Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CIENCIAS SOCIALES
C arlota Sol
Modernidad
y modernizacin
Carlota Sol
MODERNIDAD
Y MODERNIZACIN
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VIII
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PRESENTACIN
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11
i
I
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V
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11. Los principales representantes de esta visin son: S.N . Eisenstadt, Moderni
zation, protest and change, Prentice Hall Inc., New Jersey, 1966; y versin cast. (14) y
E . Shils, Political Development in the New States, M outon and C o La Haya, 1965.
publicado originalm ente en Comparative Studies in Society and History (1959-1960).
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Ibid., p. 103.
Ibid., p. 249.
Ibid., p .4 .
Ibid., p. 231.
Ibid., p. 37.
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74. Max Weber, The Theory o f Social and Econom ic Organization, The Free Press.
Nueva York, 1969 (1947), p. 506.
75. Talcott Parsons, op. cit., vol. V, p. 506.
76. M ax Weber, Sociology o f Religion, Social Science Paperbacks, Methuen and
Com pany Ltd., Londres, 1971 (1922), p. L IX (Introduccin de Talcott Parsons).
77. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic..., p. 17.
78. H.H. Gerth y Wright Mills, From M ax Weber, Routledge and K egan Paul Ltd.,
Londres, 1970 (1948), pp. 65-66.
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3
LA CONCEPCIN FUNCIONALISTA
DE LA MODERNIZACIN
3.1. Introduccin
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las sociedades occidentales son las nicas en las que tiene lugar
el proceso de modernizacin propiamente dicho, o sea, el tipo
endgeno de proceso.11 Para el resto de las sociedades no hay
otra opcin que imitar el Occidente si es que quieren moderni
zarse. As pues, los autores endogenistas caen en la confusin
ms arriba expuesta, de identificar la modernizacin con occidentalizacin.
Crticas ms concretas hacen referencia a los dos primeros
puntos del modelo endgeno. Por una parte, suponer que una
sociedad es un sistema cerrado resulta algo arbitrario y difcil
de sostener. Sirve al propsito de hacer el modelo endgeno
coherente consigo mismo en todos sus presupuestos, sin tener
en cuenta si el modelo se ajusta o no a la realidad emprica. Por
otra parte, la idea, muy generalizada y extendida entre los auto
res endogenistas, de que la industrializacin (y el industrialis
mo) destruye o es incompatible (por ejemplo) con la institucin
de la familia extensa o con el sistema de castas, parece inexacta
o al menos no aplicable universalmente. Como seala Gusfield,
en ciertas sociedades (la India es un ejemplo) el sistema de cas
tas coexiste con el proceso de industrializacin, sin que la socie
dad en su conjunto se transforme necesariamente en un siste
ma social de clases. En otras sociedades (como el Japn y algu
nos pases africanos) la institucin de la familia extensa no ha
significado obstculo alguno para el crecimiento econmico del
pas, siendo ste uno de los rasgos que caracterizan a una socie
dad moderna.12
Como alternativa al enfoque descrito, tenemos el modelo
11. endx ha form ulado una profunda critica del m odelo endgeno de m oderniza
cin, basada prim ordialm ente en razones histricas. Fallien do de las prem isas genera
les sobre el com ienzo del desarrollo econm ico y poltico del m undo m oderno en Ingla
terra y Francia durante el siglo XVIII, Bendix arguye que en un prim er lugar habrn
ju gado un papel im portante las influencias forneas, pero con la aparicin de la indus
tria m oderna en estos pases, considerar los cam bios com o indgenas en las sociedades
en cam bio se convirti en una abstraccin conveniente y til. Y contina: E ste m ode
lo de "desarrollo indgena" no es suficientem ente til para entender el desarrollo en
otras pases. Tanto es aplicable a R usia com o al Jap n o Alem ania el hecho de que
m uchas ideas, innovaciones tcnicas e instituciones polticas sean tom adas de! extranje
ro, o desarrolladas en referencia a cam bios ocurridos en el extranjero. A veces, esta
adopcin y adaptacin form an parte de un intento de orden poltico, concreto, para
incrementar' la viabilidad econm ica y m ilitar de un pas. La ocupacin y conquista
m ilitar son otras fu e n te de cam bio im p o rtan te (R. Bendix, Nation-building and citi
zenship, Joh n Willey and Sons, In c , Nueva York, Londres, Sydney, 1964, p. 177).
12. Jo sep h R. G usfield, op. cit., p. 354.
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5.
R. Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture, University o f Chicago P iess, Chicago,
Londres, p. 11.
102
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de una cultura no form an una m ezcolanza confusa... sino que se hallan siem pre inte*
grados en unidades m uy definidas, se deduce que es incorrecto dividir estas unida
des y partes abstractas o aspectos para el anlisis. Por el contrario, para poder gene
ralizar y obtener conclusiones vlidas hem os de aislar ciertos aspectos de una situa
cin o institucin; las situaciones e instituciones reales (son) d em asiad o com plicadas
para (realizar con ellas) un anlisis com parativo.
30. B. Malinowski, op. cil., p. 64.
31. M. Gluckmann, op. cit., p. 221.
113
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r
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NDICE
Presentacin . .
Introduccin. .
13
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