月 1 日正式公告開放越勞來台工作。
*921 地震後，失業率問題與縮減外勞議題備受關切。
台灣與越南政府簽訂了官方雙邊協定，行政院勞委會於 11
1999 年 11 月 01 日
月 1 日正式公告開放越勞來台工作。
1999 年 12 月北市主計處統計分析，外勞涉案比例輕微，對治安無顯著影
響；惟健檢不合格率偏高。
1999 年 12 月 06 日台塑六輕的凍結令解除。
*勞委會擬凍結菲勞三方案。
*藍領外籍勞工健檢項目增加。
*年關將近，外勞諮詢中心表示電話數倍增。問題多為：工廠
2000 年 01 月倒閉領不到薪水；受雇主虐待；限制外勞與外界聯繫等。
*勞委會完成外勞專案檢查。檢查結果有 8 成以上事業單位違
法；其中以超時加班、無週休最嚴重。
*勞委會擬調高基本工資，引起「僅嘉惠外勞」的爭議。
*調高基本工資的議題，引起朝野各界廣泛的討論。業界多認
為此舉僅增加了外勞的勞動力成本，對本國勞工並無實質助
益，且不利台灣的國際競爭力；勞工團體認為，提高外勞的
工資才得以迫使雇主雇用本勞並提升整體的勞動條件。
2000 年 02 月 *失業率創新高，以中壯年和低教育程度勞工為主要失業族
群。縮減外勞引進人數的呼聲再起。
*勞委會二月份統計月報指出，去年職災率為千分之 4.781，
為近十年來最高。勞安問題頻傳，在台外勞首當其衝。工傷
協會等百人為職災外勞陳情抗議。
*依就業服務法第 41 條「聘僱外國人工作，不得妨礙本國人
就業機會、勞動條件、國民經濟發展及社會安定」等精神，
勞委會重申外籍勞工之引進仍採取限業限量及補充性等原
2000 年 03 月
則。
*在台外勞人數突破 30 萬人。
*勞委會對台北縣市、台中縣市、桃園縣、及彰化縣等六縣市
173
抽檢監護工聘僱狀況，有 24％的雇主違法。
*北縣健檢年度統計，外勞健檢不合格項目以腸內寄生蟲一項
不合格者最多。
*再傳職災與關廠事件；
*國際勞工組織（ILO）公布，21 世紀移民現象將會增加。而
更多移民的主要原因是經濟全球化後，湧入貧窮國家的資金
2000 年 04 月並未創造足夠的就業。全球移民人潮已超過 1 億 2 千萬；移
民他國國家的數目也從 19 個上升到 55 個。
報告中並譴責全球販售勞力的集團進行大規模販售勞工的行
為。這種非法販售勞工營利的行為每年已達 50—70 億美元。
『千禧年工殤春祭』於勞動節前夕展開，台北市政府勞工局
為不同信仰的工殤者舉辦紀念活動，希望職工中心及新事社
2000 年 4 月 29 日會服務中心所服務的外籍勞工也參與在市政府舉辦的「天主
教與基督教聯合追思祈福儀式」
，其中以英語及泰語為職災外
勞亡靈祈福，同時吳嘉德神父呼籲應保障外勞零職災。
*勞委會於五月正式公告，從事跨國人力仲介業者及私立就業
服務機構，可以申請聘僱外國及雙語人員擔任外勞輔導、管
理及相關之翻譯工作。
*新政府上台，對於勞基法相關事項（如，降低工時、調漲工
資等）的政策改變備受討論；與外勞相關者，如縮減外勞引
進人數、非法仲介與仲介費過高等項目，也備受關注。
2000 年 05 月 *因職場性騷擾事件增多（特別是外籍家庭類勞工），北市成
立「就業歧視調處員培訓小組」試圖解決此一問題。
*立委質疑外勞仲介業有黑金財團介入，特權橫行，不法收費
問題嚴重；勞委會主委回應時強調將成立專案小組徹查，以
保障外勞應有的權益。
*外勞被迫非法工作的情形很多，勞委會鼓勵外勞「自我檢
舉」。
勞委會宣布即日起三個月內，
「凍結國內公共工程及重大投資
案引進菲勞」
。如果三個月之後菲律賓政府仍然無善意回應，
2000 年 05 月 06 日不排除全面凍結菲勞之引進。這是我國自民國八十三年開放
外勞引進以來，首次凍結引進國勞工來台工作。
174
*6 月 1 日凍結製造業重大投資與營造業重大工程引進菲勞。
菲政府對於此決議表示尊重與遺憾，但不同意我方所提凍結
的理由。
2000 年 06 月 *基本工資調升、工時縮減、外勞人數縮減三議題為本月的重
頭戲。資方、勞方立場差異；政府相關部門的意見不一。資
方多以外移、關廠為威脅；經建會官員建議外勞的勞動條件
應與本勞脫鉤。
*勞基法相關事項與外勞議題的爭議持續。繼傳統產業對相關
政策的不滿後，高科技產業業者也紛紛提出抱怨。
2000 年 07 月 *7 月份失業率超過 3％，創下近一年來的新高紀錄。
*菲籍勞工人數下降；越南勞工成為基隆漁業的主力；勞委會
勞委會欲與泰國政府商議直接引進，以減少仲介的剝削。
「中菲勞工問題專案小組會議」在行政院勞工委員會召開。
2000 年 07 月 13 日本次會議研商主題為菲勞逃跑率過高、菲國駐華代表處介入
勞資爭議等問題。
*面對失業率漸增的狀況及縮減外勞人數的壓力，勞委會提高
各項外勞招募的門檻；北高兩市為有效縮減外勞人數，皆要
求雇主於招目前需參加市辦的就業媒合。
*再傳多起外勞的勞安問題。
2000 年 08 月
*台南及台中傳外勞遭飆車族砍傷事件。
*台灣對待外勞的不人道狀況受到國際人權組織的關注
，勞委會在此壓力下，研議取消外勞健檢中的妊娠檢查及禁
止雇主對外勞實行強迫儲蓄。
*在勞委會認為菲方未表改善誠意的狀況下，勞委會再度宣布
無限期凍結菲勞。
*失業問題、關廠問題頻傳，外勞議題在此前提下再度備受討
2000 年 09 月
論。
*為解決逐年增高的外勞仲介費問題，勞委會將設立申訴專線
並擬推動「國與國」方式引進。
勞委會職業訓練局設置○八○外勞免費申訴專線，將專責受理
2000 年 11 月 13 日
外籍勞工申訴案件。
行政院勞委會宣佈，由於菲方對於勞資爭議及菲勞逃跑等不
2000 年 12 月 06 日
當情事有善意回應，即日起，解除暫停引進菲勞的禁令。
台北市勞工局舉辦「第一屆外籍勞工詩文比賽」。於 03 月 08
2001 年日至 03 月 22 日將得獎作品於捷運車廂公開展示，提供市民
共同欣賞。
2001 年 05 月 10 日勞委會公告停止重大工程申請引進外籍勞工。
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2001 年 05 月 25 日國內首份官方版「外勞權益維護報告書」出爐。
勞委會公告即日起外勞雇主在勞動契約到期，要另外訂立新
2001 年 07 月 16 日契約或是新引進外勞者，可以將膳食費用涵蓋在薪資當中，
約 2,500 到 4,000 元之間。
為杜絕仲介業者對外籍勞工超收服務費，行政院勞工委員會
職業訓練局對仲介業者收取各項費用將採取嚴格態度，未來
2001 年 08 月 01 日
仲介業者將不得以預收方式，向外勞收取服務費、交通費和
行政規費，同時各種服務費等相關費用，每月合計不可以超
過 1,000 元。
多個協助外勞的教會團體和 NGO 於經發會場外，抗議外勞
2001 年 08 月 24 日至薪資與基本薪資脫鉤以及收取食宿費的提議。多位外籍神職
2001 年 08 月 26 日止人員被警方恐嚇，天主教團體因而發表聲明，對民進黨政府
打壓人權的作法表達強烈抗議。
勞委會針對外勞的膳宿管理，實施一項新規定：雇主得以從
2001 年 09 月外勞的每月所得中扣除膳宿費用，最高得扣除當月月薪的 25
％。
2001 年 10 月 30 日勞委會外勞政策檢討報告出爐。
勞委會針對外勞仲介費設立了新規定：「建議」勞工輸出國的
2001 年 11 月仲介單位所能收取的費用，不得超過勞工在台工作之最低月
薪，也就是新台幣 15,840 元。
勞委會規範國內仲介業者向外勞收取「服務費」標準，即第
一年每月不得超過$1800，第二年$1700，第三年$1500。官方
2001 年 11 月 07 日原有意藉此減輕外勞仲介費壓力，然仲介業者以巧立名目方
式另行向外勞收取其他各項費用，致「服務費」規定毫無作
用。
台北市政府舉辦「外勞文化節」，共有四場外勞輸出國(印尼、
2001 年 12 月
泰國、菲律賓及越南)的民俗文化活動。
台大勞工社舉辦「看見外勞－－台大文化週」
，以包括影片放
2001 年 12 月 17 日至映、座談、平面影像展、和戶外展演的不同形式，呈現外勞
2002 年 01 月 04 日的生活與多面性。這是國內大學校園裡第一次以外勞為主題
的社團活動。
*就業安定基金管理委員會昨天照案通過勞委會所提就業安
定費調漲案，確定國內十二萬雇主每月必須繳納的就業安定
費用，自明年二月一日開始全面調漲。其中，家庭幫傭由目
2001 年 12 月 18 日
前的二千三百元調整為本國雇主五千、外籍雇主一萬。
*新事社會服務中心與勞工陣線於聯合國首度「國際移民日」
當天召開記者會，公佈布外勞在台灣遭受違反人權的十二項
176
待遇。
通過就業服務法修正案，這次修正重點包括：外勞可在台工
2001 年 12 月 21 日作六年，取消聘僱外勞需預繳保證金的制度，並加重非法仲
介罰則及違法雇主的行政罰等。
外籍勞工可以在台居留(工作)六年。但是，三年的居留期限
2002 年 01 月屆滿時，最少必須離境一次，以獲得另外三年的工作居留權。
新修正公布的就業服務法大舉提高非法僱用外勞的行政罰
2002 年 01 月 08 日
鍰。
修正公布就業服務法第 52 條第 4 項之規定，放寬外勞在臺工
作累計之年限，對於受聘僱外籍勞工於聘僱許可期間無違反
2002 年 01 月 21 日勞工法令規定情事而因聘僱關係終止、聘僱許可期間屆滿出
國或因健康檢查不合格經返國治療再檢查合格者，應出國 40
日(業於 92 年 5 月 13 日再修正為出國 1 日)後得再入國工作，
且其在臺工作期間，累計不得逾 6 年。
勞委會推動「降低外勞仲介費方案」，修正我國仲介收費標準
表，明訂台灣仲介公司不得向外勞收取仲介費，僅得每月向
2002 年 01 月 23 日外勞收取「服務費」，且第 1 年每月不得超過新台幣 1,800 元、
第 2 年每月不得超過新台幣 1,700 元、第 3 年每月不得超過
新台幣 1,500 元。
2002 年 02 月 01 日調整就業安定費。
兩性工作平等法實施，外籍勞工亦同樣享有產假、育嬰假、
2002 年 03 月 08 日
生理假、陪產假等權益。
文化研究學會舉辦--文化批判論壇第十二場：邊緣外的邊
2002 年 03 月 30 日
緣：看（不）見『外勞』!
2002 年 03 月 24 日台北市勞工局成立外勞文化中心。
外籍勞工團體與本地勞工團體先後到立法院抗議「自由貿易
港區設置管理條例」草案欲增列第十條之二：將外籍勞工薪
2002 年 7 月 8 日至
資與基本工資脫勾，經過本地與外籍勞工團體聯合抗議與遊
2002 年 7 月 10 日
說各黨團而刪除「自由貿易港區條例」第十條之二，外勞工
資維持受勞基法基本工資的保障。
2002 年 08 月 01 日勞委會宣佈八月一日起全面暫停印尼外勞引進。
2002 年 11 月 09 日女性外勞來台之前需要做姙振檢查，來台之後則不用再做。
國策顧問劉俠所聘僱之印尼籍女傭薇娜因為罹患心神喪失
2003 年 02 月 07 日
症，對劉俠暴力相對後，隔日劉俠不幸往生。
台灣國際勞工協會、工人立法行動委員會、天主教新事社會
2003 年 02 月 16 日
服務中心、天主教外勞關懷小組、高雄海星海員服務中心等
177
外勞關懷團體，舉辦外勞關懷團體聯合記者會
。希望透過訂定「家事服務法」明確界定家務勞動者的勞動
條件，訂立清楚的僱傭關係與責任。
「中菲直接聘僱備忘錄」及「中菲直接聘僱備忘錄聯合執行
2003 年 03 月 20 日
綱領」
，開始受理家庭類外籍勞工直接聘僱申請，繼續推動以
直接聘僱管道引進勞工，解決仲介費偏高問題。
台灣國際勞工協會 TIWA 組織全台外勞關懷團體共赴行政勞
工委員會，聯合催生家事服務法，並要求勞委會優先訂定勞
2003 年 04 月 04 日
動契約範本，並建立仲介評鑑制度，做為立法前之勞動保障
「台灣外勞行動」blog 網站成立，這是台灣第一個站在勞工
2003 年 04 月 06 日
立場並以外籍勞工為主題的網站。
因為越南國內感染嚴重急性呼吸道症候群（SARS）病例有增
加趨勢，為維護我國及越南二國衛生防疫安全，自即日起，
2003 年 04 月 09 日越南政府規定其勞工出國前，需經仲介公司及地方衛生單位
隔離十至十五日，確定無疑似病例症狀並持有衛生單位核發
無 SARS 病原證明者，始得來台工作。
工作傷害受害人協會、天主教台北總教公署、天主教聖多福
2003 年 04 月 27 日教堂、台灣國際勞工協會、工人立法行動委員會舉辦「 2003
全國工殤春祭追思祈福彌撒」。
2003 年 04 月 30 日台灣國際勞工協會與外勞代表赴和平醫院為院內外勞打氣。
2003 年 05 月 18 日台灣國際勞工協會發行「外勞防疫鬥陣報」於網路上。
2003 年 05 月 19 日為防 SARS，外勞被禁足。
2003 年 07 月 14 日兩外勞因工程意外被雇主惡意棄屍於水里。
勞委會赴越南河內出席「第二屆中越勞工會議」，就越南勞工
2003 年 08 月 25.26 日
在臺逃逸及仲介費等相關議題會商改善措施。
2003 年 09 月 01 日至勞委會自辦理為期三個月「加強查緝逃逸外勞及非法雇主專
2003 年 11 月 30 日止案」計畫。
勞委會發佈新辦法，將外勞轉換雇主次數從原有的最多五次
2003 年 09 月 25 日
降為兩次。
勞委會在自由貿易港區外勞配額上，擬由原規劃二○％至三○
2003 年 10 月 31 日％，有條件放寬至四○％。勞委會並已著手評估開放公營事
業單位的重大投資案，將可引進外籍營造工。
APMM、勞動人權協會、敬仁勞工安全衛生服務中心、台灣
2003 年 11 月 05 日國際醫療行動協會、台灣外勞行動共同主辦「『非法』外勞面
面觀」座談會，並發表聲明。
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勞委會召開「第八屆中泰勞工會議」
，雙方針對加強查察勞工
2003 年 11 月 17 日
來臺繳交費用及保障勞工權益等問題，共商解決對策。
2003 年 11 月 21 日高鐵工地出意外，橋面崩塌，2 外勞死亡。
APMM 等團體於勞委會前抗議其對「非法」外勞的處理方
2003 年 11 月 25 日
式，並發表「非法外勞問題致台灣政府聲明」。
2003 年 11 月 29 日至世新大學社會發展所學生會的「魅影小組」舉辦「移民/工影
2004 年 01 月 10 日止展」。
2003 年 12 月 13 日「保障人權，拒絕污名！」移民移住人權修法聯盟成立。
台灣國際勞工協會針對和信電訊「菲傭打小孩」的廣告向和
2003 年 12 月 24 日信及辜家提出嚴正抗議，並宣傳該協會即將在 2003 年 12 月
28 日舉行的外勞大遊行。
2003 年 12 月 25 日勞委會宣布：百億元重大工程，可引進外勞。
天主教關懷外勞教團和台灣國際勞工協會發動保障外勞人權
2003 年 12 月 28 日
遊行。
2004 年 01 月 09 日勞委會即日起開放自蒙古引進外籍勞工入國工作。
2004 年 01 月 12 日台北市勞工局舉辦「台北，請聽我說！」外勞詩文比賽。
衛生署發布「受聘僱外國人健康檢查管理辦法」，對於外籍勞
2004 年 01 月 13 日工定期健康檢查規定，自 2004 年 01 月 15 日開始實施。自
2004 年 01 月 15 日起，外籍勞工免辦理入國工作滿十二個月
及二十四個月之健康檢查。
台灣國際勞工協會上午指控，馮滬祥對菲傭 Rose（化名)進
2004 年 02 月 15 日
行性侵害。
2004 年 02 月 16 日馬尼拉駐台辦事處宣稱馮滬祥疑性侵外傭，一場誤會。
2004 年 02 月 20 日伊甸基金會要求內政部降低外籍監護工人數。
全產總從 13774 位勞工回收得到的民調顯示，大多數台灣勞
2004 年 02 月 23 日
工反對外勞。
我與孟加拉，互設代表處。促成雙方談判成功的重要因素為
2004 年 02 月 28 日
未來我方將引進孟加拉勞工。
勞委會已通過修法，開放非營利團體經營仲介外勞業務
，即日起凡是設立二年以上之全國性組織，都可申請設立附
2004 年 03 月 02 日
設人力仲介公司，仲介費最高只能收取一般營利性仲介公司
的八成。
2004 年 03 月 17 日印勞仲介業者，去年三成關門。
2004 年 04 月 19 日勞委會公告，開放蒙勞來台工作。
2004 年 04 月 24 日行政院勞工委員會主任委員陳菊：絕不引進大陸勞工。
2004 年 04 月 25 日大學外籍教師連署抗議外勞體檢對待。
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*台北市仁愛國小請外籍傭人，到校作客。
2004 年 05 月 02 日
*外勞仲介萎縮，37%業者關門。
2004 年 05 月 19 日全面暫予停止自越南引進外籍船工。
2004 年 05 月 17 日勞委會移工議題座談會。
臺北市政府衛生局結合慈濟人醫會、勞工局與市立婦幼綜合
2004 年 06 月 13 日醫院、外勞文化中心等單位，於二二八和平紀念公園辦理「外
籍勞工健康關懷活動」
2004 年 06 月 16 日陳水扁總統宣布：任內禁止大陸勞工入台。
2004 年 06 月 22 日國際自由工聯: 讓未註冊外勞發聲！
ICFTU: Giving A Voice to Undocumented Migrants
*勞委會針對慢性關節炎、腦中風病患申請外籍監護工從嚴審
查，以聘雇本國籍居家服務員為主，而內政部則對「極重度」
失能者家庭聘雇居家服務員，提供每月最高一萬元補助，雙
頭並進以緊縮外籍監護工雇用人數。
2004 年 07 月
*家事服務法推動聯盟（PAHSA，Promoting Alliance for
Household Service Act）成立。為了家事服務業勞工的法律保
障，成立了該聯盟，其包含了大多數在第一線工作的移工
NGO 團體。目前持續在推動家事服務業者的勞動基準保障。
2004 年 07 月 01 日政府將再度加強查緝「非法」外勞！
2004 年 07 月 11 日 8 萬菲勞在台，菲律賓重視與台灣關係。
勞委會職訓局本週舉行兩梯次「檢討製造業外籍勞工政策」
2004 年 07 月 19 日
座談會。
2004 年 07 月 25 日外勞配額開放，首波約 5 萬人。
2004 年 07 月 26 日外勞配額開放五萬人？勞委會澄清與事實不符。
*有關外勞政策檢討，仍以總量管制為原則，並以促進本國勞
工就業為目標。
2004 年 07 月 27 日
*台灣國際醫療行動協會 iACT 聲明：勿讓健康檢查封殺了外
籍勞工的健康權！
*外勞雇主、國內外仲介業，九月須簽「外國人入國工作費用
及工資切結書」，以釐清相關責任。
*解決外勞、雇主、仲介「問題」勞委會規劃外勞錢流管理系
2004 年 07 月 28 日
統。
*桃園縣龜山鄉「慶美」科技公司倒閉，七十九名女性外籍勞
工為向資方討回積欠的薪資，再加上勞委會來不及轉介工
作，住在沒水沒電的宿舍一個月。
2004 年 07 月 29 日勞委會為加強外勞管理，考慮強制國內三十萬外勞以及即將
入境外勞，必須在指定銀行設立專戶。
180
2004 年 08 月 01 日勞委會宣布，外勞錢流管理，取消擔保金制。
2004 年 08 月 02 日移民移住人權修法聯盟抗議外勞錢流管理記者會。
台灣國際勞工協會 TIWA 在週日上午舉行記者會，聚集菲律
2004 年 08 月 04 日賓、印尼與泰國外勞團體，對外勞錢流管理系統，同聲譴責。
2004 年 08 月 06 日勞委會宣布，孟加拉可能成為外勞來源國。
2004 年 08 月 07 日台灣開放引進孟加拉外勞。
馬尼拉經濟文化辦事處承認，已由台菲一項雙邊協定認可菲
律賓外勞在再次受雇時，雇主需繳交就業安定費。由於這筆
2004 年 08 月 15 日
錢勢必會轉嫁到外勞身上，所以等於讓外勞於再次受雇時受
到二度剝削。
2004 年 08 月 29 日自由貿易港區傳統產業，可聘僱 30%外勞。
中研院經濟所，外籍勞工政策研討會，李遠哲主張減少引進
2004 年 09 月 03 日
外勞。
2004 年 09 月 04 日六輕四期趕工，900 外勞到位。
2004 年 09 月 15 日整合紊亂系統，勞委會公佈外勞性侵通報機制。
由人權團體、外勞團體和宗教團體成立的 Inter Faith 舉行論
2004 年 09 月 16 日
壇，反對勞委會的錢流管理政策。
*工作傷害受害人協會、天主教新竹教區外籍牧靈協會、國際
勞工協會與工委會帶領三名職災外勞到勞委會陳情，要求「人
權主委」落實人權，保護職災外勞。勞委會成立「外勞職災
2004 年 09 月 24 日
協助專責小組」。
*駐台北越南經濟文化辦事處、台灣廣播公司在台越勞＆越南
新娘生活狀況調查記者會。
2004 年 10 月 01 日勞委會宣布雇用「大陸新娘」，政府每月補貼 5 千。
家事服務法推動聯盟於立法院院會正式提案要求訂定家事服
2004 年 10 月 12 日
務法。
2004 年 10 月 20 日至移民移住人權修法聯盟於台北、台中及高雄舉辦「誰是台
2004 年 10 月 27 日止灣人？」移民法令總體檢系列公聽會。
*勞委會昨天公佈將對重大工程禁用外勞的國籍做出限定。也
2004 年 11 月 03 日就是說，在勞委會設定的「重大工程建設」範圍內的資方要
申請外勞時，要由勞委會規定可以由哪個或哪幾個國家輸入。
*馮滬祥因疑似性侵外傭被起訴。
2004 年 12 月 03 日半殘雇主強迫越南看護工口交。
Inter Faith 舉行論壇，針對外勞錢流管理系統及仲介超收仲介
2004 年 12 月 06 日
費問題，與勞委會官員會談。
2004 年 12 月 15 日台灣國際勞工協會、天主教希望職工中心、高雄海星國際服
181
務中心與長老教會勞工關懷中心等長期投入外勞服務工作的
勞工與教會團體，集結 30、40 名外勞，到行政院門前陳情，
要求取消外勞居留年限，爭取移工三權。
2004 年 12 月 19 日台印簽署勞工備忘錄，勞委會宣布 12 月 20 日印勞解凍。
法律扶助基金會針對外籍勞工的法律困境，邀請多名實務工
2004 年 12 月 21 日
作者舉辦座談，並提供外籍勞工的法律扶助服務。
2004 年 12 月 23 日重傷越傭被棄置於警局。
2004 年 12 月 27 日台北市勞工局關閉外勞文化中心。
2004 年 12 月 28 日飛盟公司瀕臨倒閉，本勞外勞合討資遣費。
逾百名外籍廠工、家務工集體至勞委會陳情，爭取「外勞爭
2005 年 01 月 10 日
議期間，不得強制遣返」。
2005 年 01 月 13 日正視外勞人權，高雄勞工關懷中心籲立家服法。
2005 年 01 月 20 日因逃逸人數過高，暫時凍結引進越南家庭看護工及家庭幫傭。
2005 年 03 月 07 日外勞仲介評鑑結果，高達六成六不及格。
2005 年 03 月 09 日台北市勞工局與台北市衛生局及慈濟合辦「愛灑人間－外籍
勞工健康關懷」。
2005 年 03 月 13 日移工黨台灣支部（Migrante Sectoral Party, Taiwan Chapter）舉
行第一次黨員大會，並選舉幹部。
菲律賓在台勞工所組成的菲律賓團結組織（KaSaPi）、台灣
國際勞工協會（TIWA）、以及移工黨台灣支部（Migrante
2005 年 03 月 27 日 Sectoral Party, Taiwan Chapter），針對中國時報在婦女節前夕
出刊的 1410 期時報週刊，由李銘堯與張怡文撰文的「菲傭仙
人跳，專挑名人下手」報導，提出嚴正抗議。
菲律賓團結組織、台灣國際勞工協會抗議時報週刊種族/性別
2005 年 04 月 08 日
/階級歧視，又無道歉誠意，發起簽署連署書。
2005 年 04 月 09 日非法越勞工地墜樓醫院拒收，遭雇主棄置死亡。
菲律賓團結組織、台灣國際勞工協會再度前往時報週刊抗
2005 年 04 月 10 日
議。時報週刊拒不道歉，但承諾將以全頁之 2/3 版面全文照
登菲勞的聲明。
行政院勞工委員會宣布，製造業重大投資引進外勞門檻由現
2005 年 04 月 15 日
行為兩億元，下修為五千萬元，非傳統產業由五億元提高到
十億元。
2005 年 05 月 01 日包括移工黨台灣支部、家事服務法推動聯盟等團體，動員了
多位外勞，與本地勞工一起參加五一大遊行。
182
附件 6
參與人名單
Issues Countries Moderators/Speakers
成露茜世新社發所創所所長
Keynote speech Taiwan Lucie Chen, Professor, Department of
Journalism, Shih-Hsin University
Aurelio Estrada Asia pacific Mission
Hong Kong
for Migrants （Speaker）
Pham Kieu Oanh Action Aid
Vietnam
International Vietnam（Speaker）
張書銘淡江大學東南亞研究所碩
Workshop 1：
士 Chang, Shu-Ming Master of
Taiwan
Graduate Institute of Southeast Asian
跨國勞工與婚姻移民仲介問題
Studies, Tamkang University（Speaker）
The Problems of the Brokers on
藍佩嘉台大社會系助理教授
Migrants and Marital
Lan, Pei-Chia Assistant Professor,
Immigrants in Taiwan Taiwan
Department of Sociology, National
Taiwan University（Moderator）
Hairiah，Director of Yayasan Lembaga
Indonesia Bantuan Hukum Perempuan Indonesia
Untuk keadilan（Speaker）
Workshop 2： Emerenciana de Jesus Secretary
Philippine
General of Gabriela（Speaker）
女性跨國勞工與移民知暴力預 Kim Min Jeong We home, Korea
Korea
防（Speaker）
Action to Prevent Violence 蔡順柔屏東區外籍與大陸配偶服
against Female migrants and 務中心 Tsai, Shun-Jou Manager of
Immigrants Taiwan The Resources Center of Foreign and
Mainland China Spouses of Pingtung
County（speaker）
潘淑滿台師大社教系副教授
Pan, Shu-Man Associate Professor,
Taiwan Department of Adult & Continuing
Education National Taiwan Normal
University（Speaker）
183
夏曉鹃世新社發所副教授、南洋台
灣姊妹會顧問
Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan Associate
Taiwan
Professor, Graduate Institute for Social
Transformation Studies; AranAsia
Sisters Association, Taiwan（Speaker）
韋薇（新事社會服務中心）
Sr. Stephana, Wei Wei
Taiwan
Director of Rerum Novarum Center
（Moderator）
Sutthida Malikaew Adviser of Action
Thailand Network of Migrant Labor，Thailand
（Speaker）
Lualhati S. Roque Executive director
Philippine of International Migrant Resource
Center
Workshop 3：顧玉玲台灣國際勞工協會 TIWA
Ku,Yu-Ling Secretary General
Taiwan
各國跨國勞工／移民政策法令 Taiwan International Workers'
現況，國際人權保護機制 Association（Speaker）
International & National 廖元豪政大法律系助理教授
Instruments on Female Liao, Yuan-Hao Assistant Professor,
Taiwan
Migrants and Immigrants Department of Law, National Chengchi
Institutions and Laws University（Speaker）
黃長玲台大政治系副教授，婦女新
知基金會董事長 Huang, Chang-Ling
Chairperson of Awakening
Taiwan
Foundation Associate Professor,
Department of Politics, National
Taiwan University（Moderator）
綜合討論 Irene Fernandez
Malaysia
Resource person
184
國外參與人
姓名單位聯絡方式電子郵件
Ramon Bultron Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants
Anna Bultron Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants a_bultron@yahoo.com
Nguyen Hong Nang Action Aid International Vietnam
Nguyen Thi Kim Anh Oxf am Que be c’
sAnti
-human
trafficking program
Nguyen Thi Bich Save the Children UK
Nguyen Van Quoc Save the Children UK
Le Thi Thuy Vi
etna
mWome
n’sUni
on
Hoang Thi To Linh International Organization for linhhoang@iom.int.vn
Migration
報名學員
編號姓名單位聯絡方式電子郵件
Aguman kampangan
1 Lersa lisali@benq.com
Taipei Taiwan Chapter
2 Tammy Tammy.tran@ocgv.com
3 小宮有紀子台大社研所 Tabi2001@so-net.net.tw
4 方紅哖板橋社大志工 C921@m2.ccjh.tpc.edu.tw

長老教會關懷中心主
5 王文秀 wen.shiou@msa.hinet.net
任
6 王金玲浙江社科院社會所 Jinlingwang199@hotmail.com
7 王麗玲教育工作者 err588@yahoo.com.tw
8 白文麗勵馨基金會 Goh310@goh.org.tw
9 江妙瑩罔氏電子報 cana@ms10.hinet.net
10 吳佳珮台權會 Chia_peiw@hotmail.com
11 吳佳臻台權會 zhenzilaile@yahoo.com.tw
12 吳靜如台灣國際勞工協會 Gung0123@ms17.hinet.net

185
13 宋綠珩永和社大
14 李中夏潮聯合會 nini12150306@yahoo.com.tw
15 李思萱台大衛政所助理 noheartlo@hotmail.com

天主教越南外勞辦公
16 李惠玲
室
17 李麗華天主教希望職工中心 edescnlee@yahoo.com.tw
18 汪詠黛婦女新知協會 wawaken@ms63.hinet.net

19 秀娥
室
20 阮文雄 tuhoazung@yahoo.com
室
21 周芙縈 Fu.yin@ms28.url.com.tw
22 林秀麗 IACT hsiuli@iaction.org
23 林奎妙華視產業工會 urswatched@yahoo.com
24 林英貞中華救助總會 Cares03@cvtc.org.tw
25 林詩涵南洋台灣姊妹會 spring-po@yahoo.com.tw
26 侯元芳蘭馨婦幼中心 lilyqueen@ms1.e-land.gov.tw
27 哈多吉國際醫療行動協會 dorjuha@yahoo.com
28 施逸翔東吳大學 Riverrain308@yahoo.com.tw

桃園縣心理健康促進
29 柯淑敏 Chu999@ms12.hinet.net
協會
30 紀穎如東海大學 chi.yingju@msa.hinet.net
31 夏倬慧台權會 hsia000@yahoo.com.tw
32 徐幸君元智社會系 S914340@mail.yzu.edu.tw
33 涂又文法扶台北分會 Tutu601@ms5.url.com.tw
34 張佩芬台大城鄉所 r91544032@ntu.edu.tw
35 郭奇正東海建築 cjkuo@mail.thu.edu.tw

186
36 陳怡文台大婦女研究室 wrp@ntu.edu.tw
37 陳美華高醫大性別所
38 陳家萱高醫大性別所 shishichen@hotmail.com
39 陳雅湘伊甸基金會 Arace6683@pchome.com.tw
40 曾麗蘭民黨婦女部 lilant@dpp.org.tw
41 黃文絹東海大學 Clair67727@yahoo.com.tw

女性勞動者權益促進
42 黃素恩 ginabie@mail2000.com.tw
會
43 黃淑怡檢改會秘書 Nina-lazycat@yahoo.com.tw
44 黃淑鈴蘭馨婦幼中心 Liada9452ms1.e-land.gov.tw
45 楊佳羚瑞典隆德大學社會學 msych@ms27.hinet.net
46 楊芳琬律師 Fangwan.yang@msa.hinet.net
47 達努巴克花蓮師院多元所 gushiau@seed.net.tw
48 鄔佩麗台灣師大 T05017@cc.ntnu.edu.tw
49 廖英瑾中原財法所 Cynthia_liao2001@yahoo.com.tw
50 蔣麗純蘭馨婦幼中心 chaing@ms1.e=land.gov.tw
51 鄭妙音法扶台北分會 miauint@mail2000.com.tw
52 鄭雅文台大衛政所教師
53 賴美惠婦女新知協會 wawaken@ms63.hinet.net
54 賴淑娟佛光人文社會學院 sclai@mail.fgu.edu.tw

螃蟹居家庭成長工作
55 謝以玟 Ruth6399@yahoo.com.tw
坊
56 謝素蘭永和社大 adora0443@yahoo.com.tw
57 孫瑞穗婦女新知基金會董事 sssun@ntu.edu.tw
58 Fr. Joy Mary knoll
187
Center for Migrants

59 Fr. Loloy Loloy_napiere@yahoo.com
Concerns
Missionary Sisters of
60 Sr. Ditha the Immigrate micte@tpts4.seed.net.tw
Conception
Filipinos Married to
61 Nene Ho
Taiwanese Association
62 Edna Chou FMTA
Migrant Workers
63 Alice
concern Desk-TPE
64 Sr. Tingting
Taipei International
65 Pastor Paul Ko paoltic@ispeed.com.tw
Church
66 Michael Holaday michaelholaday@gmail.com
67 Patrick Muller Pmuller11@hotmail.com
68 Gwen Ha Radio Free Asia nguyent@rfa.org
188

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2005 亞洲女性移民 移工 NGO 組織者國際工作坊研討會會議手冊

III. 會議論文 Papers

Introduction of Participant Organizations……………132~148

Objectives of the Workshop

1. To have a common understanding on the issues and problems faced by

15:30-15:45 Coffee Break

Resources Person: Irene Fernandez

15:45-17:45 Workshop III

Cross-Border Marriage Business in Taiwan and Vietnam

Scale of the International Marriage Market in Taiwan

Taiwan Government Taiwanese Grooms

Organized Taiwanese Individual Taiwanese

Vietnamese Agencies: Big matchmakers

Small matchmakers (V2)

Industrial Organization of Cross-Border Marriages

Figure 1, derived from our fieldwork observations, shows cross-border marriage

Competition in the Cross-Border Marriage Market

Table 2 Cost breakdown of Arranged Marriage

With increasing numbers of businesses entering the market, individual profit

Complete Commodification of Marriage

Concluding Remarks and Prospects

The Problems of the Brokers on Migrants

B. The opportunity to marry foreign men

This mail order-brides’phe nome nonwhi cha rguablywa ss tart

It is clear that the international marriage between an Indonesian woman and a

The Broker System in Taiwan,

May 13-15, 2005 Taipei, Taiwan

In 1998, the Philippine government pegged a uniform salary exclusive of

The Philippine government took advantage of this by drafting another memorandum

Att hes amet ime ,theCLAi se vende nyingt hatt her

Collection of on-site handling fees should remain as follows:

1st year - NT 1,800/month

4th year - NT 1,800/month

Processing Cost For Agency Hire in Philippines

Placement Fee: (equivalent to one NTS15,840/ PHP26,769

OWWA/PhilHealth Medicare Premium PHP900

Source: POEA http://www.poea.gov.ph/Country/taiwan.htm

things, is impossiblebecaus e“ thiswi l

Earnings of Philippine government from migrant workers in Taiwan

Year 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

According to MECO, these include the following:17

- Providing transportation services to and from the airport

12 Kabayan, Taiwan News, November 29, 2004

1. Case 1 –Virtue Human Resources Co.

2. Case 2 –Asia Human Resource Management & Consult Co. Ltd.

Event he CLA’ sof f

3. Detention and Other Powers

b. Custodial and Deportation Powers

A Taiwanese lawyer that we consulted had this to say. Detention of migrant

Buti na ni nforma lt alk wi th APMM’ sTa i

Migrant Women in Korea through

Kim Min Jeong

1. Present Status of Korea

Such situation is considered relevant to the providing structure of Vietnam, but I

<Graph 1> Citizenship distribution of foreign spouses of Korean men(number of

2001 2002 2003 2004

<Graph2> The sort of matchmakings of Korean men spouses(number of persons)

<Figure3> Yearly change for first matchmaking/re-matchmaking of Korean men

(1) Current Status of Poverty

(2) Current Status of Violence

Fore xampl e,‘inKor e

Today ’sma tchma ki ngwi t

2.Current Status of Governmental Migrant Women related Policy

The Korean government is entrusted with operation of 2 migrant women victims

2005 亞洲女性移民移工 NGO 組織者國際工作坊研討會會議手冊

根據「美國醫學會」（the American Medical Association）的研究報告，三個美