MEXICOS MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK UNDER A FLOATING EXCHANGE

RATE REGIME

Agustn G. Carstens y Alejandro M. Werner

Mayo de 1999
Documento de Investigacin No. 9905
Direccin General de Investigacin Econmica
BANCO DE MXICO

MEXICOS MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK UNDER A FLOATING EXCHANGE

RATE REGIME
Agustn G. Carstens and Alejandro M. Werner *
BANCO DE MXICO
May 1999
Research Paper No. 9905
ABSTRACT
The currency and financial crises experienced by the European Monetary System in 1992, by Mexico in
1994-95 and the recent emerging market crisis of 1997-1999 have reignited the debate on the viable
exchange rate regimes for small open economies and, in particular, for emerging markets. After more
than four years with the floating exchange rate regime, the Mexican experience provides an interesting
case of study for other emerging economies considering the possibility of moving towards a more
flexible exchange rate regime. In this paper we provide an overview of the transition towards the
floating exchange rate regime, the functioning of this system in Mexico, the current monetary policy
framework and the behavior of the economy in recent years.

The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of Banco de Mxico.
We appreciate the comments and contributions of Everardo Elizondo, Moiss Schwartz and Daniel Garcs.
2

Content
I.

Introduction...............................................................................................................................................5

II.

1994-1995: A forced transition to the floating regime........................................................................7

III.

Monetary and exchange rate policy since 1995...................................................................................13

III.1.

Monetary policy.........................................................................................................................13
III.1.1 The identification of the Inflationary Process in Mexico....................................21

III.2.

Exchange rate policy................................................................................................................37

IV.

Stylized Facts under Mexico's Float.....................................................................................................41

V.

Final Remarks..........................................................................................................................................50
References.................................................................................................................................................52

List of Figures
Figure 1:

Interest Rate and Exchange Rate (1994-1995).......................................................................9

Figure 2:

Primary Balance (1992-1996)..................................................................................................10

Figure 3:

Current Account (1994-1996).................................................................................................10

Figure 4:

Amortization of Tesobonos (1995-1996)..............................................................................12

Figure 5:

Growth in Consumption, Investment, Exports and GDP (1992-1998)..........................13

Figure 6:

Annual Inflation (1995-1999)..................................................................................................21

Figure 7:

Base Money and CPI (1986-1999)..........................................................................................23

Figure 8:

Base Money and Inflation (1987-1999).................................................................................23

Figure 9:

Impulse-Response functions...................................................................................................25

Figure 10:

Inflation and exchange rate (1984-1999)...............................................................................31

Figure 11:

Relationship between inflation expectations and the exchange rate (1997-1999)..........31

Figure 12:

Tradable and non-tradable goods inflation...........................................................................33

Figure 13:

Overnight interest rate, spot exchange rate and "short".....................................................35

Figure 14:

Inflation expectations for 1999...............................................................................................35

Figure 15:

GDP and inflation (1994-1998)..............................................................................................42

3

Figure 16:

Spot exchange rate (1995-1999)..............................................................................................43

Figure 17:

Funding rate (1989-1999)........................................................................................................45

Figure 18:

Funding rate volatility (1989-1999)........................................................................................45

Figure 19:

Current account and foreign investment (1993-1998)........................................................46

Figure 20:

Average foreign direct investment for Mexico and Latin America (1991-1997)............47

Figure 21:

Real exchange rate (1998)........................................................................................................48

Figure 22:

Nominal exchange rate (1998)................................................................................................49

List of Tables
Table 1:

Percentage of the variance of base money explained..........................................................26

Table 2:

Percentage of the variance of prices explained....................................................................26

Table 3:

Percentage of the variance of wages explained....................................................................27

Table 4:

Percentage of the variance of the exchange rate explained................................................27

Table 5:

Percentage of the variance of public prices explained........................................................27

Table 6:

Estimation of the monthly inflation of non- administered prices.....................................28

Table 7:

Regression results......................................................................................................................32

Table 8:

Regression results......................................................................................................................33

Table 9:

Results of the auction of options...........................................................................................40

Table 10:

Exchange rate volatility of some countries vis-a-vis the USD...........................................44

MEXICOS MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK UNDER A FLOATING EXCHANGE

RATE REGIME

I.

Introduction
The currency and financial crises experienced by the European Monetary System in 1992, by

Mexico in 1994-95 and the recent emerging market crisis of 1997-1999 have reignited the debate on the
viable exchange rate regimes for small open economies and, in particular, for emerging markets. One
common element in all of the aforementioned crises was the adherence to a predetermined exchange
rate. These commitments were very costly to maintain, specially when promises not to devaluate lacked
the institutional support provided by a monetary union or a currency board. In addition, as capital
controls have been dismantled and financial innovation has progressed, the size and speed of capital
movements has substantially increased the cost of sustaining a predetermined exchange rate.
In many cases a fixed or predetermined exchange rate regime was chosen as an instrumental
element of an inflation stabilization effort. In countries where the central bank is faced with a
credibility problem, a predetermined exchange rate provides a clear nominal anchor by which the
central bank borrows the credibility of the currency to which it is pegging. Although in many of the
crises countries this strategy proved successful in the fight against inflation, once inflation was brought
down to manageable levels and policy priorities changed, the rigidity imposed by these regimes became
a liability to the fixing countries, and when faced with significant shocks, they were forced to devalue.
Many countries under a predetermined exchange rate regime ran into the problem that at some
point they assigned too many objectives to a single policy instrument. These inconsistencies eventually
led to a collapse of the regime. In the case of Mexico, during 1994 monetary policy had to defend the
predetermined exchange rate, without affecting a weak banking system. Recently, in the case of Brazil,
interest rate policy needed to defend the currency, but without increasing the fiscal imbalance. Once
the market caught the inconsistencies, the regimes were doomed.
In addition, the implicit exchange rate guarantees provided by a predetermined exchange rate,
combined with a generous deposit insurance, proved to be a lethal combination that provoked
excessive financial intermediation, unwise risk taking and moral hazard. These factors, in the context
of a recently liberalized financial system, have generated important vulnerabilities in the financial sector,
that in most cases, led to severe financial crises. A currency board arrangement, by clearly limiting the
functions of lender of last resort of the monetary authorities and by minimizing (at least exante) the

deposit insurance coverage, provides a mechanism to discipline the financial sector, avoiding the
generation of significant financial imbalances. On the other hand, a floating exchange rate eliminates
the exchange rate insurance, limiting the extent of foreign exchange exposure by the financial
institutions. Under this scheme, deposit insurance also can be limited, as Mxico gradually has been
doing.
Thus, several economists and analysts have concluded that only under very specific and
demanding conditions1, there might be a comfortable middle ground between a floating exchange rate
and the adoption of a common currency. Although strict capital controls could provide the needed
additional instrument to sustain a less extreme regime, in practice controls have been abused and the
distortions generated by them have overwhelmed their potential benefits.
In Latin America this polarization in the election of exchange rate regimes is clearly
represented by the different paths adopted by Argentina and Mexico. While Argentina, in April 1991,
implemented a currency board in the midst of a severe financial and inflationary crisis, in Mexico, the
1994-95 currency crisis made the adoption of a floating exchange rate the only viable option. Although
at that time there was a widespread view that this was not a suitable long term regime for our country,
today, after more than four years, there is a much broader consensus about the benefits and
appropriateness of it.
It has been claimed [Hausmann et al (1999)] that since the 1970s Latin-American economies
have been abandoning fixed exchange rates by adopting more flexible exchange rate arrangements.
But, until very recently, this move implied the implementation of crawling exchange rates with or
without bands. Thus, in these new regimes, the authorities still undertook important commitments
regarding the behavior of the exchange rate. It is not until the late 1990s, when some Latin-American
countries started abandoning exchange rate commitments and turning towards floating exchange rates.
Therefore, the recent Mexican experience with a floating exchange rate is one of the few cases
of a Latin-American country that has sticked to such a regime for a relatively long period of time not
only as the only feasible alternative after a crises, but as desired exchange rate arrangement .
After more than four years with the floating exchange rate regime, the Mexican experience
provides an interesting case of study for other emerging economies considering the possibility of
moving towards a more flexible exchange rate regime. In this paper we provide an overview of the
transition towards the floating exchange rate regime, the functioning of this system in Mexico, the
current monetary policy framework and the behavior of the economy in recent years. In the next
1

Cases that come to mind are the ones of Chile and Israel.
6

section, we briefly document the transition to the floating exchange rate regime during 1994-95; in
section 3 we describe how monetary and exchange rate policy are conducted under this regime; in
section 4 we look at the behavior of financial and real variables during the float; and, in section 5, we
conclude with some lessons from the Mexican experience and challenges for the future.
II.

1994-1995: A forced transition to the floating regime

The fragilities accumulated during the early 1990s --the years of large capital inflows and

financial liberalization--, plus the negative external and domestic shocks faced by the economy during
1994, gave way to the balance of payments and financial crisis of December 1994, when under severe
pressure in the foreign exchange rate market, the central bank was no longer able to defend the
predetermined parity and it was decided to let the peso float.2
As the weeks went by, it became clear that the crisis had three conceptually different aspects.
The first one was due to the overspending in the economy that generated a current account deficit of
significant proportions. This deficit was being financed by short run capital inflows. The second aspect
was the equivalent of a run on Mexican external liabilities, both government and private. While debt
and budget indicators highlighted the solvency of the Mexican government, the short maturity of the
stock of government debt exposed the country to a financial panic. Even when investors recognized
Mexico's solvency, they realized that if everybody else stopped the roll-over of Mexican debt the
country would be unable to fulfill its financial obligations. Thus, the illiquidity of the Mexican
government generated a run on its debt. The third aspect was the banking crisis that began to unfold,
which required immediate attention, both to avoid a domestic run on the banks and to pursue
consistency in the macro framework.

An attempt to implement a controlled movement in the currency band was unsuccessful and lasted only
one day.
7

As the understanding of the nature of the crisis became clear, the policy reaction evolved from
a package designed to adjust the overspending in the economy, to one that, in addition to taking these
issues into consideration, generated enough confidence to stop the panic and restore confidence in
Mexican assets, both external and internal.

To achieve this, Mexico had to demonstrate its

commitment to completely fulfill all its financial obligations without relying on inflationary finance or
an outright default on debt, and at the same time applying a consistent set of policies.
Thus, in the aftermath of the 1994 devaluation of the peso, economic policy faced three
immediate challenges:
(i)

To conduct an orderly macroeconomic adjustment in response to the steep reduction of capital

inflows.

(ii)

To refinance short-term dollar denominated public debt by approximately US$30 billion.

(iii)

To maintain the solvency of the banking sector and protect depositors savings.

In order to face these challenges, several measures were implemented during 1995:
(a)

To contain the inflationary effects of the devaluation, a tight monetary policy was followed.
To make this policy credible, it became essential to spell out very clearly that monetary policy
was going to be oriented exclusively to stabilize the nominal variables of the economy,
consistent with Banco de Mexicos autonomy. The banking sector problems were going to be
dealt with specific programs (to be explained later), whose costs were going to be absorbed
through fiscal adjustments spread over many years.

So, monetary policy had only one

objective to reduce inflation , a condition which was essential under a floating exchange
rate regime, since under such an arrangement the said policy should be the nominal anchor of
the economy. To build that anchor, monetary policy needed to be conducted without any
interference from the banking sector problem. To demonstrate the resolve of the monetary
authorities, it can be said that they contributed for the overnight interest rates to move from
16% in December 1994 to 86% in March 1995.

Figure 1
Interest Rate and Exchange Rate
(1994-1995)
90

8.0

80

7.5

7.0
70
Funding Rate

6.5

60
6.0
Exchange Rate

50

5.5
40
5.0
30
%

4.5

20
4.0

pesos/dollar

(b)

12-95

11-95

10-95

09-95

08-95

07-95

06-95

05-95

04-95

03-95

02-95

01-95

12-94

11-94

10-94

09-94

08-94

07-94

06-94

05-94

04-94

3.0
03-94

0
02-94

3.5

01-94

10

In order to accomplish an orderly adjustment of the current account, fiscal policy was
tightened considerably as the primary balance went from a surplus of 2.1% of GDP in 1994 to
a surplus of 4.7% of GDP in 1995, even when GDP contracted by more than 6%. In addition,
a fiscal effort was necessary, to start absorbing some of the costs of the banking sector rescue
package.

Figure 2
Primary Balance (1992-1996)
(as GDP percentage)
6.0%

5.2%
5.0%
4.7%
4.4%

4.0%

3.3%
3.0%

2.1%
2.0%

1.0%

0.0%
1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

The tight monetary and fiscal policies, together with the expenditure switching effects of the
devaluation, were absolutely essential to stabilize the currency and achieve the current account
correction in a relatively orderly way.
Figure 3
Current Account (1994-1996)
(millions of dollars)
1,000

-1,000

-2,000

-3,000

-4,000

-5,000

-6,000

-7,000

-8,000

-9,000
I/94

(c)

II/94

III/94

IV/94

I/95

II/95

III/95

IV/95

I/96

II/96

III/96

IV/96

To honor the financial commitments of the country, and more importantly, to induce creditors
to roll-over their maturing loans to Mexico, the government negotiated and obtained a 52billion dollars emergency support package from the international community, having the US

10

government [i.e. the Exchange Stabilization Fund] and the IMF as the main suppliers of
assistance.
(d)

To deal with the banking sector problem, a comprehensive strategy was put in place. The
fragilities accumulated by the domestic financial system, the overindebtness of firms and
households, and the damaging effects of the crisis seriously threatened the health of the
Mexican financial system. To preserve the integrity of this sector, the authorities implemented
a series of programs, with the following objectives:

To prevent a systemic run on the banking system;

To combat moral hazard and minimize distortions;

To consider the cost of the banking sector restructuring as a fiscal issue;

To reduce as much as possible the need for the central bank to act as the lender of last
resort; and

To strengthen financial sector regulation and supervision.

Based on these objectives, the central bank opened credit lines denominated in foreign
currency at a penalty rate, so that commercial banks could fulfill their external obligations; a program
was established to promote the capitalization of the banking system; and legal reforms were undertaken
to allow greater foreign participation in the banking system.
It should be highlighted that the fiscal authority, by recognizing the fiscal costs of the banking
sector restructuring and by showing its commitment to deal with this problem with fiscal resources,
liberated monetary policy to pursue its primary goal of price stability. Thus, at this point it was clear
that monetary policy would not face the dilemma of trying to comply with conflicting objectives and
that it would concentrate in lowering inflation, becoming the required nominal anchor under the
floating exchange rate regime.
Low international reserves and the uncertainty prevailing in financial markets after the collapse
of the currency made the discussion on alternative exchange rate regimes irrelevant. The only option
was to stick with a floating exchange rate. Therefore, the important issue was to implement the
necessary institutional and operational innovations to complement the floating exchange rate regime
and start to reestablish the credibility of Banco de Mxico (more on this on the next section).

11

Following the implementation of the strategy, financial markets recognized the soundness of
the measures taken, and the commitment of the Mexican government to pay all of its maturing debt.
The peso became more stable, and after overshooting to 7.5 pesos per dollar in March, it went back in
May to 6 pesos per dollar, regaining some of the ground lost during the weeks of uncertainty. Interest
rates began to fall and the stock market returned to its pre-crisis level. The inflation rate quickly came
down to manageable levels. The risk of a government default disappeared as TESOBONOS
outstanding were being paid off in dollars and the government had sufficient resources to accomplish
this task. Finally, it is important to notice that the Mexican government, as well as some private banks,
regained access to international capital markets soon after the announcement of the program. Because
of this, the Mexican authorities used only half of the emergency support provided by the US
government, and these loans were paid in full by January 1997, three years before schedule.
Figure 4
Amortization of Tesobonos
(1995-1996)
3,000

35,000

Millions of Dollars in Weekly Payments

Direct Payments in US$
30,000
2,500

Amortizations in New Pesos

25,000

Total Amortizations
2,000

Outstanding Balance
20,000
1,500
15,000

1,000

Millions of Dollars Outstanding

10,000

500
5,000

*/ Last observation: February 15th, 1996.

Feb 8

Jan 18

Dec 14

Nov 30

Nov 1

Nov 16

Oct 5

Oct 19

Sep 7

Sep 21

Aug 24

Jul 27

Aug 10

Jul 13

Jun 29

Jun 1

Jun 15

May 4

May 18

Apr 6

Apr 20

Mar 9

Mar 23

Feb 9

Feb 23

Jan 26

Jan 12

0
Dec 94

1996

The real economy showed an impressive turnaround in the external accounts. Exports
increased by 30.6% from 1994 to 1995; and the trade deficit of $ 18,464 billion in December of 1994
turned into a surplus of $ 7,088 billion in December of 1995. Economic activity and employment
suffered considerably by the fall in domestic demand, due to the capital flows reversal, the reduction in
government spending, increases in tax rates, high real interest rates and vanishing credit. Specifically,
output, consumption and investment fell by 6.2, 8.4 and 29 percent, respectively, during 1995.

12

As the exchange rate stabilized, interest rates fell, international financial markets resumed
lending to the Mexican economy, and the expenditure switching effects of the devaluation continued
(for consumption as well as investment). Economic activity recovered rapidly, thanks to the broad
restructuring that the economy had gone through in the previous decade. Thus, GDP grew 5.6 percent
in average for the period 1996-98, while consumption and investment also recovered. At the same
time, inflation dropped rapidly from 51.7% in 1995 to 18.6% in 1998.
Figure 5
Growth in Consumption, Investment, Exports, and GDP (1992-1998)
(growth rates)
50

40

30

20

10

Private Consumption

-10

Private Investment
-20

Exports
-30

GDP

-40

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

The conclusion of this section is that the key for the success of the Mexican economy in
stabilizing relatively quickly its nominal variables after the eruption of the crisis in 1994-1995, was that a
consistent macroeconomic program was adopted early in the last year mentioned. Therefore, even
though Mxico did not have any experience under a floating exchange rate regime, this aspect was not
an impediment for pursuing stability, as long as a consistent policy framework was in place.
III.

Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy Since 1995

III.1.

Monetary Policy.
As a consequence of the devaluation of the peso and the return to a high inflation environment

in 1995, the credibility of Banco de Mxico was seriously damaged. The criticisms (some of them
unfounded) concentrated mainly on two issues: (i) the lack of transparency in the conduct of monetary
policy and in the dissemination of information, and (ii) the lack of ability to tighten monetary policy
before, during and immediately after the crisis.

13

In addition, after dropping the exchange rate as the nominal anchor of the economy and
turning to a floating exchange rate regime, monetary policy had to fill the vacuum and become the
nominal anchor.
In theory, under a floating exchange rate regime the central bank acquires control over the
monetary base, since it does not have to add or subtract liquidity derived from compulsory
interventions in the foreign exchange market. By acting directly on the monetary base, the central
bank supposedly would be able to influence interest rates and the exchange rate, and through these, the
general price level. Consequently, as the central bank reduces inflation, monetary policy becomes the
anchor for the evolution of the general price level. These were the type of arguments that prompted
the Mexican authorities to consider quantitative targets on monetary aggregates in early 1995 when
designing its monetary program for the year.
Consistent with the above, Banco de Mxico established as intermediate target a ceiling on the
growth of the monetary base for the year. Since this program was just announced at the inception of
the crisis, an assumption of no international reserves accumulation was made -- which is a natural
assumption under a flexible exchange rate regime. Therefore, the ceiling on monetary base growth was
in essence a ceiling on the expansion on the net domestic credit of the central bank, which in principle
would keep inflation in line. For this quantitative target to become credible, Banco de Mxico
committed to inform monthly on the evolution of its net domestic credit.
Regretfully, very soon it became obvious that this very simple and intuitive monetary program
was not enough to stabilize inflationary expectations, the exchange and the development of inflation
itself. In early 1995, the rule-based monetary policy failed to perform as expected, due to the following:
(a)

In a crisis scenario, the velocity of money is very unstable, thus making also unstable the
relationship between the monetary base and inflation;

(b)

It was not possible for the rule on monetary base growth to prevent the sudden exchange rate
depreciations --resulting from external shocks or shifts in expectations--, to substantially affect
inflationary expectations and eventually the price level; since the beginning, just after the
collapse of the predetermined exchange rate regime, the pass-through from exchange rate
depreciation to inflation was very high; and

(c)

The central bank had hardly any control on the monetary base in the short run. The evolution
of this aggregate is driven by the demand for bills and coins in circulation, which has a very low
interest rate elasticity in the short term. In addition, commercial banks did not hold any excess
reserves in the central bank --due to the zero reserve requirement policy in place and the
14

operation of Mxicos payment system--, which prevented even more any short term control
over the monetary base.
In February and March, 1995, the market participants expected a strong statement by the
authorities, that would make credible their stated intentions about reducing inflation. In particular, they
were expecting considerable hikes in interest rates, to counteract the inflationary shocks that were
occurring. So, in late March, the central bank increased up to 100 percent the overnight funding rate
(by establishing interest rate floors in its open market operations). This discretionary monetary policy
action, together with the agreement with the IMF of a strong adjustment program and the availability
of the Exchange Stabilization Fund, managed to brake the sharp tendency towards depreciation that
the peso showed during the first quarter of the year, to stabilize inflationary expectations and, very soon
afterwards, to reduce the monthly rates of inflation. By May, 1995 the peso started to appreciate and
inflationary expectations to fall, which led to a reduction in nominal and real interest rates. This, in
turn, mitigated the collapse of economic activity and prevented further deterioration in the banking
system.
Therefore, the experience just described led the Mexican authorities to modify during the first
half of 1995 its monetary policy: from one based solely on quantitative targets on monetary aggregates,
to another were both rules (on the behavior of the monetary base) and discretion (by influencing the
level of interest rates) were incorporated.
To be able to implement in a transparent fashion the discretionary policy measures, and also to
tackle the criticisms that Banco de Mxico was too slow and undecisive to adjust interest rates, the
central bank decided to adopt a new reserve requirement scheme, the so called zero average reserve
requirement.
By means of this scheme3, Banco de Mxico established accounting periods of 28 days during
which banks seek to post a zero daily average balance in the current accounts they hold in the central
bank. Banks strive to obtain said balance because, should the daily average balance be negative, the
bank in question would have to pay an interest rate equivalent to twice the prevailing 28-day CETES
rate on the respective balance. On the other hand, should the daily average balance be positive, the
bank would lose the returns it could have obtained had it invested in the market the respective funds.
In order to meet the demand for bills and coins, the Banco de Mxico offers credit to banks via
daily auctions, so as to offset maturing credits previously granted to banks, movements in the Federal
Treasurys account, and the monetary impact of transactions of foreign currency by the central bank.
3

For a detailed description of this mechanism, see Gil Daz, Francisco (1998).
15

The central bank determines the sum of credit to be auctioned each day so that the overall net
daily average balance of all current accounts held by banks at the Banco de Mxico accumulated
during the specific accounting periodmay close the day at a predetermined amount. If said amount is
negative, the central bank would put the banking system in short and, if the amount is positive, the
system would be put in a long position. It follows that if the central bank puts the system in short
(or applies a short), at least one credit institution will have to pay the penalty interest rate of twice the
prevailing CETES rate.
It should be stressed that the Banco de Mxico always supplies the credit necessary to
completely satisfy the demand for bills and coins, even when the banking system is put in short.
Nevertheless, in this case, a portion of the credit is supplied at a higher interest rate, which is applied to
the overdrafts in the current accounts of one or several banks.
When the system is put in short, the central bank exerts upward pressure on interest rates,
which can be quite significant. Nonetheless, more than for any other reason, said pressure is the result
of the signal given by Banco de Mxico. A point in case is that the maximum amount for which the
system has been short in recent years is 160 million pesos, representing only 0.002% of the monetary
base.
The main reason for the short to be effective in inducing hikes in interest rates, is because
under a floating exchange rate regime the commercial banks do not have means to create balances in
their accounts with the central bank (they cannot credit their balances by selling forex to the central
bank, as they can do under a predetermined exchange rate regime). Therefore, the short imposes an
unavoidable cost to the banking system. Under such circumstances, the rational response of the
banking system is to allow interest rates to increase to the level they believe is the target of Banco de
Mxico, with the smallest possible short (or corto in Spanish). This is precisely what usually
happens when a corto is applied or modified.
During 1995, Banco de Mxico adopted additional measures geared towards strengthening
those previously mentioned and to ensure better monetary control. Among these, the following should
be noted:
1)

Modifications to the auction mechanism that the central bank uses in order to regulate
liquidity (i.e. the mechanism it depends on to conduct open market operations).
Before, Banco de Mxico frequently fixed interest rates when operating in the money
market or directly influenced them by signaling maximum or minimum levels in
auctions. Currently, rates are totally and freely determined in auctions.

16

2)

The payments system reform. Due to this amendment, daily (and intra-daily) access to
the central bank credit by commercial banks has been severely constrained. Also, such
credit is conditional upon the constitution of guarantees.

3)

Banco de Mxico imposed an aggresive policy on disclosure of information. For

economic agents to properly follow central bank decisions, it is convenient to have
access to relevant information on a timely basis. Consequently, Banco de Mxico has
been: (a) publishing, on a daily basis, the balances of the current accounts that banks
hold in the central bank reported at the opening of each day, as well as the stock of
bills and coins in circulation and the programmed open market operations to be
conducted for that day; (b) releasing, weekly and monthly, the figures of the main
items of the Banks balance sheet, including the monetary base, net domestic credit
and international reserves; and (c) making the ample data base of the Bank available to
the general public through the INTERNET system.

This policy has allowed a

substantial reduction in the lag between the dates in which figures are known and
those in which they are usually disclosed by means of printed media. These practices
have situated Banco de Mxico at the forefront of central banks regarding public
information disclosure and its timeliness.
Since 1996, all the monetary programs that Banco de Mxico has implemented are
fundamentally based on the elements just outlined. To be more precise, it can be said that Mxicos
most recent monetary programs have included three main elements:
(1)

A yearly annual inflation objective. This objective is established jointly by the

Federal Government and the Banco de Mxico, and it is perceived as the result of a
concerted effort to coordinate fiscal and monetary policies. Based on such objective
the fiscal and monetary policies are designed, and it also helps for the determination of
the minimum wage.

(2)

Rules defined on the behavior of monetary base, together with quantitative

commitments on the accumulation on net international reserves and the
variation of net domestic credit. The basic objective of these rules and quantitative
commitments is to assure the market that Banco de Mxico will not create the most
basic source of inflation: excess supply of primary money. This, if it were to occur,
would immediately raise the publics inflationary expectations, which would, in turn,
result in exchange rate depreciation, interest rate increases, higher nominal wages and
rises in the prices of goods and services. This is why the Board of Governors has
17

established, as one of the elements of its monetary programs, a basic operational rule
that assures that the central bank will not create a monetary base surplus. This rule
goes as follows:
As a general rule, Banco de Mxico will adjust, on a daily basis, the supply of
primary money in a way that such supply matches the demand for base money.
This basic operational rule means, in more technical terms, that in the daily
determination of its open market operations, the central bank will pursue, as a general
rule, the objective of zero accumulated current account balances that commercial
banks hold with this central bank. It also implies that Banco de Mxico will sterilize
the monetary impact that can derive from variations in the net international assets, and
from operations that the Treasury carries out in the account it holds with Banco de
Mxico.
The strict application of this basic operational rule, under certain circumstances, could
imply that Banco de Mxico passively accommodates any demand of monetary base,
which could be the source of some problems. In particular, the central bank could
eventually be satisfying a demand for money consistent with a higher than expected
inflation pattern.
To detect this situation and act in consequence, Banco de Mxico compares daily the
observed path of the base with one that is, in principle, consistent with the inflation
objective for that year (which is published). This last path is difficult to determine in
such a way that it has annual validity, due to the following factors: (a) the relationship
between inflation and base money can change over time; (b) the basic assumptions
made to forecast base demand for the year (related to the GDP growth and interest
rate behavior) may not materialize, and (c) the relationship between base demand and
the variables that explain its behavior might also change over time. For this reason,
Banco de Mxico must evaluate the divergences between the observed and estimated
base path along with other indicators that could give more information about the
evolution of future inflation, such as the exchange rate, the available measures of
inflationary expectations, contractual wages and the relationship between potential and
observed GDP. Given this caveats, the announced path of the monetary base does
not constitute a formal policy objective.

18

The usefulness of the announced path lies mainly on the fact that it would be a signal
of alert in case there were important deviations between the observed and the
announced base paths. Banco de Mxico evaluates such deviations and only in case
they respond to circumstances implying additional inflationary pressures, Banco de
Mxico would be expected to adopt a restrictive position.
Banco de Mxico is capable of adjusting primary money supply to its demand by
means of variations either in its domestic credit or its net international assets. The
central bank has relatively more control over its domestic credit. This is why using it
wrongly is, potentially, the easiest way to generate an excess in the monetary base. In
response to these considerations, and with the purpose of giving additional assurance
that no inflationary pressures will surge, Banco de Mxico has decided to incorporate
in its monetary programs quarterly limits to the domestic credit variations. The rest of
the expected increase in the demand for base money should then be generated by
increases in net international assets.
The monetary authorities have estimated that the availability of a greater amount of
international assets, will contribute to further strengthen Mexicos external financial
position, what is particularly important in the present highly volatile environment
registered in the international financial markets. More solidity in that front will allow
the country to continue having access to foreign resources, under favorable conditions
with regard to the cost and maturity of foreign financing. This is why usually an
important part of Banco de Mxicos monetary programs consists of the commitment
to generate a minimum net international asset accumulation.
(3)

The last common element in Banco de Mxicos monetary program is the

possibility for the central bank to adjust its stance on monetary policy, in case
unexpected circumstances make it advisable. This element portrays the use of
discretion in monetary policy management.
The element of the monetary programs described under item (2) above is aimed at
preventing Banco de Mxico from creating any excess supply in monetary base.
Unfortunately, this is not a full guarantee for attaining the desired abatement of
inflation. As it has been hinted before in this document, this is due to the fact that
inflation may also surge from other sources. On one hand, external disruptions may
cause an excessive depreciation of the domestic currency. On the other, contractual
wage negotiations might result above the sum of the inflationary target plus
19

productivity increases. By the same token, there could be unexpected adjustments to

public prices with the purpose of keeping public finances under control.
Any of these events could cause interest rates to rise, tending to mitigate undesirable
inflationary pressures. Nevertheless, the case may be that interest rates automatic
adjustment does not suffice to assure inflations reasonable behavior. Under such
circumstances, Banco de Mxico would consider the possibility of restricting its
monetary policy by means of the short.
By increasing its short, the central bank raises its negative target for accumulated
balances of the current accounts commercial banks maintain in Banco de Mxico.
Through this action the central bank exerts an upward influence on interest rates
which, in general, results from the signal sent to the market through this instrument, as
it was explained before.
The above paragraphs may be summarized as follows: Banco de Mxico, under the
current circumstances of financial market volatility, requires the faculty of being able to
discretionarily adjust monetary policy, particularly restricting it if necessary.
The central bank tends to use the short, thereby adopting a more restrictive stance on
monetary policy, under the following circumstances:
(a)

In case it detects future inflationary pressures inconsistent with the attainment of the
inflationary target.

Namely, monetary policy will strive to neutralize exogenous

shockss side-effects on prices and will occasionally act in a precautionary fashion by

partially compensating the direct inflationary effects of the key prices in the
economy. The ultimate objective resides in making the necessary adjustments in order
for relative prices to impact the CPI only moderately by raising its level- without
deteriorating inflationary expectations in order to prevent inflations dynamics from
turning perverse;
(b)

When it is deemed necessary to restore order in exchange and money markets; and,

(c)

When inflationary expectations are deemed out of line with respect to the original
target.

The combined use of rules and discretion in monetary policy has worked well for the case of
Mxico. So far, inflation has been reduced from 52 percent in 1995 to 18.6 percent in December, 1998

20

and 18.2 percent in last March. For 1999 as a whole inflation is expected to fall to 13 percent (see
figure 6).
Figure 6
INDICE NACIONAL DE PRECIOS AL CONSUMIDO

Annual Inflation

Variacin porcentual anual

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
E

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

As a matter of fact, as the understanding of the inflation phenomena in Mxico is increased,

the more evident it becomes that the real nominal anchor of the economy is the discrete response of
authorities to shocks. This sends a clear signal to the market about the authorities commitment to
attain the inflation objectives.
As these are achieved, the more credible the policy and the objectives will be.

Therefore, it

could be said that Mxico is in the transition period towards a clear-cut inflation targeting scheme. As
it will be apparent from the next subsection, the main factor that has prevented Mxico from adopting
an explicit inflation targeting scheme is the frequency and incidence of exogenous shocks both
domestic and external to the price level.
III.1.1.

The Identification of the Inflationary Process in Mxico.

To design a suitable monetary policy framework, it is essential to understand which are the

main determinants of inflation, and how does monetary policy interact with them to affect the behavior
of the rate of increase of the CPI.
21

As we all know, inflation is ultimately a monetary phenomenon. The evidence is clear that in
the medium and long run, there is a very close correlation between the rate of growth of monetary
aggregates and inflation, once changes in output and velocity are taken into account. This correlation
has been observed both in the international (see Lucas (1996)) and Mexican experiences (figures 7 and
8).

22

Figure 7
Base Money and CPI
(1986-1999)
140,000

350

millions of pesos
120,000

300

100,000

250

200

Base Money

CPI

CPI

Base Money

80,000

60,000

150
1994 = 100

40,000

100

20,000

50

0
1986

0
1987

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

Figure 8
Base Money Growth and Inflation
(1987-1999)
200%

180%

160%

140%

Base Money Growth

Inflation

120%

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%
1987

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

A quick reading of these findings might suggest that it should be relatively simple for the
central bank to eradicate inflation, given its influence on the behavior of monetary aggregates and high
power money in particular. But as we all know, the close correlation between money and prices says
nothing about causality running in either direction.

23

Economic theory is useful to frame this discussion on causality. On the one hand traditional
monetary models with flexible prices imply that causality goes from money to prices. In this setup,
prices will adjust immediately to changes in the stance of monetary policy. For instance, if the
monetary authority decides to reduce the rate of growth of the monetary base, agents will adjust their
expectations accordingly and inflation will immediately converge to its long run equilibrium. On the
other hand, models with price rigidities imply that in the short run inflationary shocks, such as wage
increases that are inconsistent with the inflation target, cannot be offset immediately by the monetary
authority. The monetary authority could in principle maintain the money supply constant, however,
given the low elasticity of the demand for real balances, the decrease in real balances would send
interest rates through the roof.

Under this circumstances, the central bank will be obliged to

accommodate, totally or partially, the inflationary impact of such shock. In this case, the causality is
turned on its head running from prices to money. Therefore, in this scenario, to judge the stance of
monetary policy, we should focus on the degree of accommodation by the monetary authority. But
even if the monetary authority accommodates the inflationary shock only partially, real interest rates
will increase. This increase in real interest rates will slowly reverse the impact of the inflationary shock
by affecting aggregate demand and appreciating the currency.
This discussion highlights two alternative sources of inflationary pressures. First, we have the
traditional monetary explanation, where exogenous shocks to the supply of money cause inflation,
therefore money is the driving force of the inflationary process. Secondly, in models with price
rigidities, shocks to key prices in the economy (wages, exchange rates and public sector prices) directly
affect inflation, and monetary policy partially accommodates these shocks. In this scenario, the degree
of policy accommodation will be instrumental in determining the long-run inflationary impact of the
shocks.
A first step in designing a suitable monetary policy framework is to determine wether the
inflationary process in Mexico is driven mainly by exogenous monetary shocks or by shocks to key
prices that are partially accommodated by the monetary authority.
Taking a close look at the evolution of the growth rate of the monetary base and inflation
during the period 1986-1998 (see figure 8), it seems that changes in inflation have preceded changes in
the growth rate of base money. Therefore, it seems that during this period, exogenous movements in
money were not the fundamental cause of inflation. To analyze this result more formally, Granger
causality tests were performed. The results of these tests show that there is causality running both ways
between these two variables. However, these results do not quantify the influence that movements on
each of these variables had on the other. To analyze this issue in more detail, we estimated a Vector
Error Correction Model (VECM) that incorporates, as its endogenous variables: CPI, base money,
24

exchange rate, wages and public sector prices. The impulse response functions are presented in figure 9
and the results from the variance decomposition4 are shown in tables 1 to 5.
Figure 9
Impulse-Response functions
Response of the indicated variable after a shock in Public Prices
Base Money

Prices

0.030

Wages

Exchange Rate

0.045

0.045

0.016

0.040

0.040

0.014

Public Prices
0.035

0.030
0.025
0.035

0.035

0.012

0.030

0.030

0.010

0.025

0.025

0.008

0.020

0.020

0.006

0.015

0.015

0.004

0.010

0.010

0.002

0.005

0.005

0.000

0.025
0.020

0.020

0.015

0.010

0.015

0.010

0.005
0.005

0.000

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

0.000

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

-0.002

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

0.000

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

50

55

60

Response of the indicated variable after a shock in the Exchange Rate

Base Money

Prices

Wages

0.070

Exchange Rate

0.080

Public Prices

0.120

0.090

0.100

0.090

0.080

0.070

0.060

0.100
0.070

0.080

0.060
0.050
0.080

0.070

0.060

0.050
0.040

0.060

0.050
0.040

0.060

0.050
0.040

0.030
0.030

0.040

0.040

0.030

0.020

0.030

0.020
0.020

0.020

0.020

0.010

0.010

0.010

0.010
0.000

0.000

0.000

5
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

0.000

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

60

Response of the indicated variable after a shock in Wages

Base Money

Prices

Wages

Exchange Rate

Public Prices

0.040
0.050

0.040
0.200

0.030

0.035
0.040

0.035
0.180
0.025

0.030

0.160

0.030

0.030

0.140

0.025

0.020

0.020

0.025
0.120

0.020

0.015

0.010

0.020

0.100

0.015

0.080

0.000

0.015

0.010
0.060

0.010
-0.010

0.010

0.005

0.040
0.005
-0.020

0.020

0.005
0.000

0.000

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

-0.030

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

-0.020

-0.005
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

60

Response of the indicated variable after a shock in Prices

Base Money
0.035

Prices

0.040

Wages

0.050

Exchange Rate

0.012

Public Prices

0.025

0.045
0.035

0.030

0.010
0.020

0.040
0.030

0.035

0.025

0.008
0.015

0.030

0.025
0.020

0.006

0.025
0.020

0.010

0.020

0.015
0.015

0.004
0.015

0.010
0.010

0.005

0.010
0.002

0.005

0.005

0.005

0.000
0.000

0.000

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

5
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

0.000
5

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

60

Response of the indicated variable after a shock in Base Money

Base Money

Prices

Wages

0.045

Exchange Rate

Public Prices

0.060

0.030

0.040

0.060
0.040

0.035

0.020

0.050

0.050
0.035
0.030
0.010
0.030

0.040
0.040

0.025
0.000

0.025

0.030

0.020

0.030
0.020

-0.010
0.015

0.015

0.020
0.020

-0.020
0.010

0.010
0.010

-0.030

0.010

0.005

0.000

0.005

-0.040
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

0.000

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

0.000
5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

60

From the impulse response functions it seems that the shocks have been correctly identified.
Public prices, exchange rate and wage shocks have positively affected the price level and money. It is
4

The ordering of the variables for the identification of the shocks was: public sector prices, exchange rate,
wages, prices and monetary base. However, the results are robust to changes in the ordering of the
variables.
25

also evident that each of these shocks has had indirect effects on the other two key prices of the
economy. Finally, it is interesting to notice that money shocks have the expected effect, as they bring
about increases in all prices in the economy. To establish the relevance of each shock as a determinant
of the movements in the other variables in the system, the variance decomposition for each variable
can be of assistance.
Table 1
Percentage of the Variance of Base Money
Explained by
months

Public Prices

Exchange Rate

Wages

Prices

Base Money

26.58

9.33

8.40

11.12

38.96

12

37.43

11.11

11.89

19.62

17.30

18

35.71

14.32

12.46

22.64

13.13

24

32.36

19.74

12.44

22.62

11.72

30

29.02

24.38

12.49

21.68

11.63

Table 2
Percentage of the Variance of Prices
Explained by
months

Public Prices

Exchange Rate

Wages

Prices

Base Money

39.68

24.43

7.16

27.38

1.24

12

26.49

35.53

12.27

22.71

2.95

18

17.67

44.83

12.89

18.40

6.02

24

12.85

50.92

12.58

15.07

8.05

30

9.97

54.75

12.12

12.80

9.49

26

Table 3
Percentage of the Variance of Wages
Explained by
months

Public Prices

Exchange Rate

Wages

Prices

Base Money

6.20

8.91

70.55

6.97

4.11

12

8.06

11.49

63.13

10.42

4.23

18

8.37

15.88

57.89

12.32

3.45

24

8.05

21.09

53.18

13.06

3.02

30

7.51

25.71

49.55

13.16

2.80

Table 4
Percentage of the Variance of Exchange Rate
Explained by
months

Public Prices

Exchange Rate

Wages

Prices

Base Money

5.35

81.79

1.77

2.51

6.57

12

2.97

78.56

4.55

1.93

9.66

18

1.61

77.71

4.62

1.43

11.74

24

1.00

77.25

4.48

1.08

12.81

30

0.69

76.89

4.33

0.85

13.50

Table 5
Percentage of the Variance of Public Prices
Explained by
months

Public Prices

Exchange Rate

Wages

Prices

Base Money

56.33

20.58

10.52

11.48

0.84

12

37.54

33.01

14.15

12.67

2.47

18

25.89

42.94

14.07

11.15

5.57

24

19.32

49.37

13.54

9.49

7.52

30

15.34

53.39

12.97

8.23

8.96

As it is clear from the variance decomposition, in the medium and long run movements in base
money and prices have been determined mainly by exogenous changes in exchange rates, wages, public
sector prices, and the general price level. But the impact of exogenous movements in base money on
prices, exchange rates and wages have been negligible. In addition, almost 90% of the variance in the
monetary base is explained by shocks to the other variables of the system. This result highlights that to
a very important degree monetary policy has accommodated these inflationary shocks. Exogenous
shocks to money have been negligible, and they are almost irrelevant to explain the behavior of prices,
exchange rates and wages.
27

An alternative way of assessing the relevance of money supply shocks in explaining the
behavior of inflation, is by estimating an equation for non-controlled prices5 inflation as a function of
exchange rate changes, wage changes and the rate of growth of base money. We also ran another
equation that includes the growth rate of public sector prices as an additional explanatory variable. In
both of these equations, the growth rate of the monetary base is statistically insignificant, when the
movements in the other variables are taken into account, confirming that, in the period considered,
exogenous shocks to money have not been the driving force behind the inflationary process in Mexico.
Table 6
Estimation of the monthly inflation of
Non-Administrated prices
Dependent Variable:

1987-1998

Non-Administrated Prices
c
Administrated Prices
Exchange Rate
Wages
M1
Non-Administrated Prices (t-1)
2

R
2
R adjusted
S.E.

0.0276
(3.09)
0.1286
(1.77)
0.0527
(3.80)
0.0812
(2.81)
-0.0013
(-0.12)
0.7209
(12.57)

0.0375
(4.60)
----0.0689
(5.64)
0.1102
(3.98)
-0.0016
(-0.12)
0.8068
(22.67)

0.9463
0.9396
0.0055

0.9272
0.9186
0.0064

By non-controlled prices we mean the subset of prices that are considered in the Mexican CPI that are
market determined, i.e. there are not set by administrative rules established by the government, as is the
case of prices of public sector goods.
28

These results confirm that exogenous movements to the monetary base have not been a cause
of inflationary pressures, but that the money base has accommodated inflationary shocks coming from
the exchange rate, wages and public sector prices. These results ratify the conclusion offered
above, in the sense that discretionary policy measures (or reactions) to combat shocks should
be the main component of Mxicos monetary program.
In addition, the impulse response functions show that wages react significantly to shocks in the
exchange rate and public sector prices, which suggests that these shocks significantly affected
inflationary expectations (they were not interpreted as a once and for all adjustment in the CPI) which
in turn affected wage demands. This indirect transmission channel by which exchange rate and public
prices shocks affect inflation expectations and wage adjustments, is explicitly tested below.
So it is safe to assume that inflationary pressures in Mxico have their origin in non-monetary
factors (that have been validated ex-post by the monetary authority), among which we find: (a) the
presence of external shocks which may generate sharp exchange rate depreciations; (b) changes in
public sector prices; and (c) wage revisions that are inconsistent with the inflation target.
Confronted with these exogenous inflationary shocks, the central bank faces the decision to
accommodate, totally or partially, the inflationary impact of such shocks, through its monetary policy
actions, or not to accommodate at all. In order to understand the problems faced by the central bank,
it is convenient to analyze first the case where there is some accommodation to these shocks.
Lets consider the case where an exogenous shock causes a sharp depreciation of the nominal
exchange rate. If this depreciation is perceived as permanent, very rapidly it will translate into increases
in tradable goods prices, generating a higher CPI. This would, in turn, increase nominal demand for
money. If Banco de Mxico matches passively demand and supply of base money, this expansion
would be validated and the central bank would have accommodated the increase in money demand
brought about by the exogenous shock to prices caused by the exchange rate depreciation.
In an economic textbook this would be described as a once and for all adjustment in the price
level, and according to the textbook explanation, it should be accommodated and it will not cause
further problems to the monetary authority.
However, and given our history of high inflation and the high historical correlation between
exchange rate depreciations and inflation (see figure 10), the dynamics triggered by the exchange rate
depreciation are complicated if one considers that the public might revise their inflationary expectations
upwards, as it has been the case lately (see figure 11), which would lead to rises in wages and non29

tradable goods prices, and, therefore, subsequent rounds of exchange rate and wage adjustments, thus,
perpetuating inflation and monetary base growth. In figure 12 it is clear that the inflation in tradable
goods has led the inflation of non-tradable goods since 1995, lending support to the hypothesis that
exchange rate depreciations have both a direct and indirect impact on prices.
Other phenomena that would trigger inflationary pressures, similar to those described above,
are the adjustments to public sector goods prices and wage increases that are not compatible with the
inflation target.

30

Figure 10
Inflation and Exchange Rate
(1984-1999)
200%

180%

160%
Inflation

Exchange Rate

140%

120%

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%
1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

Figure 11
Relationship between inflation expectations and the exchange rate
(1997-1999)
19.0

11.0
Inflation Expectations for the next 12 months

Exchange Rate

18.0

14.48
14.49
14.55
14.54
14.58
14.8
14.72
14.8
15.12

16.0

13.84
13.65
13.52
13.66
13.64
13.63
13.75
13.62
13.62
13.64
13.57
13.64
13.6
13.53
13.66
13.83
14.1

15.0

13.0

9.5

9.0

13.1
13.06
13.04
13.02
13.02
13
13.02
13.02
13.02
13.03
12.99
13.17
13.05
13.05
13.24
13.22

14.0

10.0
PESOS/DOLLAR

15.65
15.93
15.51
15.78
15.64
15.97
16.06
15.94
16.18
15.94
15.79
15.71

17.0

16.49
16.33
16.4
15.89
16.22
16.2
15.67
16.06
16.06
15.77
15.38
15.4
15.4
15.33
15.03
14.91
14.65
14.64

16.77
17.11

10.5

8.5

1997

1998

26/03

26/02

29/01

31/12

04/12

06/11

09/10

11/09

14/08

17/07

19/06

22/05

24/04

27/03

27/02

30/01

02/01

05/12

8.0
07/11

12.0

1999

Source: INFOSEL and Banco de Mxico.

Last figure: April 9, 1999.

To estimate the significance of the indirect channel of influence of the exogenous shocks, by
which these affect expectations, and expectations affect wages, we estimated two equations, one to
explain the behavior of inflation expectations and the other wage settlements. The first equation
explains the change in inflation expectations for the next 12 months, taken from the weekly survey
conducted by a Mexican wire system ( te ). As explanatory variables we have the weekly depreciation
of the exchange rate ( et and et 1 ), inflationary surprises measured by the difference between
31

observed and expected biweekly inflation ( surt), the change in the short ( OBJt) and increases in
public sector prices ( PSPt).
Table 7
Regression Results
(te): Dependent Variable
Variable

Coefficient

t-Statistic

obj t
et

0.015

3.916

0.037

1.954

et-1

0.053

3.072

(surt)

0.840

2.619

PSPt

0.095

2.612

R
DW

0.368
2.058

From the previous result, it can be derived that a 1 percentage point surprise in biweekly
inflation affects inflation expectations for the next 12 months by 0.85 percentage point. This result
shows that agents expect inflationary shocks to have an important permanent component. A 1%
weekly depreciation affects inflation expectations by 0.08%, while in those weeks when public sector
prices have adjusted by 1%, inflation expectations increased by 0.09%.

These results might be

reflecting the fact that in the past Banco de Mxico has accommodated, at least partially, some of the
inflationary shocks, contributing to make them permanent. This is probably the main reason why the
pass-through of exchange rate variations to inflation is relatively high in Mxico. Not surprisingly,
during the last two years at least, the Bank of Mxico has been trying to brake this link, by modifying
the short in response to sharp fluctuations in the exchange rate, minimizing the effects of changes in
the prices of tradable goods and on the corresponding to non-tradables.

32

Figure 12
TRADABLE AND NON TRADABLE GOODS INFLATION
Y NO COMERCIABLES

70

60
Tradables
Non Tradables

50

40

30

20

10

0
E

J
S
1994

J
S
1995

J
1996

J
S
1997

S
1998

M
1999

The second equation explains the behavior of wage inflation, measured by wage settlements, as
a function of the previous month 12-month inflation (

t-1),

inflation expectations for the next 12

months ( tE ) and the growth rate of output ( Yt).

Table 8
Regression Results
WTt: Dependent Variable
Estimation 1

Variable
t-1

Estimation 2

Coefficient t-Statistic Coefficient t-Statistic

0.090

1.182

0.749

4.253

t
Yt-3

0.197

2.012

0.318

1.557

0.114

2.179

0.107

2.283

WTt-1
AR(1)

0.707

6.402
0.672

5.481

R
DW

0.489
2.114

0.326
1.427

The results from these regressions clearly show that both lagged and expected inflation have an
influence on wage settlements. Taken together, the equations reported in tables 7 and 8 confirm that
transitory inflationary shocks --exchange rate movements and adjustment in public sector prices-- affect
inflationary expectations and the correction in expectations influence wage behavior, confirming the
importance of the indirect effects mentioned before and that also appeared in the impulse response

33

functions from the VECM. These elements have generated significant inertial effects from inflationary
shocks in Mxico.
The central bank should be able to offset, at least partially, the inflationary impact of the
exogenous disruptions on the exchange rate, public prices and contractual wages. This goal may be
achieved if the central bank satisfies the daily monetary base demand, but at a rate above the one
prevailing in the market. This is in fact what happens when Banco de Mxico has applied or increased
the short. The resulting higher interest rates may, for example, partially reverse the impact of an
exogenous exchange rate shock, limiting the exchange rate depreciation and moderating the adjustment
of inflationary expectations. In fact, this was Banco de Mxicos attitude during 1998, and it also has
been in the elapsed time of 1999, as it sequentially increased the short as additional inflationary
shocks became apparent (see figures 13 and 14).

34

15.8

15.6

15.4

15.2

15.0
OVERNIGHT
INTEREST
RATE

10.0

32.5
9.5

27.5
9.0

22.5
8.5

17.5
8.0

PESOS / DOLLAR

-130

15.11

15.18

09/04

47.5

16/04

15.21

15.58

19/03

-100

26/03

15.60

15.83

05/03

-50 -70

12/03

15.86

26/02

-30

16.30

16.51

-20

19/02

12/02

16.63

04/02

17.0

16.75

37.5

2-Jan-98
8-Jan-98
14-Jan-98
20-Jan-98
26-Jan-98
30-Jan-98
6-Feb-98
12-Feb-98
18-Feb-98
24-Feb-98
2-Mar-98
6-Mar-98
12-Mar-98
18-Mar-98
24-Mar-98
30-Mar-98
3-Apr-98
13-Apr-98
17-Apr-98
23-Apr-98
29-Apr-98
7-May-98
13-May-98
19-May-98
25-May-98
29-May-98
4-Jun-98
10-Jun-98
16-Jun-98
22-Jun-98
26-Jun-98
2-Jul-98
8-Jul-98
14-Jul-98
20-Jul-98
24-Jul-98
30-Jul-98
5-Aug-98
11-Aug-98
17-Aug-98
21-Aug-98
27-Aug-98
3-Sep-98
9-Sep-98
15-Sep-98
22-Sep-98
28-Sep-98
2-Oct-98
8-Oct-98
14-Oct-98
20-Oct-98
26-Oct-98
30-Oct-98
6-Nov-98
12-Nov-98
18-Nov-98
25-Nov-98
1-Dec-98
7-Dec-98
11-Dec-98
17-Dec-98
23-Dec-98
30-Dec-98
6-Jan-99
12-Jan-99
18-Jan-99
22-Jan-99
28-Jan-99
3-Feb-99
10-Feb-99
16-Feb-99
22-Feb-99
26-Feb-99
4-Mar-99
10-Mar-99
16-Mar-99
22-Mar-99
26-Mar-99
5-Apr-99
9-Apr-99
15-Apr-99

42.5

29/01

16.55

16.0

22/01

16.2
16.58

16.4

15/01

16.6
16.56

16.8

08/01

FUNDING RATE

Figure 13

OVERNIGHT INTEREST RATE , SPOT EXCHANGE RATE

AND "SHORT"
-160
11.0

EXCHANGE
RATE

10.5

*Last observation: April 21, 1999.

Figure 14

INFLATION EXPECTATIONS FOR 1999

Source: INFOSEL and Banco de Mxico.

Last figure: April 16, 1999.

1999

In the medium term, the rise in interest rates resulting from the authorities response to greater

inflationary pressures will reduce monetary base growth. Such effect might be reinforced by the impact

on demand for money of temporarily lower economic growth, associated to the rise in the cost of

35

loanable funds. Additionally, of course, demand for monetary base would moderate in response to the
achieved reduction in inflation.
Based on the above, it can be said that the dilemma that Banco de Mexico faces, when
conducting monetary policy, consists in determining the degree to which the institution is able to
counteract the inflationary shocks that eventually show up.
To the extent that monetary policy is extremely restrictive, entrepreneurs will find it more
difficult to pass on to final prices the higher costs resulting from shocks like exchange rate depreciation,
rises in public prices, or wage increases above expected inflation plus productivity gains. Profit margins
would decrease, to become even negative, along with the possibility of domestic producers losing
international competitiveness. All these elements might lead to lower investment and employment.
Workers losing their jobs and the unemployed not finding one, would suffer the most from this
situation. Therefore a very restrictive monetary policy can have a recessionary impact on economic
activity, employment and investment. At the same time, such a policy stance could have undesirable
effects on the health of the banking system. These two set of problems could even make the gains in
the reduction in inflation unsustainable. This type of considerations have induced the Board of
Governors of Banco de Mxico to lean in favor of a gradual but sustainable path of desinflation.
The costs of the disinflationary process will be less, to the extent that the central bank enjoys
more credibility among the public with respect to its conviction of abating inflation.

Then, no

substantial increases in interest rates would be required to keep inflationary expectations under control.
But the central bank may only gain credibility by acting in a timely and consistent fashion when
confronted with mounting inflationary pressures (which would show its commitment to the
desinflation process).

Therefore, to the extent that Banco de Mxico is able to foster a more

accelerated abatement of inflation, it will minimize the short-term costs of implementing a restrictive
monetary policy. In fact, empirical evidence suggests that the lasting benefits of a lower inflation in the
medium and long term will substantially compensate the temporary costs present in the process of
converging towards price stability (see Ghosh and Phillips (1998)).
From the previous analysis, the basis on which Banco de Mexico can support a medium-term
strategy to achieve a sustained reduction in inflation, can be derived. Namely:
a) Reaching social consensus regarding the benefits of price stability is imperative, in order to make
inflationary expectations, as well as price adjustments, consistent with inflation targets. Thus,
disinflation would be achieved at the least possible cost.

36

b) Monetary policy, in addition to avoiding the primary cause of inflation the generation of money
supply surpluses , should neutralize the secondary effects of the exogenous shocks on prices and
should act in a precautionary fashion, in order to partially offset the direct inflationary effects of the
key prices in the economy. The ultimate goal is reaching a situation where necessary adjustments in
relative prices have a once and for all impact on the CPI raising its level but without
deteriorating inflationary expectations, thus avoiding inflation dynamics from turning perverse.
Eventually, the purpose is that by virtue of timely actions in monetary policy, Banco de Mxico
succeeds in making entrepreneurs, workers and investors, when making decisions, anticipate the
possible reaction of the authority with regard to CPI disruptions and minimize the repercussions
on expectations. If such behavior is followed, the impact of these disruptions on the economy will
soften and credibility from the public with regard to Banco de Mxicos inflation target will
increase. This is how the disinflationary target should become eventually the nominal anchor of
the Mexican economy.
c) Banco de Mexico should expand the horizon of its disinflationary commitments. By enlarging the
time span, given the lags with which monetary policy actions affect prices, the central bank would
be able to adjust, in a timely fashion, its stance on monetary policy without confusing the public.
The monetary policy scheme would then make the central banks actions easier to understand
which would, in turn, act as an aid in anchoring the medium-term inflationary expectations.
d) The size and recurrence of pressures affecting inflation must be minimized as much as possible.
Particularly, there must be a strategy to coordinate wage, fiscal and monetary policy.

Such

coordination is fundamental in achieving a sustainable abatement of inflation.

All these elements, in some way or another, are present in the 1999 monetary program of Banco de
Mxico.
III.2.

Exchange Rate Policy

The exchange rate in Mxico has been floating freely since late 1994. Nevertheless, at different

stages since then, there has appeared for different reasons the need for the authorities to participate in
the forex market. In all of these cases, the rule that always has been followed is that the intervention of
the authorities in the forex market should be completely transparent, and without defending a particular
level of the exchange rate thus preserving the main characteristics of a flexible exchange rate regime.
As has been mentioned before, one of the most important elements of the crisis was the run
on the countrys external liabilities. On the public sector side, the run concentrated on the now famous
TESOBONOS, that were dollar denominated government securities. Regarding the private sector,
37

commercial banks faced difficulties in rolling-over their external liabilities. Even after the international
assistance package was approved and the resources were available, and the adjustment program was
already in place, relatively large amortizations of TESOBONOS and bank credits continued. Very
soon it became obvious that if the excess demand for foreign exchange that generated this abrupt stock
adjustment in the holdings of Mexican liabilities was not satisfied by official intervention, the
depreciation of the floating exchange rate could have been enormous, with a risk of falling in a
hyperinflation.
As a matter of fact, if the depreciation of the exchange rate had been the sole adjusting
variable, such a price would have reached levels where less of a supply of forex would have resulted
from additional depreciations (a back-bending supply curve would have ensued).

Therefore, it was

imperative to use the resources of the financial package to isolate the forex market from the token
stock adjustment, and the indeterminacies that such an adjustment by itself would have created.
In line with the above, the authorities decided to open a special window at the central bank to
cater the capital outflows related to the amortizations of TESOBONOS an commercial banks credit
lines. Dollar financing under this program was extended to 17 commercial banks. At its peak in early
April, 1995, the outstanding credit granted through this facility reached only 3.9 billion dollars. By
September, 1995, all participating banks had paid their outstanding debt in full.
As a matter of fact, by May of 1995 the floating exchange rate system began to work
normally. But, in any case, in the face of an abrupt stock adjustment, as the one Mxico confronted
in early 1995, the stabilization effort could not have worked without the assistance of the IMF and U.S.
government loans, that allowed the isolation of the forex market from such a stock adjustment.
Another important element that has contributed to isolate the forex market from significant
shocks, is that Banco de Mexico has been acting as the counterpart of the government, doing all of the
resulting transactions at the daily fix exchange rate. In this way, the international reserves perform as
an absorber to foreign exchange shocks (coming mostly from oil price fluctuations and external interest
rate variations) affecting the government. In addition, given that the government typically runs a
surplus in foreign currency, this practice has been helpful to increase our international reserves without
intervening directly in the market.
In addition, in the aftermath of the crisis, Mxico faced the need to reestablish its international
reserves to a suitable level, for the reasons that have already been explained. In July of 1996, given the
stability that the exchange rate exhibited during the first part of the year and that capital was flowing
back to Mxico, the Exchange Commission, integrated by officials from the Ministry of Finance and

38

Banco de Mxico and which is responsible for determining Mxicos exchange rate policy, considered
that foreign reserves at the central bank could be increased without causing disruptions in the foreign
exchange market. Although the Commission considered it appropriate to accumulate a larger amount
of international reserves, it also emphasized that this accumulation had to be done without affecting the
behavior of the floating exchange rate and without sending any type of signals to the market that could
be interpreted as desired levels for the exchange rate. In addition, it was important that the way in
which the accumulation of reserves took place would encourage purchases of dollar when there was an
excess supply of foreign currency, and discourage those purchases when there was an excess demand.
The scheme that was adopted to reach these objectives, still in operation, works as follows:
1) On the last business day of each month, Banco de Mxico auctions rights to sell dollars to the
central bank (put options) among credit institutions. These rights can be partially or completely
exercised within the month following the respective auction.
2) Holders of these rights can sell dollars to Banco de Mxico at the interbank exchange rate
published for the previous business day, if the exchange rate is not higher than the average
exchange rate for the 20 business days previous to the date on which these rights are exercised.
3) The expansion of the monetary base caused by Banco de Mxico is completely sterilized.
Therefore, the evolution of the supply of primary money is in no way affected by the
aforementioned operations.
The mechanism just described went into operation in August 1996. In that month, the total
amount of put options that was auctioned was exercised. Therefore, the central bank purchased 130
million dollars from commercial banks. In light of the acceptance of this mechanism among banks,
and the favorable results of the first placement of options, in late August the Exchange Commission
decided to increase the amount of rights to be auctioned per month to 200 million dollars, and to 300
million in December. On February 1996, the Exchange Commission decided that, starting that month,
in the case that before the 16 of each month, 80% or more of the months options had been exercised,
a new auction of options would immediately take place, therefore doubling the potential monthly
accumulation of reserves. On July 1997, the auction was increased to 500 million and in October it was
reduced to 400 million and to 250 in November. During 1998, this mechanism was suspended from
October to December due to the extreme turbulence experienced in the forex market. This mechanism
has accomplished its primary goal of accumulating international reserves without interfering with the
functioning of the free float, and avoiding any misinterpretation of the intervention of the monetary
authority in the foreign exchange market.

39

Table 9
Results of the Auction of Options
Date
of the
Auction
Aug-7-96
Aug-30-96
Sep-30-96
Oct-31-96
Nov-29-96
Dec-30-96
Jan-31-97
Feb-21-97
Feb-28-97
Mar-31-97
Apr-15-97
Apr-30-97
May-30-97
Jun-30-97
Jul-9-97
Jul-31-97
Aug-29-97
Sep-30-97
Oct-31-98
Nov-28-97
Dec-15-97
Dec-30-97
Ene-30-98
Feb-27-98
Mar-31-98
Apr-7-98
Apr-30-98
May-29-98
Jun-30-98
Jul-14-98
Jul-31-98
Aug-31-98
Sep-30-98
Oct-30-98
Nov-30-98
Dec-30-98
Jan-29-99
Feb-26-99
Mar-31-99
Total

Amount
Auctioned

Aumount
Excercised

millions of US$

millions of US$

130
200
200
200
200
300
300
300
300
300
300
300
300
300
300
500
500
400
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250
250

130
200
179
200
200
300
300
148
120
300
263
300
20
300
300
500
500
375
250
250
250
49
0
250
250
210
149
0
250
250
0
20

Percentage
Excercised
100.0%
100.0%
89.5%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
49.3%
40.0%
100.0%
87.7%
100.0%
6.7%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
93.8%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
19.6%
0.0%
100.0%
100.0%
84.0%
59.6%
0.0%
100.0%
100.0%
0.0%
8.0%

NO AUCTION

250
250
250
250
9,830

215
250
250
250
7,778

86.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
79.1%

Both, theory6 and practice have shown that the accumulation of reserves through this
mechanism is sufficiently neutral to changes in the volatility and trend driving the exchange rate
process. Therefore its establishment did not send any type of signals regarding the preferences of the
central bank towards exchange rate changes or its volatility.
In several occasions under the floating exchange rate regime, when the domestic currency
experienced sharp depreciations, liquidity in the forex market almost dryed up. Under such
circumstances, small changes in the demand for foreign currency led to disproportionate depreciations
of the peso. These conditions might lead to devaluatory spirals that can seriously affect inflation and
interest rates. In order to moderate these extreme situations, a contingent dollar sales scheme was
introduced in February of 1997. According to this scheme, Banco de Mexico auctions everyday 200
million dollars with a minimum price that is two percent above the preceding days exchange rate. This
scheme is not intended to defend specific levels for the exchange rate, but only to moderate exchange
rate volatility by reestablishing a minimum level of liquidity in stressful times.

See Werner, A and Milo, A (1998) Acumulacin de Reservas Internacionales a travs de la venta de
opciones: el caso de Mxico Documento de Investigacin No. 9801, Banco de Mxico.
40

Additionally, it should be pointed out that, by selling dollars through auctions and avoiding the
defense of specific exchange rate levels, the exchange rate will rapidly reach the stage where foreign
currency supply and demand reach equilibrium. Furthermore, it is possible that, by merely suggesting
that the central bank might be willing to sell 200 million dollars, subject to the exchange rate
depreciating two percent of further within the day, the likelihood of devaluatory spirals would be
reduced.
As a result of the international market volatility generated by the Asian, Russian and Brazilian
crises, this mechanism was activated in several occasions. Banco de Mxicos contingent dollar sale
mechanism fostered greater stability and order in the currency exchange market without having
compromised an excessive amount of international reserves during these periods, proving to be a
suitable mechanism to reduce the volatility in the foreign exchange market.
IV.

Stylized Facts under Mxicos Float

First of all, we should mention that given the macroeconomic framework that has been

maintained during the period of study, the floating exchange rate regime has not been an impediment
to achieve a fast disinflation from a rate of 51.7% in 1995 to 18.6% in 1998 (with a temporary
interruption during the second semester of 1998, due to the distress in the world economy). This
disinflation coincided with a relatively high rate of growth of the Mexican economy.

41

Figure 15
GDP and Inflation
(annual growth rates)
10%

60%

8%
50%

6%
4%

40%
2%
0%
30%
-2%
-4%
20%
-6%
-8%

10%

-10%
GDP Growth

Inflation

-12%

0%
I

II

II

1994

IV

II

II

IV

1995

II

II

1996

IV

II

II

1997

IV

II

II

IV

1998

Immediately after the adoption of the floating exchange rate, the movements in the currency
were erratic and significant depreciations took place.

This behavior is entirely explained by the

uncertainty regarding the policy measures that were going to be implemented in response to the crisis
and the acute international liquidity problem that the country was facing. Since April 1995, after the
announcement of the IMF program and the international assistance package, the currency stabilized
and the foreign exchange market was relatively stable until October, when another episode of high
volatility and large depreciations started.

Again, the main reason behind this episode was the

uncertainty regarding the macroeconomic program for 1996 and the health of the financial system.
Once these issues were cleared, the foreign exchange market has experienced long periods of stability
that have been temporarily interrupted by bouts of volatility. In addition, and as a result of the Russian
default, the currency suffered another episode of large depreciations and volatility from September to
November of 1998. As a matter of fact, the peso experienced then an overshooting, that has been in
the process of correction since December, 1998 with a small interruption due to the brazilian real
devaluation (see figure 16).

42

Figure 16
Spot Exchange Rate
(1995 1999)
11

10

1997
9

pesos/US$

1995

1996

1998

1999

5
JE

J
E

JE

JE

E
J

The existence of an efficient foreign currency futures market has been of great use in order to
diminish the volatility of the exchange rate. According to the sales or purchases carried out in this
market, both importers and exporters and, in general, creditors and debtors of foreign currency, are
able to eliminate or substantially reduce the exchange rate risks they face and thus alleviate pressures on
the spot market. Therefore, Banco de Mexico authorized banks complying with certain conditions,
particularly those related to technical qualification and solvency, to carry out operations in foreign
exchange futures. In 1995, Banco de Mxico also issued the necessary provisions to facilitate the
operation of a Mexican peso futures market at the Chicago Mercantile Exchange.
Overall, the volatility experienced by the Mexican peso during its float, once the
macroeconomic and financial crises were contained, has been similar to that experienced by other
currencies with a floating exchange rate regime. Since 1996, the implementation of consistent fiscal,
monetary and exchange rate policies, the programs implemented to restructure the financial system and
the accumulation of international reserves by Banco de Mexico, reestablished confidence on our macro
framework and as a result we have seen usually an orderly behavior of the peso.

43

Table 10
EXCHANGE RATE VOLATILITY
OF SOME COUNTRIES VIS-A-VIS THE USD
Anualized Volatility* (Percent)
1995-I
Mexico

1995-II

48.56% 17.60%

1996-I

1996-II

1997-I

1997-II

5.99%

5.31%

4.92% 10.69%

1998-I

1998-II 1999-I**

6.68% 10.95% 10.75%

New Zealand

6.67%

5.35%

5.56%

6.01%

5.88%

Australia

8.86%

7.87%

6.10%

6.70%

7.65% 10.29% 11.91% 14.93% 12.58%

Finland

12.85%

9.13%

7.43%

7.28% 10.04%

Suecia

12.70%

9.91%

8.02%

5.13%

5.92%

3.64%

13.97%

7.22%

Canada
Italy
South Africa

5.64%

8.61% 12.45% 14.95%

9.51%

8.31%

9.51%

9.17%

9.15%

7.28% 10.26% 10.58%

9.57% 12.59%

9.00%

3.33%

5.46%

4.24%

4.32%

6.95%

5.67%

5.97%

5.73%

8.95%

9.15%

7.82%

9.29%

9.16%

2.34% 13.86%

7.20%

5.25%

4.34%

5.35% 23.07% 14.96%

United Kingdom

10.45%

7.41%

5.60%

6.30%

8.13%

8.03%

7.11%

Switzerland

16.67% 12.13%

7.77%

8.84% 11.70%

9.81%

8.70% 10.91% 10.15%

Japan

14.12% 14.04%

8.14%

7.09% 12.56% 12.29% 12.56% 20.08% 14.92%

Germany

13.87% 10.89%

6.28%

6.87%

9.79%

9.76%

8.14%

7.33%

9.15%

7.16%

9.17%

* The annualized volatility is defined as the annualized standard deviation of the daily fluctuations of the exchange rate.
**Until April 23, 1999.

Although it has been argued that by floating the exchange rate a country has an additional
adjustment variable to confront external shocks and therefore the volatility of interest rates should
come down, this is not necessarily true. When adopting a flexible exchange rate, a country also
abandons the use of its international reserves as an adjustment variable to absorb transitory external
shocks. Thus, we should think that when moving from a fixed to a floating regime a country changes
its adjustment variables from international reserves and interest rates to the nominal exchange rate and
interest rates. So, it is not obvious that interest rate volatility should decline when a country adopts a
floating exchange rate regime.
As a simple test of the effects of the different exchange rate regimes on interest rate levels and
volatilities, we compare the behavior of interest rates in the 1996-1999 period with that observed during
1989-1994. These periods share similar inflation performances: during 1996-1998 inflation was 27.7,
15.7 and 18.6% respectively, while in the 1989-1991 period the rate of inflation was 19.7, 29.9 and
18.8% respectively. On the other hand during the more recent period we had a floating exchange rate
regime and in the 1988-94 period we had a predetermined exchange rate system.

44

Figure 17
Funding Rate
70
Jan 89 - Dec 94

1989
1990

1996

Jan 96 - Apr 99

1997

50

1991

1992

1998

1999

1993

1994

40

20

Jul

Mar

Jun

Sep

Nov

Aug

Feb

Oct

Apr

Dec

May

Feb

Jul

Apr

10

Until April 22, 1999.

SOURCE: Banco de Mxico.

Figure 18
Funding Rate Volatility
90
Jan 89 - Dec 94

80
1989
1996

1990
1997

1993

1992
1999

60
50

30

Oct

Apr

Oct

May

Nov

Jun

Dec

Jun

Dec

Jun

Jun

Jan

Dec

20

*10-day Moving Variance

Until April 22, 1999.

It is clear that in the current stabilization effort, under a floating exchange rate, interest rates
have been usually lower and less volatile than what was observed during the years of the Pacto (1997
1994).
In Mxicos experience, the adoption of a floating exchange rate regime has substantially
contributed in reducing speculative pressures in financial markets. A very important feature of this
regime is that it discourages short-tem capital flows, due to the large losses that can be incurred by
45

investors in the short-run. As it is clear from figures 19 and 20, the recent Mexican experience
highlights this phenomenon, as the ratio of FDI to the current account deficit has increased
significantly since the adoption of this regime. The reaction of the FDI to current account ratio deficit
in Mxico has been larger than the one observed in other Latin-American countries that have not
changed their exchange rate regime.
Figure 19
Current Account and Foreign Direct Investment
(% GDP)
8
7
CURRENT ACCOUNT DEFICIT

6
FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT

7.03
5.80

0
1993

1994

1995

1997

2.47

3.20

2.76

1996

1.86

0.55

1.09

0.70

2.60

3.32

3.80

1998

SOURCE: Banco de Mxico.

46

Figure 20
Average Foreign Direct Investment for Mexico and Latin America
50

45

40

Total Foreign Investment

35

Foreign Direct Investment

Bill
ion
s 30
of
U.
S. 25
Dol
lar
s
20

65% of Total
Foreign
Investment

15

10

18% of Total
Foreign
Investment

76% of Total
Foreign
Investment

25% of Total
Foreign
Investment

0
Mexico

Latin America

Mexico

1991 - 1993

Latin America

1995 - 1997

* Excluding Mexico.
The data for Latin America from 1995 to 1997 is complete only for the following countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. From 1991 to
1993 the data is complete for all Latin American countries except for the Dominican Republic, Paraguay and Trinidad and Tobago.
Sources: International Monetary Fund, "International Finance Statistics", August 1998 and CD-ROM June 1998
Brazil: Banco Central do Brasil

It is important to highlight the stabilizing properties of the floating exchange rate system and
the free determination of interest rates when the economy faces a capital outflow (although not as large
as the observed in Mxico in early 1995). Under these circumstances, the downloading of assets
denominated in domestic currency will bring about a depreciation of the currency and an increase in
interest rates. The simultaneous movements in these variables depresses asset prices, and discourages
further selling, stopping the capital outflow. The automatic movements in exchange rates and interest
rates increases the price of speculating again the domestic currency. Given the fact that the levels that
these variables reach during these episodes are inconsistent with the fundamentals of the economy, the
currency will recover sooner or later, inflicting considerable losses to those who acquired the foreign
currency at a high price and sold their domestic assets at rock bottom prices.
The flexible exchange rate also facilitates the adjustment of the real exchange rate towards its
equilibrium level whenever an external shock warrants a new equilibrium real exchange rate, without
seriously affecting the credibility of the monetary authority. The best example of this role for the
exchange rate is what we witnessed last year with the currencies of Australia, Canada and New Zealand.
These small open economies were affected severely by the fall in their terms of trade and the
fall in demand from the Asian crises countries. As a reaction to these shocks, the currencies of these
countries depreciated by large amounts. These currency movements were useful in diminishing the real
effects of the aforementioned shocks. A similar phenomenon happened in Mxico, as our terms of
47

trade fell by 5.5% and the international financial markets turned their backs on emerging markets. Both
of these shocks should depreciate the equilibrium real exchange rate, justifying the observed
depreciation of the currency.
Figure 21
Real Exchange Rate
(1998)
116

Australia

114

Canada

112

Mexico

Jan 1998 = 100

110

New Zealand

108

106

104

102

100

98
Jan

Feb

May

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

*Real Exchange Rate against 55 countries (22 OECD countries and 23 Emerging Economies). Calculated with WPI, PPI and CPI indexes.
Weighted with the trading patterns of manufactured goods of 1990.
Source: J.P. Morgan

These movements in the real exchange rate were useful to minimize the effects of the
aforementioned shocks on the economy. During 1998, Mexicos GDP grew by 4.8%, only 0.2% below
the growth rate expected at the beginning of the year, in part due to significant growth of non-oil
exports (11.3%). However, given our history of high inflation and the high historical correlation
exhibited between depreciations and inflation, as the exchange rate depreciated inflation expectations
immediately reacted. Therefore, the inflation cost of achieving the necessary correction in the real
exchange rate was around 2.2 percentage points and the nominal depreciation needed to achieve the
same movement in the real exchange rate had to be significantly larger that the ones in the other
countries considered (See 1999 Monetary Program, Banco de Mexico).

48

Figure 22
Nominal Exchange Rate (1998)
(Jan 1998=100)
135
New Zealand

Australia

Canada

Mexico

130

125

120

115

domestic currency/US$
(Janaury 2, 1998 = 100)

110

105

100
depreciation

95

apreciation

90
JE

A brief comparison between the speed of the passthrough effects in Mxico and Australia
highlights the problem the former faces due to its previous inflationary history. Although the long
term impact of an exchange rate depreciation on non controlled prices is similar in Mxico and
Australia (a 1% depreciation translates into a 0.55% inflation in Mexico and 0.44% inflation in
Australia), in our country half of this effect takes place after 2 quarters, while 82% takes place within
the year. On the other hand, in Australia7, only 7% takes place after 2 quarters and 14% after 4
quarters.
As we mentioned in the previous section, due to the high pass-through from exchange rate
depreciation to inflation, during 1998 Banco de Mexico had to tighten monetary policy sequentially to
counteract the effects on inflation.
To reduce the high speed at which peso depreciations feed into inflation, is one of the key
challenges that monetary policy faces in the future, so as for Mxico to be able to take full advantage of
the floating exchange rate regime and let the exchange rate play its relative price role instead of being
a signal for future inflation.

See Ericsson and de Brouwer (1998).

49

V.

Final Remarks
Recent emerging market crises have reignited the debate on the optimal exchange rate regime

for emerging markets.

In addition, there is a widespread agreement that the costs of policy

mismanagement have increased significantly and in several occasions were not proportional to the
policy slippages undertaken on the crises countries.

Therefore, independently of the choice of

exchange rate arrangements, the recent financial market crises underscores the importance of
maintaining a consistent macroeconomic framework to avoid financial and balance of payments crises
and achieve long-lasting stability.
In relation to the conduct of monetary policy, it is clear that assigning multiple objectives to
this single policy instrument, has led to the collapse of several predetermined exchange rate regimes.
Because of this, one of the most important steps undertaken after the collapse of the Mexican peso was
to spell out clearly that monetary policy was going to be focused exclusively in attaining its medium run
goal of price stability and that the banking sector problem was going to be addressed by specific
programs, whose cost was going to be assumed by the fiscal authority. In this regard, the recent
Mexican experience highlights the importance of following consistent macroeconomic policies to
accomplish a long lasting stabilization.
The evolution of monetary policy since the adoption of the floating exchange rate regime has
converged on a framework that includes three main elements:

an annual inflation target, the

establishment of rules with respect to the evolution of base money and the use of discretionary
measures to affect interest rates in the pursuit of our inflation target. This mixture of rules and
discretion has worked well in recent years.

On the one hand, the establishment of rules and

quantitative commitments described in the paper has been helpful in guaranteeing the public that
Banco de Mxico will not create the most basic source of inflation: excess supply of base money. Due
to the high pass-through of inflationary shocks, the instability in the demand for base money and the
difficulty in affecting monetary aggregates in the short run, the strict application of our rules, does not
guarantee that the inflation target will be met. Therefore, to be in a position to quickly react to
inflationary shocks, Banco de Mxico has the possibility to discretionally adjust its monetary policy
stance to influence the behavior of the interest rates in the pursuit of its inflation target. Therefore, as
time has passed, the inflation objective, supported by our discretionary actions, has become the
nominal anchor of the economy.
Going back to the discussion on exchange rate arrangements for emerging markets, our
experience has shown that the Mexican peso has been as stable as other floating currencies, contrary to
the original forecasts of several analysts. Therefore, this exchange rate regime has not represented an

50

obstacle in our disinflationary efforts and it has contributed significantly to the adjustment of the
economy to external shocks and to discourage short-term capital inflows. Thus, the floating exchange
rate has become a very important element of Mxicos current macroeconomic policy framework.

51

References
Banco de Mxico, (1999), Poltica Monetaria, Progrma para 1999
Banco de Mxico, The Mexican Economy, Various Issues
Banco de Mxico, (1998), La Poltica Monetaria en la Coyuntura Actual y para el Desarrollo
Econmico de Largo Plazo: Retos y Posibilidades
Ericsson, N. and G. de Brouwer, (1998), Modeling Inflation in Australia, Journal of Business and
Economic Statistics, Vol. 16, No. 4.
Ghosh, A. and S. Phillips, (1998) Warning: Inflation May Be Harmful to Your Growth, International
Monetary Fund Staff Papers, Vol. 45, No. 4, December.
Gil Daz, F., (1998), Monetary Policy and its Transmission Channels in Mexico in "The Transmission
of Monetary Policy in Emerging Market Economies", Bank for International Settlements, Monetary
and Economic Department.
Hausmann, R., M. Gavin, C. Pages-Serra and E. Stein, (1999), "Financial Turmoil and the Choice of
Exchange Rate Regime", mimeo, IADB.
Lucas, R., (1996), Nobel Lecture: Monetary Neutrality, Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 104.
Werner, A. and A. Milo (1998), Acumulacin de reservas internacionales a travs de la venta de
opciones: El caso de Mxico, Banco de Mxico, Documento de Investigacin No. 9801.

52