Professional Documents
Culture Documents
National education policy in England under New Labour Governments has encompassed both a
standards agenda and an inclusion agenda, with schools required to respond to both
simultaneously. Some previous studies have seen these agendas as contradictory and have seen
schools efforts to develop inclusive practices as being undermined by these contradictions. This
paper questions this account with reference to a primary school participating in a collaborative
action research project which aimed to develop inclusive practices in schools. It shows how the
school, far from finding these agendas contradictory, drew on both in making sense of its situation.
It argues that the development of inclusive practices may draw on national policy as a productive
resource, and suggests that inclusion scholars and advocates may need to refocus their work if they
are to offer such schools alternatives to the formulations of national policy.
The context
Inclusion has become something of an international buzzword. It is difficult to trace its
provenance or the growth in its use over the last two decades, but what is certain is that
it is now de rigueur for policy documents, mission statements and political speeches. It
has become a sloganalmost obligatory in the discourse of all right-thinking people.
(Thomas & OHanlon, 2002, p. vii)
Thomas and OHanlons account of the growing role played by the discourse of
inclusion certainly rings true for the development of national education policy in
England. Under successive New Labour Governments, schools in England have
received powerful encouragement to develop more inclusive practices and forms of
provision. On taking office in 1997, the first New Labour Government formally
committed itself to the international inclusion movement as embodied in
UNESCOs Salamanca Statement (UNESCO, 1994) and to the development of
inclusion in English schools (DfEE, 1997). Since then, the discourse of inclusion has
figured widely in policy texts, for instance in statutory guidance on inclusive
schooling (DfES, 2001), in the statutory requirements of the National Curriculum
*Corresponding author: School of Education, University of Manchester, Oxford Road,
Manchester M13 9PL, UK. Email: d.a.dyson@manchester.ac.uk
ISSN 0305-764X (print)/ISSN 1469-3577 (online)/07/040473-16
# 2007 University of Cambridge, Faculty of Education
DOI: 10.1080/03057640701705690
This broadening of focus reflects the work of many scholars and advocates who
see inclusion less as an issue in special needs education than as the latest
development in a historical effort to create comprehensive community education
(Booth, 2003). As Thomas and OHanlon explain:
inclusive education is really about extending the comprehensive ideal in education.
Those who talk about it are therefore less concerned with childrens supposed special
educational needs and more concerned with developing an education system in
which tolerance, diversity and equity are striven for. (Thomas & OHanlon, 2002,
p. vii)
On the face of it, these powerful policy directives, in a system which has arguably
become increasingly centralized, ought to have produced a rapid movement towards
more inclusive provision and practice in schools. However, the actual effects have
been much more ambiguous. Analyses produced by the Centre for Studies on
Inclusive Education, for instance, suggest that progress towards inclusion
understood as the maintenance of students with special educational needs in
mainstream schoolscontinues to be painfully slow (Rustemier & Vaughan, 2005).
Likewise, Ofsteds (2004) survey of inclusive practice reports considerable
ambivalence in schools about the desirability of the inclusion agenda, and there is
some evidence of a backlash against inclusion amongst both politicians and
educationalists (Bloom, 2005; Cameron, 2005; Warnock, 2005). Meanwhile,
disciplinary exclusions appear to be on the rise (National Statistics, 2005), schools
serving disadvantaged areas continue in many cases to perform poorly (Harris &
Chapman, 2004; Muijs et al., 2004), differential achievement by race, class and
gender seems to be an apparently intractable problem (DfES, 2005a; Gillborn &
Mirza, 2000), and the education system remains unable to overcome the effects of
social background on educational achievement or later life chances (Blanden &
Gregg, 2004; Blanden et al., 2005; DfES, 2005b, 2006). In other words, at the same
time as the discourse of inclusion has become more widespread and has become
embedded in policy and accountability frameworks, there are respects in which the
Schools, therefore, find themselves caught between two contradictory but unequal
imperatives. Should they welcome a diverse range of students and try to develop
provision which is genuinely responsive to all of their needs and characteristics? Or
should they focus on those students whose attainments will reflect most positively on
perceptions of the schools overall performance, thus making the school more
competitive in the local education market, even though this might mean abandoning
some of its basic principles in the pursuit of standards? The outcome of this contest,
Hall et al. conclude, is a foregone conclusion:
Practice tends, unsurprisingly, towards that which is perceived to have the greatest
consequences for the survival and status of the school itself, namely, competitive league
table performance which in turn seems to push towards ability grouping, testing and
competition, thus making for a climate of exclusive practices. (Hall et al., 2004, p. 815)
However, such an account calls for further examination. Whilst the contradictions
in Government policy may seem self-evident to critics, it is clear that the
Government itself has had no difficulty in reconciling the two agendas, seeing
inclusion simply as the means of achieving excellence for all children (DfEE, 1997).
Moreover, an account which sees schools simply as the victims of national policy
contradictions overlooks the agency which schools and their teachers are able to
exercise and, therefore, the capacity they may have to make sense of contradictory
The study
The Understanding and Developing Inclusive Practice in Schools project ran
between April 2000 and March 2003.1 Over this period a network of practitioners in
25 schools in three English local authorities and researchers from three universities
worked together both to develop practice and to contribute to more general thinking
about inclusion by researching these developments. A detailed account of the whole
study is available (Ainscow et al., 2006a), but this paper will focus on work carried
out by the authors in one local authority in the north of England.
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However, there was a view across the staff that many children faced a common
barrier to learning which had to be addressed if the school was to be truly inclusive:
its nearly always languagethe problem (Teacher B). Or again:
I think when were thinking in terms of making education more inclusive for everyone,
even for our more able childrenthey dont often have the skillsthe language and the
thinking skillsthat they need to maximize their potential. (Teacher C)
This issue of deficiencies in language and thinking skills (the two were rarely if
ever differentiated) was typically seen as related to gender, on the grounds that,
Female language centres are more highly developed (Teacher B). However, gender
differences were seen as cross-cut by family and community background:
the children we take in particularly have problems with language. Because I think their
first-hand experience is quite little I think their lack of experience with language,
perhaps at home, already has created a problem when they come into school. (Teacher B)
This lack of experience was, we were told, attributable to parents who themselves
had limited reading skills, who failed to provide books and reading opportunities for
The response
As the heads comment above suggests, the school was already involved in a wide
range of initiatives to address the challenges it saw itself as facing. At first, in
common with other schools in the network, it was uncertain how to interpret
inclusive education and what further action to take within this project. However, it
rapidly settled on the introduction of a wider range of teaching styles, focusing
initially on English and other subjects where writing was involved. In particular,
teachers would be encouraged not to proceed straight to writing activities, but to
ensure that students engaged in experiential learning first, and that they were given
appropriate frameworks (mind maps, writing frames and so on) on which to build
their writing. Within each class a target group of students would be selected from
those who were expected to benefit most from the new approach. These were,
essentially, children whose attainments were a little below average. The head
differentiated clearly between these children and those identified as having special
educational needs who, she felt, were unlikely to benefit because they have phonics
missing:
They [the target group]re underachievers. Theyre actually children of the broadly
average ability but who are underachieving. Whereas our SEN [special educational
needs] children on the whole they havent got the average learning potentialtheyre
below average, and some are significantly below average.
The impact of the approach on the target children would be monitored closely,
though the expectation was that all students would benefit to some extent.
The rationale for this line of action stemmed from the analysis of students
difficulties that we set out above. Given the deficits in language skills displayed by
many childrenespecially boysthe rest of their learning would be insecure unless
something was done to overcome this weakness. In the heads words:
Were always playing catch up with some children, but its too late. The catch-ups
coming too late. And the sort of catch-up were doing, it goes some way, but its
building bricksits like building a wall isnt it? And the top rows going to be very
In part, therefore the aim was to provide children with some of the experiences
that were missing from their livesfor instance, one teacher (Teacher D) justified an
experiential approach by reporting how she had shown children a picture of a duck,
which none of them could name because none had ever seen a duck. Partly, it was to
give them thinking skills techniques which would enable them to produce a higher
quality of writing. Partly, too, it was based on the assumption that children might
possess abilities that were hidden by the skills they lacked, and that, in particular,
were not captured by national assessments:
although maybe a childs not very good at writing, theyre able to develop their own
skills in writing through pictures or words, and then building up through that. Because I
think, especially with SATs [national assessments of attainment], if a childs not very
good at writing and they cant get their point over in writing, they lose marks. Yet Ive
got loads of children in my class that when theyre sitting on the carpet theyre really
eager to answer questions, they know a lot about a subject, its just theyre failing at the
writing. And I think inclusion is a lot about that. About not sort of looking at a child and
thinking Oh well, we cant really do the writing aspect of it, itll just be rubbish.
Because, I think, different children, different abilities. (Teacher A)
However, it would be misleading to characterize this difference as a straightforward contest between an inclusion-oriented deputy and an instrumental head
teacher. On the contrary, the views of both were marked by ambiguity. This was
evident in the heads comments about targeting students for participation in the
project:
Likewise, the deputy, even while advocating cultural change, could not avoid the
need to think in terms of the more instrumental aims of improving writing and
raising attainment:
If you think of like a triangle or pinnacle thingat the end of it we would like to see,
from the schools point of view, a specific improvement in attainment in some areas
[such as] writing. But we felt that the opportunity with this project would be to
influence kind of a cultural change, in staff as well. And we could use it to look at
teaching styles, learning styles, expectations, but with the focus that all these strategies
and ideas towards thinking, a whole host of things, will benefit writing.
We see this focus on identity and difference in much of the inclusion literature
(see, amongst many others, Corbett, 1996; Corbett & Slee, 2000; Benjamin et al.,
2003; Cremin & Thomas, 2005; Messiou, 2006), and note how, in the Index of
inclusion (Booth & Ainscow, 2002), it generates not specific guidelines for action, but
lengthy sets of school self-review questions.
We would not wish to deny the importance either of this substantive focus
on identity and difference, or of the interrogative process from which inclusive
practices are held to emerge. However, neither can we help wondering whether
these are the only, or the best, ways to connect with the concerns of schools
such as Broadmeadow. As Nind, in another review of the field observes, while the
sociologically-literate perspective that has dominated much thinking about inclusion is crucial, in itself it is not sufficient. We are, as she argues, still: a long way
from a good collective understanding of inclusive pedagogy and curriculum (Nind,
2005, p. 274).
In this situation, we should not be surprised if schools such as Broadmeadow draw
on the prescriptive formulations of national policy more than some of us might
ideally like. Unless and until we can offer them something better, this will continue
to be the case.
Notes
1. Economic and Social Research Council UK grant L139251001, part of the Teaching and
Learning Research Programme. The other investigators in this study were Mel Ainscow of
Manchester University and Tony Booth of Christ Church University College Canterbury.
References
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