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UNIVERSITY

)F

CALIFORNIA

AT LOi 4NGELES

Pitt Press Series

A PORTION OF THE HISTORY

OF

QUINTUS CURTIUS

5 >

> J

>

t^
J

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MACiMILLAX

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CO., Ltd.

ALEXANDER IN

INDIA.

A PORTION OF THE HISTORY

OF

OUINTUS CURTIUS
EDITED BY

E HEITLAND

MA

AND

T E

RAVEN MA

CAMBRIDGE:
AT THE UNIVERSITY
1905

PRESS.

[On mention

of the

tomb

of Alexander at Alexandria.]

illic Pdlaci proles ncsaita Philippi,

fclix pracdo, iacet terranim tundicc faio
raptus : sacratis totiivt spargenda per orbcin

membra

Jiiri

et

manibus,

nam

posucre adytis : fortuna pepercit

regni dnrauit ad ultimu fatntn.

sibi libertas tiiiqua7n si redderet

ludibrio semalns erat,

editns exempliim,
esse iiiro.

deseruit,

non

utile

orbem,

miiudo

terras tot posse sub

una

Alacetum fines, latebrasqite siionim

tiictasque patri despexit Atkefias

perqiie Asiae popiilos, fatis urgentibus actus,

hiimana cum strage ruit, gladitimque per ovnies
exegit gentes

ignotos misciiit amiies,

Pcrsarum Euphraten, Iiidorum sanguine Gar/gen:

tcrra7'uvt fatale malum, fulmenque quod omnes
et sidus iniquum
percutei-ei pariter populos,
oceano classes inferre parabat
gentibus.
non illi flamma, nee uitdae,
exteriore viari.
nee sterilis Libye, 7tec Syrtieus obstitit Aiiimon,
isset in oeeasus, miindi deuexa seeutus,
andnssetqiic polos,
occtirrit

suprema

Nihiinque a fonte bibisset

naturaque solum

dies

hunc potuit finem uesano ponere regi,

qui secum inuidia, qua totuni cepcrat orbem,
abstulit imperium ; nulloque haerede 7-clieto
totius fati, laeerandas praebuit urbes.

sed cecidit Rabylone sua, Parfhoqtie uercudus.

pro pudor! eoi propius timucre sarissas

quam

nuttc pila tivient populi.

licet

usque sub Arcton

regnetnns, Zepkyrique domos, terrasque premamus

flagrantis post terga Noti ; cedemus in ortus

Arsacidum demino.

non felix PartJiia Crassis

exiguae secura fuit prouincia Pellae.

LucAN

First Edition

1879.

Pharsalia

Reprinted 1882, 1885,

X 20

1889,

51.

1905.

PA
/

Or

PREFACE.
Ix attempting to bring before English classical
students a portion of the work of an author once
widely read both elsewhere and in this country, buc

now used seldom at least in England

we have not undertaken a thankless

that

want of variety
has often been

in

we hope
The

task.

Latin prose authors read in schools

by schoolmasters and, if none

felt

but the writers of the purest Latin are to be studied,

we are at once thrown back upon Caesar and Cicero
alone.

And

it

may

with reason be held that Univer-

sity students would not lose by reading portions of

a wider range of authors than they now usually do.

The

claims of Curtius are dealt with in the intro-

duction.

As we are not preparing this book with the view

of furnishing candidates for some particular examination with a short and simple means to mark-getting,
but seek to help and instruct several different classes
of students,

we have not thought

fit

to restrict our

notes to the clearing up of difficulties in each sepain fact to the repeating of things that
rate sentence,
form
fourth
boy' ought to know and does not.
every

'

On the contrary, while dealing with grammatical questions of an even elementary nature, we have freely
illustrated the matter by c^uotation and reference.
The

notes

on the

first

chapter are mainly of an

435354

PREFACE.

6
illustrative

character,

as the

nature of the subject

required.

In the spelling of Indian names we have [generally

followed the best modern authorities but in citing;

authorities

several

we have

writers.

used the spelling adopted by the

Thus we write Brahman, but in

citing Elphinstone

Bramin, and so

index

copious

will

forth.

make up

for

some

defi-

and appendix D will help

understanding the plan of Alexander's Indian

ciencies in cross reference,

in

expedition generally.
The notes on the

first

chapter are the work of

Mr Heitland the rest are all written in common.

Mr Raven has supplied the index and list of names,
Mr Heitland the introductions and appendices.
When quotations from Greek writers seemed not
:

to require to be left in the original for

some good

cause, we have generally given an English translation

Mr Heitland is responsible for the text,
or abstract.

which is based on that of Hedicke; also for the maps,

which depend mainly on General Cunningham's
Ancient Geography of India.
Elphinstone's History of India has been cited
from

the

fifth

(Cowell's)

History of Greece from the

edition,
first

and Thirlwall's

edition in Lardner's

Cabinet Cyclopaedia.
Perhaps the most specially
book to us has been Otto Eichert's lexicon to
The help got from other
Curtius (Hanover 1870).

useful

books

is

acknowledged on occasion

in the notes.

E H

TE
March 1879

R.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGES
Introduction

Abstract of the Narrative

32

Text

33 f^3
85, 86

Variations from Hedicke's text

179
180 189
194
lyo

204
195

Notes

87

Appendices
Short

list

of

names

Index

Map

Map

31

of Alexander's
of

N.W.

Alexander

/o fcxce

Empire

India,

to

illustrate

the

exjiedition

Title

of
lo

face /. 33

INTRODUCTION.
A.

Curtiiis

and

his book.

Of Quintus Curtius Rufus the author of the work

we know perhaps less than of any other writer
ancient or modern whose name has come down to us with
his book.
We know nothing whatever as to who he was,
unless indeed we identify him with the adventurer spoken
of^ by Tacitus and the younger Pliny under the same name.
(t)

before us

But this has been so gravely questioned by Orelli Nipperdey

and Teuffel- that it would not be safe to assume it here. This
however is not all we are not certain even as to the time
at which he wrote, and shall have to content ourselves with
On the very meagre and obscure evidence of
probabilities.
a passage in the tenth book (9 3 6) the date of the com:

^
Tac ann XI 20,
would have mentioned

21,

Plin epp vii 27.

It is

argued that Tacitus

had he been speaking of the present

Curtius.
But he seems not to have mentioned those of Corbulo and
Frontinus, of whom he speaks and here there is no question as to the
personal identity.
Again it is said that our writer in describing battles
shews ignorance of military matters, and so cannot have been the man
who was proconsul of Africa. Is this inference so very certain ? It
his writings,

might further be asl<ed, would so mean-born a man as the proconsul

have had the rhetorical training that our author clearly had ? Might
this not have been the very means whereby he gained the praetorship
which he held before the proconsulate?
*

Geschichte der Romischen litcratur 292.

INTRODUCTION.

to

position of his history has been fixed variously by different

critics
some find therein an aUusion to Augustus, others to
;

Claudius, to Vespasian, or even to Septimius Severus.

these interpretations that which refers the words to

Of
the

seenris the most plausible.

And with
would place him between Velleius and PeHe is perhaps to be
tronius, his Latin style agrees well.
identified with the rhetorician mentioned by Suetonius in his
treatise de rhetoribus, for that Q Curtius Rufus must have

accession of Claudius
this

view, which

flourished in this period.

In forming our judgment as to the merits of his work

most necessary first to arrive at some notion of the
One of the first things
object with which it was composed.
(2)

it

is

that strikes the reader

is

the unevenness of the writer.

Tigellius in Horace, nil fuit

many

umquajn

sic ivipa^- sibi.

Like
In the

well-wrought speeches with which his work is after the

of ancient writers^ copiously adorned, and in the

manner

picturesque and telling descriptions of important or striking

incidents, we are conscious that our author is doing his best
to equal the dignity of the subject and fix the attention of his

But in the ordinary course of the narrative, when the

matter has no striking interest of its own to take the common
fancy, we find him generally meagre and occasionally dull. This
readers.

seems to indicate that his purpose was to present his readers with
a series of interesting pictures, and by a quiet and compressed
narrative to bind them into a whole so that we should fairly
judge him not by the bare and lifeless passages which serve
:

to

make

transition, but

which he has

rather by the

more

effective

scenes'-*

himself specially to pourtray. This view of

his purpose suits well with the probable opinion that he followed
^

set

See the remarks of Diodorus

his history of Russia

XX

i,

under Peter the Great

1.

Voltaire in the preface to

says well Les harangues
'

sont une autre espece de mensoiige oratoire que Its historiens se sont pertnis
On faisait dii-e h ses lUros ce quails auraieiit pu dire.' The
autrefois.

Curtian speeches, like those in Livy and Lucan, are good but rather

wanting in distinctive character.

-

Such

as

via

13, 14,

ix

4, 5, 9.

INTR O D UCTION.

mainly the authority of Klitarchus^, an Alexandrine historian

who wrote about 300 B C, and is said to have sacriticed truth
not trusting to the solid merits of his work (which
considerable) but seeking to render it attractive by
fabulous and exaggerated- descriptions.
Probably Curtius,
to efifect

were

whether drawing direct from Klitarchus or not, dressed up

many of his exaggerations as he saw fit at the time,

or recast

load his book with recounting other

marvels which were most likely at once dreary and incredible.
There is also reason to think that Curtius, though in the
but was too sober to

main a reporter rather than a

historian, did sometimes'^ check

guide by those of more trustworthy

authors such as Ptolemy, who with Aristobulus is the writer
statements of his

the

most relied upon by the judicious Arrian^ While therefore we

must conclude that much in the work before us is overdrawn,
the singular accuracy observable in many small points'' and
in

some

descriptions of places" forbids us to regard it as a

to be ranked with Xenophon"s Cyropaedia or

mere romance

That Curtius

Johnson's Rasselas.
rician

we may

readily admit

is

above

all

things a rheto-

but looking to the close con-

Quintilian X i 74 Clitarchi probatur mgcniitni, fides infamatiir.

Pliny the elder reports some of his marvels in the 'Natural History,'
and Strabo in his
See in particular Strabo vii 2 i.
'

Geography.
and Strabo XI 5 4 it has been wrongly inferred
For a definite
that he had been with Ale.\ander on his expedition.
and unfavourable opinion of him see Cic de legibus i 7.
^
Voltaire well says in his preface to the history of Russia under
Peter the Great 7
tine troisihne espire de mensonge, et la plus grossicre
F'rom Diodorus

II

'

mats qui fitt longtemps la plus seduisante, c'esl le nierveillettx :

il domine dans toules les histoiTes anciennes, sans en excepter nne seitle}

de

lollies,

The

last

sentence

papers called

'

is

little

true history

'

Lucian's
too sweeping, but not much.
and ' How to write history are not quite

so sweeping in their denunciation but to the

'

full as

severe.

=*

See on ix

See the preface to his anabasis.

See on Viii 9 ^ gelidior etc, 12 14 Taxilen.
Such as in the passage of the Hydaspes vui 13, and the adventure

'
"

with the

licet in

g 34, 5 21.

the Indus estunry ix 9.

INTRO D UCTION.

nexion maintained by
history^

particularly

Roman

writers iDctween

in the

rhetoric

and

days of the empire this is only

The same may be said in various

what we should expect.

degrees of Sallust Livy and Tacitus. This, as well as the

epigrammatic sentences with which his work is studded, is
nothing but the natural result of an age of recitations 2, when

books were composed rather with a view to afford a choice

of extracts fit to tickle the ears of a lecture-room audience
than to supply solid information to the student in his closet.
So too, if not critical, he is to some extent imaginative^ he
:

seldom at a loss to infer the motive for an action, or draw

a bold and appropriate moral.
It has often been remarked that Curtius was an imi(3)
It has also
tator of Livy, and this is an indubitable fact.
been well pointed out by Vogel that, if we suppose him to
have published his book in 41 or 42 AD, it is quite credible
that he may in his youth have seen and even been a pupil
of that eminent master.
All that has been said above of his
merits and defects as a writer in respect of manner and matter
and the two
will apply with slight modification to Livy also
is

Quintilian

34
31

history, but sparingly, as

naj-randiciii iion

it

is

allows the oratorical student to read

a sort of poetry in prose, et scribitur ad

It has a sort of poetic license in ex-

ad frobanduni.

The conciseness of Sallust is

pression, so as to enliven the narrative.
ilia Livii lactea nbertas satis docehit eiirn qui noti

wasted on a jury, neqiic

expositiotiis sed

speciem

In digressions the orator

fidem quaerit.

may

now and
fact

then allow himself the sleek plumpness of historical style. In

the orator must be content generally with a tamer style than the

So too Pliny epp v 8

1 1,
9
though vii 17 3 has another
pretensions of Livy in his preface are not to be taken
as meaning the same as we now should by the same words.
Style had
So Tacitus
in fact with all ancient historians an undue prominence.

historian.

sound.

The

10 refers to Livy and Rusticus as eloquentissimi auctores when

merely citing a statement of theirs.
^
See Mayor on Juvenal iii 9, particularly pp 180, 181, where their
effect in causing the whole of a book to be sacrificed to the parts i.s

Agr

clearly
'

and

fully detailed

also Quintil

8 9.

See Thirlwall chapter 49 p 154 note, chapter 52

p.

304.

INTR OD UCTION.
have

this further

trait

in

common

Roman

with the mass of

miss the high aims and far-sightedness

which give its true grandeur to the character of Alexander.
To them whether from national jealousy or imperfect inwriters, that they utterly

formation

the

Macedonian youth

is

merely the

brilliant con-

queror of insatiate ambition, Fortune's very darling. To us

the partial view of Plutarch seems nearer the truth, that he

was ever

at

odds with Fortune and became great

in

spite

of her.

The Latin of Curtius is probably a good average speciof the Latin of the early Empire, the so-called silver-age.
Inferior in vigour to the balanced sermon style of Seneca or the
(4)

men

painful and muscular energy of the Tacitean Annals, it reminds

us in descriptive passages of the elder Pliny, and generally (both

speeches and elsewhere) of the earlier writings of Tacitus.

His imitation of Livy is sufficiently transparent, and in common
with most writers of his day he betrays frequently an attentive
in the

study of Virgil.

To

enter into minute details concerning the

peculiarities of his diction and synta.K is beyond the scope of the

present edition. It maybe remarked in general that his vocabulary is a limited and commonplace one, containing ^^w strange

His habit of
in strange senses.
using the very same construction and even the same phrase
over and over again has a tiresome effect but this is a common

words but many familiar words

fault in the later

Greek and Latin

writers.

Still

with

all

its

de-

of Curtius has the merit of being terse and

generally clear; if he now and then strains too hard after antithesis, at least he succeeds in bringing his point home to the
fects

the

reader.

corded
{a)

for

style

A
\\\\\\

few of his more notable usages

the continual use o{ qiiippe

nam, enim,
{b)

may

perhaps be

= 'you

see') as

an equivalent

scilicet.

the equally frequent use oi cetcrutn,

a.s

= sed,

atitetn.

where
ipsufu, ipsos, ipsius, ipsoriwi,
suns would have been used in the best Latin. This
Sec note on vin 10 i.
characteristic of Curtius.
{c)

re-

advantage here.

ipsi, ipsis,

se, si/>i,
is

very

INTR ODUCTTON.

the misplacement o( giioque, very

[(f)

common

in Livy.

omission of the demonstrative before the relative

{e)
{qtti=ei qui and so on), even where some obscurity is caused
the

thereby.

{/) the frequent ending of a sentence with a participle or

adjective.
{g) the

sudden change

(or omission) of the subject of the

sentence.
the frequent use of the future participle active iusurus

{h)

etc) to express

a purpose.

a certain looseness in the use of the ablative absolute,

(z)

where a parenthetic or additional clause would have been better

for both sound and sense.
the use of the pluperfect

{k)

as paullisper

etc).

See viii 12

= perfect with an adverb

17, 13 11, 14 23,

(such

ix 6

22,

7 20, 8 6, 9 14, 23.

(/) the preference shewn for the construction with the pluSo viii 13
perfect active over the simpler passive construction.
10 quain compleverant etc rather than quae conipleta erat etc.

See also ix

cases the effect

29, 33,
is

30, 7 15, 8 22,

thus rather

more

19.

vivid, in others the

In

some

usage

is

inappropriate and affected.

the occasionally strange order of words.

(;)

See

vill 12 10,

13. 14-

ill)

It

the use of poetical language.

must not be supposed that these

On the contrary they are

Curtius.

common

to

for the

him with Livy and other

usap^es are peculiar to

most part mannerisms

and only take the

writers,

attention as they do from the want of Livian brilliancy to carry

them off. And if he is less pleasant than Livy to read he is also
less difficult.
(5)

Curtius has since the revival of learning down to rea popular author, and has been repeatedly

cent times been

But so entirely has he

edited by scholars on the continent.
passed out of the notice of our schools that this will possibly be

INTRO D UCTION.

news to many modern English schoolmasters. His popularity

was probably owing in the first instance to the deep interest felt
in the subject

Men

of his book.

got their

first

Macedonian hero from the account of Curtius.

translations of him deserve mention,
the

Four English

London 1553

Brende"'^

John

impressions' of

Robert Codrington

John Digby

1747

Peter Pratt

1809,

1652

2nd ed 182 1,

till he was taken

hand by John Rooke^ (1729, 2nd ed 1821). The controversy
which had long been on foot respecting the merits of the two
writers had then been finally decided in Arrian's favour.
That

while Arrian remained untranslated in English

in

should ever have been a dispute as to tlicir relative

shews well what a stronghold Curtius once had

there

historical values

as a historian.

But he had other claims on the readers and

Before the rise of historical

teachers of the age of revival.

his

when wisdom was sought

directly from 'the ancients.'

moral sentences and epigrammatic phrases would be certain

criticism,

'

A narrative of stirring events sprinkled with

neat expressions of elevated sentiment was at once a quarry for
the moralist and a fit model for the schoolboy.
Voltaire'' has

to find favour.

known

was a legendaiy history of Alexander

Col Yule's Marco Polo introd p no)
which took the place of the tnie one. But it seeins to have been quite
See
distinct from the latter, with which alone we are here concerned.
It is

well

current in the Middle

that there

Ages

(see

appendix C.
-

'

A
A

specimen of
])(jor

English version is given in appendix B.

has prelixed to it the dissertation of Le

this fine old

version,

but

it

Clerc on Curtius.
^

Witness the authority long assigned to Aristotle's explanations

phenomena and

proverbs and sayings

is

of

The

appetite for
shewn by the popularity of such books as the
of Erasmus. So Hamlet will (i v 100) wipe

Pliny's statements taken for fact.

Adagies and Apophthegms

Irom his memory 'all saws of books.'
*

History of Charles xii book

'^

Dls qu'il eut quelque connaissance

INTR on UCTION.

how 'Swedish

told us

Charles'

was

in his

boyhood fascinated !w

And it'
the story by the matter even more than the manner.
the conditions of school teaching are now so far changed that
these claims would in themselves hardly suffice to restore Curtius
to favour,

we have now a

further one to urge

that

it is

desirable

that the habit of reading critically, without light unreasoning

belief, should be acquired early, and that Curtius is eminently

adapted

However little we may know of the

we soon feel that he was a real man with

for this purpose.

author's personality,

vanities, one on whom the temptation to

had a constant influence, and whose statements require continual checking and correction.
It is to be hoped that the portion of his work which we
(6)
have here striven to explain will be found to have a special

human weaknesses and

self-display

interest

from

its

connexion with India.

It

is

not necessnry to

enter here into a detailed examination of the knowledge of that

country possessed by Greek and

know

Roman

We

writers.

now

companions of Alexander and other early travellers (such as Megasthenes^) were mistaken in some of their
impressions of the Hindus, and that the stories set afloat by
some of them concerning the country and its inhabitants were
absurd and fabulous. But making every allowance it must be
admitted that the best of them reported what they saw with
scrupulous accuracy and that their geographical knowledge
obtained no doubt mainly from native informants was marThat the tendency to romance, observable
vellously correct.
that the

in the

narratives of Alexander's campaigns, corrupted also the

il prit pour ce Iwre

de la langne latine, on hti fit traduire Quinte-Curce:

un

goiit

que

sujd lui inspirait beaucoup plus encofe que

cites the case of Turenne.

le

style.^

Digby, Godcfridus 14 (p 114)

^

translation of the fragments of this valualjle author has just

appeared under the

and Arrian ', by J

title

'

Ancient India as described by Megasthenes

W McCrindle,

Principal of the

Government College

Patna (London, Triibner and Co). It is always to be remembered that

the accounts of the early Greek travellers, referring to widely distant
parts of India, were confused and mingled by later writers wlio used
them.
There is a collection of the Alexiindri Magni historiaruni
icriptores aetate suppares

by

Geier (Leipsic 1844).

INTRODUCTION.

17

accounts of the country and products, was remarked by Strabo.

But this apphes to some of the accounts far more strongly than
to others; particularly to that of the notorious^ Onesikritus.

therefore

was of the

first

importance

It

to later writers that they

should use the best authorities and use them with judgment.
In this regard it must be admitted that Curtius on the whole

has acquitted himself very creditably.

It is plain
throughout
the digression on India (viii 9) that he is rather looking for
points of contrast- to the state of things with which he and his
readers were familiar, than composing the best and fullest
account in his power.

So did Tacitus

in his

'Germany', a book

written in a very similar spirit.

But, with all this temptation to
adopt the most striking and exaggerated accounts, he has kept

himself singularly free from such blame: so far as it goes, there

little in his description that calls for censure on the
ground

is

of levity or loose writing.

^

See note on ix 10

This defect seems to be

Roman

ancient Greek and

B.
(i)

How

3,

A
the

(in various degrees)

writers

sketch of

Greek

states

who speak

common

to all the

of India.

A lexanders

career.

wore themselves out

in struggles

for the first place, and brought themselves down to one dead
level of weariness and exhaustion, while the Macedonians rested
in strength
unimpaired though as yet not organized: how Philip
on ascending the Macedonian throne devoted himself to the
consolidation of the power and development of the resources of
G.

INTR OD UCTION.

Macedonia, and the formation of a national army how he took

advantage of the weakness and mutual jealousies of the Greek
states to win for himself a place among them; how he then by
;

various arts overcame

of Hellas

them one by one and made himself

all this is

well

known

to the readers

lord

of Grecian

history^ and needs not to be here further dealt with than by

of allusion.
Being now at the height of his power in
Europe, Philip purposed to invade Asia and assail and perhaps
overthrow the Persian monarchy. But he fell in B c 336 by
the sword of an assassin'"^, and Alexander, his son by Olympias,

way

reigned in his stead.

This youth, born to be the ruler of a people just emerg(2)

ing from barbarism, newly conscious of their strength and
proud of their recent conquests, had received a training perhaps

more complete

in its

kind than has

fallen to the lot of

any other

great king or conqueror. From Leonidas^ he acquired the spare

habits and bodily hardihood which carried him through so

many long and severe campaigns; from Lysimachus^ he learnt

to know and love the Homeric poems, and so his naturally
spirit was fostered by emulation of the hero Achilles,
indeed he claimed as a mythical ancestor of his race.

ambitious

whom

Under these influences, backed only by his early experience

of warfare, he might indeed have become a great conqueror,
but not Alexander the Great. It is only fair* in accordance
with the testimony of antiquity to assign the greatest weight in
the matter of his education to the teaching of Aristotle.
Had

not the prince studied under the first of living philosophers

one unrivalled in the extent of his learning as in clearness of
thought he could hardly have attained that intellectual development which made conspicuous for true judgment and wise

who came suddenly to the throne

twenty and died before he was thirty-three.

forecast a youth

4146, Grote

Thirlwall cc

Plut Alex

5, 22, 25,

Plut Alex

5.

Plut Alex

Quintil

cc
i

8690.
i

See on ix 6

Diog Laert v

age of

25.

9.
'

7, 8,

at the

4,

Quintil

Thirlwall c 47.
i

23.

INTRODUCTION.
On

(3)

nians,

19

he became king of the Macedopossession of no inheritance of ease.

his father's death

and found himself

in

looking to the recovery of their lost freedom

there were risings in Illyria and Thrace and the young king's
power was not yet safely established in his own kingdom of

The Greeks were

But by the time he had been a year and a half on

was quiet again. By rapid campaigns in the
and on the Danube he had pacified the
m.ountains
lUyrian
North the Greeks had once more submitted to his yoke, and

Macedonia.
the throne

all

Thebes had paid the penalty of her rebellion by being destroyed

He
been suppressed
utterly and all domestic disaffection had
1.

preparations^ for carrying out on a grander scale the

darling project of his father, the invasion of Asia.

now niade
(4)

The

Persian empire^ had long been falling into decay.

it did from the western coast of Asia Minor to

Extending as

the Jaxartes and the Indus, it comprised within its borders many
races speaking divers tongues and widely differing from one
Some of these
another in their feelings and modes of life.

indeed of the hill

races had never been thoroughly subdued
tribes nominally included in the empire, while some professed
:

allegiance to the Great King but set his commands at nought,

others openly refused to make a show of submission, and even

on the monarch and his officers for safe

conduct through their passes. The only way in which it was
possible to rule such a vast domain was by parcelhng it out
levied black-mail

among governors and making them

their

districts.

severally responsible for

Thus the Persian empire was divided

into

satrapies* each under the rule of a governor called the Satrap,

somewhat resembling a Turkish Pacha. But such governors

and aclittle unless entrusted with ample powers
cordingly we find that in practice little notice was taken of the
could do

proceedings of a satrap or the condition of affairs in his satrapy,

so long as he did not rebel against the Great King and regularly
sent up to the royal treasury the amount of tribute with which
1

Thirlwall c 47.
Thirlwall c 48.

Thirlwall c 48, Grote c 92.

Grote

c 72.

2-

-i

INTR on UCTION.

20

his district stood charged^ in the imperial registers at

Under such circumstances

Susa

was impossible that the central

power should remain strong and efficient. The satrapies in
many cases became by custom hereditary governments the
cohesion of the empire was weakened, and the Great King,
happy if not troubled by local rebellions, was forced to look
helplessly on while the jealousies of the satraps led them into
But the imperial
quarrels and intrigues or even into open war.
it

were known to be filled with hoards of untold

and, though since the days of Plataea and Salamis the
Greeks had made light of the prowess of the Persians in open
"'

treasuries

wealth

fight, none seriously thought of assailing in his own dominions

a prince who could set in motion at will the fleets of Tyre and
Sidon and the clouds of nomad horsemen from the plains of
It seemed easy to penetrate into the Persian
empire, but
hard to retreat. But the successful retreat of the io,coo Greeks
from the field of Kunaxa, in spite of all that force or guile could
do to stop them, shewed plainly for all to see the inner weakness
of that empire, and Philip and his son had both learnt the

Asia.

So too had the Persian kings, who now ceased to

on their Asiatic infantry, and more and more used their
stores of gold in hiring mercenary Greeks to give some
lesson well.
rely

steadiness to their huge ill-trained armies.

(5)

Early in 334 B C Alexander crossed over into Asia with

He now began a course of con-

30,000 foot and 5000 horse.

quest which it is impossible to describe adequately in this short

sketch^. After defeating the Persians in three great
battles, and

taking Tyre by siege one of the most famous sieges of history

entered Susa as a conqueror in 331. The Great King

he
^

Grote c 45 note on the convention between Athens and Persia.

Grote c 93 note on the imperial treasures.
^
Granikus 334, Issus 333, siege of Tyre 332, Gaugamela or Arbela
The expedition to Egypt in 332 i BC, though important as
331 BC.
'^

including the foundation of Alexandria and the visit to the oracle of

Amnion, does not affect the narrative of his military progress. Read the
story in Thirlwall c 50.

INTR OD UCTION.

21

was now a fugitive, yet not without some hopes of

better fortune.
But Alexander left him no rest. He pushed on
at once to Persepolis, and early in the following year (330)
Darius

entered Ekbatana, the ancient capital of the IMedes.

Four
years had thus sufficed to drive Darius from his throne and

put the Macedonian king in possession of all the chief seats of

His object now was to secure by rapid pursuit
the person of Darius, and in this he nearly succeeded
but
Bessus the Satrap of Baktria and the other traitors who had

government.

accompanied the Great King

in his flight'' slew their

themselves when he refused to

he should

fall

alive into the

fly

further

master

for they feared lest

hands of Alexander.

The throne

of the great Medo-Persian empire was now

vacant, and Alexander saw that he must at once ascend it^.
He would thus appear to the nations of the East not only as
i6)

a great conqueror but also as the successor of the great Cyrus

whom the empire lately held by the Persians had of old
been wrested from the Medes. He saw too with the clear
discernment which distinguished him that as Great King he

by

could no longer remain Macedonian he must adopt somewhat

of the Oriental pomp and splendour which the subjects of the
:

Persian government looked for in their ruler:

if

he would

continue to conquer he must not cease to be an Alexander

if he would rule over the conquered peoples he must put on

His Macedonian generals might take

young king, with whom they had lived almost as
equals in the camp and by whose side they had fought at Issus
and Gaugamela, should now withdraw himself from them as a
being apart, and surround himself with the circumstantial forsomething of a Darius.

it

ill

that their

malities of an Eastern court

nay more, that he should even

clothe his person in a mongrel dress, wherein a Macedonian

eye jealously marked the Persian garments. But so it must

needs be,

for the

common

the

king had

made up

Codnmannus, who on

Thirlwall c 51, Grolc c 94.

See Thirlwall c 51, Crete c

his accession

<;4.

mind on the point and

moved by the change so

his

soldiers were not deeply

had taken the name of

)arius.

INTRODUCTION.

22

sullenly gave way. It was of far greater

on himself the outward semblance of the
Great King Alexander seemed to have caught something of the
The
arbitrary and suspicious bearing of an Eastern despot.
readiness with which he accepted informations against Parmenion and Philotas, the murder of Kleitus in a fit of drunken

the

murmuring generals

moment

that in taking

rage, the unjust execution of the sophist Kallisthenes, all^ seem

to shew that he was to some extent at least undergoing a moral

deterioration at this time.

(7)

But none the

less*

he went on from victory to victorv,

down rebellions, founding colonies, and extending his

conquests. The year 329 found him on the Jaxartes'; and,
after much severe fighting on his march thence towards the

putting

by about the end of 327. He had

great preparations for this Indian expedition, which had
for some time been one of his most cherished schemes.
He
south, he reached* the Indus

made

rightly

judged that the undertaking would prove an arduous

one, and was resolved not to fail in it he must not be foiled

in the attempt to learn the truth concerning the things that he
had heard' of the wealth and wonders of the distant East. So,
:

taking advantage of the jealousies of the Indian rajas to form

useful alliances", he passed the Indus early in 326 and entered
the Panjab.
By dexterous strategy he succeeded in passing
the Hydaspes, and in the ensuing battle defeated and secured

For these see Thiilwall

Mr Wheeler

Through the Khaiber or Khuram.

c 52.

well says 'his oriental indulgences had perverted his

moral sense, but had not vitiated his military and political culture.'
^
The Syr Darya or river Syr, for which see Schuyler's Tiirkistan.
identification of the pass,

Authorities differ as to the

and the question must be

settled

by the

experts.
*

Wondrous

had been current concerning India before the time

See Rawlinson on Herod iii 98
106, and Wheeler's
Geography of Herodotus, Asia c 5. Also The commerce and navigation of the ancients in the Indian Ocean, by William Vincent DD,
tales

of Herodotus.

'

Dean
'

of Westminster

'.

See appendix D.

London

7807.

INTR on UCTION.

23

the submission of king Poms.

In this interesting campaign
Alexander got as far as the river Hyphasis\ beyond which his
to advance: so, getting over his disappointment
as best he might, he retraced his steps to the Hydaspes, which
he prepared to descend with a fleet in order to reach the Indus

army refused

and whatever sea might

lie beyond.
This eventful voyage, in the course of which Alexander
established his supremacy in the part of India now known as
Sindh, brought him to Patala (at the head of the Indus delta)

(8)

early in 325.

He now

sent

some

of his

army home by an inland

route under Kraterus, and occupied the time while the nautical
preparations were going on at Patala in exploring the branches
of the river

and

in other excursions with a

homeward passage

view to render more

by sea and land. The

hardships endured by the fleet under Nearchus in its voyagefrom the mouth of the Indus to the Persian Gulf, and the still
greater sufferings of the land force under the king himself in
their march through the deserts of Gedrosia^, are famous in the
records of antiquity, and presented beyond doubt a memorable
example of what is possible to unflinching unrelenting determiIn the hour of their triumph the survivors strove to
nation.
forget what they had endured in that terrible journey.
But Alexander soon tore himself from revelry and went
(9)
easy the

up

of his forces

into the heart of his vast empire, giving earnest attention to

administrative reforms and

more than ever bent on accomplishing

sway to which he had long

that fusion of the races beneath his

looked as the only sure

^

Now

tie

by which he could bind together*

Bias, at a point south of its present junction with the HesuBut it seems probable that in the time of Alexander

drus (Satlej).

these two rivers did not meet at

all

before joining the Akesines (Che-

See General Cunningham p 222 ami map 5.

^
See The voyage of Nearchus, and the Pcriplus of the Erythraean
.sea, translated from the Greek by William Vincent DD, Dean of Westnab).

'

minster
'

Oxford 1809.

'.

Travels in Beloochistan and .Sinde, accompanied by a geoetc.

By Lieut
graphical and historical account of those countries
*
Thirlwall c 55.
Henry Botlinger. London i8i6.

See

'

'

INTRODUCTION.

24

His frontiers were advanced

and the Danube and beyond the Indus and
the Nile. A serious rising in Greece (B C 330) had been crushed
by his lieutenant Antipater; other risings in the East had been
put down effectually, at least for the present all seemed to be
such a motley throng of subjects.

up

to the Jaxartes

going well when the conqueror held his great marriage feast at
Susa in the year 324. On this occasion he himself and many
of his generals had taken wives of the conquered peoples the
;

West was holding

What might have

out hands to the East\

been the result, had the hero lived to carry on his work, it
would now be vain to enquire. His days were numbered, and
at the height of his power and glory he died at Babylon ^ in 323.

His empire

at

once

fell

to pieces,

and out of the fragments

his

generals carved out kingdoms and founded great dynasties of

The most noteworthy of these was that of the
their own.

Ptolemies^ in Egypt, founded by Ptolemy Lagus one of Alexwhen king wrote the history of his

ander's best generals, who

great master's campaigns.

than any other

man

It

was natural that Ptolemy more

should recall the memories of those con-

quests, having ever before him one of Alexander's master-strokes

of genius, the new port of Alexandria rising into wealth and

greatness day by day.

To

transport the remains of

its

this city^

he artfully contrived to
and laid them in a

royal founder,

fitting sepulchre.

(10)

Great.

has

Posterity

assigned

And we must admit

Arrian vii 4 4 8, Curtius

See Mayor on Juvenal x 171

was buried there.

3
For the Ptolemies

3
2.

Alexander the

to

that on

many

of

jo 14.

According

see Str.ibo xvii

title

distinct grounds he

r i

to

some accounts he

beginning rTToXeyuatos

'

A\^^av5pov etc.
*
See Diodorus xviii 28, Herodian iv 8 9, Lucan X 20, 21, Dion
Cassius LI 16 5, Lucian dial mort 13 5, Aelian var hist xii 64, Suet
Aug 18, Cal 52, and Curtius x 10 20. Also 'The tomb of Alexander,
70./)

Aa7ou

hiibitp/To

a dissertaiion on the sarcoph-igus brought from Alexandria and now in

the British Museum ', by Edward Daniel Clarke LLD, Fellow of Jesus

College Cambridge.

INTR OD UCTION.
ever

man

rivalled the finest soldiers of his

army

fully

deserved this

title,

if

did.
in

25

As a

he
and

warrior,

endurance of

toil

hardship and in reckless bravery on the battle-field while few

even of the greatest generals have equalled him in the patient
and skilful forethought with which his plans were laid, or in
;

the speed and vigour with which he carried them out.

Even
plans of doubtful wisdom succeeded by reason of his rapidity
of movement. The confidence he inspired in his soldiers under

the most trying circumstances produced a ready obedience to

discipline even in the hour of victory. The power

indispensable in a general
of rapidly taking advantage of his adversary's mistakes and correcting his own was possessed by him

high degree. As a king, though his designs were

crude and though with the hopefulness of youth he fondly
deemed that the possible work of centuries might be surely acin a very

complished in years, there was in him a grandeur of conception,

a liberal breadth of view, which places him in the first rank
the rulers of mankind.
His freedom from prejudice and
readiness to do justice to the merits of others are wonderful, if
we consider his age and circumstances his ambition and occa-

among

sional acts of cruelty

have had their parallels

in all ages not

excepting our own. With a true kindliness of heart and manner
and a benevolent zeal' for the welfare of his subjects he united
a love of order and a capacity for affairs- which would bear

comparison with the coldest and most calculating ministers of

times.
When he had to choose between two great

modern

difficulties,

the risk of offending Macedonian pride on the one

to hold down so many nations by sheer force

hand or of trying
^

He

even

made

provision

for

soldiers'

orphan children.

Plut

Alex 71.
*

Plut Alex 42 notes the wonderful extent and minuteness of his cor-

respondence among his nianilold other occupations. To his mother and

his lieutenants (Antipater and others) he wrote constantly, and also to
Aristotle and Leonidas
at

Iiis

teaclicrs, to

Pausanias the doctor, to Phokion

Athens, to the Athenians etc, and also kept journals of

liis

doings

INTR OD UCTION.

26

on the other, his 'clear spirit' never faltered in the choice': so

they would be his good obedient subjects, Macedonian Greek
Indian and Baktrian to him were all alike
But if he approached more nearly than any other
ideal, the

man

has done to his own

Homeric Agamemnon"

dfi(f)6rfpov ^acrikfvs t

dyaSos Kparepos

t'

alxfJ-rjTqs,

was not all as an explorer he must stand high, eager

as he was for discovery and never losing an opportunity of
extending the knowledge of the geography and products of
foreign lands and of the laws customs and ideas of their inhabitants. Not only was he in general an encourager of all research,
yet this

we are credibly informed^ in particular that Aristotle's

studies in natural history were materially assisted by the magnificent and judicious help of his former pupil.

but

His defects were mainly of a kind that

(ii)

it

is

at this

distance of time most difficult to judge fairly.

They were failings of temper, excusable in a quick-witted and warm-hearted
youth, but annoying and even alarming to his companions, particularly when he had conquered the East and when life or
It must be admitted that
death hung upon his smile or frown.
temper did not improve with years. His marshals and

his

must often have drawn a sigh of relief when

released safely from a banquet which they could not refuse to
attend and at which they had been sitting within a few feet of
literary courtiers

fiery and capricious despot who became every moment more

drunk and therefore more dangerous. In connexion with this
social defect we may mention other weak points upon which
the judgment of his contemporaries was probably too lenient, at

least

from our point of view.

We

should think his magnificence

Pint de \lex fort I 6 says that Aristotle had advised him to rule
Greeks as subjects and barbarians as slaves (to?s /xev'TAX-rjaiv ijye/xoi'i.Kujs
but Alexander knew better, and brought
Tois d^ ^appdpois deaTroTiKiSs)
^

the nations together as an impartial ruler,

and blended various elements,

roiis filovs koX to.

ucrirep ev KpaTrjpi (pCKoTrjali^, /jl^as
-

Iliad

III

rjdr].

179.

Plin nat hist viii 44, Plut Alex 8, de Alex fort

IX p 398

e.

10,

Athenaeus

INTR OD UCTTON.

27

and generosity too ostentatious, and his clemency too exclusively the result of calculation but judged by the standard of
his own day these would pass for unmixed heroic virtues.
His
:

ambition seems to us somewhat deformed by a too ready acceptance of flattery and by the vanity which led him to claim
a divine origin. But to find fault with such weaknesses^ in a
young conqueror situated as he was is merely saying that he
was a man. His tender affection for Hephaestion, and the un-

wavering love he bore to the high-spirited mother- from whom

he inherited his self-willed and ambitious temperament, shew

remained inwardly sound and amiable to the last.

If we try Alexander by a test commonly applied to
great kings the permanence of their work we shall not find
him wanting. That his vast empire, won as it was by only
ten years of conquest, should have fallen to pieces when the
master's hand^ was so untimely withdrawn, is no blot on his
fame it could not have held together. But that any of his
work, performed in such haste, should have stood the test
of time is indeed a marvel.
Yet not only did the kingdoms of
that he

(12)

his successors in the

was formed

West

the East a

in

attain to great strength, but there

of Baktria'* which lasted

kingdom

and long retained the traces of its Greek or

The Greeks at home had long lost the
power^ of combining to form a really powerful state; and it
for centuries

Macedonian

origin.

See Arrian vii 29

Curtius

'

i,

5 30, Plut

3,

Curtius

Alex

5 29, 33.

39.

Plutarch has preserved a neat remark made at the time, that the
its leader resembled the Cyclops with his

Macedonian army on losing

one eye put out.
*
For the long vixid and

still emluring memory of the great Iskender

or Sekander in Asia, ami for the Paktrian kingdom, see Marco Polo r
29 and Col Yule's note, also on iii 15, iv 21, -Schuyler's Turkistan c 3
1 (vol II
p 142), app II (vol I p 366), note on c 9 (vol
D'Herbelot's bibliofheque orienlale vol i p 640, Elphinstone
app IV, Wheeler vol 111 ]) 177. Tliere has just appeared a treatise on
Alexander's successors in I'aktria and India by A von Sallct.

(vol

II

50),

The

described

115), c

general decay of Greek

Ijy

Mommsen

in his

life

and feeling

History of

Rome bk

at this
lii

time

c 14.

is

vividly

INTR OD UCTION.

28

was perhaps well that they should bear the Macedonian yoke
some of them at least to seek a
for a while and learn
humbler road to freedom in the unambitious federation of the
Achaean League. The spread of Greek civilization ^ in Asia
Minor and Syria was due in the first instance to the conquests
of Alexander
but of all that he did nothing is so truly a

monument of his greatness as

knew that he had found a site

the

city"

of Alexandria.

He

and wealthy

port,

for a great

the result more than fulfilled his expectation.

Under the
wise care of the Ptolemies there arose in this great mart of
commerce such a system of libraries museums observatories

and

lecture-rooms and other

means

of learning as the world had

did not, after their destruction,
centuries.
Here were wrought out the

never yet seen and of which

see the like for

most

many

it

achievements of the Greek mind, those of the

mathematicians^ whose astonishing progress in many sciences
solid

formed a starting-point for the great advances of modern times.

Here too in the days of the Roman Empire was one of the
chief seats of the theologistic Christianity* of the East.
see then that what he had done left it possible for smaller
to

We
men

found smaller kingdoms of a Greekish character in Asia

and that a hybrid race was to a great extent

and Africa

produced on his very plan, by the fusion^ of the Oriental and

the Greek.

Such a

(13)
^

rr\v

'EXXaSa

See also c

test is
<nreipai,

however hardly necessary

as Plut de

of the same work, and

Alex

fort

Mommsen bk v

in the case

lo makes him say.

c 7 (iv

p 301 Eng

tr library ed).
^

See the description of the

Ixeyia-Tov i/nnopioi' tt/s oUov/xii'rjs,

city in

Strabo xvii

13.

He

writing in the time ot Augustus.

calls

it

Also

Gibbon c 10.
^
For instance Euclid, Konon, Hero,
lonius,

Ktesibius, Eratosthenes, ApolHipparchus, Ptolemy (the astronomer and geographer), and

Pappus. The great Archimedes studied there.

*
See Gibbon cc 15, 21, 28.

Whether

character,

is

point of view.

this Hellenizing of the East produced a desirable type of

a different question, and may well be doubted from our

See Juvenal in 58

125.

INTR OD UCTION.
The mere

of Alexander.

many

fact of the general interest that

generations have taken

must have had

in

him something

in

29

so

career shews that he

his

him from

to distinguish

He became the
ordinary run of kings and conquerors.
of the rhetoricians.
vourite theme
Imagination revelled
^

the
fa-

in

the fancy of all he might have thought or said at the critical

moments of his life. The vocabulary of praise was exhausted"
in finding names of attributes sufficient to poiutray the per-

There is at the same time some reason

order to account for the misdeeds of a hero

fection of his character.

to suspect that, in

so apparently faultless, his tendency to drunkenness has been

have good authority' for believing that he
exaggerated.

We

drank sparingly and rather by way of good-fellowship than

from a liquorish appetite; while we know that he was naturally
quick-tempered and passionate. There are still extant, chiefly
in Plutarch, a number of tales of his boyhood and youth
shewing him to have been a daring and wayward but generous
lad, swelling with pride and ambition, of quick wit, active and

These anecdotes are probably true enough in

he grew up such as these glimpses of
Among the most
early years would lead us to expect.

inquisitive.

main

the
his

at all events

interesting stories of his manhood are those describing his

interview* with the Greek Cynic philosopher Diogenes and
He saw that
his curiosity concerning the Indian Brahmans*.
'

See Cic ad Att

xiii

28,

de orat

11

dc

341,

fin

116,

xMayor

and appendix A at end of our notes.

Plutarch in his two orations or pamphlets irepl t^s 'AXe^di'Spou
Ti'-YTjs ^ ap(T7J^ assigns him the following qualities; evf^ovXla, Kaprepia,

oil

Juv X

68,

dfOpeia,

cruxppoavi'Ti,

irpq.6Tr]s,

Kocfioi, eucri^eia, Triaris,

(vypvxia,

(pCKavdpooiria,

/xeyaXoipuxM,

6/xt\la

^ovXais, rdxos ev wpd^eai, ipws

and speaks of him as

vrjrpoiTL Kal ireirvvij.ivu)
'

65,

.See

de Alex

fort

10,

eiiapp-oaros,

d\pevSh

koiv6%,

tjOos,

tw

SiKaioaiivr],

einroda, dipo^la,

ev(TTd$cia

iv

AcaXy reXecriovpyoi,

^aaiXfvs (pCKdvdpwiros,

\oyiap.(^ irdvTO. irpdrTuv.

4,

avhpayaOla,

So^ijs, irpoaipecris iv

tf>i\6cro(pos, -^ye/j-iliv

ry

Arrian vii 29

See Arrian vii

crvveais,

evriXeia, iyKpdreia,

Plutarch Alex
3 6, Straljo

4, 23.

xv

-5

Thirlwall c 53, Wheeler vol

61

Plut Alex 14.

65,

iir

I'lut

i^y.

Alex 64,

INTR OD UCTION.

so
to

be content with a

little

was merely another way of

achievino-

the satisfaction which he himself sought by vast labour

were
he not Alexander the conqueror, he would rather live the
;

life

of a recluse or ascetic than be vexed by the vain unfulfilled

desires that torment ordinary men

to their graves.
In later times the

and send them disappointed

of Alexander became ^
a proverbial expression for ambition, and was constantly used
to point the moral^ that great and small alike must come to

name

'

dust'.

As

personal appearance we

to his

are told^ that his

his
well-grown figure indicated great strength and activity
countenance was fair and ruddy, his eyes soft and pleasing.
His profile on coins and gems shews the marked prominence
;

of the lower part of the forehead which

of an eager and pushing temperament.

a good digestion, and, in spite

of

all

we

often notice in

He was

men

blessed with

the trials to which he

subjected his constitution, he enjoyed on the whole excellent

health. It is certain that he died leaving the execution of many

even of his prepared schemes wholly unattempted. Whether

the papers found in his cabinet after his death relating to
several such schemes were all or in part genuine cannot be

But he seems not

determined.

to

have conceived any

definite

plan^ for attacking the Roman repubUc now growing into a

formidable power in the West. If however he had lived twenty
years longer there would probably have been a collision between

Everywhere.

pariiin est

Dareiwi

quod

et

See in particular Seneca epp 119 7 numquam

mmiquam tnultum est quod satis non est : post

satis est, et

Indos pauper

Juvenal

X 168

est

173,

Alexander, and de benef

Statins silv

11

93

5,

13.

and epigram 437

in

Riese's anthology quisqtds adhuc nojidum fortunae mobile

regnum nee
so)-tem varias credis habere vices, aspice Alcxandri
positutn memorahile

corpus : abscondit tantufu putris harena viruni.

200.
^

Plut Alex

Unless

Arrian VII

See Hamlet v

Curtius X 5 27.
are to believe the statement of

191

4,

we

3 quotes

See however Plin nat

some

writers

whom

without naming and evidently does not believe.

hist

in 57 and Dante de monarchia

11

9.

INTR OD UCTION.
was

consideration that led the Greeks to say'

Rjome never had a greater stroke of luck
than in the early death of Alexander. Roman writers were
not at a loss for answers to the sneer. But their main argu-

them.

It

this

in after times that

ment, the taking of Hannibal's failure as a case

in

point, is

Not only was the destructive Hannibal far

utterly worthless.
inferior to the constructive Alexander, but Rome in the fourth
century B C had not that solid organization of power throughout
Italy which foiled the genius of the Phoenician ad\enturer in
the third.

The controversy

is

interesting to us as shewing the

not only in what Alexander actually did but in

what he might have done.
interest

felt

Here then we take our leave of our hero, perhaps the

(14)
most striking figure in all antiquity one who roused even to
despair the widely different ambitions'- of Caesar and Julian,
and is perhaps only commensurable with one other character
;

in history
'

the emperor

Charles the Great.

Weissenborn thinks
TTfpt T^j'Pw/Lta'wj' Ti^X'?* chapter 13.
remark had been already made by Timagenes, and that the
retort of Livy ix 17
19 is very likely directed against this writer.
^
See Suet Jul 7, and Julian p 253 a, b.
Plutarch

that the

It may be well to remark that the name Panjab, the land

\Note.
of the five streams ', is well explained and illustrated by Mr Isaac
'

Taylor

in

'Words and Places'

Jhelam, Chenab, Ravi,

c 9

Bias, Satlej.]

pp

131

133.

The

five

are

ABSTRACT OF THE NARRATIVE.

Description of India.

viil 9

Alexander's operations in the country to the west of the

II

10,

Indus.
12, 13

Battle on the Eastern bank,

14

IX

Operations in descending the Jhelam and Chenab.

danger of Alexander.

10

rajas.

Great

Descent of the Indus.

Remonstrances of the generals through

Reply of Alexander.

mutiny in Bactria quelled. Submission of the Sudracae

and Malli. Banquet and remarkable duel. Further operations in descending the Indus.
rival at Patala.

Submission of

Schemes and enquiries of Alexander. He tries in a speech to

mduce his army to advance further.
Answer of Coenus on behalf of the army. March back to the
Jhelam and descent of the river.

Craterus.
7,

and defeat of the Hindu army.

Alexander's advance through the Panjab.

Products and customs described.

4, 5

Passage of the Indus, and submission of certain rajas.

Alexander brought face to face with Porus on the Jhelam.
Strategic movements and passage of the river.

Danger

of

Ptolemy.

Alexander explores the mouths of the Indus. The

great danger from the rise and fall of the tide.

The homeward march.

Ar-

fleet

in

StTirtArd's Odcci^Estnh.

CamWidge

L'niversit)^

Press.

QUINTI CURTI RUFI HISTORIARUM

ALEXANDRI MAGNI MACEDONIS LIBER

AB INITIO CAPITIS
Sed ne otium serendis rumoribus
Indiam movit, semper

bello

quam

viii

ix.

natum

aleret,

post victoriam

in

India tota ferme spectat orientem, minus in latitudinem,

quae austrum accipiunt,

recta regione spatiosa.

quam

altius terrae fastigium

inclitis

excedunt

amnibus Caucaso monte

Indus gelidior

iter

praebent.
a colore maris baud

nium ab Oriente

fluvius

in

ortis

placidum per campos

quam

ceteri

aquas vehit

Ganges, omad
meridianam
eximius,
regionem
abhorrentes.

magnorum montium iuga recto alveo stringit

obiectae rupes inclinant ad orientem.
uterque
Indus ripas multasque arbores cum
rubro mari accipitur.
decurrit et

inde

soli

exsorbet,

parte

crebro reverberatur

sulasque molitur.

surum

in

obicit,

saxis

quoque

inpeditus, quis

ubi mollius solum reperit, stagnat inAcesines eum auget.

Ganges decur-

amnis
intercipit, magnoque motu
influenti
os
quippe Ganges asperum

mare lomanen
colliditur

uterque

eum

magna

plana sunt cetera multisque

est,

multum

clarior.

nee repercussae aquae cedunt.

Dyardenes minus

ceterum
quia per ultima Indiae currit
non crocodilos modo, uti Nilus, sed etiam delphinos igno-

celeber auditu

est,

flexibus

Ethimantus, crebris
gentibus beluas alit.
subinde curvatus, ab accolis rigantibus carpitur

ea causa

est,

tasque

c.

aliis

cur tenues reliquias iam sine nomine in mare

3

10

34

CURTI RUFI

Q.

multis praeter hos amnibus tota regio dividitur,

11

emittat.

12

sed ignobilibus, quia non adeo interfluunt.

ceterum quae
propiora sunt mari, aquilone maxime deuruntur is cohibi:

montiuin ad interiora non penetrat,

tus iugis
13

sed adeo in

frugibus mitia.

ilia

plaga

mundus

ita

alendis

statas tem-

cum alia fervore solis exaestuant,

obruant, rursusque, ubi cetera rigent, illic
intolerandus aestus existat.
nee, cur inverterit se natura,
vices mutat, ut,

porum

Indiana

14

nives

mare

causa,

horret a

certe,

ceteris.

quo adluitur, ne colore quidem abab Erythro rege inditum est nomen
:

15

terra lini ferax

propter quod ignari rubere aquas credunt.
inde plerisque sunt vestes.
libri arborum teneri baud secus

16

quam

chartae litterarum notas capiunt.

aves ad imitanvocis sonum dociles sunt,
animalia invisi-

dum humanae

tata ceteris gentibus nisi invecta.

17 alit,

non

generat.

eadem

elephantorum maior

terra rhinocerotas

est vis,

quam quos

18

in Africa domitant, et viribus

19

flumina vehunt, quae leni modicoque lapsu segnes aquas

ducunt.
gemmas margaritasque mare litoribus infundit
:

neque

alia

illis

aestimantur
libido

maior opulentiae causa

commercium vulgavere

vitiorum

20

aurum

magnitudo respondet.

constituit.

in exteras gentes

exaestuantis

purgamenta
ingenia

utique postquam

est,

hominum,

freti

pretio,

sicut

ubique,

quippe

quod
apud

locorum quoque situs format, corpora usque pedes

carbaso velant, soleis pedes, capita linteis vinciunt, lapilli ex
auribus pendent, brachia quoque et lacertos auro colunt,

21 illos

22

quibus inter populares aut nobilitas aut opes eminent,

pillum

pectunt saepius,

intonsum
23

quant,

est,

reliquam

regum tamen

quam

oris

cutem ad speciem

luxuria,

quam

ca-

mentum semper

tondent,

levitatis exae-

magnificentiam
cum rex semet in

ipsi

appellant, super omnium gentium vitia.

publico conspici patitur, turibula argentea ministri ferunt
totumque iter, per quod ferri destinavit, odoribus conplent.

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

VIII,

cam sequuntur armati corporisque

35

9.

aurea lectica margaritis circumpendentibus recubat

tincta sunt auro et purpura carbasa, quae indutus est

dis- 24

lecti-

inter

quos
ramis aves pendent, quas cantu seriis rebus obstrepere
totas eas vitis
docuerunt.
regia auratas columnas habet
custodes,

auro

caelata

percurrit,

aviumque,

quarum

visu

25

26

maxima

regia adgaudent, argenteae effigies opera distinguunt.

tunc
ornat
cum
euntibus patet,
capillum pectit atque
iura
reddit.
tunc
demppopularibus
responsa legationibus,

27

venatus maximus
soleis odoribus inlinuntur pedes.
labor est inclusa vivario animalia inter vota cantusque peli-

tis

23

cum

binum cubitorum sagittae sunt, quas emittunt

figere.
maiore nisu quam eftectu: quippe telum, cuius in levitate
breviora itinera
vis omnis est, inhabili pondere oneratur.
equo conficit: longior ubi expeditio est, elephanti vehunt

29

currum, et tantarum beluarum corpora tota contegunt auro.

ac ne quid perditis moribus desit, lecticis aureis pelicum
longus ordo sequitur: separatum a reginae ordine agmen
est aec^uatque luxuriam.

ab isdem

vinum

est

feminae epulas parant.

omnibus Indis largus
cuius
ministratur,

regem mero sonmoque sopitum in cubiculum

runt, patrio carmine noctium invocantes deos.
inter

haec

vitia

curam

pelices refe-

quis credat

unum

esse sapientiae?

30

usus.

agreste

31

et

horridum genus est, quod sapientes vocant.

apud hos
cremari
se
et
vivos
diem
fati
iubent,
pulclirum,
occupare

32

est: exquibus aut segnis aetas aut incommoda valitudo

pectatam mortem pro dedecore vitae habent, nee ullus cor-

poribus,

quae senectus

solvit,

honos

redditur:

putant ignem, nisi qui spirantes recipit.

publicis

moribus

degunt, siderum

dicuntur et futura praedicere.

leti

diem credunt,

nee

illi,

motus

inquinari
qui in urbibus
scite

33

spectare

quemquam admovere

cui expectare interrito liceat.

tant, quidquid colere coeperunt, arbores

deos pu-

maxime, quas

32

vio-

3*

36

Q.

CURT! RUFI

36

menses in quinos denos discripserunt dies,

anni plena spatia servantur.
lunae cursu notant tempora,
non, ut plerique, cum orbem sidus inplevit, sed cum se

37

qui spatium

35

lare capital est.

curvare coepit in cornua, et idcirco breviores habent menses,

eorum ad hunc lunae modum dirigunt. multa
et alia traduntur,

quibus morari ordinem rerum baud sane

operae videbatur.

10

Igitur

Alexandre

occurrerunt,

reguli

fines Indiae ingresso

imperata

facturi,

gentium suarum
tertium love

ilium

genitum ad ipsos pervenisse memorantes: patrem Liberum

atque Herculem fama cognitos esse, ipsum coram adesse
2

rex benigne exceptos sequi iussit, isdem itinerum

ducibus usurus.
ceterum cum amplius nemo occurreret,
Hephaestionem et Perdiccan cum copiarum parte praemisit
cernique.

ad subigendos, qui aversarentur imperium

flumen Indum procedere
3

erant,

sic

illi, quia plura flumina supeiunxere naves, ut solutae plaustris vehi

post se Cratero

possent rursusque coniungi.

iusso sequi equitatum ac levem

cipit,

ne cui parceretur, munimentis

incensis.

cepit

nondum arma Macedonum

ceterum,

dum

tamen oppidum,

etiam in tecta saevitum

7

Inde domita

turnum

frigus

urbis,

terrorem

expertae, prae-

quam

obsidebat,

obequitat moenibus, sagitta ictus

et

omnibus

incolis

eius trucidatis

est.

ignobili gente

forte castris ante ipsa

cum phalange

armaturam eduxit eosque,

urbem proximam conpulit.

qui occurrerunt, levi proelio in

iam supervenerat Craterus. itaque ut principio
incuteret genti

iussitque ad

transportari posset exercitus.

randa
4

et navigta facere, quis in ulteriora

moenia

vehementius

ad

Nysam urbem

pervenit.

in silvestri loco positis noc-

quam

alias

horrore

corpora

adfecit, opportunumque remedium ignis oblatum est. caesis

quippe silvis flammam excitaverunt, quae igni alita oppidanorum sepulcra comprehendit. vetusta cedro erant facta

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRT
conceptumque ignem

donee omnia

late fudere,

lo.

37

solo acquata

primum canum latratus, deinde etiam

tum et oppidani hostem,
est.
Macedones ad urbem ipsos venisse cognoscunt. iamque
et

sunt.

hominum
et

VIII,

ex urbe

fremitus auditus

10

rex eduxerat copias et moenia obsidebat, cum hostium, qui

aliis ergo dedidiscrimen temptaverant, obruti telis sunt,

pugnam experiri placebat quorum dubitatione

tantum eos et abstineri caedibus iussit:
circumsideri
conperta
a Libero
malis fatigati dedidere se.
obsidionis
tandemque
tionem,

aliis

et vera haec origo erat.

patre conditos se esse dicebant
sita est sub radicibus mentis, quem Meron incolae appellant.

inde Graeci mentiendi traxere licentiam, lovis femine Liberum patrem esse celatum.
rex situ mentis cognito ex
incolis

cum

toto exercitu praemissis

12

13

commeatibus verticem

multa hedera vitisque toto gignitur monte,

multae perennes aquae manant.
pomorum quoque varii
salubresque suci sunt sua sponte fortuitorum seminum
lauri baccarisque multa in illis
fruges humo nutriente.

eius ascendit.

credo equidem non divino inrupibus agrestis est silva.

sed
lascivia
esse
stinctu,
provectos, ut passim hederae ac
vitium folia decerperent redimitique fronde toto nemore
similes bacchantibus vagarentur.

praesidem nemoris eius

lesque resonabant,

omnes

cum

vocibus ergo tot milium

iuga montis col-

14

15

16

deum adorantium

orta licentia a paucis, ut fere

se rcpcnte vulgassct.

quippe velut

in

fit,

in

media pace

17

et
per herbas adgestamque frondem prostravere corpora,
rex fortuitam laetitiam non aversatus large ad epulas omnibus praebitis per x dies Libero patri operatum habuit exerci-

(juoijue gloriam saepius fortunae

beneficium?
(juippe ne cpulantcs quidom
quam
et sopitos mero adgredi ausus est hostis, baud secus bac-

tum.

quis neget

eximiam

virlutis esse

chantium ululantiumque fremitu perterritus, ([uam si proeliantium clamor esset auditus. eadem felicitas ab occano

435354

18

38

CURTI RUFT

Q.

temulentos comissantesque inter ora hostium

revertentes
texit.

Hinc ad regionem, quae Daedala

19

est.

deseruerant incolae

20 tituta

incolentium fuga.

sedes

vocatur,

perventum

avios silvestresque
montes confugerant. ergo Acadira transit, aeque usta et desmutavit.

divisis

enim

et

in

itaque rationem belli

necessitas

arma
non expectaverant hostem, omni
Ptolomaeus plurimas urbes, Alexander
pluribus

copiis

simul

locis

ostendit, oppressique, ubi

21

clade perdomiti sunt.

22

maximas cepit: rursusque, quas distribuerat, copias iunxit.

superato deinde Choaspe amne Coenon in obsidione urbis
Beiram incolae vocant reliquit: ipse ad Mazaopulentae

gas venit.

23

nuper Assacano, cuius regnum fuerat, demortuo

regioni urbique praeerat mater eius Cleopliis. xxxviii milia

peditum tuebantur urbem non situ solum, sed etiam opere

munitam. nam qua spectat orientem, cingitur amne torqui praeruptis utrimque ripis aditum ad urbem inpedit.
et a meridie velut de industria rupes
prae-

renti,
24

ad occidentem
altas

admolita natura

est, infra

quas cavernae

et

voragines

longa vetustate in altum cavalae iacent,

25

fossa ingentis operis

obiecta

est.

quaque desinunt,
xxxv stadium murus

urbem

conplectitur, cuius inferiora saxo, superiora crudo

latere sunt structa. lateri vinculum lapides sunt, quos inter-

posuere, ut duriori materiae

humore

26

terra

27

bant

23

quidam

diluta.

fragilis incumberet, simulque

ne tamen universa consideret, inpositae

erant trabes validae, quibus iniecta tabulata

et tege-

muro

sagitta

percussit.

tum

forte

in

suram

telum: cuius spicule evolso admoveri equum iussit:

vectus
ne obligato quidem vulnere baud segnius destiquo
nata exequebatur.
ceterum cum crus saucium penderet, et

incidit

29

muros

haec munimenta contemplantem

Alexandrum consiliique incertum, quia nee cavernas nisi
aggere poterat inplere nee tormenta aliter muris admovere,
et pervlos fecerant.

HISTORTARUM ALEXANDRI

VIII,

ii.

30

cruore siccato frigescens vulnus adgravaret dolorem, dixisse

fertur se quidem lovis filiuni dici, sed corporis aegri vitia

non tamen ante

sentire.

quae

se recepit in castra,

fieri vellet, edixit.

quam cuncta

30

ergo, sicut

imperatum
erat, alii extra urbem tecta nioliebantur ingentemque vim
materiae faciendo aggeri detrahebant, alii magnarum arborum
stipites cum ramis ac moles saxorum in cavernas deiciebant.
perspexit,

et,

iamque agger aequaverat summae fastigium terrae itaque

turres erigebant, quae opera ingenti militum ardore intra
nonum diem absoluta sunt, ad ea visenda rex nondum
:

obducta vulneri

cicatrice

admoveri machinas

laudatisque militibus
quibus ingens vis telorum in
praecipue rudes talium operum

31

processit

iussit, e

propugnatores effusa est.

terrebant mobiles turres, tantasque moles nulla ope, quae
cerneretur, adiutas deorum numine agi credebant
pila

32

quoque muralia

et

excussas

tormentis

praegraves

hastas

negabant convenire mortalibus. itaque desperata urbis tutela

concessere in arcem. inde, quia nihil obsessis praeter dedi-

tionem patebat,

ad regem descenderunt veniam petiqua inpetrata regina venit cum magno nobilium

turi.

legati

feminarum grege aureis

regis

parvo

filio

33

pateris vina libantium. ipsa genibus

admoto non veniam modo, sed etiam

34
35

pris-

tinae fortunae inpetravit decus.

est:

et

datum,

quippe appellata regina

credidere quidam plus formae quam miserationi
puero quoque certe postea ex ea utcumque genito

nomen.
Hinc Polypercon ad urbem Noram cum cxercitu missus
inconditos oppidanos proclio vicit
intra munimcnta consecutus
urbem
in
multa ignobilia
dicionem
pulsos
redegit.
Alexandre

36

fuit

oppida deserta a suis venere in regis potestatem. quorum

incolae armati petram Aornim nomine occupaverunt.
banc
ab Hercule frustra obsessam esse terraeque motu coactum
absistere fama vulgaverat. inopem consilii Alexandrum, quia

40

CURTI RUFI

Q.

undique praeceps et abrupta rupes

locorum cum duobus filiis adiit,
4

erat, senior
si

quidam

peritus

pretium operae

esset,

aditum se monstraturum esse promittens.

lxxx talenta
constituit daturum Alexander et altero ex iuvenibus obside
retento ipsum ad exequenda, quae obtulerat, dimisit. leviter
dux datus est Mullinus, scriba regis, hos enim

armatis

circuitu,
6

in

est,

summa
amnis

hostem, in

summum iugum

petra non, ut pleraeque, modicis ac

sublime fastigium

erecta
7

fallerent

quo

evadere.

in

crescit,

cuius ima spatiosiora sunt, altiora in artius coeunt,

acutum cacumen exurgunt. radices eius Indus

subit, praealtus,

utrimque asperis

ripis

nee

ab altera parte

alia

expugnandi

ad manum silva erat,

patebat via, quara ut replerentur.
quam rex ita caedi iussit, ut nudi stipites iacerentur: quippe
rami fronde

vestiti

cam arborem
secutus est
9 set.

intra

inpedissent ferentes.

ipse primus trun-

clamorque exercitus, index alacritatis,

nullo detrectante munus, quod rex occupavisseptimum diem cavernas expleverant, cum rex
iecit,

Agrianos iubet per ardua niti: iuvenesque

duces his dati
promptissimos ex sua cohorte xxx delegit.

sagittarios
to

clivis

maxime modum

sed in metae

voragines eluviesque praeruptae sunt,

8

placebat

moUibus

et

sunt Charus et Alexander, quem rex nominis, quod sibi cum

eo commune esset, admonuit.
ac primo, quia tam manifestum periculum erat, ipsum regem discrimen subire non
11

signum tuba datum est, vir audaciae prompad corporis custodes sequi se iubet primusque

placuit: sed ut

tae conversus

invadit in rupcm.
stitit,
12

nee deinde quisquam

Macedonum

multorum

miserabilis fuit casus,

quos ex praerupta rupe

sos amnis praeterfluens hausit, triste spectaculum etiam

lap-

non
cum
vero
alieno
timendum
exitio, quid ipsis
periclitantibus
foret, admonerentur, in metum misericordia versa non exet iam eo perventum
tinctos, sed semetipsos deflebant.
:

13

sub-

relictisque stationibus sua sponte regem sequebantur.

niSTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

VIIT,

ii.

41

erat, unde sine pernicie nisi victores redire non possent, ingenlia saxa in subeuntes provolventibus barbaris, quis perculsi instabili et lubrico gradu praecipites recidebant.

tamen

evaserant

Alexander

et

rant

Charus,

quos cum xxx

14

pugnare comminus coepe-

delectis praemiserat rex, et iani

cum superne tela barbari ingererent, saepius ipsi

quam vulnerabant. ergo Alexander et nominis
promissi memor, duni acrius quam cautius dimicat,

sed

feriebantur,
sui et

confossus

undique obruitur.
quern ut Charus iacentem
hostem omnium praeter ultionem in-

15

16

conspexit, ruere in

memor coepit multosque hasta, quosdam gladio interemit

sed cum tot unum incesserent manus, super amici corpus
:

procubuit exanimis.

baud

quam par erat, promptissimilitum interitu commotus

secus,

morum iuvenum ceterorumque

saluti fuit, quod sensim et inrex signum receptui dedit.

se
barbari
et
hostem depulisse contenti
receperunt,
trepidi

non

institere cedentibus.

desistere

ceterum Alexander

quippe
incepto

cum

statuisset

17

18

19

nulla

spes potiundae petrae

offerebatur tamen speciem ostendit in obsidione perseverantis.

nam

fatigatis alios

et itinera obsideri iussit et turres

admoveri

et

cuius pertinacia cognita Indi per

duas noctes cum ostentatione non

succedere.

biduum quidem ac
fiduciae modo, sed etiam victoriae, epulati sunt, tympana sue
tertia vero nocte tympanorum quidem
more pulsantes.
strepitus dcsierat audiri,

20

21

ceterum ex tota petra faces refulge-

bant, quas accendcrant barbari, ut tutior esset ipsis fuga,

obscura nocte per invia saxa cursuris.
rex Balacro, qui

22

specularetur, praemisso cognoscit petram fuga Indorum esse

desertam.
tum dato signo, ut universi conclamarent, in-

multique, tamquam
conposite fugientibus metum incussit
adesset hostis, per lubrica saxa perque invias cotes praecipi:

tati

occiderunt, plures aliqua membrorum i)arte mulcati ab

rex locorum magis quam ho.stium
deserti sunt,

integris

23

24

42

Q.

victor
25

deum

CURTI RUFT

tamen magnae

victoriae speciem sacrificiis et cultu

arae in petra locatae sunt Minervae Victoriaeducibus itineris, quo subire iusserat leviter armatos,

fecit,

que.

promissis minora praestiterant, pretium cum fide redest.

petrae regionisque ei adiunctae Sisocosto tutela

etsi

ditum

permissa.

12

Inde processit Ecbolima:

sideri

xx

agmen

gravius

et

cum

angustias itineris ob-

miiibus armatorum ab Erice

exercitus

quodam conperisset,
Coeno ducendum modicis itineribus

ipse praegressus pet- funditores ac sagittarios detur-

tradidit

obsederant saltum, sequentibus secopiis viam fecit.

Indi sive odio ducis, sive gratiam victoris inituri Ericen fugientem adorti interemerunt caputque eius atque arma ad

batis, qui

facto inpunitatem dedit,

ille
Alexandrum detulerunt.
honorem denegavit exemplo.
Hinc ad flumen Indum sextisdecumis castris pervenit

omniaque, ut praeceperat, ad traiciendum praeparata ab

regnabat in ea regione Omphis,
dedendi regnum Alexandro et

Hephaestione repperit.
5

qui patri quoque

post

mortem

fuerat auctor

parentis legates miserat, qui consulerent eum,

regnare se interim veliet,

6

tum.

an privatum opperiri eius advennon tamen ius datum usur-

permissoque ut regnaret,

pare sustinuit.

is benigne quidem exceperat Hephaestionem,

gratuitum frumentum copiis eius admensus, non tamen ei
itaque
occurrerat, ne fidem ullius nisi regis experiretur.

obviam cum armato exercitu egressus est; elephanti

quoque per modica intervalla militum agmini inmixti procul
ac primo Alexander non
castellorum fecerant speciem.
adventare
hostera
sed
credebat, iamque et ipse arma
socium,
venienti

milites capere et equites discedere in

ad pugnam.
g

at

Indus cognito
fecit,

iusserat, paratus

errore

iussis

equum, quo vehebatur idem

sive hostis sive amicus occurreret,

subsistere ceteris ipse concitat

Alexander quoque

cornua

Macedonum

HISTORTARUM ALEXANDRI

VIII,

12.

43

vel sua virtute vel illius fide tutus,

usque vultu posset

interprete

intellegi,

coivere, quod ex utriamicis animis: ceterum sine

non poterat conseri sermo.

barbarus occurrisse se dixit

cum

itaque adhibito eo
exercitu totas imperii vires

protinus traditurum nee expectasse,

dum

per nuntios daretur

corpus suum et regnum permittere illi, quem sciret

nihil magis quam famam timere perfidiae.
militantem
gloriae
laetus simplicitate barbari rex et dexteram, fidei suae pigfides,

nus, dedit et

restituit.

regnum

lvi elephanti erant, quos

10

tradidit Alexandro,

multaque pecora eximiae magnitudinis,

tauros ad in milia, prctiosum in ea regione acceptumque
animis regnantium armentum.
quaerenti Alexandro, plures
agricultores haberet,
sibi

maiore militum

dit.

tas.

cum duobus regibus

quam agrestium manu opus esse
an

milites,

responAbisares et Porus erant, sed in Poro eminebat auctori-

uterque ultra Hydaspen

amnem

regnabat

13

et belli fortu-

nam, quisquis arma inferret, experiri decreverat. Omphis

perrnittente Alexandro et regium insigiie sumpsit et more

nomen, quod patris fuerat Taxilen appellavere

populares, sequente nomine imperium, in quemcumque
transiret.
igitur cum per triduum hospitaliter Alexandrum

gentis suae

12

bellanti

14

15

quantum frumenti copiis, quas

Hephaestion duxerat, praebitum a se esset, ostendit et aureas
coronas ipsi amicisque omnibus, praeter haec signati argenti
accepisset,

Lxxx

quarto die

talenta

mire laetus

dono

et,

et,

dedit.

quae

is

qua benignitate

eius Alexander

16

dederat, remisit et mille talenta ex

vehebat, adiecit multaque convivalia ex auro

et argento vasa, plurimum Persicae vestis, xxx equos ex suis
cum isdem insignibus, cpiis adsueverant, cum ipsum veherent.

praeda,

quam

cjuae liberalitas sicut

barbarum

obstrin.xerat, ita

amicos ipsius

Meleager super cenam largiore

vino usus gratulari se Alexandro dixit, quod saltem in India
rex haud oblitus, quam
repperisset dignum talentis mille.

vehementer

offendit.

17

e quibus

iS

44

CURTT RUFI

Q.

aegre tulisset, quod Clitum ob linguae temeritatem occidisset,

iram quidem tenuit, sed dixit invidos homines nihil aliud
quam ipsorum esse tormenta,

13
z

mandatum

fide remittuntur

ratus

erat,

ad regem. Porum

ad deditionem posse

dicioni

firmataque invicem
quoque nominis sui fama

permittebant

ad eum Cleo-

conpelli, misit

charen, qui denuntiaret ei, ut stipendium

primo suorum finium aditu occurreret regi.

omnia

Postero die legati Abisarae adiere regem.

eius, ita ut

penderet et in
Porus alterum

ex his facturum sese respondit, ut intranti regnum suum

iam Hydaspen Alexander
esset, sed armatus.

praesto

superare decreverat, cum Barzaentes, defectionis Arachosiis

auctor, vinctus trigintaque elephanti simul capti perducuntur,

opportunum adversus Indos auxilium quippe plus in beluis,

quam in exercitu spei ac virium illis erat. Samaxus quoque,

rex exiguae partis Indorum, qui Barzaenti se coniunxerat,

vinctus adductus est. igitur transfuga et regulo in custodiam,

elephantis

autem Taxili

traditis

venit, in cuius ulteriore ripa

6

hibiturus hostem.

Lxxx

et

ad

amnem Hydaspen

corporum robore ultraque eos currus ccc

fere milia,
7

in quis

erant

per-

Porus consederat transitu prov elephantos obiecerat eximio

sagittarii,

et

peditum xxx
dictum est,

sicuti ante

ipsum vegravioribus telis, quam ut apte excuti possent.

hebat elephantus super ceteras beluas eminens, armaque auro
et argento distincta corpus rarae magnitudinis honestabant.
par animus robori corporis, et quanta inter rudes poterat

esse sapientia.
Macedonas non conspectus hostium solum,
sed etiam fluminis, quod transeundum erat, magnitudo terrebat.
nil in latitudinem stadia diftusus profundo alveo et

nusquam vada

aperiente speciem vasti maris fecerat.

nee

pro spatio aquarum late stagnantium impetum coercebat, sed

quasi in artum coeuntibus ripis torrens et elisus ferebatur,

occultaque saxa inesse ostendebant pluribus locis undae

re-

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

VIII,

13.

45

terribilior erat facies ripae,

quam equi viriqiie

stabant ingentes vastorum corporum moles
conpleverant.
et de industria inritatae horrendo stridore aures fatigabant.
percussae.

10

hinc amnis, hinc hostis capacia quidem bonae spei pectora n

saepe se experta inproviso tamen pavore percusserant.

quippe inhabiles rates nee dirigi ad ripam, nee tuto adplicari

et

erant in medio amne insulae crebrae, in

posse credebant.
quas et Indi et Macedones nantes levatis super capita armis
transibant.
rei

parvae

:2

levia proelia conserebantur, et uterque rex

ibi

discrimine

summae experiebatur eventum. ceterum

13

Macedonum

exercitu temeritate atque audacia insignes

fuere Symmachus et Nicanor, nobiles iuvenes et perpetua
in

partium felicitate ad spernendum omne periculum accensi.

quis ducibus promptissimi iuvenum lanceis modoarmati trans-

14

navere in insulam, quam frequens hostis tenebat, multosque

Indorum, nulla re melius quam audacia armati, interemerunt.
abire

cum

modum

gloria poterant,

sed

si

umquam

temeritas felix inveniret

amnis

ablati sunt aut verticibus inpliciti.

eadem

erat

insula in

flumine amplior ceteris,

et tegendis insidiis apta.

procul ripa,

quam

tenebat ipse,

silvestris

quoque praealta hand

non pedites modo, sed etiam

igitur ut a custodia
cquis viros poterat abscondere.
huius opportunitatis oculos hostiunn averteret, Ptolomaeum
iussit

agmen suum

coegit advcrtcre.

ei

parti,

18

procul insula et subinde

terrere, quasi flumen transnaturus foret.

per
Ptolomaeus id fecit eoque consilio Porum
dies
conplures

Indos clamore

(juoque

17

fossa

cum

omnibus turmis obequitare

16

eaque pugna mul-

tum Pori fiduciam erexit cuncta cernentis e ripa. Alexander

inops consilii tandem ad fallendum hostem talem dolum
intendit.

15

dum

supervenientes contemptim et superbe

quoque expectant, circumventi ab iis, qui occulti enaverant,
eminus obruti telis sunt, qui effugerant hostem, aut impetu
:

quam

19

se petere simulabat,

iam extra conspectum

hostis insula erat. 20

46

Alexander

in diversa parte ripae statui

suum tabernaciilum

adsuetamque comitari ipsum cohortem ante id taber-

iussit

21

CUR 77 RUF7

Q.

naculum stare et omnem apparatum regiae magnificentiae

hostium oculis de industria ostendi. Attalum etiam, aequalem
sibi et baud disparem babitu oris et corporis, utique cum
procul viseretur, veste regia exornat, praebiturum speciem,

ipsum regem
22

adiuvit,
23

ripae praesidere nee agitare

illi

de

transitu.

primo morata tempestas est, mox

incommoda quoque ad bonos eventus vertente

buius consiUi

effectum

traicere amnem cum ceteris copiis in regionem inde

sulae,
qua ante dictum est, parabat, averso boste in eos,
cum
inferiorem obsederant ripam, cum proPtolomaeo
qui

fortuna.

cella

imbrem vix sub tectis tolerabilem efifundit. obrutique

nimbo in terram refugerunt navigiis ratibusque de-

milites
sertis.

sed tumultuantium fremitus obstrepentibus ventis ab

audiri.
deinde momento temporis repres-

non poterat

24

hoste

25

conderent lucem, vixque conloquentium inter ipsos facies

terruisset aUum obducta nox caelo, cum ignoscitarentur.

sus est imber

ceterum adeo spissae intendere se nubes, ut

amne navigandura
ripam, quam caeci atque

noto
26

27

esset,

forsitan

boste

eam ipsam

at rex
inprovidi
accersens
et
ceteros
obscuritatem, quae
periculo gloriam
terrebat, suam occasionem ratus dato signo, ut omnes silentio
pcteba7it, tenente.

ascenderent in rates, eam, qua ipse vehebatur, primam iussit

vacua erat ab hostibus ripa, quae petebatur quippe
expelli.
:

adhuc Porus Ptolomaeum tantum intuebatur. una ergo

quam
14

petrae

fluctus

inliserat,

armaque capere milites et ire in ordines iussit.

lamque agmen in cornua divisum ipse ducebat, cum
Poro nuntiatur armis virisque ripam obtineri et rerum adesse
ac primo humani ingenii vitio spei suae induldiscrimen.
beUi socium et ita convenerat adventare
Abisaren
gens

navi,

baerente ceterae evadunt:

credebat.

mox

bquidiore kice aperiente aciem hostium c

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
quadrigas et

111

VIII,

14.

milia equitum venienti agmini obiecit.

47

dux

erat copiarum, quas praemisit, Hages, frater

ipsius, summa
virium in curribus senos viros singuli vehebant, duos
clipe:

duos

atos,

erant ceteri,

ab utroque latere dispositos aurigae

baud sane inermes; quippe iacula conplura, iibi

sagittarios,

comminus proeliandum

erat. omissis habenis in hostem invix

ceterum
ullus
usus huius auxilii eo die fuit.
gerebant.
ut
dictum
imber violentius quam alias
est,
namque,
supra

fusus

campos

lubricos et inequitabiles fecerat, gravesque et

currus inluvie ac voraginibus haere-

propemodum inmobiles

contra Alexander expedito ac levi agmine strenue

est.
Scythae et Dahae primi omniinii invasere

bant.

invectus

cum equitibus in dextrum cornu

iam undique pugna se moverat, cum ii, qui
currus agebant, illud ultimum auxilium suorum rati efifusis
Indos: Perdiccam deinde

hostium emisit.
habenis in

malum

medium

discrimen ruere coeperunt.

utrisque erat:

nam

anceps id

in voragines

modo

praecipitavere curricula

vere ad

Porum

acerrime

telis

pugnam

hostium exacti penetta-

cientem.

is,

amnem

lacunasque, sed etiam in

pauci

Macedonum

et

pedites primo
impetu obterebantur etper lubrica atque invia inmissi currus
excutiebant eos, a quibus regebantur: aliorum turbati equi

non

ut dissipatos

tota acie currus vagari sine rectoribus vidit, proximis ami-

corum

distribuit elephantos.
et

post eos posuerat peditem ac

solitos.

id pro cantu

tympana pulsare
Indis erat, nee strepitu eorum movebantur, olim ad notum
Herculis simulacrum agmini
sonum auribus mitigatis.
maximum
erat bellantibus inid
praeferebatur.
peditum
sagittarios

citamentum,

et deseruisse gestantes militare flagitium

capitis etiam sanxerant

non beluarum modo, sed etiam

ipsius regis aspectus

habe-

poenam iis, qui ex acie non

rettulissent, metu, quern ex illo hoste quondam conceperant,
etiam in religionem venerationcmque converso. Mdcedonas
batur.

10

tubarum

parum-

12

48
13

CURTI RUFI

Q.

per inhibuit. beluae dispositae inter armatos speciem turrium

procul fecerant.
ipse Porus humanae magnitudinis propemodum excesserat formam. magnitudinem corpori adicere
videbatur belua, qua vehebatur, tantum inter ceteras eminens,

14

quanto
et

regem

meo
5

aliis

itaque Alexander contemplatus

ipse praestabat.

et

agmen Indorum, 'tandem',

periculum video,

cum

inquit, 'par

simul et

bestiis

egregiis

res est'

hostium cornu impetum fecero, viderisque

tu,

Antigene, et

mediam aciem

tu,

move

me

in

medio

et turbatis signa infer,

Leonnate, et Tauron, invehemini

et urgebitis frontem.

longae et validae non

alias

magis

rectoresque earum usui esse poterunt

17

animo

intuensque Coenon, 'cum ego', inquit, 'Ptolomaeo Perdiccaque et Hephaestione comitatus in laevum

viris

ardore certaminis, ipse dextrum

16

cum

in

hastae nostrae praequam adversus beluas

deturbate eos, qui vehuntur, et ipsas confodite.

anceps genus auxilii est et in
in hostem enim imperio, in suos pavore
suos acrius furit.
haec
elocutus
concitat equum primus: iamque, ut
agitur.'
:

erat, invaserat ordines hostium, cum Coenus inlaevum cornu invehitur. phalanx quoque mediam
Indorum aciem uno impetu perrupit. at Porus, qua equitem
invehi senserat, beluas agi iussit: sed tardum et paene in-

destinatum
18

19

genti vi in

mobile animal equorum velocitatem aequare non poterat. ne

sagittarum quidem uUus erat barbaris usus quippe longas et
:

praegraves, nisi prius in terra statuerent

apte et

20

22

injDonunt

tum humo

arcum, baud

satis

lubrica et ob id in-

pediente conatum molientes ictus celeritate hostium occuquod fere fit, ubi turbatis
pantur. ergo spreto regis imperio

metus quam dux imperare coepit totidem erant imalius iungere aciem, alius
peratores, quot agmina errabant.
dividere, stare quidam et nonnulli circumvehi terga hostium
iubebant. nihil in medium consulebatur. Porus tamen cum
paucis, quibus metu potior fuerat pudor, coUigere dispersos,
acrius

21

commode

HISTORTARUM ALEXANDRI
obvius hosti
agi iubet.

VIIJ,

49

14.

elephantosque ante agmen suorum

beluae iniecere terrorem, insolitusque

ire pergit

magnum

non equos modo, tarn pavidum ad omnia animal,

iam fugae circumsed vires quoque ordinesque turbaverat.
spiciebant locum paulo ante victores, cum Alexander

23

stridor

24

Agrianos et Thracas leviter armatos, meliorem concursatione

quam comminus militem, emisit in beluas. ingentem hi vim

telorum iniecere et elephantis et regentibus eos.
phalanx
sed quidam
quoque instare constanter territis coepit.
avidius

persecuti beluas

in

25

26

semet inritavere vulneribus.

ergo pedibus earum ceteris, ut parcius instarent, fuere

documentum. praecipue terribilis ilia facies erat, cum manu
arma virosque corriperent et super se regentibus traderent.
anceps ergo pugna nunc sequentium, nunc fugientium elephantos in multum diei variuin certamen extraxit: donee
obtriti

securibus

27

28

id namque genus auxilii praeparatum erat pedes

amputare coeperunt.

copidas vocabant gladios leviter curbeluarum manus. nee

29

vatos, falcibus similes, quis adpetebant

quicquam inexpertum non mortis modo, sed etiam

in ipsa

morte novi supplicii timor omittebat.

ergo elcphanti vulneribus tandem fatigati suos impetu sternunt, et, qui rexerant
itaque
eos, praecipitati in terram ab ipsis obterebantur.

pecorum modo magis pavidi quam

bantur,

cum

infesti ultra

30

aciem exige-

Forus, destitutus a pluribus, tela multo ante

31

praeparata in circumfusos ex elephanto suo coepit ingerere

multisque eminus vulneratis expositus ipse ad ictus undique

novem iam vulnera hinc tcrgo, illinc pectore expetebatur.
ceperat multocjue sanguine profuso languidis manibus magis
nee segnius belua inelapsa quam excussa tela mittebat.
stincta rabie,

nondum

rector beluae

regem conspexit fluentibus membris omissisque

Tum beluam in fugam conmentis.

armis vix
citat

saucia, invehebatur ordinibus,

33

donee

compotem

sequente Alexandre: sed equus eius multis vulneribus

y^

34

50

CURTI RUFI

Q.

confossus deficiensque procubuit posito magis rege, quam

eftuso.
itaque dum equum mutat, tardius insecutus est.
35

36

interim frater Taxilis, regis Indorum, praeniissus ab Alexandre monere coepit Porum, ne ultima experiri perseveraretdederetcjue se victori.

at

tus,

sui

exhaustae erant

tamen ad notam vocem

'Taxilis fratrem, imperii

'adgnosco', inquit,

excita-

regnique

quod unum forte non effluxerat,

quod per medium pectus penetravit

proditoris': et telum,

eum

in

contorsit
37

quamquam

ille,

vires, deficiebatqne sanguis,

ad tergum.
ooepit:

hoc ultimo virtutis opere edito fugere acrius

sed elephantus quoque, qui multa exceperat tela,
itaque sistit fugam peditemque sequenti hosti
iam Alexander consecutus erat et pertinacia Fori

deficiebat.
38 obiecit.

cognita vetabat
pedites et in
39

resistentibus

ipsum Porum

ergo

parci.

tela

undique

congesta sunt: quis

et

in

tandem

gravatus labi ex belua coepit. Indus, qui elephantum regebat,

eum ratus more solito elephantum procumbere

genua: qui ut se submisit, ceteri quoque ita enim
demisere corpora in terram. ea res et Porum
erant

descendere
iussit in
instituti
40 et

ceteros

victoribus

tradidit.

interemptum esse credens,

vestemque, concurrere

iubet,

cum

rex
et,

belua

spoliari corpus Pori,

qui detraherent loricam

dominum

tueri et spoli-

antes coepit adpetere levatumque corpus eius rursus dorso

41

suo inponere.
ergo telis undique obruitur, confossoque eo
in vehiculum Porus inponitur.
quem rex ut vidit adlevantem oculos, non odio, sed miseratione commotus, 'quae,

malum', inquit, 'amentia te coegit rerum mearum cognita

fama belli fortunam experiri, cum Taxilis esset in deditos
42

clementiae meae tarn propinquum

'quoniam',

quam

inquit,

interrogando

sebam.

'percontaris,
fecisti.

tibi exemplum?'
at ille,
respondebo ea libertate,

neminem me

meas enim noveram

vires,

fortiorem esse cen-

nondum

fortiorem esse te belli docuit eventus.

expertus tuas
sed ne sic quidem
:

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
felix

parum

sum, secundus

tibi.'

VIII, 14.

51

rursus interrogatus, quid

43

ipse victorem statuere debere censeret, 'quod hie', inquit,

'dies

tibi

esset.'

quo

suadet,

plus

monendo

quam caduca felicitas

quam si precatus esset:

e.xpertus es,
profecit,

^4

quippe magnitudinem animi eius interritam ac ne fortuna

quidem infractam non misericordia modo, sed etiam honore
excipere dignatus

est.

aegrum

curavit liaud secus,

pro ipso pugnasset: confirmatum contra spam

quam si
omnium in

recepit, mox donavit ampliore regno,

nee sane quicquam ingenium eius solidius aut
constantius habuit, quam admirationem verae laudis et

43

amicorum numerum

quam

tenuit.

gloriae: simplicius
in cive.

posse,

eandem

ipse vicisset.

tamen famam aestimabat

in hoste,

quam

credebat magnitudinem suam destrui

clariorem tore, quo maiores tuissent, quos

quippe a

suis

46

LIBER
1

Alexander,

IX.

tam mcmorabili

victoria

laetus,

qua

sibi

orientis finis apertos esse censebat, Soli victimis caesis mili-

quoque, quo promptioribus animis reliqua belli obirent,

pro contione laudatos docuit, quidquid Indis virium fuisset,
ilia dimicatione prostratum
cetera opimam praedam fore
tes

celebratasque opes in ea regione eminere, quam peterent.

proinde iam vilia et obsoleta esse spolia de Persis: gemmis

margaritisque et auro atque ebore Macedoniam Graeciamavidi milites et

que, non suas tantum domos repletum ire.

pecuniae
fefellerat,

et gloriae, siraul quia

numquam

eos adfirmatio eius

cum bona spe

cum totam Asiam percucurris-

pollicentur operam: dimissisque

navigia exaedificari iubet, ut,

finem terrarum, mare, inviseret. multa materia navalis

proximis montibus erat: quam caedere adgressi magnitu-

4 set,

in
5

dinis inuisitatae repperere serpentes.

rarum

nomen
6

alibi

beluis inditum a Graecis

lingua sua usurpant.

que

fluminis,

quod

ceterum hoc

sermonis eius ignari aliud

rex duabus urbibus conditis in utra:

superaverat, ripa copiarum duces coronis

donat ceteris quoque pro portione

aut gradus, quem in amicitia obtinebant, aut navatae operae
honos habitus est. Abisares, qui prius, c^uam cum Poro
dimicaretur, legatos ad Alexandrum miserat, rursus alios

et mille aureis singulos

rhinocerotes quoque,

animal, in isdem montibus erant.

omnia facturum, quae imperasset, modo

ne cogeretur corpus suum dedere: neque enim aut sine

misit poUicentes,

regio imperio victurum, aut regnaturum esse captivum.

cui

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
Alexander nuntiari iussit,
ad eum esse venturum.

si

IX,

i.

53

gravaretur ad se venire, ipsum

Hinc porro amne superato ad interiora Indiae processit.

prope in inmensum spatium diftusae proceris-

silvae erant

que

et in

eximiam altitudinem

editis arboribus

plerique rami instar ingentium stipitum flexi in humum rursus, qua se curvaverant, erigebantur, adeo ut species esset

non rami

lo

resurgentis, sed arboris ex sua radice generatae.

caeli temperies salubris:

et

umbrosae.

aquae large manant

quippe
e

et

vim

fontibus.

solis

umbrae

levant

ceterum hie quoque

n
12

serpentium magna vis erat squamis fulgorem auri reddenvirus baud ullum magis noxium est: quippe morsum
tibus.
praesens mors sequebatur, donee ab incolis remedium oblatum est. hinc per deserta ventum est ad flumen Hyarotim.

iunctum

erat flumini

nemus, opacum arboribus aUbi

13

inuisi-

agrestiumque pavonum multitudine frequens. castris

inde motis oppidum haud procul positum corona capit obsitatis

14

dibusque acceptis stipendium inponit.

Ad raagnam deinde, ut in ea regione, urbem pervenit,

non muro sokmi, sed etiam i)akide munitam. ceterum barbari vehicuHs inter se iunctis dimicaturi occurrerunt:

15

tela

hastae, aliis secures erant, transiliebantque in vehicula

ac
strenuo saltu, cum succurrere laborantibus suis vellent.
cum
insolitum
Macedonas
terruit,
genus pugnae
primo
aliis

i6

eminus vulnerarentur: deinde spreto tarn incondite auxilio

ab utroque latere vehiculis circumfusi repugnantes fodere
coeperunt.

et vincula,

quis conserta erant,

iussit

incidi,

quo facilius singula circumvenirentur. itaque viii milibus

suorum amissis in oppidum refugcrunt. postero die scalis
undique admotis muri occupantur: paucis pernicitas

saluti

qui cognito urbis excidio paludem transnavere, in

vicina oppida ingentem intulere terrorem, invictum exercifuit.

lum

et

dcorum profecto advenisse memorantes.

17

18

54
19

CURTI RUFI

Q-

Alexander ad vastandam earn regionem Perdicca cum

manu misso partem copiarum Eumeni tradidit, ut
quoque barbaros ad deditionem conpelleret: ipse ceteros

expedita
is

ad urbem validam,
20

22

quam

alii

vulgum:

quidam nuUam opem in ipsis

in commune consulitur, qui
portis

hostem

omnia deditione

esse ducebant.

sed

potiora,

dum

nihil

deditioni inminebant, apertis

Alexander quamquam belli aucto-

recipiunt.

tamen omnibus venia data

ribus iure poterat irasci,

23

aliarum quoque confugerant

oppidani missis, qui regem deprecarentur,

nihilo minus bellum parabant. quippe orta seditio in diversa
consilia diduxerat

21

in

incolae, duxit.

et obsi-

dibus acceptis ad proximam deinde urbem castra movit.

obsides ducebantur ante agmen. quos cum ex muris adgno-

conloquium convocaverunt.
simulque vim commemorando ad de-

vissent, utpote gentis eiusdem, in

clementiam

illi

regis

ditionem

eos conpulere
domitas in fidem accepit.

Hinc

24

bari
25

26

in

regnum

ceterasque

Sopithis

credunt, sapientia

urbes

est.

perventum

excellet bonisque

non parentum

simili

mode

gens, ut bar-

moribus

regitur.

toUunt aluntque, sed

eorum, quibus spectandi infantum habitum cura mandata

genitos liberos

arbitrio

est.
si quos
insignes aut alitjua parte membrorum inutiles
notaverunt, necari iubent.
nuptiis coeunt non genere ac

nobilitate

sed

electa

corporum specie, quia

huius gentis oppidum, cui
Alexander admoverat copias, ab ipso Sopithe obtinebatur.
clausae erant portae, sed nulli in muris turribusque se
coniunctis,

27

eadem aestimatur

28

urbem

in

liberis.

armati ostendebant, dubitabantque Macedones, deseruissent

cum subito pateincolae, an fraude se occulerent
facta porta rex

29

Indus

cum duobus

adultis

filiis

occurrit,

niultum inter omnes barbaros eminens corporis specie.

vestis erat auro purpuraque distincta, quae etiam crura
velabat: aureis soleis inseruerat

gemmas,

lacerti

quoque

et

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
brachia margaritis ornata erant.
insignes candore ac magnitudine
berylli distinguebant

venandum canes

cum

tur,

viderunt feram, leonibus

vim ut ostenderet Alexandre,

in

maxime

tit

et,

quidem
et

ille

31

infesti.

horum

32

conseptum leonem eximiae

omnino admoveri canes, qui

magnitudinis iussit emitti et mi

turn ex
feram occupaverunt.

sic

30

latratu abstinere dicun-

celeriter

avellere

55

pendebant ex auribus
baculum aureum
lapilli.

in ea regione sunt

talibus ministeriis,

2.

quo tradito precatus, ut sospes accigentem suam dedidit. nobiles ad

et

peret, et liberosque

IX,

unus canis leoni cum

iis,

qui adsueverant
inhaercntis crus

aliis

quia non se(]uebatur, ferro amputare coepit: ne

pertinacia victa rursus aliam partem secare insti-

33

inde non segnius inhaerentem ferrc subinde caedebat.

vulnere ferae dentes moribundus quoque infixerat

in

tantam

[in]

illis

venandum cupiditatem

animalibus ad

in-

equidem plura
generasse naturam memoriae proditum est.
transcribo, quam credo nam nee adfirmare sustineo, de qui-

34

bus dubito, nee subducere, quae accepi. relicto igitur Sopithe

in suo regno ad fluvium Hypasin processit, Hephaestione,

Phegeus erat
qui diversam regionem subegerat, coniuncto.
gentis proximae rex: qui popularibus suis colere agros, ut
adsueverant,

iussis

Alexandre cum donis

quod imperaret, detrectans.

Biduum apud eum substitit

occurrit,

rex: tertio die

rare decreverat, transitu difficilem

non

3s

36

nihil,

amnem

supespatio solum aqua-

rum, sed etiam saxis inpeditum. percontatus igitur Phegea,

quae noscenda erant. xi dierum ultra flumen per vastas
excipere deinde Gangen,
tluminum: ulteriorem ripam colere

2
3

solitudines iter esse cognoscit:

maximum

totius Indiae

gentes Gangaridas et Prasios eorumque regem esse Aggrammen, xx milibus equitum ducentisque peditum obsidentem
vias.

ad hoc quadrigarum

terrorem

elephanios,

quos

11

iii

niilia trahere et

praecipuum
milium numerum explere

56
5

Q.

dicebat.

incredibilia regi

nam cum
6

CURTI RUFI

eo erat

omnia videbantur.

percontatur, an

igitur

Porum

vera essent, quae dice-

rentur.
ille vires quidem gentis et regni haud falso iactari
adfirmat: ceterum, qui regnaret, non modo ignobilem esse,
sed etiam ultimae sortis: quippe patrem eius, tonsorem vix

diurno quaestu propulsantem famem, propter habitum haud

indecorum cordi fuisse reginae. ab ea in propiorem eius,
qui

tum

regnasset, amicitiae

locum admotum

interfecto eo

per insidias sub specie tutelae liberum eius invasisse

regnum

necatisque pueris hunc, qui nunc regnat, generasse, invisum

vilemque popularibus, magis paternae fortunae quam suae
8

memorem.

animo regis iniehostem beluasque spernebat, situm locorum

et vim fluminum extimescebat
relegatos in ultimum paene
rerum humanarum terminum persequi et eruere arduum
adfirmatio Pori multiplicem

cerat curam.

rursus

videbatur.
10

famae

avaritia

nihil invium, nihil

gloriae

remotum

et

insatiabilis

videri sinebat.

cupido
et inter-

dum dubitabat, an Macedones, tot emensi spatia terrarum,

in acie et in castris senes facti, per obiecta flumina, per tot
naturae obslantes difficultates secuturi essent: abundantes

onustosque praeda magis parta

11

frui velle,

quam adquirenda

non idem sibi et militibus animi esse: se totius

imperium mente conplexum adhuc in operum suorum

fatigari.

orbis

militem labore defetigatum proximum

primordio stare
quemque fructum finito tandem periculo expetere. vicit
:

12

ergo cupido rationem, et ad contionem vocatis militibus ad

modum disseruit: 'non ignoro, milites, multa,

hunc maxime

13

quae terrere vos possent, ab incolis Indiae per hos dies de

industria esse iactata: sed non est inprovisa vobis mentientium vanitas.

Tigrim
14

et

sic Ciliciae fauces, sic Mesopotamiae campos,

Euphraten, quorum alterum vado transivimus,

alterum ponte, terribilem fecerant Persae.

liquidum fama perducitur: omnia

ilia

numquam ad

tradente maiora sunt

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
cum sit
modo

nostra quoque gloria,

vero.

habet nominis,

moenium

quam

speciem,

operis.

quis

IX,

2.

57

ex solido, plus tamen

quis beluas offerentes

Hydaspen amnem,

quis

vero sustineri posse credebat? olim,

si nos fabulae debellare potuiscreditisne elephantorum greges maiores esse, quam

auditu raaiora

15

cetera

quam

hercule, fugissemus ex Asia,

sent.

usquam armentorum sunt, cum et rarum sit animal nee

facile capiatur multoque difficilius mitigetur?
atqui eadem
vanitas copias peditum equitumque numeravit. nam flumen,
quo latius fusum est, hoc placidius stagnat: quippe angustis
ripis coercita et in angustiorem alveum elisa torrentes aquas
praeterea
invehunt, contra spatio alvei segnior cursus est.
in ripa omne periculum est, ubi adplicantes navigia hostis
ita

expectat.

quantumcumque

futurum discrimen

est

16

17

18

flumen intervenit, idem

evadentium

in terram.

sed

omnia

19

utrumne vos magnitudo beluarum

vera esse fingamus.
an multitude hostium terret? quod pertinet ad elephantos,
ista

praesens habemus exemplum: in suos vehementius quam in

nos incucurrerunt: tam vasta corpora securibus falcibusque
mutilata sunt, quid autem interest, totidem sint, quot Porus
habuit, an in milia,
declinari

fugam

mode
nee

stare

dein paucos quoque incom-

vidcamiis'i

ipse,

non opposuerim,

multitudo vos commovet!

satis

nunc primum inconditam

et

gnarus, plus suis

quam

enim equitum peditumque

cum paucis enim pugnare soliti

at

adversus multitudinem inv'cti

amnis

21

nee fugere potuerint inhabiles vastorum corporum

equidem sic animalia ista contempsi, ut, cum habe-

hostibus periculi inferre.

estis et

20

aut altero vulneratis ceteros in

regunt: congregata vero tot milia ipsa se elidunt, ubi

moles,

rem

cum uno

sustinebitis turbam.

Macedonum

Cilicia inundata cruore

Persarum

22

testis ^3

roboris Granicus
et Arbela, cuius

campi devictorum a nobis ossibus strati sunt, sero hostium

legiones numerare coepistis, postcjuam solitudinem in Asia

1^

Q.

58

vincendo

cum

fecistis.

CURTI RUFI
per Hellespontum navigaremus, de

paucitate nostra cogitandum fuit: nunc nos Scythae sequuntur, Bactriana auxilia praesto sunt, Dahae Sogdianique inter
25

nee tamen

nos militant,

illi

turbae confido.

vestras

manus

intueor, vestram virtutem rerum, quas gesturus sum, vadem

praedemque habeo. quamdiu vobiscum in acie stabo, nee

26

mei nee hostium exercitus numero: vos modo animos mihi

non in limine
plenos alacritatis ae fidueiae adhibete.

operum laborumque nostrorum, sed in exitu stamus: pervenimus ad solis ortum et oeeanum: nisi obstat ignavia,
inde victores perdomito fine terrarum revertemur in patriam.

27

nolite, quod pigri agricolae faciunt, matures fructus per

maiora sunt periculis praeinertiam amittere e manibus.

mia

dives

eadem

gloriam vos duco,

quas
as

illud

mare

et inbellis est regio.

quam ad praedam.

itaque non tam ad

digni estis, qui opes,

litoribus invehit, referatis in patriam, digni,

qui nihil inexpertum, nihil

metu omissum

relinquatis.

per

vos gloriamque vestram, qua humanum fastigium exceditis,

perque et mea in vos et in me vestra merita, quibus invicti

contendimus, oro quaesoque, ne humanarum rerum terminos

adeuntem alumnum commilitonemque vestrum, ne dicam
29

cetera vobis imperavi: hoc unum debituregem, deseratis.

rus sum.
et is vos rogo, qui nihil umquam vobis praecepi,
quin primus me periculis obtulerim, qui saepe aciem clipeo

meo
30

texi,

ne

infregeritis

in

manibus meis palmam, qua

Herculem Liberumque patrem, si invidia afuerit, aequabo.

date hoc precibus meis et tandem obstinatum silentium
ubi est ille clamor, alacritatis vestrae index? ubi
rumpite.

meorum Macedonum vultus? non adgnosco vos, milites,

nee adgnosci videor a vobis. surdas iamdudum aures pulso
aversos animos et infractos excitare conor.'
cumque illi in
ille

31

teiTam

demissis

capitibus

tacere

perseverarent,

quid', inquit, 'in vos inprudens deliqui,

quod me ne

'nescio
intucri

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

in solitudine mihi videor esse,

vultis.

quideni
spondet,

nemo

IX,

3.

59

nemo

re-

quos adloquor? quid autem

saltern negat,

tium, qui potissimum vulnerati regis corpus exciperent?

sed solus quodesertus, destitutus sum, hostibus deditus.

que

ire

illis

gentibus,

perseverabo.

me

obicite

quarum nomina

sertum a vobis

sequantur

horretis.

Scythae

33

fluminibus et beluis et

inveniam, qui deerunt

Bactrianique

hostes paulo ante, nunc milites nostri.

mecum,

3a

vestram gloriam et magnitudinem vindicamus.

certamen paulo ante vidi contendenilli, quorum

postulo?
ubi sunt

mori prae-

34

ite reduces domos!

precario imperatorem esse,
deserto rege ovantes!
ego hie a vobis desperatae victo-

Stat,

ite

quam

riae aut

honestae morti locum inveniam.'

ne

sic

quidem 3

militum vox exprimi potuit.

expectabant, ut duces
principesque ad regem perferrent, vulneribus et continuo
labore militiae fatigatos non detrectare munia, sed sustinere
ulii

non

ceterum

posse,

erant.

quoque

illi

metu

attoniti in

terram ora defix-

igitur primo fremitus sua sponte, deinde gemitus

oritur, paulatimque liberius dolor erigi coepit manan-

tibus lacrimis,

ipse quidem,

adeo ut rex

quamquam

ira

in misericordiam versa

ne

cuperet, temperare oculis potuerit.

tandem universa contione

eftusius flente

Coenus ausus

est

cunctantibus ceteris propius tribunal accedere, significans

se loqui velle.
quern ut videre milites detrahentem galeam

capiti

ut

ita

enim regem adloqui mos

causam exercitus

ageret.

inquit, 'a nobis inpias

animus

hortari coeperunt,

turn Coenus, 'dii prohibeant',

mentes:

et profecto prohibent.

idem

est tuis, qui fuit

periclitari,

nomen.

est

semper, ire, quo iusseris, pugnare,

sanguine nostro commendare posteritati tuum
proinde si pcrseveras, inermes (luoque et nudi et

exangues, utcumcjue tibi cordi est, sequimur vel antecedimus.

sed si audire vis non fictas tuorum militum voces, verum
necessitate ultima expressas, praebe, quaeso, propitias aures

6o

Q.

CURTI RUFI

imperium atque auspicium tuum constantissime secutis et,

quocumque pergis, secuturis. vicisti, rex, magnitudine rerum
milites.
quidquid mortalitas
maria
emensis
terrasque melius
capere poterat, inplevimus.
nobis quam incolis omnia nota sunt, paene in ultimo mundi

non hostes modo, sed etiam

8

fine consistimus.

in

alium orbem paras

ire et

Indiam quaeris

Indis quoque ignotam inter feras serpentesque degentes

eruere ex latebris et cubilibus suis expetis, ut plura, quam
:

9 sol

victoria lustres,

videt,

tuo, sed altior nostro. virtus

10 erit,

nostra vis iam in fine

digna prorsus cogitatio animo

enim tua semper i)i incremento

est.

intuere corpora exanguia, tot

iam tela hebetia

perfossa vulneribus, tot cicatricibus putria.
Persicam
vestem
deficiunt.
arma
induimus, quia
iam
sunt:
domestica subvehi non potest,
11

cultum.

quoto

in

externum degeneravimus
equum habet? iube

cuique lorica est? quis

quam multos

servi ipsorum persecuti sint, quid cuique

victores omnium inopes sumus,
omnium
ex
praeda.
supersit
nee luxuria laboramus, sed bello instrumenta belli consump-

quaeri,

12

13

pulcherrimum exercitum nudum obicies

beluis?
quarum ut multitudinem augeant de industria barbari, magnum tamen esse numerum etiam ex mendacio
quodsi adhuc penetrare in Indiam certum est,
intellego.

hunc

simus.

tu

licebit decurregio a meridie minus vasta est: qua subacta

rere in illud mare, quod rebus humanis terminum voluit esse
14

natura.

est?
is

cur circuitu petis gloriam, quae ad manum posita

quoque occurrit oceanus. nisi mavis errare, per-

hie

venimus, quo tua fortuna ducit. haec tecum, quam sine te

cum his, loqui malui, non uti inirem circumstantis exercitus
gratiam, sed ut

i6

murmurantium

17

dominum

suit,

vocem loquentium
audires.'

potius quam gemitum

ut finem orationi Coenus inpo-

cum ploratu oritur,

confusis appellantium vocibus.

clamor undique

regem, patrem,

iamque

duces praecipueque seniores, quis ob aetatem

et

alii

et excusatio

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

IX,

61

4.

honestior erat et auctoritas maior, eadem precabantur.

ille
nee castigare obstinates nee mitigare poterat iratos.
itaque

inops consilii desiluit e tribunali elaudique regiam iussit

omnibus praeter adsuetos adire prohibitis. biduum irae

datum

est

18

19

duodecim aras ex
monumentum expeditionis suae, munimenta
die processit erigique

tertio

quadrate saxo,
quoque eastrorum

extendi cubiliaque amplioris formae,

pro corporum habitu, relinqui, ut speeiem omnium

quam

iussit

miraculum praeparans.
emensus
erat, ad flumen Aeesinem
repetens, quae
ibi forte Coenus morbo extinetus est: cuius
castra.

augeret, posteritati fallax

Hine
locat

20

morte ingemuit quidem rex, adieeit tamen, propter paucos

longam orationem eum exorsum, tamquam solus Maee-

dies

doniam visurus
iusserat, stabat.

iam

esset.

inter

mentum equitum v

haee

in

aqua

elassis,

Memnon

quam

ex Thraeia

milia, praeter eos

aedificari

21

in supple-

ab Harpalo peditum

adduxerat armaque xxv milibus auro et argento

caelata pertulerat, quis distributis vetera cremari iussit.
VII milia

mille navigiis aditurus

retractantes

Porum

oceanum diseordesque

et vetera 'odia 22

et Taxilen, Indiae reges, firmatae per

adfinitatem gratiae relinquit in suis regnis, summo in aedificanda elasse amborum studio usus.
oppida quoque duo

23

quorum alteram Nieaeam appellavit, alteram Bueephala, equi, quern amiserat, memoriae ac nomini dedieans
urbem,
elephantis deinde et inpedimentis terra sequi iussis

24

condidit,

secundo amne

quadraginta ferme stadia singulis

diebus proeedens, ut opportunis locis exponi subinde copiae
defluxit,

possent.

Perventum

erat in rcgionem,

Acesini eommittitur.

qua Hydaspes amnis 4

in

hine decurrit in fines Siborum.

de exercitu Hereulis maiores suos esse memorant

hi

aegros

pellcs
cepisse sedem, quam ipsi obtinebant.
ferarum pro veste, elavac tela erant multaque, etiam cum
relietos

esse,

62
4

.s

Q.

CURTI RUFI

Graeci mores exolevissent, stirpis ostendebant vestigia, hinc

excensione facta cc et l stadia excessit depopulatusque

regionem oppidum, caput eius, corona cepit. xl peditum

milia gens in ripa fluminum opposuerat
quae amne superato
in fugam conpulit inclusoaque moenibus expugnat.
puberes
interfecti sunt, ceteri venierunt.
alteram deinde urbem
:

expugnare adortus magnaque vi defendentium pulsus multos

Macedonum amisit. sed cum in obsidione perseverasset,

oppidani desperata salute ignem subiecere tectis seque ac

coniugesque incendio cremant.
quod cum ipsi

liberos

deaugerent, hostes extinguerent, nova forma pugnae erat.

lebant incolae urbem, hostes defendebant adeo etiam na:

turae iura bellum in contrariuui mutat.

tacta,

in

qua praesidium

ipse navigiis circum-

flumina tota India praeter

quippe
munimento arcis adplicant undas. a sep-

vectus est arcem.

Gangen maxima

dereliquit

arx erat oppidi in-

iii

tentrione Indus adluit, a meridie Acesines

9

funditur.

Hydaspi conceterum amnium coetus maritimis similes fluctus

movet, multoque ac turbido limo, quod aquarum concursu

subinde turbatur, iter, qua meant navigia, in tenuem alveum
itaque cum crebri fluctus se inveherent et navium
hinc proras, hinc latera pulsarent, subducere nautae vela
coeperunt. sed ministeria eorum hinc metu, hinc praerapida

10

cogitur.

11

celeritate

fluminum occupantur.

maiora navigia submersa sunt

rent regi, in ripam

in

oculis

omnium duo

cum

et ipsa nequi-

leviora,

tamen innoxia expulsa

sunt,

ipse rex in

rapidissimos vertices incidit, quibus intorta navis obliqua et

12

gubernaculi inpatiens agebatur.

iam vestem detraxerat

cor-

pori proiecturus semet in flumen, amicique, ut exciperent

13

eum, baud procul nabant, adparebatque anceps periculum

tam nataturi, quam navigare perseverantis. ergo ingenti
vis humana esse poteut fluctus, qui se invehebant, everberarentur.

certamine concitant remos, quantaque

rat,

admota

est,

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI

crederes undas et retro gurgites cedere.

findi

dem

navis erepta,

nium vadum
aris

ergo

XXX

IX,

non tamen

cum

inliditur.

4.

6;^

quibus tan-

14

ripae adplicatur, sed in proxianini bellum fuisse crederes.

pro numero fluminum

positis

sacrificioque facto

stadia processit.

Inde ventum

est in

regionem Sudracarum Mallorumque,

tunc periculi societas

quos
iunxerat. nonaginta milia iuniorum peditum in armis erant,
at
praeter hos equitum x milia nongentaeque quadrigae,
bellare

alias

inter se

15

solitos

16

Macedones, qui omni discrimine iam detunctos se esse

crediderant, postquam integrum bellum cum ferocissimis
Indiae gentibus superesse cognoverunt, inproviso metu
rursus seditiosis vocibus regem increpare coeperunt

territi

Gangen amnem
non tamen

et,

finisse,

se obiectos,

ultra essent,

quae

coactum transmittere,

sed mutasse bellum.

ut sanguine suo aperirent

17

indomitis gentibus
ei

oceanum.

trahi

is

extra sidera et solem cogique adire, quae mortalium oculis

novis identidem armis novos hostes
natura subduxerit.

quos ut omnes fundant fugentque, quod praemium

manere ? caliginem ac tenebras et perpetuam noctem
profundo incubantem mari, repletum inmanium beluarum
existere.

ipsos

gregibus fretum, inmobiles undas, in quibus emoriens natura

defecerit.
rex non sua, sed militum soUicitudine anxius
nihil
contione advocata docet, inbelles esse, quos metuant.
deinde praeter has gentes obstare, quominus terrarum spatia
emensi ad finem simul mundi laborumque perveniant. cessisse

illis

metuentibus Gangen

quae ultra amnem essent

minus periculum esset.
perflare

quam

et

20

multitudinem nationum,

declinasse iter eo, ubi par gloria,

iam prospicere se oceanum, iam

ad ipsos auram maris ne inviderent sibi laudem,

peteret.

19

21

Herculis

et Liberi patris

terminos transituros

suo parvo inpendio inmortalitatem famae daturos.

paterentur se ex India redire, non fugere. omnis multitudo
illos, regi

77

et

CURTI RUFI

Q.

Cv;

maxime

militaris mobili

impetu

effertur.

ita seditionis

23

non remedia quam

24

secundis aequaretque gloria^ quos aemularetur.

laetus his
adclamationibus ad hostes protinus castra movit.
validissi-

non alias tarn

principia maiora sunt,
alacer clamor ab exercitu est redditus, iubentium duceret dis

mae Indorum

gentes erant et bellum inpigre parabant ducem-

que ex natione Sudracarum spectatae

virtutis elegerant,

qui

sub radicibus mentis castra posuit lateque ignes, ut speciem

multitudinis augeret, ostendit, clamore quoque ac sui moris
25

ululatu identidem adquiescentes Macedonas frustra terrere

iam lux adpetebat, cum rex fiduciae ac spei plenus
alacres milites arma capere et exire in aciem iubet. sed

conatus.

haud

traditur,

metune an oborta seditione inter ipsos subito

certe avios montes et inpeditos occupa-

profugerint barbari
verunt,

rex frustra persecutus inpedimenta

quorum agmen

cepit.
26

27

Perventum deinde

est ad oppidum Sudracarum, in

quod
haud
maiore fiducia moenium, quam
plerique confugerant,
armorum. iam admovebat rex, cum vates monere eum coepit,

ne committeret aut certe

23

erat

rex

ostendi.

periculum

'

'

si

intuens,

difFerret

quis

',

inquit,

exta spectantem sic interpellet,

29

modus ac molestus

30

respondit,

busque

censesne

arti

vitae eius

namque

is

vates

tuae intentum et

non dubitem, quin incomet

cum
'

',

inquit,

ille ita

prorsus

tantas res,

non

habenti ullum esse maius inpevatem superstitione captum ?

nee diutius,
'

moratus admoveri iubet scalas cunctantimurum. angusta muri corona erat

ceteris evadit in

non pinnae
31

'

fibras ante oculos

dimentum, quam

quam

te

videri tibi possit'

futurum respondisset,

pecudum

obsidionem

Demophontem

sicut alibi fastigium eius distinxerant, sed

per-

petua lorica obducta transitum saepserat.

bat magis

itaque rex haerestabat in margine, clipeo undique incidentia

quam

tela propulsans

nam ubique eminus

ex turribus petebatur.

HISTORIARUiM ALEXANDRI
nee subire milites poterant, quia superne

IX,

65

5.

telorum obrue-

ji

tantlem magnitutiinem periculi pudor vicit: (|uippe

sed fescernebant cunctatione sua dedi hosiibus regem.

33

vi

bantur.

morabantur

tinando

evadere, oneravere

eertat

devoluti

nam dum

auxilia.

unicam spem

scalas

pro se quisque

non

quis

regis

sufficientibus

enim

stabat

fefellerunt

conspectu

in

iam- 5

tanti exercitus velut in solitudine destitutus.

que laevam, qua clipeum ad ictus circumferebat, lassaverat

clamantibus aniicis, ut ad ipsos desiliret, stabantque excepturi

cum

ille

rem ausus

atque inauditam

est incredibilem

multoque magis ad famam temeritatis quam gloriae insignem.

namque in urbem hostium plenam praecipiti saltu semetipse

cum

inmisit,

vix

inultum esse moriturum

quippe antequam adsurgeret, opsed forte ita libraverat corpus,

primi poterat et capi vivus.

ut se pedibus exciperet.

itaque stans init

circumiri posset, fortuna providerat.

procul muro ramos multa fronde

regem protegentes, obiecerat

pugnam

vetusta arbor

vestitos, velut

huius spatioso

ne circumiri posset, adplicuit, clipeo

et,

tela,

ne

baud

de industria

stipiti

corpus,

quae ex adverso

nam cum unum procul tot manus

nemo tamen audebat propius accedere missilia

ingerebantur, excipiens.
peterent,

non

sperare posset, dimicantem certe at

ramis plura

quam clipeo incidebant. pugnabat pro rege

})rimum celebrati nominis fama, deinde desperatio, magsed cum
num ad honeste moriendum incitamentum.

iam ingentem vim telorum exiam galeam saxa perfregerant, iam continuo

subinde hostis adflueret,

ceperat clipeo,
labore gravia genua succiderant.
itaque
incaute, qui proximi steterant, incurrerunt

contemptim et
e quibus duos

ipsum exanimes procumberent.

eum animus fuit
ad omnes ictus
ille
procul iacula sagittasque mittebant.
cxpositus non aegre tamen cxceptum poplitibus corpus tuc-

gladio

ita

excepit,

ut ante

nee cuiquam deinde propius incessendi

c.

66
batur,

Q.

CURTI RUFI

donee Indus diiorum cubitorum sagittam

namque

Indis, ut antea diximus, huius magnitudinis sagittae erant

ita excussit, ut per thoracem paulum super latus dextrum
10

quo vulnere adflictus magna vi sanguinis emicante remisit arma moribundo similis adeoque resolutus, ut

infigeret.

ne ad vellendum quidem telum sufficeret dextera. itaque

ad spoliandum corpus, qui vulneraverat, alacer gaudio ac11

currit.

quern ut inicere corpori suo manus

ultimi dedecoris indignitate

animum
12

13

14

et

nudum

hostis

sensit, credo,

commotus linquentem revocavit

latus subiecto mucrone hausit.

iacebant circa regem tria corpora procul stupentibus ceteris:

ille ut, antequam ultimus spiritus deficeret, dimicans iam
extingueretur, clipeo se adlevare conatus est et, postquam
ad conitendum nihil supererat virium, dextera inpendentes

ramos conplexus temptabat adsurgere. sed ne sic quidem

potens corporis rursus in genua procumbit, manu provocans
tandem Peucestes per
hostes, si quis congredi auderet.
aliam oppidi partem deturbatis propugnatoribus muri ves-

quo conspecto Alexander,

persequens regi supervenit.
vitae suae, sed mortis solacium supervenisse ratus,
subit inde Timaeus et
clipeo fatigatum corpus excepit.

15 tigia

iam non
16

paulo post Leonnatus, huic Aristonus supervenit.

quoque,

cum

intra

Indi

moenia regem esse conperissent, omissis

urgebantque protegentes. ex quibus Timaeus multis adverso corpore vulneribus acceptis

Peucestes quoque tribus
egregiaque edita pugna cecidit
ceteris illuc concurrerunt

17

iaculis confossus

non

se

tamen

scuto, sed

regem tuebatur

dum

18

avide ruentes barbaros submovet, cervice

Leonnatus,
iam et
icta
semianimis
graviter
procubuit ante regis pedes,
Peucestes vulneribus fatigatus submiserat clipeum in Arist:

19

ono spes ultima haerebat. hie quoque graviter saucius

tantam \ im hostium ultra sustinere non poterat. inter haec
ad Macedonas regem cecidisse fama perlata

est.

terruisset

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
alios,

illos incitavit.

quod

res dolabris perfregere

namque

murum

et,

periculi

IX,

67

5.

omnis inmemo-

qua moliti erant aditum,

inrupere in urbem Indosque plures fugientes, quam congredi

ausos ceciderunt.
non senibus, non feminis, non infantibus

20

quisquis occurrerat, ab illo vulneratum regem esse

credebant.
tandemcjue internecione hostium iustae irae
parcitur

est.
Ptolomaeum, qui postea regnavit,
adfuisse
auctor est Clitarchus et Timagenes.
pugnae

huic

parentatum

21

sed

suae non refragatus, afuisse se, missum

memoriae tradidit. tanta conponentium

ipse, scilicet gloriae

in expeditionem,

vetusta rerum

monumenta

vel securitas vel, par huic vitium,

rege in tabernaculum relato medici lignum
sagittae corpori infixum ita, ne spiculum moveretur, abscidunt.
corpore deinde nudato animadvertunt hamos inesse

credulitas fuit

telo,

nee

aliter id sine pernicie corporis extrahi posse,

ut secando vulnus augerent.

22

23

quam

ceterum, ne secantes proflu-

24

vium sanguinis occuparet, verebantur quippe ingens telum

adactum erat et penetrasse in viscera videbatur. Critobulus,

25

inter

medicos

artis

eximiae, sed in tanto periculo territus,

manus admovere metuebat, ne

perae

curationis

metuentem

et sollicitudine
*

spexerat.

quamprimum hoc
times, ne reus

inquit,

',

dolore

sis,

cum

caput parum proslacrimantem eum ac

26

rex con-

propemodum exanguem
'

quid

in ipsius

recideret eventus.

quodve tempus expectas et non

saltern moriturum liberas ?
an

me

insanabile vulnus acceperim?'

at 27

Critobulus tandem vel finite vel dissimulate metu hortari

continendum praeberet, dum spiculum

levem corporis motum noxium fore, rex
cum adfirmasset nihil opus esse iis, qui semet continerent,

eum

coepit,

ut

se

evelleret: etiam

2s

sicut praeceptum erat, sine motu praebuit corpus, igitur

patefacto latius vulnere et spiculo evolso ingens vis sanguinis manare coepit linquique animo rex et caligine oculis

offusa velut

moribundus extendi,

cumque profluvium medi-

52

29

68

Q.

camentis

frustra inhiberent,

amicorum

oriiur,

stitit

30

CURTI RUFI
clamor simul atque ploratus

regem expirasse credentium.

sanguis, paulatimque

animum

tandem con-

recepit et circumstantes

toto eo die ac nocte, quae secuta est,

armatus exercitus regiam obsedit, confessus omnes unius
nee prius recessenmt, quam conpertum
spiritu vivere.

coepit adgnoscere.

somno

est

paulisper

adquiescere.

hinc certiorem

spem

salutis eius in castra rettulerunt.

Rex VII diebus curato vulnere necdum obducta cicatrice,

cum audisset convaluisse apud barbaros famam mortis suae,
duobus navigiis iunctis statui in medium undique conspicuum
tabernaculum
bus

iussit,

ex quo se ostenderet perisse credenti-

conspectusque ab incolis spem hostiuni falso nuntio

secundo deinde amne defluxit, aliconceptam inhibuit.
:

intervalli a cetera classe praecipiens, ne quies corinvalido

adhuc necessaria pulsu remorum inpediretur.
pori
Quarto, postquam navigare coeperat, die pervenit in

quantum

regionem desertam quidem ab

pecoribus abundantem.
placuit
4

incolis,

sed frumento

suam
amicorum
et
principibus
is

locus et ad

et

et

ad

militum requiem,
mos erat
custodibus corporis excubare ante praetorium, quotiens adversa
hoc turn quoque more servato uniregi valitudo incidisset.

cubiculum eius

intrant,
ille sollicitus, ne quid novi
simul venerant, percontatur, num hostium
recens nuntiaretur adventus.
at Craterus, cui mandatum

versi

adferrent, quia
6

amicorum preces perferret ad eum, 'Credisne', in'adventu

quit,
magis hostium ut iam in vallo consisterent
soUicitos esse, quam cura salutis tuae, ut nunc est, tibi vilis?
erat, ut

quantalibet vis omnium gentium conspiret in nos, inpleat

armis virisque totum orbem, classibus maria consternat,
s

inuisitatas beluas inducat: tu

quis
fore

nos praestabis invictos.

sed

deorum hoc Macedoniae columen ac sidus diuturnum

poUiceri potest, cum tam avide manifestis periculis

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
offeras corpus, oblitus tot civium

enim

IX,

animas trahere

6.

69

casum?

te in

eo persuperstes aut optat esse aiit potest?

venimus auspicium atque imperium secuti tuum, unde nisi
quis

te

tibi

reduce nuUi ad penates suos

Persidis regno

ne admirari cjuidem
discrimen

audaciae:

quodsi adhuc de

iter est.

cum Dareo

10

nemo vellet, tamen

dimicares,
tam
posset,
promptae esse te ad omne
nam ubi paria sunt periculum ac
etsi

et secundis rebus amplior fructus est et adversis

solacium mains: tuo vero capite ignobilem vicum emi, quis n
ferat non tuorum modo militum, sed ullius gentis barbarae

praemium,

horret animus cogitaqui tuam magnitudinem novit?

rei, quam paulo ante vidimus,
eloqui timeo, invicti
corporis spolia inertissimas manus fuisse infecturas, nisi te
civis,

12

tionem

interceptum misericors in nos fortuna servasset. totidem prototidem desertores sumus, quot te non potuimus per-

ditores,

sequi.

universos licet milites ignominia notes,

lucre id,

quod ne admitteret, praestare non

quaeso, alio

modo

esse viles

tibi.

nemo

recusabit

patere nos,
iusseris, ibimus.

potuit.

quocumque

13
14

obscura pericula et ignobiles pugnas nobis deposcimus temetipsum ad ea serva, quae magnitudinem tuam capiunt. cito
:

gloria obsolescit in sordidis hostibus, nee

quicquam indignius

quam consumi eam,

eadeni fere
ubi non possit ostendi.'
Ptolomaeus et similia his ceteri. iamque confusis vocibus

est,

flentes

eum

orabant, ut

tandem

exsatiatus laudi

faceret ac saluti suae, id est publicae, parceret.

15

modum

grata erat

amicorum. itaque singulos familiarius amplexus

considere iubet. altiusque sermone repetito, 'vobis quidem',

16

regi pietas

civium atque amicorum,

non
solum
eo nomine, quod hodie
grates ago habeocjue
salutem meam vesirae i^raeponitis, sed quod a primordiis
inquit,

belli

'o

fidissimi

piissimique

nullum erga me benivolentiae pignus atque indicium

adeo ut confitendum sit numquam mihi vitam

omisistis,

meam

fuisse

tam caram, ([uam esse

coepit, ut vobis diu frui

17

70
i8

Q.

CURTI RUFI

possim. ceterum non-eadem est cogitatio eorum, qui pro nie

mori optant, et mea, ^/^/quidem banc benivolentiam vestram
virtute meruisse me iudico.
vos enim diuturnum fructum
ex me, forsitan etiam perpetuum percipere cupiatis: ego me

19

metior non aetatis spatio, sed gloriae. licuit paternis opibus

contento intra Macedoniae terminos per otium corporis expectare obscuram et ignobilem senectutem quamquam ne
:

pigri quidem
disponunt, sed unicum bonum diuturnam vitam existimantes saepe acerba mors occupat verum
sibi fata

ego, qui
20

non annos meos, sed

fortunae bene conputo, diu

victorias

vixi.

perium Graeciae teneo, Thraciam

munera
Macedonia im-

numero,

orsus a

si

et Illyrios subegi, Triballis

Maedisque imperito, Asiam, qua Hellesponto, qua rubro

mari subluitur, possideo. iamque baud
procul absum fine
mundi, quem egressus aliam naturam, aHum orbem aperire
21

mibi
horae

ex Asia in Europae terminos

statui.

transivi.

momento unius
nonum regni

victor utriusque regionis post

mei, post vicesimum atque octavum adaiis annum, videorne

vobis in excolenda gloria, cui me uni devovi,
posse cessare?
ego vero non deero et, ubicumque pugnabo, in tbeatro
22

terrarum orbis esse

bus

me

credam.

dabo nobilitatem

ignobili-

aperiam cunctis gentibus terras, quas natura longe

submoverat.
in his operibus
extingui mihi, si fors ita feret,
locis,

pulcbrum
23

est

ea stirpe

mum nomen

est.

genitus, ut

multam

quam

prius

quas urbes Samiramis condidit!

quas
quanta q^era moUta est nondum feminam aequavimus gloria, et iam nos laudis satietas
di faveant, maiora adbuc restant.
sed ita nostra
cepit?
gentis redegit in

24

sum

longam vitam debeam optare. obsecro vos, cogitate nos

pervenisse in terras, quibus feminae ob virtutem celeberripotestatem

quae nondum attigimus, si nibil parvum duxerimus,

quo magnae gloriae locus est. vos modo me ab intestina
fraude et domesticorum insidiis praestate securum
belli

erunt,
in

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
tutior,

quam

suorum

non

71

7.

hostium manus saepe

in theatro fuit:

effugere

IX,

Philippus in

Martisque discrimen inpavidus subibo.

acie

25

vitavit,

aliorum quoque regum exitus

valuit.

ab hoste interemptos
reputaveritis, plures a suis quam
numerabitis.
ceterum, quoniam olim rei agitatae in animo
meo nunc promendae occasio oblata est, mihi maximus labosi

26

rum atque operum meorum erit fiuctus, si Olympias mater

si
inmortalitati consecretur, quandoque excesserit vita.
licuerit,

ipse

praestabo hoc si me praeceperit fatum, vos

ac turn quidem amicos dimisit:
:

mandasse mementote.'

ceterum per conplures dies

Haec dum

ibi stativa habuit.

India geruntur, Graeci milites nuper in colonias a rege deducti circa Bactra orta inter ipsos seditione
defecerant,

in

non tam Alexandro

infensi,

quam metu

supplicii.

quippe occisis quibusdam popularium, qui validiores erant,

arma spectare coeperunt et Bactriana arce, quae casu neglegentius adservata erat, occupata barbaros quoque in societa-

tem

inpulerant.

Athenodorus

erat princeps

eorum, qui regis

quoque nomen adsumpserat, non tam imperii cupidine, quam

in patriam revertendi cum iis, qui auctoritatem ipsius sequehuic Biton quidam nationis eiusdem, sed ob aemulationem infestus conparavit insidias invitatumque ad epulas
per Boxum quendam IMargianum in convivio occidit. postero
bantur.

die contione advocata Bito ultro insidiatum sibi

plerisque persuaserat: sed

aliis

et paulatim in plures coepit

suspecta erat fraus Bitonis,

itaque Graeci
suspitio.

arma capiunt occisuri Bitonem,

princij)es eorum iram multitudinis mitigaverunt.
praeter spem suam Biton praesenti periculo ereptus paulo
milites

Athenodorum

manare

si

daretur occasio:

ceterum

post
et

est insidiatus

auctoribus salutis suae

ipsum conprchenderunt

protinus

placuit

necari.

iamquc

interfici,

corpori

et

Boxum.

ceterum

Bitonem etiam
tormcnla

cuius dolo cognito

i)er

Boxum

cruciatum

admovebantur,

cum

72

to

11

CURTI RUFI

Q.

milites incertum

ob quam causam

lymphatis

modo poena

hoc

runt,

12

est,

14

bis liberatus

cum

ceteris, qui colonias

haec circa

Interim regem duarum gentium, de quibus ante dictum

omnes curru vehebantur, eximia magc legati adeunt.

nitudine corporum, decoro habitu: lineae vestes intexto

auro purpuraque distinctae. ei se dedere ipsos, urbes agrosque referebant, per tot aetates inviolatam libertatem illius

primum

fidei

auctores,

non metum

dicionique permissuros:
:

quippe

deos

intactis viribus

sibi

deditionis

iugum

excipere.

rex consilio habito deditos in fidem accepit, stipendio, quod

Arachosiis utraque natio pensitabat, inposito.
praeterea 11

milia et
15

ad

antium vociferatione prohiberentur. ille, sicut nudatus erat,

pervenit ad Graecos, et miserabilis facies supplicio destinati
in diversum animos repente mutavit, dimittique eum iussea rege attributas reliquerunt, revertit in patriam.
Bactra et Scytharum terminos gesta.

13

similes

arma discurnint.
quorum fremitu exaudito, qui torquere
Bitonem iussi erant, omisere, veriti, ne id facere tumultu-

equites imperat

et

omnia oboedienter a barbaris

deinde ad epulas legatis gentium regulisque

c aurei lecti modicis intervallis
exornari convivium iussit.
invitatis

facta,

positi erant, lectis

circumdederat aulaea purpura auroque

apud Persas vetere luxu aut apud

fulgentia; quidquid aut

Macedonas nova inmutatione corruptum

16

usque

Dioxippus Atheniensis, pugil nobilis

virium iam regi pernotus et gratus.

et

ob eximiam virtutem

invidi

malignique

in-

ludum

saginati corporis sequi inutilem

beluam: cum ipsi proelium inirent, oleo madentem praeeadem igitur in convivio Horratas
parare ventrem epulis,

crepabant per seria et

17

erat, confusis utri-

gentis vitiis, in illo convivio ostendens. intererat epulis

Macedo iam temulentus exprobrare

si

vir asset, postero die

dem

vel

secum

ei

coepit et postulare, ut,

ferro decerneret

de sua temeritate vel de

illius

regem

tan-

ignavia iudicatuium.

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
et a

IX,

7.

73

niilitarem eludente ferociam ac-

Dioxippo contemptim

is

ac postero die rex. cum etiam acrius

certamen exposcerent, quia deterrere non poterat, destinata
cepta condicio

exequi passus

est.

est.

ingens hie militum conventus

quos qui erant Graeci Dioxippo studebant.

erat, inter 19

Macedo

iusta ar-

masumpserat, aereum clipeum, hastain,quam sarisam vocant,

laeva tenens, dextera lanceam gladioque cinctus, velut cum
pluribus simul dimicaturus.
Dioxippus oleo nitens et coronatus laeva puniceum amiculum, dextra validum nodosum-

que stipitem praeferebat.

pectatione

suspenderat

ea ipsa res

20

omnium animos exnudum

quippe armato congredi

dementia, non temeritas videbatur.

igitur Macedo, baud
dubius eminus interfici posse, lanceam emisit: quam Dioxip-

21

pus cum exigua corporis declinatione vitasset, antequam ille

hastam transferret in dextram, adsiluit et stipite mediam

eam

amisso utroque telo

fregit.

Macedo gladium

coeperat

22

quern occupatum conplexu pedibus repente subductis Dioxippus arietavit in terram ereptoque gladio pedem

stringere

super cervicem iacenti inposuit, stipitem intentans elisurusque eo victum, ni prohibitus esset a rege. tristis spectaculi
eventus non Macedonibus modo, sed etiam Alexandro fuit,

maxime quia

barbari adfuerant
quippe celebratam Macedonurn fortitudinem ad ludibrium recidisse verebatur. hinc

23

24

ad criminationem invidorum adapertae sunt aures regis, et

post paucos dies inter epulas aureum poculum ex conposito
subducitur, ministrique, quasi amisissent, quod amoverant,
regem adeunt. saepe minus est constantiae in rubore, quam
in culpa,
coniectum oculorum, quibus ut fur destinabatur,

Dioxippus

non potuit

ferre

litleris conscriptis,

graviter

mortem

quae

et,

cum

25

excessisset convivio,

regi reddercntur, ferro se intereniit.

eius tulit rex, existimans indignationis esse,

non paenitentiae testem, uticjue postquam

eum nimium invidorum gaudium ostendit.

falso

insimulatum

26

Q CURTI RUFI

74

Indorum
donis

quadriiugi equi
scuta Indica et
nitudinis

legati dimissi

et

domos

mxxx

cum

currus, quos

ducebant, lineae vestis aliquantum; mille

ferri candidi talenta c leonesque rarae niag-

tigres,

utriimque animal ad mansuetudinem

domitum, lacertarum quoque ingentium pelles et dorsa testudinum. Cratero deinde imperat rex, hand procul amne, per

quem

erat ipse navigaturus, copias duceret

eum solebant, inponit

secundo amne devehitur.
comitari

paucis post diebus

ccc erant equites,

revertuntur.

Inde Sabarcas

eos autem, qui

in naves et in fines

Mallorum

validam Indiae gentem, quae populi,

lx milia peditum habebant,
regebatur.
iii
sex
milia:
has
equitum
copias currus D sequebantur.
duces spectatos virtute bellica elegerant. at qui in agris
adiit,

non regum imperio

s

erant proximi flumini

frequentes autem vicos maxime in
ut videre totum amnem, qua prospici poterat,
ripa habebant

navigiis constratum et tot

facie,
6

deorum exercitum

in ilhs gentibus

mihtum arma fulgentia, territi nova

et aUum Liberum patrem, celebre

nomen, adventare credebant.

qui in armis erant, currunt,

fiarere

clamitantes et

cum

dis

navigia non posse numerari, quae invictos

viros veherent.
tantumque in exercitum suorum intulere
terroris, ut legatos mitterent gentem dedituros.
His in fidem acceptis ad alias deinde gentes quarto die

proelium inituros

hinc militum

clamor, hinc remorum pulsus variaeque nautarum voces hortantium pavidas aures inpleverant.
ergo universi ad eos,

pervenit.

nihilo

plus animi his

fuit,

quam

ceteris

fuerat.

oppido ibi condito, quod Alexandream appellari

hie
iusserat, fines eorum, qui Musicani appellantur, intravit.
de Teriolte satrape, quem Parapamisadis praefecerat, isdem

itaque
9

lo

argueutibus cognovit multaque avare ac superbe fecisse coninterfici iussit.

Oxyartes, praetor Bactrianorum, non

victum

absolutus modo, sed etiam iure

amoris amplioris imperii

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
donatus
urbi

Musicanis deinde

est finibus.

eorum praesidium

Inde Praestos,

et

Porticanus rex erat,

in

IX,

8.

75

dicionem redactis

inposuit.

ipsam Indiae gentem, perventum est. n

qui se munitae urbi cum magna manu

popularium incluserat. banc Alexander

tertio die,

quam

cum

et Porticanus,

perat obsidere, expugnavit.

coe-

arcem

in

12

misit ad regem
confugisset, legates de condicione deditionis
cum
turres
duae
adirent
sed antequam
ingenti fragore
eum,
:

prociderant, per

quarum

ruinas

Macedones evasere

in arcem,

qua capta Porticanus cum paucis repugnans occiditur.

Diruta igitur arce et omnibus captivis venundatis Sambi
multisque oppidis in fidem acceptis
barbaris simile
validissimam gentis urbem cuniculo cepit.
monstri visum est, rudibus militarium operum; quippe in
media ferme urbe armati terra existebant, nullo suffossi

13

regis fines ingressus est

lxxx milia Indorum in ea respecus ante vestigio facto,

auctor
multosque captivos sub
gione caesa Clitarchus est
corona venisse.

primendos missus

eundemque
Alexander

in

rursus Musicani defecerunt, ad quos op-

captum principem

gentis

defectionis auctorem adduxit ad regem.

quo

est Pithon, qui

crucem sublato rursus amnem,

14

15

16

classem

in tjuo

expectare se iusserat, repetit.

Quarto deinde die secundo amne pervenit ad oppidum,

sed
([uod in regno imo erat Sambi. nuper se ille dediderat,
oppidani detrectabant imperium et clauserant portas.

quo-

17

is

paucitate contempta rex d Agrianos moenia subire iussit

et sensim recedentes elicere extra muros hostem, secuturum

rum

Agriani, sicut imperatum

fugere eos crederet.
hoste
subito
quos barbari
erat, lacessito
terga verterunt
effuse sequentes in alios, inter quos ipse rex erat, incidunt.
profecto,

si

19

renovato ergo proelio ex in milibus barbarorum DC caesi

sed non ut
sunt, mille ca])ti, ceteri moenibus urbis inclusi.

prima specie laeta victoria,

ita

eventu quoque

fuit

quipi)t'

20

11

CURTI RUFI

Q.

76

barbari veneno tinxerant gladios.

itaque saucii subinde exmortis
tarn
strenuae
nee
causa
excogitari poterat a
pirabant,
essent.
barbari
insanabiles
leves
eum
etiam
medicis,
plagae

autem speraverant ineautum

et forte inter

posse,

et

temerarium regem exeipi

promptissimos dimicans intactus evas-

praecipue Ptolomaeus, laevo humero leviter quideni

sed maiore periculo quam vulnere adfectus, regis

22 erat.

saucius,

sanguine coniunctus

sollicitudinem in se converterat.

Philippe genitum esse

et

23

quidam
eius ortum constabat.
que

24

25

quam

militiae

maior

civilique cultu liberalis in primis adituque

ex fastu regiae adsumpserat.

carior esset,

erat,

pelice

idem corporis custos promptissimus-

bellator et pacis artibus

modico

credebant, certe

dubitari poterat,

ob haec

tum

regi

et clarior
facili nihil

an popularibus

certe

primum
quam postea

expertus

suorum animos, adeo ut fortunam, in

ascendit,
in illo periculo Macedones ominati esse videantur.
quippe
non levior illis Ptolomaei fuit cura, quam regis qui et proelio et sollicitudine fatigatus cum Ptolomaeo adsideret, lec:

26

tum, in quo ipse adquiesceret,

recepit,

iussit inferri.

protinus altior insecutus est

tatus per

somnus.

quern ut se
ex quo exci-

in

quietem vidisse se exponit speciem draconis oblaferentis ore, quam veneni remedium esse mon-

tam herbam
27

colorem quoque herbae referebat,adgniturum, si quis

inventam deinde
quippe a multis

strasset:

repperisset, adfirmans.

vulneri

simul erat requisita

inposuit, protinusque dolore
intra breve spatium cicatrix quoque obducta est. barba-

28 finito

ros ut

fefellerat, se ipsos urbemque dediderunt.

proximam gentem Pataliam perventum est. rex

prima spes

Hinc

in

montes profugerat.

29

erat Moeris, qui urbe deserta in

JO

Alexander oppido potitur agrosque populatur. magnae inde

praedae actae sunt pecorum armentorumque, magna vis
ducibus deinde sumptis amnis peritis
reperta frumenti.
defluxit

ad insulam medio ferme alveo enatam.

itaque

HTSTORTARUM ALEXANDRI
subsistere

diutius

Ibi

IX,

77

9.

quia duces socordius 9

qui conquirerent alios, nee re-

coactus,

adservati profugerant, misit,

pertis pervicax cupido visendi

oceanum adeundique

terniinos

mundi

sine regionis peritis flumini ignoto caput suum totque

fortissimorum virorum saluteni pomiittere coi-git.
naviga-

bant ergo omnium, per quae ferebantur, ignari. quantum

inde abesset mare, quae gentes colerent, quam placidum

amnis

patiens longarum navium esset, anceps et

quam

os,

caeca aestimatio augurabatur

unum

erat temeritatis sola- 3

iam cccc stadia processerant, cum

gubernatores adgnoscere ipsos auram maris et baud procul

cium perpetua

felicitas.

oceanum abesse

videri sibi

omnibus

votis

expetitum

obstare virtuti,

sine

orbem

illis

terrae

procedere

ab

indicant regi.

incumberent remis

nauticos coepit,

iam

laetus

ille

nihil gloriae

nihil

deesse,

brevi incognita nisi inmortalibus esse visuros.

in ripam, qui agrestes

exciperent, e (juibus certiora nosci posse sperabat.

vagos

illi

latentes repperere. qui interrogati,

procul abesset mare, responderunt nullum ipsos mare

ne fama quidem accepisse

posse ad

lectum

ceterum

tertio

die

mare

perveniri

aquam amaram, quae corrumperet dulcem.

est

scru-

omnia tuguria tandem

quam

uUo Martis discrimine, sine sanguine

capi ne naturam quidem longius posse

paucos tamen navigio emisit

tati

hortari

adesse finem laboris

destinari ab ignaris naturae eius.

intel-

itaque

ingenti alacritate nautici remigant, et proximo quoque die,

(juo propius spes admovebatur, crescebat ardor animorum.
tertio

iam die mixtum flumini subibat mare,

aestu confundente dispares undas.

dio

amni sitam

leni adhuc
tum aliam insulam me-

evecti paulo lentius, quia cursus aestu rever-

berabatur, adplicant classem et ad comnieatus jjetendos discurrunt, securi casus eius,

ferme bora

erat,

cum

tertia
qui supervenit ignaris.
oceanus exaestuans invehi

stata vice

78

CURTI RUFI

Q.

coepit et retro flumen urgere

vehementius
10

quam

quod primo coercitum, deinde

impetu adversum agebatur,

maiore

torrentia praecipiti alveo incurrunt.

ante siccos descendere superfusum.

trepidi et inproviso
festinatio

malo

quoque tarda

dum remos

levatis navigiis

iamque

et tota classe dispersa, qui expositi erant,

13

freti

erat,

bantur.

12

ignota vulgo

monstraque et irae deum indicia cernere videidentidem intumescens mare et in campos paulo

natura

11

pulsuin

undique ad naves
sed in tumultu

attoniti recurrunt.
est.

hi contis navigia pellebant, hi,

aptari prohibebant, consederant

quidam

enavi-

gare properantes, sed non expectatis, qui simul esse debebant, clauda et inhabilia navigia languide moHebantur, aliae

navium inconsulte ruentes non receperant

pariterque

et

14

multitudo

15

idem atque unum tendentium non oculorum modo usum,

sed etiam aurium abstulerant. ne in gubernatoribus quidem

et

paucitas festinantes morabatur.

clamor hinc

expectare, hinc ire iubentium dissonaeque voces

quicquam opis
16

quorum nee

navigia urgere coeperunt. crederes non unius exerduorum navale inisse certamen. in-

citus classem vehi, sed

cutiebantur puppibus prorae

qui antecedentes turbaverant

premebantur a sequentibus,

18

exaudiri vox a tumultuanti-

bus poterat nee imperium a territis inconpositisque servari.

ergo conlidi inter se naves abstergerique invicem remi et ahi

ahorum
17

erat,

numquam

etiam ad manus.

iurgantium

ira

campos

velut

insuHs

iamque
inundaverat tumuHs dumtaxat emineutibus
parvis, in

perveniebat

aestus totos circa flumen

quos plerique trepidi omissis navigiis enare prope-

dispersa classis partim in praealta aqua stabat, qua

subsederant valles, partim in vado haerebat, utcurnque inae-

19

rant,

20

novus

cum subito
occupaverant undae
maior terror incutitur. reciprocari coepit

quale terrae fastigrum

et pristino

mare magno

tractu aquis in

suum fretum

recurrentibus red-

HISTORIARUM ALEXANDRI
debatque

terras

lo.

IX,

paulo ante profundo salo mersas,

79
igitur

destituta na\igia alia praecipitantur in proras, alia in latera

procumbunt. strati erant campi sarcinis, armis, avulsarum

miles nee egredi in
tabularum remorumque fragmentis.

21

terram nee in nave subsistere audebat, identidem praesenti-

bus graviora, quae sequerentur, expectans.

petiebantur,

vix,

quae per-

videre ipsos credebant, in sicco naufragia, in

amni mare, nee finis malofum quippe aestum paulo post

mare relaturum, quo navigia adlevarentur, ignari, famem et
:

beluae quoque fluctibus destiiamque nox adpetebat, et regem

aegritudine adfecerat. non tamen

22

ultima sibimet ominabantur.

tutae terribiles vagabantur.

quoque desperatio
invictum
in

animum

salutis

23

curae obruunt, quin tota nocte persideret

speculis equitesque praemitteret

mare rursus exaestuare

ad os amnis,

ut,

cum

sensissent,

24

tosque esse et intentos, cum rursus mare terras inundasset.

tota ea nocte inter vigilias adhortationesque consumpta cele-

25

quoque

et lacerata refici

praecederent.
navigia
et eversa fluctibus erigi iubet para-

cursu refugere et secutus est aestus.

tractu
subeuntibus coepit levare navileni
qui primo aquis
etiam inpulit classem. plautotis
inundatis
mox
campis
gia,
riter et equites ingenti

26

susque militum nauticorumque insperatam salutem inmodico

celebrantium gaudio litoribus ripisque resonabat. unde tan-

tum

subito mare, quo pridie refugisset, quaenam

eiusdem elementi natura, modo discors, modo imperio
temporum obnoxia, mirabundi requirebant. rex cum ex eo,
quod acciderat, coniectaret post solis ortum statum tempus
redisset

asset

esse,

media nocte,

secundo amne
processit

que

et

rediit.

in

ut

aestum occuparet,

defluxit.

cum

evectusque os

mare, tandem voti sui compos

maris et locorum

dis

sacrificio

paucis navigiis

eius
:

facto

cccc stadia
praesidibus-

ad classem

27

8o

10

CURTI RUFI

Q.

Hinc adversum fliimen subit classis et altero die adpulsa

hand procul lacu salso, cuius incognita natura plerosque
quippe scabies corpora
decepit temere ingressos aquam.
invasit, et contagium morbi etiam in alios vulgatum est.

est

oleum remedio
foderet,

qua

Leonnato deinde praemisso, ut puteos

fuit.

terrestri itinere

quippe sicca erat regio

3

ducturus exercitum videbatur

cum

vernum

copiis substitit,
ipse
interim et urbes plerasque condidit. Nearcho atque Onesicrito nauticae rei peritis imperavit, ut vali-

tempus expectans.
dissimas

quoad

amne

navium

deducerent

in

oceanum

progressique,

vel
tuto possent, naturam maris noscerent
vel Euphrate subire eos posse, cum reverti
:

eodem
ad se

vellent.
4
5

lamque mitigata hieme

bantur, crematis terra

et navibus, quae inutiles videnonis castris in

ducebat exercitum.

regionem Arabiton, inde totidem diebus in Cedrosiorum

perventum est. liber hie populus concilio habito dedidit se,
nee quicquam deditis praeter commeatus imperatum est.
quinto hinc die venit ad flumen Arabum incolae appellant,
:

quam emensus in
regio deserta et aquarum inops excipit.
ibi maiorem exercitus partem Hephaestioni
Oritas transit
:

levem armaturam cum Ptolomaeo Leonnatoque

tria simul agmina populabantur Indos, magpartitus est.
naeque praedae actae sunt maritimos Ptolomaeus, ceteros
in hac quoque
alia parte Leonnatus urebant.
ipse rex et ab

tradidit,
7

regione urbem condidit, deductique sunt in earn Arachosii.

Hinc pervenit ad maritimos Indos. desertam vastamque

mercii iure miscentur.

regionem

ac ne

mentis maris instruunt.

finitimis

ipsa solitude natura

efferavit ingenia
hirsutae et intonsae sunt,
:

lO

cum

quidem ullo comquoque inmitia

prominent ungues numquam recisi, comae

late tenent

tuguria conchis et ceteris purga-

ferarum pellibus

tecti piscibus sole

mSTORIARUM ALEXANDRT
duratis et

came

maiorum quoque beluarum, quas

IX,

8i

lo.

iluctus

eiccit:,

consumptis igitur alimentis Macedones n

primo inopiam, deinde ad ultimum famem sentire coeperunt,
vescuntur.

radices palmarum,

namque

sola ea arbor gignitur, ubique

cum haec quoque

sed

riniantes.

alimenta defecerant,

iu- 12

menta caedere adgressi ne equis quidem abstinebant: et

cum deessent, quae sarcinas veherent, spolia de hostibus,
propter quae ultima Orientis peragraverant, cremabant incendio.

famem deinde

brium ciborum novi

pestilentia sccuta est, quippe insalu-

ad hoc

13

labor et aegritudo
animi vulgaverant morbos, et nee manere sine clade nee
suci,

itineris

progredi poterant. manentes fames, progresses acrior pestilentia urgebat.

ergo strati erant campi paene pluribus
semivivis

quam

sequi poterant
gulis

ad spem

quippe agmen raptim agebatur tantum

salutis ipsos

proficere credentibus,

sin-

quantum

itineris festinando praeciperent.

igitur qui defecerant, notos
ignotosque, ut adlevarenter, orabant: sed nee ium en ta erant,
quibus excipi possent, et miles vix arma portabat, imminentisque et ipsis facies mali ante oculos erat.
ergo saepius

revocati ne respicere
in

formidinem versa,

14

ac ne levius quidem aegri

cadaveribus.

quidem suos sustinebant misericordia

illi relicti
deos testes et sacra com-

munia regisque inplorabant opem: cumque

frustra

15

16

surdas

aures fatigarent, in rabiem desperatione versa parem suo

exitum similesque ipsis amicos et contubernales precabantur.
rex dolore simul ac pudore anxius, quia causa tantae cladis

ad Phrataphernen, Parthyaeorum satrapen,

ipse esset,

17

misit,

qui iuberet camelis cocta cibaria adferri, aliosque finitimarum regionum praefectos certiores necessitatis suae fecit,

nee cessatum
exercitus

rerum sola
c.

est

tandem
fertilis

itaque fame dumtaxat vindicatus

ab

his.

in

Cedrosiae

regio

est, in

fines perducitur.

qua

omnium

stativa habuit, ut vexatos

is

82
19

Q.

inilites

quiete firmaret.

CURTI RUFI
hie Leonnati litteras accepit con-

ipsum cum viii milibus peditum et ccc equitibus

Oritarum prospero eventu. a Cratero quoque nuntius venit

flixisse

20

Oziiien et Zariaspen, nobilis Persas, defectionem molientes

oppresses a se in vinculis esse,
praeposito igitur region!
Sibyrtio

21

22

namque Menon, praefectus

morbo in Carmaniam

eius,

nuper

interierat

Aspastes erat satrares

novare
voluisse, dum in India rex
pes gentis, suspectus
est.
occurrentem
dissiniulata
ira comiter adlocutus,
quem

dum

ipse processit.

exploraret, quae delata erant, in

eodem honore

habuit.

cum

inde praefecti, sicut imperatum erat, equorum iumentorumque iugalium vim ingentem ex omni, quae sub imperio
erat, regione misissent, quibus deerant inpedimenta, resti-

arma quoque ad pristinum refecta sunt cultum: quippe

haud procul a Perside aberant, non pacata modo, sed etiam

23 tuit.

24

opulenta.

supra dictum

igitur, ut

est,

aemulatus patris Liberi

non gloriam solum, quam ex illis gentibus deportaverat, sed

etiam famam, sive illud triumphus fuit ab eo primum institutus, sive bacchantium lusus, statuit imitari, animo super
25

humanum

fastigium elato. vicos, per quos iter erat, floribus

coronisque sterni iubet, liminibus aedium crateras vino repletas et alia eximiae magnitudinis vasa disponi: vehicula
deinde constrata, ut plures capere milites possent, in taber-

naculorum

modum

ornari, alia candidis velis, alia veste pre-

primi ibant amici et cohors regia, variis redimita

floribus coronisque alibi tibicinum cantus, alibi lyrae sonus

26 tiosa.

audiebatur: item in vehiculis pro copia cuiusque adornatis

comissabundus exercitus, armis, quae

maxime decora

ipsum convivasque currus veheaureis eiusdemque materiae ingentibus poculis

hoc modo per dies vii bacchabundum agmen

erant, circumpendentibus.

bat crateris
7

praegravis

incessit, parata

praeda,

si

quid

victis

saltem adversus comis-

HISTOJ^/ARiOr

ALEXANDRI

santes animi fuisset: mille, hercule,

viri

/X,

modo

to.

S3

et sobrii vii

dierum crapula graves in suo triumpho capere potuerunt.

sed fortuna, quae rebus famam pretiumque constituit, hoc

quoque
et

militiae

posteritas

probrum

vertit in gloriam.

deinde mirata est per gentes

nondum

domitas incessisse temulentos, barbaris, quod temeritas

fiduciam esse credentibus.

satis
erat,

apparatum carnifex sequebatur: quippe satrapes Aspastes, de quo ante dictum est,
interfici iussus est: adeo nee luxuriae quicquam crudelitas
liunc

nee crudelitati luxuria obstat.

28

et praesens aetas

29

30

VARIATIONS FROM THE TEXT OF IIEDICKE

(Berlin,

\'in 9

Hedicke.
10 Ethymandriis

12 niitis

10

F ^'
seminum Z
mitia

14 gerininum

baccarisque
admolita Z

24 obmolita

27, 28 percussit earn.

forte

30 demoliebantur V
32 aclniotas F
11 8 exercitus [se] index
25 quos subire

F V

ZMF
Z

terminum

persequi

Z
2

quoque

25 adhibite
28

3 21

4 6
9

(?

misprint)

invicem

XXV

subicere

F V

navigiis

10 aestu F
15 Oxydracarum
23 ducere

ZMF

aequareque
24
26

Oxydracarum ZMF
Oxydracarum ZIM F

27 ni omitturet, at

in

P"

XXV milibus

[so

Madvig

ZMF

qua meant navigia

metu M
Sudracarum
duceret

Madvig

[so

2]

M V
MFV
Z M F V

adhibete

vol 2]
subiecere

qua nieatur

ZMF

magnitudinem corpori

invicti

niib'a

terminum persequi
quoque Z

[et]

adiutas V
exercitus index
quo subire Z F

Advers vol
14 13 magiiitudini Fori

ZMF

percussit. turn forte

moliebantur

IX

Ethimantus Z

baccarisqiie [et]

1867).

aequaretque

Sudracarum
SudracaruTii

in

Advers

ZMF

V
F V
Z M F

V
V

ne committeret aut Z

F V

VARIATIONS

86

FROM THE TEXT

32 magnitudinem terro5 5

rum
cumcomminnsunum

6 2 perinvalido
23 Sameramis
7

Samiramis

M V

Graeci,Dioxippostudebant

F V
Z

vivos (misprint)

viros

1 1

in

inde Praestos

ittstigabat

coegit

13 [non] receperant
18 copia fertilis

F V
ZM F

virium iam regi [so the Mss]

ingens hie militum conventus erat,
inter quos qui erant Graeci Dioxippo studebant

Depraestos

F V

suspitio

9
10

cum unum Z

corpori invalido

F
suspicio Z
16 virium etiam regi
vis
milituni,
19 ingens
inter
erant
quos

magnitudinem Z

and Z]
non receperant Z
sola fertilis

F
of Freinsheim

[conjecture

MV

The letters subjoined to readings in this table are initials denoting

the texts of the editions of Zumpt (Brunswick 1849), Miitzell (Berlin
The critical
1841), Foss (Leipsic 1857), and Vogel (Leipsic 1872).
edition of Hedicke is the basis of the present text, and has never
been departed from without grave reasons and careful deliberation,
and only once or twice without the support of a preponderance of
manuscript or other authority.
briefly discussed in the notes.

Where

difficult

questions arise they are

[Since this book was

Empire' by \V
Indian

first

W Hunter.

statisticians,

and

issued there has appeared 'The Indian

is well known as the tirst of

Mr Hunter

cannot do better than refer the reader once

work, which has a good index and

for all to this

W E Heitland.

and learning.

is

model of clearness

July 1S82.]

NOTES.
BOOK

VIII,

CHAPTER

IX.

ne...ahret\ Curtius, like Livy and other rhetorical historians,

I.
gives the motives of actions with the utmost conhdence.
nisi me
natu7}i\ for the construction compare Terence adelph 545
credo kiiic esse natiim rei, ferundis 7niseriis, Horace de art poet 82
natum rebus agendis. For the matter see Curtius VI 2 15 rumor,
otiosi ruilitis vitium.

in

Arrian IV 22 3 says in much the same sense

For movit intransitive ox^movit castra comaudita Darcuiii movisse ab Ecbatanis, IX 4 27, Livy XXI

Indiam

irpovx^jpet

fnovif]

i^s eirl Tj/Soi's.

pare V 13
39 6, xxn

I.

this dry remark is particularly suggested by the

matter of the four chapters just preceding, namely the unjust accusation
and death of the sophist Kallisthenes. Curtius means that Alexander
For clarior
did himself no credit by his acts during an interval of rest.
compare IX 8 23.
seviper...clarior'\

Curtius speaks
2.
spedat orienter>i\ 'lies towards the East'.
from the point of view of one coming from central Asia as Alexander
did.
That the above rendering is correct seems to be shewn by vii 10
duo ad meridiejn
15 circa eatn VI oppidis 'coudendis electa sedes est,
versa, quattuor spectantia orieiiton, VIII 10 23, VI 6 23 praerupta
Pratt renders
rupes est qua spcctat occideiitoii, and other such passages.
We must remember
'slopes eastward ', but his reasons seem weak.
that the ancients knew very little of India [see Strabo xv i ^ 112],
and that Eratosthenes [in Strabo XV i 11] evidently makes the Indus
flow north and south, and places the southern angle of the rhomboid to
which he likens India a good way to the east of the northern one. See
also Arrian Indica 3.

in latitudinem... recta regio7ie\ 'broadways '...' straightways ', that is

breadth and straight ahead = in length '. That writers differed,
some reckoning the length from north to south and the breadth from
east to west, while others adopted the contrary arrangement, is clear
from Arrian Indica 3. Curtius seems to reckon the length from east
For in latitudinem compare VI I
See on g" 6 rubro mari.
to west.
JO I octingc7ita fere stadia in latitudinem vastae solitudincs tencnt.
For recta 7-egione compare VU 7 4 recta dcinde regio/ie saltu/n ultra
*

'

in

'

'

'

88

HIST. ALEX.

CURTI RUFT

Q.

hUtim

iacentem

regionis

est,

colit

{Scytharum gens
Livy xxi 31 9.

[viii

lo 2 ingcns spatium rectae

The word is often used of the

3. fastigium'l peak, ridge, slope.
The metaphorical sense is common, as in IX
gable slope of a roof.
'
2 28, 10 S 24.
Compare our use of 'pitch in both senses. See on
10 31 below, and compare 11 6, ix 9 19.
Compare vil 3 22 rupes quattiior
excedunt\ rise, stand out.
Mutzell remarks that the parts spoken
(stadia) in altitiidinem excedit.
of are the Vindhya mountains and the Deckan.
but more nearly accuplana] this bold statement is rather sweeping,
VI 60 where speaking of the northern
rate than that of Pliny

NH

mountains he says iungtintiir inter se Iniaiis Eniodus Paropainisits Cauimmcnsani et Aegypto

casus, a quibus tola [India) decnrrit in planitietn
Strabo and Arrian more cautiously speak of to, TreSta.
similem.
of
the mountains
Caucnsd\ this name was given generally to
north_
Arrian
India by the Greeks, especially to the range of the Hindu Rush.
Indica 2 3, 4 &Wri U dXXo KaX^erai to ovpos, rfj jnev IlapaTrauKTOi, rij
5^ 'Eixw56s' dXXrj d^ "I/j-aov KX-r)i^eTai, kuI rvxbv dXXa /cat dXXa ^x" ovi'6MaKedSfes S^ ol ai)V 'AXe^dvdpiiJ arpaTivaavTis KavKaaov avro
fiara.
'ZkvOi.kov.
So before him Strabo
eKaXeov, dXXov toutov KavKaaov, ov rhv
XV 1 II, following Eratosthenes in 13 he says of the rivers divavTis
S dirb ToO Kaiudo-ou TTjf dpxi)v 'ixovai. See also Curtius Vli 3 19

22, Pliny

4.

chap

N H

VI 60, 71, Horace carm

Indus'] the

i) says,

name

is

speaking of the

interesting.
districts

22

Prof

7.

Williams [Hinduism

near the river Sindlni [now called

"the Persians pronounced this word Hindhu, and named

The Greeks, who probably gained
Aryan brethren Hindus.

the Indus]
their
their

first idea of India from the Persians, dropped the hard aspirate
and called the Hindus Tj/SoL" Compare the words of Pliny N H VI
This river was generally recog 71 huhis incolis Sindns appcllatus.
nized as the western boundary of India, though that name was occaSee IX 10 7 and Elphinstone appendi.v ill on the
sionally extended.
Greek accounts of India. The river and its affluents are described by
Strabo XV i 13, Arrian Indica 4 813, Pomponius Mela ill 7,
often referred to by other authors.
Pliny N H VI 71, 72, and are
Herod IV
It was regarded as the greatest of all rivers but the Ganges.
ovtos irorafxCui' irdvTuv irapi44 '\v^hv TTorap-ov, 6s KpoKoSeiXovs Se&repos
sciitit
non
mixtuin
Ilydaspen.
Xerai, Lucan III 236 vastis Indus aquis
^

and that concerning the colour of the water

gelidior] this statement
are supported by Burnes [Travels into Bokhara vol I pp 74, 77' 79]>
that the coldness of the Indus is in
quoted by Mlitzell with the remark
of the Ganges.
interesting contrast to the warmth
or Ganges, thought by the ancients to be
the
5.

Ganges]

Ganga

the greatest river in the world, is described by Strabo XV i 13, Arrian

vi 65.
It is
Indica 4 27, Pomponius Mela III 7, Pliny
Lucan
often referred to by other authors as representing the far east.
X i, 2 oiiinihus in terris quae sunt a Gadibus
III 220
^34,

N H

Juvenal
usque Aurora)n et Gaiigen.

NOTES.

27]

89

oniniuni] genitive after cximiits, \\'hich is equivalent to

tive.
ComiJare Statins Theb VI 15 cximii rci^idii.

a superla-

all orieiift''] on the eastern side of the world, in the east.

Compare
This
the similar usage of a vieridie in 10 24, and other expressions.
reading, being adopted by Zumpt Miitzell Foss and Hedicke and having
But the sense thus
the
authority on its side, has been retained.
Aldus read ab ortu which he probably
given is feeble in the extreme.
meant to mean from its source ', and he may have had authority for
the reading.
Anyhow Arrian says of the Ganges on the authority of

MSS

'

Megasthenes avrbv re

jO.p

/xeyav dv/crxet'' eK

(dLvcnint) cunt magiio fragore if sins

such as Curtius loves to make.
recto alveo~\

with straight bed

t'J^v n-q'^lu.'v,

statiiii foiitis

= running

and Pliny

alii

cruDipcrc, statements

straight ahead.

Compare

recta regione above.

stritigitl grazes, washes.
Compare Virgil Aen VIII 62, 63 where
father Tiber says ego sum plena qiictn flumine cernis stringentem ripas
Also Seneca nat quaest III 27 9.
et pingiiia culla secantcm.

inclinant'] see

anavTiS

5'

dirb

Strabo

XV

tov 'KavK&aov

ti]v

eW

oi fxef
fitarm-Bpiav rb irpwrov,
oi (Is TOV 'IvSov (rvp.^d\\ovTS, oi

13, speaking of the Indian rivers,

<p^povrai /x^v eiri r-qv
dpxvv ^X"""''
nevovcw iirl rijs avTTJs (popdi Kal ndXiara
'*'''^'

enLarpecpoi'Tai Trpos eco KaOdirep Kal

oiVos fikv odu Karatids eK tjjs 6piLVT]S iireibav d^Tjrai
Twv Treoiwv (TTicrpexpas irpos '4u> Kal pveU irapd rd UaXi^odpa p.iyi(jTr)v
Miiizc-ll points out
irb\iv irpoeiacv iirl ttji/ ravTr] daXaTTav, also 72.
that modern researches confirm the statement of Curtius dLSSigmngobiettae
rupes as the cause of the river's change of course.
b

5'

rd777;s Trorafxos.

6.

rubra mari\

this of

course stands for the Indian ocean gene-

See
often in Curtius and in rhetorical or poetical writers.
III 2 9 Itidos cetcrosque riibri maris accolas, IV 12 9, VI 2 12, IX 6
20, X 10 4, Virgil Aen VIII 686 (compare 605), Horace carm I 35

So

rally.

de litore conchas
32, pseudo-Tilaullus IV 2 19 et quascu7ique niger rubra

proximus eois colligit Indus aquis. If the text be sound here, the
making both rivers (Indus and Ganges) run into the same sea is in
favour of the view put forth in a note on 2, that Curtius thought India
lie being in fact
longer from east to west than from north to south
southwards.
ignorant that there was a great tongue of land projecting
Ptolemy afterwards had the same imperfect conception.
;

7.

reverberatur\

compare ix 9

8.

forms pools or meres. Arrian VI 14 5 says that the river

may perhaps be more than 100 stadia broad 'Iva-wep Xtpvd^ei p.d\\ov. In
his Indica 6 5 he speaks of the summer floods in the Indian rivers genetoIs depivols bpjBpois i] Ti'Sikt) kuI
rally, so too Strabo XV i 13 fipex^rai
20.
XipLfd^ei rd nedia, also 17
For these vast silt deposits see IX 8 30,
tnsu/as] alluvial banks.
Strabo XV 1 16, and for the Indus in particular Pliny K li VI 71.
forms.
Compare Virgil Aen ill 132 eigo avidus
mo/itur] builds
stagnat'l

up,

vitiros optatac

molior urbis and other passages.

90

Q.

CURTT RUFI
now

HIST. ALEX.

[viir 9

For this river and its arOuents

Hydaspes (Jhelam) liydraotes (Ravi) and Hyphasis (Satlej), the waters
of which it carries to the Indus, see Arrian VI 14 5.
The Hyphasis
(or Hypasis, Vipasa) seems properly to mean the Bias river, but to
have been appHed to the stream formed Ijy the junction of that river
with the Satlej.
See however note i on 7 of introduction B.
lomanett] a clever conjectural insertion, due to Hedicke. Foss had
suspected some such omission, as the old attempt to make the Acesines
run into the Ganges by finding some other modern name for it was
For the junction of the Jamna and Ganges see Pliny
preposterous.
8.

N H

Acesines\

V] 63

ad

the Chenab.

coHfliioitcm loinanis aninis et Gangis,

decurrit.

69

aiiinis

lomanes in Gange?i per Palibothros

quippe] this word is especially frequent in Curtius in the sense of

'the fact is', 'in truth*.
Compare g 19, 10 35, 11 19, 13 3, ix 7
See introduction
3.
2, 23 and elsewhere.

used generally of the mouth of a river, here of the mouth or face

that one river presents to another at their junction.
Render in truth
the Ganges presents a rough face to its entrance, and its waters though
beaten back (in eddies) do not give way '.
os]

'

repercussae\ see

on

13 9.

Dyardenes] cannot be identified. It is however worth comparing the report given in Strabo XV i 72 of Artemidorus' account of
the Ganges, where an obscure river-name occurs, with a description
twv be avppeovrwv els avrov Ol5dv7)v
very like that of the Dyardenes
TLvd. KoKec Tpi(peiv 8e Kai KpoKobeiXovs Kal 8e\(fHvas' Xe7ei 5^ Kai dWa
This passage has
Tivd, avyKexvp-eftas 8k koI apyuis, uv ov (ppovTLareop.
been noticed by Miitzell.
9.

ztH Nil!is\ Alexander on seeing crocodiles in the Indus jumped to

the conclusion that he had found the source of the Nile.
See Arrian
VI I 2, 3, Herod IV 44 (quoted on 4), Strabo xv i 25 (of the
Hydaspes), Arrian Indica 6 8 (of Indian rivers in general).
delphinos] this, as Zumpt remarks, is the proper Latin form of the
accusative plural, and should be kept in prose.
10.
Ethitnantjis\ this spelling has been kept, as nearer to the
Miitzell has shewn that Ritter was wrong in identifying tliis
with the Etyniandrus of Arrian IV 6 6.

MSS.

'now and then', 'often'. The regular silver-age use of

Compare 13 18, IX 3 24, 4 9, 5 7.
rigantibiis\ Strabo XV i 50 speaks of a board charged with the

subinde\
the word.

supervision of irrigation works, but this

to the Ganges.
carpitur\

is

spent,

used up.

is

from Megasthenes, and

Compare

Virgil georg

III

refers

215 carpit

enim vires paidatiiu, Aen iv 2 caeco carpitur igni, 32 solane perpctua

maerens carpere iuventa. The word is used in military history of cutting
off stragglers and detachments {carpere ag/nen), or of dividing an army
into portions.
See Livy vi 32, XXII 32, xxvii 46, xxvi 38.
ea catesa]

'

that

is

the reason'.

The pronoun

as usual

is

attracted to

NOTES.

S-i3]

91

the gender of the substantive instead of being made neuter.

Comjiare
Virgil Aeu IV 379 scilicet is siiperis labor est, Tacitus ann in 38 (jiiae
causa fiiit.

iam

sine

noiniiie'\

which by that time have ceased

to

have a name,

^Sij avilivviia.

II. non adeo\ the theory of the construction will be best explained
by Virgil Aen XI 436, 437 non adco has cxosa mamcs Victoria fiigit zU
Here if completed it would
ianta quicquam pro spe tempt are recicse>n.
run non adeo interfluunt ut nobiles Jiant.

Compare III
interjiinint^ run through.
urbi, quam Satigariiis amnis interjluit.

12

Gordium nomen

est

cetenim] like the Greek 5' oCj', resuming the thread of narra 12.
Here we turn back to 3, since
tive after a parenthesis or digression.
which we have been dealing witli rivers.

how

atpn'lone]

this

mention of a hot north wind can possibly

the storms and rains of the

Meadows Taylor bk

I
c
explain, though they refer

SW

Monsoon

just what
to that season.

i] is

refer to

[see Elphinstone introd p 5,

Zumpt and Miitzell do not

Nor will the NE Monsoon,

October and November on the Coromandel coast, answer
Pratt does really try to meet the difficulty, remarking
the description.
'As to the heat attributed to the north wind, it may be acquired by
passing over torrefied deserts in the last stages of its course', and
experienced a whole
quoting from Elphinstone's Canbitl p 133 "We
"
[at Peshawer].
night of strong hot wind from the North-West
blowing

it

in

denrnntur'X may either refer to the effect of heat or (as in Livy XL

to explain the statement of Curtius on either
45) to that of cold.

How

supposition
rintt

which

is

if

very far from clear.

retained would need

The

MSS

read aqniloni and dcciirthat of

some other explanation than

Zumpt.

= for

this reason) are mild and nourisli the

means 'under such conditions'. See ix
In this place however there is no verb and the clause is so to
4 22.
speak participial. Compare use of ideo in Plin N H III 78. If we had
ea after ita we might put a colon aX penetrat and understand sunt.
ita... initial

crops'.

13.

As

'which thus

oiJTia

so ita often

adeol to such an extent.

nmndtis^ the world, or universal order of things, 6 Kda/uos. See IV

The exaggeration of the
1 1 22 7iec /nundus duobus solibus
potest regi.
differences between the climate of India and that of Europe is quite in
VI 58 is more sober and
Curtius' rhetorical manner.
Pliny N

'

Pratt well remarks Possiljly the Macedonian-Greeks might

have encountered extreme cold in the elevated mountain tracts of Imlia,
in the season corresponding to summer in a European climate; and
again, in descending the valle s of the south, have experienced oppressand
ive heat when the rigours of winter prevail in their own countiy
on these unexpected vicissitudes have founded the erroneous conclusion that the times of both seasons were inverted in respect to Europe'.
See Slrabo xv 1 17, 18, and introduction A 5.
accurate.

Q.

92
stalas

IX 9

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

temporum

vices\'\X\& regular

changes of seasons'.

[viu 9

Compare

9. 27.

invcrterit se\ has turned itself rounrl, as we say

For the present
text is very uncertain here.

The

mores of Horace carm

caiisa\

that

is,

'wrong way about'.

compare the invasi

iii 5 7.

satis constat

or apparct.

The

MSS

are corrupt here,

It
and Hedicke's emended reading is only accepted provisionally.
must be granted that the omission of the verb is harsh. See Tac

Germ

45,

his voyage to the

Erythro'] so in the report of Nearchus after
Persian gulf, X i 13, 14, and Arrian Indica 37 3 iv Tavry rrj vrjay
top
IXeyov Kal rod irpwrov ^waarevaavTOS rrj^ X'^PV^ rai^n/s 5el{ uvcrOai
racpov oilvo/ja S^ avrii- 'EpvOprju dvai, dw' otov /cat rrjy iTrwvvixii]v tt)
Odkaaarj Tavrrj (tvai, ifvdprii' KaX^eadaL.
stands for flax, though here perhaps cotton
//;?/'] this usually
15.
is meant.
Compare Strabo XV i 1^ ^pexeraL roh OepLvoh onjipois i]
\lvov aird'IvSiKT], aal 'Kifivd^ei rd nedia' iv fxev oZv tovtols toIs o/x^pois

14.

peTM

Kal K^yxpos, Trpols tovtoi'S a-fjaapiov opv^a ^ba/xopov.

see IX 7 12, 8 I, Strabo XV i 71, Arriana Indie 16 1,1

\luov tov dvb
iadrJTi 5e 'It'Soi Xlu^ji xpeoirat, KaTdtrap \iyii Neapxo!,
rb d^ Xiuou rovro rj Xap.TvpbtQiv oivdtecjv virip otwv p.01 TJ5r] XiXe^rai.
icTTiv dXXou Xivov wavTos, ^ jjieXaves avrol iouTes Xa/xTrp6vestes']

Tpov TTfv xpoi-^iv

repov TO \ivov ^aiveaOai.

^crrt 5^ Ki.dihv XLi/eos avrdiaiv ^are Trl

jroieovffn'.
bk to jxkv trepl Toiaiv dif-wiai TTpi.fie^X7)p.^vov, to 8^
elXLypevoi'.
Pomponius Mela III 7 calls the cotton

p.^(T7}v T7}v Kvrip.7]v, elp.a

irepl TTjCL KcpaXfjaiv

/atia [tarn feracis soil ut...lanas silvae fcraiit) and says of the people
lino alii vestiuntiir aiit lanis qiias diximiis, alii avium ferarumqiie
'
Herodotus (ill 106) had heard of the tree?iudi af^unt.
pellihiis ; pars
bk I c 3
wool'.
Compare Virgil georg II 120, 121. Meadows Taylor
The costume of the male Hindoos, as depicted in ancient sculptures,
'

It consists of two pieces of broad cotton cloth, one of

used.
folded round the waist, reaching to the calf of the leg, the
The latter, says Elphinstone
other cast gracefully over the shoulders'.
bk III c II p 201 'is occasionally stretched over the head, which has

is still

which

is

no other covering'.

See below

21.

(see Virgil georg II 77), then

the papyrus-paper, so extensively used in ancient
Xili 6889 describes the growth and preparation
times.
Pliny
of it : in 69 he remarks ?w palmarum foliis primo scriptitatum, dcin
XV i 67, 73 mentions Indian
qttarundam arborinn libris. Strabo
linen and on skins, but says nothing of the
writing on fine pressed
Pratt quotes Hamilton's Description of India to the effect
bark-paper.
libri\ liber originally

'

book

'.

that bark
16.

charta

means 'bark'

is

NH

is

used for writing upon in Kashmir.

X 117 120 treats of birds taught to talk.
Pliny

aves'\

NH

In 117 he says super otnnia humanas voces reddunt, psittaci qiiidem

etiam sermocinantes. India hanc avem mittit, septagen vocat, viridem
imperatores
ioto corpore, torque tantiim miniato iti cervice distinctam.
sahitat ct quae accipit vei'ba pronuntiat, in vino praecipiie lasciva,
6 psittacus
II
Arrian Indica 15 8, 9, Strabo xv i 69, Ovid amores

NOTES.

1319]
eoh imitatrix

93
'

ah Indis.

Elphinstone introd p 10 sjieaks of parrots,

or rather peroquets' in India.
invisitata\ some editors prefer the form innsitata here and in IX i
Both words are recognized and there is hardly
4 and other places.
any perceptible dilTerencc in sense. Miitzell on V 5 7 discusses the
much
with
learning.
may render either 'uncommon' or
question
'unknown'. The frequentative form has here as in many other cases
lost its proper meaning.
See for instance Virgil Aen vi 258 adventante (tea. The strange animals referred to are probably the goldales

We

digging ants, flying snakes and scorpions, griffins and other marvellous
creatures of fabulous or exaggerated powers.
See Arrian v 4 3,
Indica 1: S r
10, Strabo XV i 35, 37, 44, 69, Pomponius Mela III
xi iii, xxxin 66, vii 21
7, Pliny
30.

NH

nisi\ so

IX 9

4 incognita nisi inmortalibus.

non getierai\ for the words compare Horace carm I 21 13 16.

to the matter Miitzell well observes that the statement is found

alit

As

who seems to contradict himself in IX i 5. Elphinstone intr p 9 says that the rhinoceros is found in India but is confined
to the forests.
It would seem therefore to be indigenous.
See Aelian
hist anim XVI 20 translated by M'Crindle p 59.
only in Curtius,

17.
elcphantorti7n'\ for the use of elephants in India in ancient
times, and the method of catching and taming them etc see Strabo XV
I

41
43, Arrian Indica 13, 14, 17,
III c II p 201.

Diodorus

11

35, 42, Elphinstone

bk

7nagnitudo\ the superiority of the Indian to the African elephants in

and .strength is set forth in Strabo (only on the authority of Onesi-

size

and Diodorus.

kritus)

18.

auruinl see Herod

ill

106, Strabo

xv

57, 69.

geiiimas] for the precious stones of India and their use by the
xxxvii 76 80, 84 96, 100, loi, 105, no,
natives see Pliny
Miitzell well compares
114, 115, 121, 121, 128
132, 177, 185, 200.
Strabo II 3 4 of the voyage of Eudoxus to India ir\ema.vTa 5rj fitra
Kal \idovs woXvTeXets cJi/
dufiCiiv i7rafe\6dv a.vTL<pof>Ti<T6.i.Levov dpd/xaTa
19.

Toiis fxkv

KOvffL

NH

ol

KaTa(p^pov(nv
i^

TreTnjydra^

Elphinstone intr p

TOTa/mol fxera tQjv

{rypou

10,

Kaddtrep

Strabo

xv

to,

\f/ri(piiii>

tovs

KpvaraWiva

8'

opvKTovs

Trap'

evpicr-

See

rip-lv.

67.

margaritas] most of the pearls in the world, and all the best are
Athenaeus in 93a
taken up from beds near Ceylon'.
Elphinstone.
refers to Theoi>hrastus de lapidibus 36 which runs tuiv (nrouSal'o/j.efiov
'

5i \idtj3v i<TTl Kal 6 pLapyapir-qs KaXovp.ei'OS, diacp'xvris fi^v rfj (pvcrei, iroiovai
5' e| avTov tovs TroXureXers Spfiovs.
yiverai. Se iv ocrrpdu} rifi irapairXrialu} Ta7s wiui/ats, tptpei 5i rj re 'IvdiKT] X'^'P"- '^'^^ vrjaol npes tCov iv ry
(pvdpq..

See Pliny Nil IX 106

-123,

Arrian Indica 8 9

13,

38

NH

VI

3-

compare ix 2 27.
word here stands for 'wealth'. In Pliny
means 'splendour', 'show of wealth', sed ne Taprobaue

litoribus'\

opidentiae\ the
89

it

t/nidei.

94

Q.

CURTI RUFI

HIST. ALEX.

[viii 9

nostris vitiis caret,

aitrnm
(juamvis extra orbem a natura relegata,
argentiimque et ibi in pretio. niannor testudinis simile, ma^-garitae
gcmmacijue in honore viidto, praesianliorutn et totius luxiwiae noslrae
aif/iuliis.
ipsoritm opes niaiores esse dicebant, sed apud nos oprdentiae

See also XXXiv 163 India ncijiie aes neque

maiorein usiitn.
habet gemtnisque ac margaritis suis haec permutat.

plumbum

Render

'especially since 'Jiey

utique postqnavi^ compare IX 7 26.
spread the community of evil to foreign nations', vilia here as in
23, 31 are the moral defects that make men love luxury and vain
Compare IX 7 15, Juvenal i 87 et quando uberior vitioriim
display.
vitium stetit.
These are the constant
copia, 149 omne in praccipiti
theme of the rhetoricians and satirists of imperial Rome. In tlw

matter of pearls Tacitus Agr 12, Pliny

NH

IX 112

123

may be

re-

ferred to.

commerciiini\ the sharing or having in common, hence 'intercourse'.

ac nomine adsuetas, non
3 8 tot gentes alterius iniperio

Compare VI

non moribus non commercio linguae nobiscmn cohaerentes, and

IX 10 8 below.
IX
purgamentd\ excretions, things cast out by the sea. Compare
The vk^ord is an ignoble one, and is used metaphorically as
10 10.

sacris

Compare VIII 5 8 where the fawning flatterers

say 'offscourings'.
of Alexander are described as urbium suarum ptirgamenta.

we

'fashion'

libido']

NH

is

our nearest word.

Compare with

Miitzell Pliny

85 singulorum enim libido pretia singulis facit.

ionstituif] see II 4, IX 10 28.

XXXVII

For
20.
ingenia] their 'natures' or 'characters'. So ix 10 9.
the matter of the effect of various countries on their inhabitants see
Herod I 142, iii 106, ix 2, 122, Aristotle Pol vil 7 i 4, Cic de
deor nat li 42, Livy xxix 25, Draper's History of the American civil

sect l cc 46, Vegetius I 2 passim espec'mWy plaga caeli^ad robur

nontantumcorporumsedetiamanimorumpluriDium valet. I* or India
in particular see Strabo xv 1 13, Arrian v 4 4, Indica 6 9, 17 i,
Diodorus 11 36, Pomponius Mela iii 7, Elphinstone bk
pp 214,

war

men

215.

locorum situs] this expression seems generally to mean the lie of

See 10 13,
the ground' viewed with the eye of a general or engineer.
Here it seems to mean rather what we call the surround23, IX 2 8.
the position of their country and its climate.
ings of the people, that is,
'

'

'

See Tacitus Agr

10.

with
quoque] goes in sense

quoque

is

common

21.
Juvenal

Gangen.
see IX

in

illos.

This Hcentious misplacement of

Livy and Curtius.

for the use of usque as a preposition compare

omnibus in terris quae sunt a Gadibus usque Aiiroram et
For the matter
Curtius seems not to use it thus elsewhere.

usque pedes]

i,

29.

carbaso] Strabo
Kal 'jLvdoat XeuKals

XV
/cat

71

cos

Kapirdaois,

'ludovs iaOrJTi \evKy xPV<^0o.i

inrevai'Tius Tois iiTrouffiv evavOiarara

d'el-rrelv,

NOTES.

19-23]

95

See
reporting the account of Klitarchus.
also Elphinstone bk iii c ii pp 201, 202 'The full dress is a long white
of
almost
close
over
the
but
in
inbody,
gown
transparent muslin,
The writer thinks however
numerable loose folds below the waist '.
that some of the dress is borrowed from the Mahometans
whether this
Pratt remarks that the Sanskrit term for
part or not he does not say.
muslins or fine calicoes is karpasi.

airroi'S afiwix^c^Oa.'- (poprjuara,

soleis\
slippers, covering little more than the sole of the foot.
Miitzell observes that Philostratus in Photius says that the Indians wear
But Arrian Indica 16 5 says on the authority of
vwo5rj/j.aTa Sv^Xov.
Nearchus that inrod-qfiaTa 5e Xei'koO oepfxaros (popiovai, irepiaauis koI ravra

ne^'ovas (paiuecrdai.

T^i'ta ti3v inrodrjfjidTwv avrdlai TroiKlXa Kai iyj/rjXa tov

The latter
possibly rather refer to princes and

wealthy people.

See Curtius below IX

riaKT]fxiva, Kal

to,

may

29.

lintcum

linen [or cotton] cloths.

See above on 15.
used for a dinner napkin (Catullus 12) or the sail of a ship.
/iiiU'is]

is

II XI 136 (of
Miitzell quotes Pliny
lapilH'] compare IX i 30.
the ears) nee in alia parte feminis mains iinpeudium tnargariiis depenin Oriente quidem et viris aurnm eo loci gesiare dccus existidentibus.
niatur.
Arrian Indica 16 3 says koX evdina 'Ivdol <j>opiovctv fXicpavros,

oaoi Kapra fvdai/xoves' ov

yap

travres Jvdoi (popeovcn.

Strabo

XV

59

reports (after Megasthenes) of the Brahman at a certain stage of his life

Kal i'ijf ddews Kai di'eip.^vws fxaXXov, civiovo(popovvTa Kal xpi'ffo^opovi'Ta

tKTplus v TOis wffl Kal Ta7s X^P""'Elphinstone bk III c ii p 202 'Both

Men even of the lower orders wear
sexes wear many ornaments.
earrings bracelets and necklaces '.
hrachia
last note,

et lacertos\

the fore and upper arm.

and compare ix

colunt'l

deck, dress.

propemodum

eidta

lil 3 14 hacc vera turba nndicbriter

qtiain decoris ar>?iis conspiciia erat, and
and elsewhere.
dTess in ix 3

Compare

luxu viagis

the substantive e!iltus =

For the bracelets see

29.

emiftent] stand out, are notable.

12 13, ix

Compare

28.

capillum'\ Strabo XV i 71 (after Klitarchus) Kop.d.v Ze koX

wb}yu}VQTpo(piit' iravras., dvavXeKOfiii'ovs 5^ p.i.Tpov(rdai. Tas KOfxas, also 13,
The custom seems to have changed,
Arrian Indica 6 9, 7 9.
30.
according to Elphinstone bk in c 11 p 201 The head and beard are
22.

'

Mustachios are also

shaved, but a long tuft of hair is left on the crown.
worn, except perhaps by strict Bramins '.
tnetdmn'] see Arrian Indica 16 4 roin 5k wwywuas Xeyei l^^apxos on
^dwTovrai. 'U'bol XP'-V'' aXXrii/ Kai d\\T]v, mentioning white, dark blue,
Strabo XV 1 30 gives mucli the
scarlet, purple, green as the colours.
same account.

ad spcciein

levitatis] 'so that it looks polished '.

Compare III r ^ 13
eontittenii adhaeret, sed jnagna ex parte cingitur Jluctibus,
'
spcciem insidae praebet, looks like an island '.

quae quia
23.

ref;um'\ though we find mention elsewhere (see on

in India at the lime of Alexander's visit living

communities

IX 8 4) of

under other

96

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

Q.

[viii

f;overnnient by a king is generally assumed by the

have been the normal constitution. See Elphinstone bk i
c 1 (on Government^ v/hich opens thus
The government of the
society thus constituted (viz as described by Menu) was vested in an absolute monarch '.
IV
210
-212.
Compare Virgil georg
still

institutions,
ancients to

'

htxuria

7nagnificcntiam'\ for the contrast

between barbaric gor-

geousness and effeminacy on the one hand, and well-judged splendour

on the other, compare V 23 cqnites dcinde Bahylonii, siio cquorjaiiqiie
cultu ad hextiriatn magis qitam ad magnificenliain exacto, iiltiiiii iba)it.
Also Cic pro Murena 76 odit popuhis Romanus prhatam luxuriam,
For the former see Milton P L 11 i
ptiblicam magnificcnfiafu diligit.
'
4
High on a throne of royal state, which far outshone the wealth of
Ormus and of Ind, or where the gorgeous East with richest hand
showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold '. Eastern luxuiy and
1

pomp was and

'

still is

proverbial.

marking condescension. Eastern sovereigns have

ever been proverbially difficult of access, far removed from the mass of
their subjects.
See the account of tlie Chinese emperors in Marco Polo
bk II cc 38, 77. The present passage is especially illustrated in many of
patititr]

its details

24.

allows

',

by Strabo xv
'

55.

palanquin.

lecfica']

recubat]

lolls

dis/ijicta'l

'picked out '=' embroidered

= mark,

set off,

',

marking lazy languor.

throw into

'.
For this use o^ distiiigtio
compare III 18 pal/am aiiro disdistincta, and below 26, 13 7, IX I

relief,

tinctam, 19 caentlca fascia albo

29, 30, 4 30, 7 12, Cic pro Murena 49.
See 21. Pliny
XIX 10 says
carbasa'\ the robes oi carbasiis.
that carbasa {vela carbasina, as Miitzell rightly remarks) were first

NH

invented in Spain.

quae

indiitiis cst\ the

pretiosissimam

vcstciii

construction

is

common.

Compare V

induti, Tacitus hist II 20 bracas barbariim tcgnicn

indittus.
ijiter quos
25.
pendent^ 'among whose ranks, perched on
boughs, are birds which they have taught to interrupt business with
their cries '.
The construction is bold, but quite intelligible. The
matter may be illustrated by what Strabo XV i 69 says of the proceedings at Indian festivals Kal tiov ttolkIXwv opviuiv Kal evfpdoyywv irXijOos.
6 0 KXeiTapxos (pi)aiv a/.((xjas TfT/javi'^Xous, SevSpa KOfML^ovaas tQv ft.(yaIt will be well
\o(f)Li\Xwv, e'^ uv dwTjpTTjTai yhrj TTi6acrv/j.ei'ioi' opviijv.
also to quote here the abstract of Menu (on the king's duties) given by

Elphinstone bk l c 2 p 24 He is to rise in the last watch of the night

and, after sacrifices, to hold a court in a hall decently splendid, and to
This done, he is to
dismiss his subjects with kind looks and words.
assemble his council on a mountain or a terrace, in a bower or a forest,
or other lonely place, without listeners ; from which women and talkingHe is then, after manly exercises and
birds are to be ca}-e/iilly removed.
bathing, to dine in his private apartments, and this time and midnight
are to be allotted to the regulation of his family, to considering
'

NOTES.

23 -2S]

97

appointments, and such other pulilic business as is most of a personal

nature.
He is now also to give some time to relaxation ; and then to
review his troops, perform his religious duties at sunset, and afterwards
to receive the reports of his emissaries.
At lengtli he withdraws to his
most private apartments to supper; and, after indulging for some time
in music, is to retire to rest

'.

auro caelatd\ in gold-raised work, embossed in gold. Compare Virgil Aen I 640, 641 ingcns aygenhim 7iiensis, caelalaquc in aiiro
Also the Trojan doorways Aen II 504 (thalanii)
forlia facta patrum.
barbarko pastes auro spohisque sttperbi, where to treat aiuv spoliisque as
a hendiadys is weak.
26.

27.

'even when he is combing and

'even when' comes that of
Compare Caesar bell Gall II 11 at hastes etiam in extrema

ctiin....pectit

dressing his hair'.

'though'.
spe saiictis

tantam

atque or/iat]

Through

this sense

virtuteni praestitenint ut,

quum primi eor^cm

ceci-

ex eartun corporibiis pugnasubjunctive because past tense and in deIt will too be interesting to turn to Cic de Off ill
pendent clause.
74 where atm potest =^ having the power', and compare the parallel
si possunt and si potest in I 23, the place referred to.
Strabo XV i 55, though he does not mention the liaircapillitiii\

dissent, proximi iacentibns insisterent

rent ; where cecidissent

atqiie

is

dressing in particular, well illustrates the general sense of this passage;

Twv

ok

y.T]

avTT]

8'

Kara. Tr6\(;xov eJoSojj'

SiaKovwu

fiepeuei

earlv

-q

/j.ia

ixlv

iarLV

r\

iirl

rds Kpiaeis, ev

ah

oirj-

oiidev tJttov ko.v wpa yivTqrai. r^s rod cwpiaTos depandas'

twv (TKVTa\l5ij:v rplipis' daa yap /cat BiaKovei Kal rpl^erai

bicL

reTTapiov -mpLCTavTUv TpijSewv.

h'giliouibiix\ so in Elphinstone bk I c 2 (abstract of Menu) the king
supposed throughout to give personal attention to foreign affairs,
though he employs ministers.
is

= administers justice, hearing cases.

gives legal decisions
l 6 where
praetore/n iura reddeiile/n is to be explained
by VI 42 II qui ius in urbe diceret, Tacitus ann xili 51 iu)a adverstis
Curtius V 7
pitblicanos extra ordinevi rcdderent, vi 1 qtii ias redderet.
8 speaking of the burning of Persepolis has the corresponding phrase;
hunc exitiun habuit regia tolius orieiitis, unde tot gentes antea iura petebant.
For the matter see Elphinstone bk I c 3 (abstract of Menu)
'Justice is to be administered by the king in person, assisted by Bramins
and other counsellors', and the note tliere on p 27. From Strabo XV i
^ 34, 49, 53, 54, Diodorus II 42 we gather that the Indians appeared
to the Greeks a people averse to litigation, that the king and his
assessors were severe and discouraged litigation, and that the cases
brought for judgment were chiefly of a criminal nature, such as murder
and personal vicjjence. See Elphinstone appendix III On the Greek
iura

redilitl

Compare Livy

VII

accounts of India.
odoribus iniinuntur\ no doubt after washing.
28.
venatusl Megasthenes is perhaps the only authority for this
statement, as he seerhs to be for that in Strabo xv i 55 rplr-q S' (^foffos)
iiri d-qpav /Sa'-xtv?} rts kvk\ijJ yvvunKuiv irepiKtxvp.iv(jiv, H^xOev 5^ tC:v dopvc.

98

Q.

(^i'jpuiv'

CURTT RUFT HIST. ALEX.

vapeaxoivuTai S

oSos,

t)

tw

5^

vape\6ovTi evrbs

Oduaros' irporjyovvTai 5^ TV/nravKyTal nal

KO}huivo((>bpoi.

[vni 9

ywaiKU>i>
KvuijyeTel S' ev

M^^X'P'

Tois vepi<f>pci-)ij.acni' dwb (3rip,aT0S ioi^evu}v [irapeaToiai, 5' ^vottXoi 5(5o ^"
Tpeis yvvacKei), tv be tois dcppaKrais drjpai^ dw' eXecpavros' al oi yvvaiKfs
fx,v

ai p.iv icf app-aTOiv ai 5 c0' 'iiriruv ai d( t.ai err e\tcpd.vTwv, (is Kal
Teuovcriv, i]aKrjpAvaL Tiavrl oTrXy.

avarpa-

See ix 8 1 1
inchtsa] followed by dative.
vivario] a royal park or forest, fenced round [it p'i<pp ay pa) and full
In VIII i 1 1
of game.
13 we have an account of a simdar enclosure
(called a. saltiis) in Sogdiana, of vast size, having walls and towers for
The beasts in it had enjoyed an
the accommodation of the hunters.
unbroken quiet for four generations before they were disturbed by
.

Alexander.
binitm cul/i/ornm'\ Zumpt remarks that distributive numerals comSee in general on the
genitive plural contracted.
question of form the well-known passage Cic. orator 155
157.
v ^^pitteos tavien haul difficile
Miitzell here well compares Pliny

monly have the

NH

cubitonun altitiidine iiiveniiint. These arrows seem to

have been something like the 'cloth-yard shafts' of our English forefathers.
Strabo XV i 66 assigns them oI(ttovs Tpnrrjxn-S on the authority of Nearchus.
biniDii ferine

maiore
IX 5 9,
set aside

iiisn etc] Curtius repeats this in 13 6, 14 19, but 10 6,

24 can hardly be reconciled with the statement, which is also
by the testimony of Arrian Indica 16 6, 7 (apparently fol-

lowing Nearchus)
(pop4ovTi TO rb^DV,

ol

p.kv

ire^ol avToTai rb^ov re ^xoixTiv

kcitoj ^;ri rr]v yy^v Oivres Kal

Kal rovro

icro^uTj/ces

tu)

ttoSI

ry
ry

dpiarepi^ dvTL^dvTS ovtws eKTO^evovai

rrjv revprju iwl /tt^7a owiaii) aTraYayovres' 6 yap oicrros avTolaiv dXiyov dwod^wf TpiTrrix^os, oi'Se ti dvr^x^i
ro^evOlv irpbs 'lv5ou dvdpbs to^ikov, oihe dawli oiire ddpi]^ oiire et tl KapSee also Julian 205 d, Plutarch Alex 63, regum et imper
repbv eyiviTO.
apophth (No 23 of Alex) in which last there is a pretty story of an
Indian arclier who had rather have been put to death than shame his
art by trying to perform feats when out of practice: Virgil georg 11

122
125 aut qitos Oceano pivpior gerit India hicos, extremi sinus oj-bis,
vbi aera vincere siim?)ium arboris haiit uUae iactu potuere sagittae ? et
gens ilia qiiidem smiiptis non tarda pharetris.
pondere'] Livy would hardly have written such loose stuff as this :
see at least Vli 23 8, ix 19 7, xxx 10 13, also Virgil Aen ix 704

708.
29.
XoiffLv

e(7!io

etc]

Arrian Indica 17

i,

2 oxi'l^-ara

di toictl

ijl^v

ttoX-

Iv^ijjv Kap.yfKoi dcri, Kal 'lttttol Kal bvoi, toIctl 5e

evdaipoaiv iXetpavTes.
eari' Seiirepov 5i ripLrj irrl
SacnXiKov yap oxvpoeXe0as irap'
al
bk
TO,
rb
5k
eir'
evos 'lirirov oxiecrdat
Kap-rfKoc
Toirqi
TidpLTTira, rplrov
See also Strabo xv i 41, 43, and Curtius himself 12 S,
&Tip.ov.
''Ivboicriv

14 13zh'htmt currnm'\ Curtius seems to be thinking of a howdah ; or

perhaps, since elephanti is in the plural, he may refer to something like
the Great Kaan's gold-plated litter, borne by four elephants, mentioned

NOTES.

2831]

99

Marco Polo 11 20. Nearchus in Stiabo xv

a car drawn by elephants, neyia-rdv re vofiigeadaL
in

5'

dyeadai

xnro

^vyov Kal

43 seems to

mean

Krrjfxa eKefpdvTjjv dp/j-a'

Kaix-rfKovi.

XV

i 55
r^ ^aaiKd 5' rj ixkv rou ffw/xaros
30. femiiiae] Strabo
Otpairela, 5:4 yvvaiKwv eariv, u:fi]TcSv /cat avTwv Trapd, tc3i' TraTipuv.

Athenaeus X434 tells us that among the Lulians the king

not get drunk, and Strabo XV i 55 says ixedvoura 5e KTtivaaa yvin]
/SacriXf'a y4pas ?x^' crvveivai ry eKelvov SLade^apL^fif' 5ia54y^(^i'rai 0' oi
viini!ii'\

may

iraiSes.

xv i 53 (following Megasthenes) says that

their affairs by memory without writing evvpayeif 5' Ojxus 5td T-qv air\6Tr]Ta Kal rrjv (vreXfLav olvbv re yap ov irlveLv
dXX' eV dvalcLLz p.bvov, iru'eiv 5^ dr' opv^ijs avrl KpiOivuv awridivTas, and in
oj>i)i{bus...nsus\

Strabo

may manage

though they

Nearchus) he speaks of their general good health 6id t^i>

But in 47 he says, speaking of
diairrjs Kal Trjv dotviav.
the military class in time of peace, oh tov 6.\\ov x/joj'oc iv crxoXrj Kal
Curtius may have been thinking of some account
TOTOis 6 ^ios ecTTLv.
See also Athenaeus X 437 a, b,
referring especially to the soldiers.
Aelian var hist IT 41, for the love of wine attributed to the Indians.

45

(after

XLTOTTjra

TT]s

Pratt points out that the report of Megasthenes is not entitled to much
respect, and the account of imports into India given in the periphis maris
Strabo in 43 speaks of 6 /tAas
en'thi-aei confirms that of Curtius.
olvos as the cure for most of the diseases of elephants.
viero somnoque sopittcni] compare 10
dunt zirbem somtio vinoqiie sepidtani.

18, Virgil

Aen

II

265 inva-

noctuim deos\ Miitzell refers this to Indra, the god of the atmosphere.
But surely this would require noctis or nodeni regentes. Rather I fear is
the sense suggested by the context to be supported by such passages as
Cic ad Atticum i 16 5.
sapientiae] 'philosophy' as often.

31.
Scythis

an tern

quidam eortnn

iion

tit ceteris

barbaris rudis

Compare
et

vii S 9, 10
sensiis est:

incoiidifiis

sapientiatn quoque capere dicuiitur, qiiautai/icii/iiqne

i^eiis

capit semper armata, Tacitus Agr 4, Cic de off II 5 with Holden's

To determine precisely and correctly whether
note, Horace carm l 34.
Curtius is in this place thinking of any particular class or classes of
Indian sages, and if so to what class or classes he refers, is quite imposMoreover
sible; so faint are the outlines preserved to us in his sketch.
of the Greek
it is not
jiossible to point out with certainty even the parts

accounts preserved by Strabo and other writers which are to be taken

as corresponding to the traces remaining in the meagre sentences of
It will be best to begin by giving the general references needed
Curtius.
to guide the reader to the fragments we possess of the ancient writers
on the subject and other useful matter. See Strabo xv i 39, 45, 49,
i-S, Diodorus
5871, Arrian vi 7 4, 16 5, 17 2, and Indica
II 40, Plutarch Alex 59, 64, 65, 69, Pomponius Mela III 7, Aelian var
hist II 41, IV 20, Elphinstone appendix ill jjp 258
261, and bk I cc 1,
It may also be remarked that there
Williams' Hindtdsm c 5.
4, Prof
were two main openings for error, which may have misled the Greek
1

72

loo

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

Q.

[vm

First, they may have mistaken (and probably did so) the
at different points of their ordained Ufa for different schools

observers.

Brahmans

Second, they may have confounded Brahmans in their ascetic

periods with either the Buddhist ascetics or the monastic orders.
unum...ge}nis cst'\ 'there is one rude uncouth class called "wise
"
be rendered
or sects.

men

strictly
Perhaps agreste should
(philosophers)'.
In Strabo XV i 59 we find an account of Bpaxliving in the fields '.
most of
/tai/es (Brahmans) living in a grove near their city, who directed
their austere training to the attaining a readiness for death (Trpds to
'

In 60 the

kTOi.ij.oQ6.va.Tov).

(Sramana, Elphinstone p 260)

Ya.pfxa.vt's

called vXi^ioi are described as iuivTus eV Tah v\ais diro <pv\\wv Kai KapIn 63 we have the
TTwv aypiuv etc (see Arrian Indica ir 7, 8).
In 70 we are
description of the visit of Onesikritus to the ascetics.

Brahmans, called npdpn'aL (see index to

Williams' Hinduism under Prama, Pramanas, Fronuya) who seem to
The following words
have been a logical and metaphybical school.
seem to refer to the Brahmans tovtuv 5e Toiis fih dpeivoi/s KoXeladai
told of a rival school to the

Tovs 5e yvfj.v7jTas tovs 5i ttoXitlkovs kuI Trpoax^p^ovi' tovs p.hv opeLvovs

Sopais e\d(po:v x/)-^<T^a(, ir-qpa's 5' ^xei)' pii^i^v /cat (pappaKoiv fieaTas, irpoatovs Si
iroiovp.lvovi laTpLKr/v fxeTO, yorireias Kai iirLpSwv Kai TrepidirTuv.
yvpvrjras KaTO, ToSvopLa

on

Toil's

yvp.voiis dia^vjv,

vir aid plows

to ir\eov,

KapTepiav

Kai TpiaKOVTa.... 71 goes

St TToAiTi/coi)? ffLfSovLTas /card noXiv ^rjv rj Kai kot o.ypovs, Kadyjp.-

daKOvvras

rjv

^(papev irpoTepov

fikvois ve^pidas

quod
pronoun
32.

r}

p.ixP'- ^'"^T'd eTcSv

SopKabwv dopds.

.vocant\ the more common construction is the attraction of the

See however IX 8 8, 26, Madvig 316.
{qtios... vacant).

Compare iv
ocaipafe] to seize in time, hence 'anticipate'.
12 alii supplices in teiiipla confugiitnt, alii foi-ibus aeditun obseratis
occupant liberum mortis arbitriiim, V 6 7 nmlti ergo hostium nianus

voluntaria morte occupaverunt, Virgil Aen VI 424 occupat Aeneas aditum.

See below on 14 19, IX i 32, 6 19, 7 22.

See IX 6 26, and compare Virgil

fati diem'] the hour of destiny.
Stat sua cuique dies.
For the matter see Strabo 65 of the
Brahmans aL(TX>.<yTov 6' avrots vofil^eaOai vocrov crupaTLK-qv' tov 5' vwovor)-

Aen X 467

ai/Tov tovto t^dyetv iavrbv 5td irvpos vrjaavTa irvpdv, vwaXuKaOiaafTa ewi ttjv irvpav vcpd^paL Ke\eveiv, olkIvtitov de
KCiLeaOai, and 68 of the suicide of Calanus at Pasargadae.

aavTa ko^'
\j/dp.fvov

di Kai

pro dcdecore

'

vitae\

as a disgrace to

their life

'.

vitcLe is

an objec-

tive genitive.
rcdditur'\

'is

paid' or given as due.

Compare

11 25,

and

recipil

here below.
inquinari\ the notion that the burning of a dead body defiled the
points to the fire having been looked upon as a sacred element.
But Elphinstone bk HI c ir p 206 says 'The Hindus in general burn
And there is no trace of the feeling described by Curtheir dead '.
tius in the following passage out of a hymn to Agni (ignis, the fire-god
in 3 forms, fire lightning and sun) in the Rig-veda, taken from Williams'
Hinduism c 1.
Deliver, mighty lord, thy worshippers ; purge us

fire

'

NOTES.

3i~34]

from

taint of sin

loi

and when we die deal mercifully with us on the pyre,

burning our bodies with their load of guilt, but bearing our eternal part
on high to luminous abodes and realms of bliss for ever tliere to dwell
Bohlen {Indicn I p 147), quoted by Mutzell,
with righteous men'.
restricts the scruple to the

worshippers of Siva.

from Strabo 70, 71 given

33.
qtii...degunt\ see the quotation
on 31 above. Also 59, apparently referring to the ISrahmans in
their second period, that of marriage, after the probationary period ;
?Ti7 6'

i^rjcravra dvax^peiv tis rrjv eavroO KTjjaiv

Kai dveifj-evuis fxaWov, (jLv5ovo<popovvTa koI xP^<^orots thai khI rats xep(7t...etc.

enrd koX rpiaKOVTa ovtus

^Kaarof Kal
tpopoOvra

^v

a.5eQ>s

/jLerpluis

ei>

ptthlicis jnoribjts] like civilized people.

same as that in Strabo's word tto'Kiti.kovs.

degunt\

sidenim

notion conveyed

3 8, Horace carm iii 29

though with an ellipse oivitam).

Compare IX

live.

also used thus

The

by

itself (as

inotiis]

Strabo

42.

is

the

ago

is

70x01)5 5e Tipaxi-'-o.va's (pvaioKoyiav koI dffTpo-

Elphinstone bk III c
fiitiira praedicere] Arrian Indica

vofiiav djKeiv.

i.

11 4 dal bh Kal [lavTiKris ovtoi

eiruTai d'XXy fxavreveaQai otl fiy^ aorpV d,v5pi.
I" 5. 6 he goes on to say what Strabo ^ 39, 65 and Diodorus II
40 also relate (no doubt following Megasthcnes), that their prophecies
concerned chiefly the weather, the crops and other farming matters, and
If a Brahman made three false prophecies, he was conaffairs of state.

fioifoi ^Ivdcov 5a-qixove^,

demned

oi''5e

to strict silence for the rest of his

adwoz'c'/r] that

life.

is siln.

the Greek w^riters on India seem to have come across two

on the subject of suicide. The common one has been
Strabo (^8 will supply the other; Meset forth in the note on 32.
yaadivTjs 5' iv rots fikv (pCKoaocpois ovk elfai 56y/j.a (p-qalv eavrovs e^dyfiv
Curtius seems to have
70i)s 5i TroLovvras rovro veaviKovs Kplveadai.
treated the two different views as if they were contrary ones, to have
heightened the contrast between them by rhetorical touches, and then
to have assigned them severally to the two schools of philosophers whom
he, following some of the Greeks, has made of the Brahmans in two
Here we may quote Strabo 59 (after
separate stages of their career.
Megasthenes) TrXet'crroi'S 0' aL'ro7s tlvai \oyoiii irepl rov Oavdrov vofxii'eLV
yap 67) Tov p.h evddSe (iiov cus du d^f/xJjf miop-^vijiv ilvai, rov 5^ Odvarov
yiveaiv th tov 6vtws (Slov koI tov tvoai/uLova rots rpiXoffocp-qaaai.' 016 ry
daKTicrei v\tl<TT-Q xi'VcS-'- wpos to eTOLixoddvarov.
credicitt']

different views

uitcrritd\

Madvig

393

this

attracted

construction

is

the

common

one.

See

c.

34.
colere\ it is most difficult to determine the precise meaning of
this word.
Perhaps it should not be taken as more tfian 'cultivate'
the use of the word in the present passage
'honour' 'value',

though

worship '. Compare Horace

carm II 14 22 hariim qitas colis arborum, Lucan I 136 143 ending so/a
IV
tamen coliitir. Sec also Curtius
7 23 id quod pro dco colilio- noii

may have been

suggested by the sense

'

02

CUR TI R UFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

eande))i cjftgian habet

lico

maxime

vitlgo diis artijkes

quam

siiitilis est

[viii 9 ^

3437

accommodavenint: unibi-

habitus.

that there was

trees or of unseen divinities
arbo7-es\

among many
in or

dwelHng

nations a worship either of

among trees, is well known.

Rambles and
Col Sleeman in his
See Tacitus Germ 9, 39, 43.
recollections of an Indian official', vol 11 cc 12, 13, has a description
of the extraordinary care bestowed on trees in some parts of India,
which reads as if it might be taken to imply a tree-worship. It is
known that the Hindus have sacred trees, such as the Pipal.
'

capital est] for this separate form compare viii 4 17 iiiis eiiint in
sella regis consedisse capital foret.
It occurs also in a statute-form in Cic
de legibus 11 21. Curtius seems to have taken a fancy to it as archaic.
35.
vicnses'] Bohlen quoted by Miitzell observes that the Indian
months are divided into halves of 15 days each. The name for such a
half is paksha; these as Pratt says commence with the new and full
moon respectively and are named accordingly. The year is solar.
iion lit plerique]
Curtius evidently means that their 5 day
36.
months are reckoned from half-moon, not from new to full and full to
new.
But what authority he had for this assertion is not so clear.
ct idcircd] the argument is most obscure.
What difference to the
length of the months would the difference of starting-point make ?
qui dirigunt'] this must surely mean those who measure out
being
One
probably a translation of some Greek clause beginning with oaoi..
would rather have expected diriga/it, as the relative proposition expressing the reason of the leading proposition (see Madvig 366) would
be more appropriate here.
1

'

'

haud

37.

'not at all'.

sane]

Compare

14

3,

46,

3 4

Madates erat regionis praefectus, haud sane temporum homo, Cic de off
II 5 cuius studium
qui vituperat haud sane intellego quidnavi sit quod

laudaudum putet.
'

operae]

xlix

and

convenient

'.

For

this see

He

Roby's grammar vol

II

preface

determines it to be a predicative dative (like

etc), rendering it 'matter for attention', and so mihinon
have not time '. Compare Livy I 24 vndtisque id verbis,

1283.

curac odio oneri

est

'

opcrae

quae longo

effata

carmine non operae

est refcrre, pei-agit.

CHAPTER

X.

conmionly expressing a reasonable

inference (Kennedy Si), is sometimes used as a simple
connecting
so then in i-esuming the narrative after a digression.
Comparticle
Tacitus
omnium
where
13
Agr
igitur
pare
primus
igitur points
back to the end of chapter 9. Here Curtius refers us to 9 i above.
See on 12 15 below, and ix 5 28.

J.

igitur]

'

this conjunction,
'

Curtius must have followed authorities who reckoned

India some part of the land to the West of the Indus, though that
river was held to be the boundary of India proper.
Arrian does the
same.
fines Indiae]

in

lo

NOTES.

17]

103

much

given to the use of the future participle

facdtii] Cuvlius is
when he wants to express willingness or purpose. Compare 2, 33.
love f^c-nituni] this expression, like many others in Curlius, has a
Compare IX 8 22 Fhilippo gcnilitm, Virgil Aen IX 642
poetic ring.
For the construction see Madvig 269.
(iis gduite et genitiirc deos.
11 21, 12 17,
ipsos\se. Curtius writes thus often. Compare 9,

IX r 8, 20, 3 II, 4 25, 5 i> 25, 9 3, 6, 21,

See Seneca in appendix A 6.
of Arriau's Indica generally, in
cog)iitos\ see the beginning

13 20, 24,
ro 14, 19.

fama

AwvixTov ^ev nepi. -rroWbs X670S

particular 5 8 koX irpo 'AXe^aVopou
Karexei, c^s koI tovtov crrpaTevaavToses "'IvSov^Koi KaTa(TTpi\paixivov^\vZovs'
See Thirlwall c 53 (vol VII p 12).
'EpaKX^os 5^ TT^pi ov 7roXX6s.

2.

This

a-U'n/m]^sed.

is

too

common

in Curtius to

need

illus-

tration.

=
He means none of the
amplius 7iemo\ no one more 'no others'.
the chiefs of small tribes.
reges, as opposed to rrgiili
Compare Livy I 10 Caenmenses Cmsparfe] a considerable part.
eiits iniiiriae pars pertinehat.
tumiJiiqiie et Atitemnates erant ad qiws
Or perhaps /ar^ may here as sometimes (see Lucretius I 617, 11 200)
mean 'half, since Arrian's words iv 22 7 are SieXco;/ rr^v crTpaTLciv.
See on 10.
aii subigendos qui] qui=eos qui.
important

3.

8 S tanta
'put together'. Miitzell compares vii
mililum rates iunctae sunt, ut intra tridtiitin ad Xil milia

itinxere']

alacritate

effectae sint.

Tlie more important notion is expressed

veJii.
construction is adopted from the Greek.

solutae vehr\=solvi et

by the

The

participle.

phalange^

4.

and

infantry

its

for this

subdivisions

famous formation of the best Macedonian

armament

etc see Thirlwall c 48 (vol VI

P 147)-

Arrian IV 23 5 does not attribute the massacre to

5.
praecifiit]
the orders of Alexander, but to the anger of the soldiers at the wounding
of their king.
;/^]

comjiare vii

38 praecepisti igitur inihi ne qiiem praeter

te

See Madvig 456.

a dative in the active are generally
pareeretiir'] verbs which govern
Sec Kennedy 135 g.
used impersonally in the passive.

intuerer.

for the dative followir,g verbs compounded with

6.
oi)cqiufat'\
an accusative see Madvig 224.
prepositions which themselves govern
The best
7.
Nysanil the position of this place is very uncertain.
For the name of the
authority on the subject is General Cunningham.
ofllindu
place and mount Meru or Mij^os, both probably corruptions
names to flatter Alexander's vanity, see Strabo XV r 7, 8, Arrian V i

Diodorus ll 38, Tomponius Mela ill 7, Pliny N H vi

and the remarks of Thirlwall c 53 (vol VII pp 1113).
that this was in February or March
frigiis] it is to be remembered
in llio.,e parts
326 li C and we know from the reports of our countrymen

6, Indica 5 9,
79,

Q CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

I04

lo

[viii

Moreover the place

that it is quite possible to feel cold in the Panjab.
called N3'sa was probably in a river valley some thousands of feet above
the sea level.

more

genitive of

{nis\

specific definition.

English by an apposition. See Madvig 286.

ol'lafiiDi] compare IX i 12.

We

should render in

Compare

14 41.

8.
ign{\ if the true reading be not ligiiis (which the strangeness of
the expression leads us to suspect) we must suppose that the notion in
Mutzell
Curtius' mind was simply 'the more fire the more flame'.

reads igni

alito.

aUta\ this form is certainly found in post-Augustan writers. "Whether

it should l)e admitted earlier is sometimes matter of dispute as in Cicero
pro riancio 81.
ccdro\ this wood was well known for its power of resisting decay and
was consequently employed in cases where a durable material was
It was a resinous wood
213.
required see Pliny N H xvi 212
which would catch easily and burn fiercely.

on

ipsos\ see

9.

i.

hosliuvi] genitive after

10.

= ii

telis.

So frequently in Curtius, but the present instance

somewhat remarkable one. Compare 2 qui avcrsarciitur, 12 2,
IX 79, 9 II. 13c]uf\

aliis

qui.

subject.

See on

is

1 1

16,

the townspeople are of course meant.

used impersonally though circumsideri has cos for

a/zV.f]

abstinert] this

is

its

2.

conditos se\ that is their town.

II.
Compare vi 2
'
qui Parthos condidere who founded the Parthian empire '.
et\ see below on ix 8 2
12.
inde\ from that circumstance.

14 Scytliae

1 .

nientiendi^

compare Strabo XV i 9 oti 5' earl wXaa^iaTa ravra

See Mayor on Juv x 174.

twit

KoXaKevSvTwv'AXi^ai'dpoi' etc.
13.

on 9

situ] see

20.

See Arrian V i 6, 2 6, 7,
generally attested.
Theophrast hist plant IV 4 i, Diodorus I 19. The ivy is said to have
been found by them in no other part of India.
hcdcra] this

14.

is

friiges\ the

speaks of

'There are various kinds of

potnoruni\ 'fruits' generally.

wholesome juicy
d'Xcr?;

fruits'.

Arrian V 2 4
'crop' or 'fruits' from chance seeds.
Strabo XV 1 13 wpoX Kpidal oairpia Kal d'XXot

komtoio.,

KapiroL e5ui5(/iOi, iLv

rjfxeis

Arrian V 2
See Pliny
haccaris]
laia-i]

dweipoi.
5,

Strabo

NH

XXI

XV

58

29, 30,

19, VII 27.

agrcstis\ 'wild'.

Compare IX

13.

speak of

Sd^rij.

Conington on Virgil

eel

IV

NOTES.

7 2o]
Arrian V

105

6 koX to^s MaKedovas ^S^ws tov KLaaov

lascivia\
15.
ihovras, ola 5r] 5id fiaKpov 6(pdevTa (oii yap eluai iv Tr\ '\v5u)v X'^'p? Kiacrov
ovSi' 'ivairep avrols a.uTreXot yjaav) aTt^pavovs airovhrj drr' avrov Troirjaaadai.
Kal <rTe(paviIi(Ta<79ai ujs et^oj' (pvixvovvTa% tov Aioj'I'coV re koX tcLs iiruuv/xia^

TOV 6eov dfaKaXoiii'Tas.

redimiti fronde\ has a poetical ring.
'
per herbas\ all over the greensward
pare Virgil Aen v \o2 fiisi per hcrbain.

17.

omnibus]

all

sorts qf provision.

'

Com-

Poetical again.

For the sense compare

Virgil

Aen

61, 62.

busied.
See
operatuni\ in present signification
wQi^d is commonly used of sacrificial observances.

Madvig

146.

The

For the sense of this passage generally Mutzell

hahuit\ 'kept'.
well compares Tibullus il 5 95, 96 tunc operata deo pnbes disatmbet
in herba, arboris aniiquae qua levis umbra cadit.
iS.

eximiam quoque f^loria/ii] 'even distinguished

Greek emphatic Kat compare 12 4, 13

this quoque=i\\e.

glory'.
15,

IX

For

2 33,

38, 64, 9i2, io9.

sopitos niero] see

on 9

g 30.

fdicitas\ the good fortune of Alexander has become proverbial. See

III 4 II, 6 iS, VII 7 30, 8 24, VIII 13 13, IX 9 2, X 5 35,
Arrian vii 29 i, Indica 20 11, Aelian var hist iii 23. Plutarch
wrote two declamations tre.pl t^s 'AXc^dz'Spoi; tux'JS ^ dpeT'^s, in the
second of which he maintained that his hero grew great not through

fortune but in fortune's spite.

Mi.itzell well compares Virgil
infer ora]
viaestorttnique ora parentum.

Aen

11

681

maims

inter

Daedala] only once mentioned by one other writer, Justin xii

19.
where we find Daedali vtontes. Miiller in Smith's Atlas of Ancient
Geography thinks that the place 'KvlaKo. ox" kvhrjKa, in Arrian IV 23 5
is the same, and that we should there emend AaiSaXa.
7,

Acadira] this name

found only in Curtius. Miiller prefers to

the name is connected with that of the
Khond mountain. Schneider (quoted by Zumpt) takes the name to
stand for the same place as the ^Kpiyolov mentioned by Arrian IV 24
is

read Candira, and thinks

tliat

6.
Acidalius conjectured vasta as no burning had been spoken
usta]
J3ut Zumpt now observes that Arrian in the
of in the former case.
inrb
place just referred to says koX TavTrju KaraXa/j.fidvei i/j.TrcTrpi)a'/j.ivr]i>
TUV ifOlKOVVTUV Kal TOVS dvdpuiTTovs wp(vy6Ta^.
20.

rationem] principle, plan.

I!ut the text

For
is probably cormpt here.
securitate
'surprised' compare VI 8 21 ilium sive
atiitni sive fatigaiione resolutum somntts oppresserat : quern Alharrias
torpentcm adhuc occupat, and IX 5 2 1)elow.
oinni\ 'of every kind'
Conipare IV i 10 coloniasque Graecorum
oppressi] that is incolae.

the

word ^//;rj=

io6

CURTI RUFI

Q.

HIST. ALEX.

lonias omni clade vastavit, III ii 10 scd iani

verat omni qtiidcm opulenlia ditia.

ilia qiwqiie

[viii

lo

victor inlra-

%ii.
C/ioaspe] probably the same river is meant as that called
Whatever the river may be, it seems to have
X61?? in Arrian IV 23 2.
been an affluent of the Cabul river {Kw<p-qv) in Arrian iv 22 5, v i

'...
til

obstdionc]

comparevi 6

25 in

qtwnim

ohsidione Cratcro relicto...

etc.

Beirani\ supposed to be the same place as that which Arrian calls

27 S, 28 i), which General Cunningham finds at a place
called Bazar.

Ba^'-tpa (iv

now

But
Mazagas'\ Curtius seems to treat this as the name of a tribe.
Arrian iv 26 i calls the town Md(T(ra7a and the people (iv 25 5)
St Martin, quoted by M'Crindle p 152, identifies them
'Atro-aKT/m.
with the Afghans. Slrabo XV i 27 says et^' ^ kaaiXKavov (xojpa). &tvov
Ma(To>a TToXis, t6 ^affiXiiov ttjs x'^po-^- The names seem to be all connected, and the forms in which they appear in various texts are by no
means certain. General Cunningham places the town somewhere by
Nanglora. For ad Mazagas see on ix 4 23.
^

matci-\
23.

a mistake for wife, according to Cunningham p 66.

following description of the place is the only one that

The

has reached us.

opere\

turrem

'work',

that

is,

'art'.

Compare

24 opcris, and in

et situ et opcre miiltutn editam.

spcctati see
24.

on 9

fneridit-]

2.

see on 9 5.

z'oraginfs] pits, sloughs.

Compare

11 7, 14 4, 8, Catullus

XVII 26.

iacent] lie spread, extend. Compare IV 7 6 terra caeloque aqiiaritm

penuria est., steriles arenae iacent.
opens']

genitive

of quality.

Compare

iv

ninros

ingentis

operis.

has been thrown in the way.

Curtius has a lemarkable
of using a genitive of quality with a verb so as to form
part of
the predicate.
So ix 3 12 firtnatae gratiae reliqiiit 'he left them with
friendship assured', 7 16 saginati corporis seqid 'was following in his
train with a full-fed body'.
Here the sense is 'has been put as a
defence with great labour'.
obiecta est]

way

25. staditim] the regular genitive plural of this word. Here it is

a correction of Zumpt's for MSS stadia, which we have accepted because
(a) iirbein has far better authority than tirbis and [b) coiiiplectitur is thus
used in a more appropriate sense.
KpiTirls \i6ivy] of Xenophon anab ill 4 7.
unburnt sun-dried bricks. Arrian Indica 10 2
4
says that the Indian cities on the banks of rivers are built of wood, 'for
when constructed of brick they will not last any length of time, by
reason of the rains and the rivers overflowing their banks and deluging

saxo]

compare the

criido latere^

^^

NOTES.

2029]

107

But those built in commanding and elevated

the plains around them.
positions are all constructed of bricks and clay' (e/c w'Sivdov re /cat
to be of the same kind, a sort of 'adobe'.
This
seems
TrXivdos
trriXov).
=ita ut as often.

u(]

=the

terra huniore diluta\

irrjXbs

mentioned by Arrian.
both durior and

joiiversa] 'all at once', referring to materia

26.
fragilis.

consideret^

settle

down,

sink.

Compare

Virgil

Aen

624, ix 145.

11

inpositae etc] 'strong beams had been placed upon it, and on them
floors had been laid covering the walls and affording a passage along
this arrangement M'as to prevent the upper part of the
them'.
and we can
wall from settling down is a mystery as the text stands
only suppose that {a) Curtius has not understood his authorities, or {b)
has left out some important steps in the description, or (c) that the text
is mutilated so as to conceal his real meaning.

How

27.

here

consilii i/iccrfinn]

See Kennedy

respect.

173 D,

we have

the so-called genitive of

11 3, 13 17, IX

and compare below

3 ^8.
aggei-e] with a bank or mole, as he had done on a grander scale at
the siege of Tyre.
aliter'] 'otherwise' than by filling up the hollows in the manner just

spoken

of.

Compare

perctissit\ Arrian IV
acpvpbv ov xciXeTTios.

7.

26 4 says

Toi,<iviLrai

fxev cltto

tov reixovs is rb

ium fo7'te\ we have kept the old reading here in preference

28.
to the conjecture of Jeep adopted by Hedicke.
Zunipt explains the
tuvi here by referring to the frequent wounds received by Alexander in
different parts of his body.

surani\ Curtius' account slightly differs from that of Arrian.

htssit^

we

see that

he had previously been on

foot,

which

is

also

implied by Arrian, who says -Kpoar^yE tcJ) relxet tV" <pd\ayyq.

The ob implies the
obligatd] 'without even bandaging his wound'.
putting of a bandage over the place.
Compare obdttcere in 31 and
13 25destinata'\

pare IX

7 18

what he had made up

and above 9 23.
'

his

mind

to do, 'his plans'.

Com-

the gradual cooling of the wound'.

frigescens vtihtiis]
filmm'\ the son of Amnion, who had greeted him as such when
he visited his oracle in the desert, at least so Alexander allowed his
flatterers to declare.
See Plutarch Alex 27, 28, who says that Alexander was not vain enough to believe in this fiction himself, but countenanced it as a means of imjjressing the minds of llie Orientals. He
adds that when shot with an arrow (perhaps on this occasion) he turned
in his pain to his friends and said tovto /j.ii', t3 (f>i\oi, ro j)lov alfxa a at
ovK ix'^P olo's TTcp re piei ixaKcipeaffi Oeoiaiu, a (juotalion from Iliad
29.

loriis

V 340.

io8

CUMTI RUFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

[viii

lo

29 36

a
aegri\ 'weak', the set epithet of inortales in Virgil and Lucretius,
rendering of the Homeric 5etXo7<rt ^poro'ici, meant to contrast man's
weakness with divine strength. See Conington on Virgil georg i 257.
vitid\ the physical flaws or defects from which the divine nature is

presumed to be free.
30. ante quam perspcxii\

antcqiiam and other like particles are

put with the perfect, not with the pluperfect, of the indicative mood.
See Madvig 338 b obs 5.

MSS

we have kept

the old reading, which the

support.
'pull down' compare VII 5 33 tandem, ut
vestiab
ne
urbis
vuiroiiitn
irno
deicerent, fundamefita
moliiinfiir,
quod
moliebantiir']

For moliri=io destroy,

gium

extaret,

Tacitus ann

39, hist II

the matter see iv 2 i8 of the

For
22, Livy ix 3, xxv 36.
at the siege of Tyre magna

mole made

saxorum ad niainim crat Tyi'o vdcre p7-acbente : maieries ex Libano

monte ratibns et tiirribus faciendis advekcbatin'. See on IX 5 19.

vis

faciendo aggeril for the construction see

Madvig

415.

cum

See ir 8.
ramisl 'boughs and all'.
moles saxorzcm'] 'masses of rocks' that is, 'great
Compare corporiun 7?ioles in 13 10, IX 2 21.
de

31. fasligiu?>i] the highest point, top of a slope.

Compare Cic
off III 33 sed quoniam operi inchoato prope tamcn absolulo tamqiiam

(astigimn imponinms and Ilolden's note, also

solid boulders'.

Mayor on Cic

philippic

no.

machinas'] Arrian IV 26

5.

rudcs talium opcnuii'l 'unskilled in such

IX 8 14.
See Elphinstone (abstract of Menu in
another place 100 bowmen in a fort are said to be
enemies ; so far was the art of attack behind that
therefore is out of the question'.

32.

works'.

Comjjare

bk I c 2 p 26) 'In
a match for 10,000
of defence : a siege

terrebant] according to Arrian the besieged were not terrified by the

works, but lost heart when their leader was killed by a bolt (^eXei ciTro
This may explain the conduct of the rcgina mentioned by
iJLTjxa-vvi).

Curtius.

MSS give audi/as, some having also the marginal corwhich Vogel adopts rightly, it seems.
negabant .mortalibus'] this is quite in Curtius' rhetorical manner,
and need not be treated as bearing any direct relation to fact.
adiidas'] the

rection adiutas,
.

33.

inde] ab arce.

we have accepted this conjecture of Eberhard, zsplaceliat

In 10
(the old reading) seems capable of no satisfactory explanation.
above it suits well enough. Yox patebat compare 1 1 7.
patebat]

34.

patens']

compare Virgil georg

II

192 qualem pateris libaiiius

et

auro.
est] 'in fact he addressed her as "queen".'
ap35. quippe
pellata est implies ab Aleji.andro in the same way as inpdravit above

does.

NOTES.

ri^i 4]
ccrte] at all

36.

events,

qiioqiic,

109

though confidently rejected by

the l)oy also

Vogel, seems to have a meaning
supposed father) bore the name Alexander.
'

'

(as

well as the conqueror

his

who anyhow was her son ', and probably Alexander's

piece of gossip such as Curtius loves to preserve.
Alexa)idrd\ the attraction of the name to the case of the relative is
the common construction.
See Madvig 246 obs 2, Kennedy 141 (8),
and comjare Virgil gcorg ill 147, Aen I 267.
So here with the substantive /wt-;^.
ex ea iitcumque\

'

also.

CHAPTER XL
Noraiii^ this name is thought to stand for the same place as
that called by Arrian iv 27 79 ret 'ft/ia. But it is to be noted that
the attacking force is there commanded by Alexander himself.

I.

incondi(os\
5ccutiis\

'undisciplined'.

Arrian IV 27

c)

Compare IX

e^6t)s e| eipodov

i6, 2 22.

wpoa^aKixiv

roh TeixfCL

tjJs

TroXews eKpa.T-qae.

Arrian IV 28 i ws oi Kal ot dWoi ^dpfiapoi,

2.
(//wnew...etc]
iirpaTTOV awoXiTToi'Tes rds Tro'Xets ^iVt^rafres l<p(vyov es tt]1' wirpav Trjv ev
This stronghold is placed by General
T-g x'^Pf '''V^'-^^P'o^ xo-^wfi^uriv.
Cunningham at the hill where is now the ruined fortress of Ranigat.

petram^ this word borrowed from the Greek is used by Curtius not
only often in this book but in other parts of his history, where it is as
hard as here to see why he did not use ritpes. Pliny also uses the word.
glance at Lucan Vi 16 will shew how the word petra came to mean
Perstronghold ', and then became in various places a proper name.
haps this may give the real reason for Curtius' preference of the word ;
we might even render 'stronghold '. See Thirlwall c 52 (vol vi p 300).

A
'

Aoniiml the attack on

one of the most celebrated of

See Strabo xv 1 8 "Aopvov 54 tivo.
wXtjalov tw wriyuji', AXe^avdpov Kara

this place is

Alexander's military operations.

'

Trerpav, tjs tcls pi'j'as 6 'Ivdos inroppei

ixlav Trpo(X)io\r)i' eXovTOi, aep.vvi>ovTS

^aXilv
2,

icpaaav top

HpaKK^a

rpis ixev wpocr-

See too Arrian iv 28 i,

the same as Curtius, save that he makes no mention of
Diodorus however does, see xvii 85.

TTj Tr4Tp(} Tai'TT] rpls 5' a.TroKpovaOrji'ai.

who

says just

an earthquake.

= seized

occupavc;ri(ii/]

in time, before

Alexander could catch them.

See on 9 32.
coacOtw] that
abruptness.
3.

inopem

si pretiuvi

is

eiim.

See 10

10,

consilii]

The change of subject

Livy I 50 9, 11 28 5.
sec on 10 27.
'

operae

were made worth

csset\

if

is

remarkable

there were reward for his labour

for its

'=

'if it

Diodorus xvii 85 does not mention this

stipulation in telling the story, and also does not name the amount of
reward, which Curtius here fixes at an incredibly high figure.
4.

his while

'.

conslUHil\ appointed, agreed.

Compare 9

19-

no

Q.

5.

CURTI RUFI

n'raiitji]

HIST. ALEX.

by going round, making a

[viii ti

Compare ix

iletour.

Hfalh'rcnt\

6.

Madvig conjectures y^z/AvrA

compare IV 2 19 iamque a fundo maris in altitudinem

crescit\

modicavi opus cirrvrat, nondiim

see Conington on Virgil georg iv
Wetc] see Arrian iv 28 3,
rock was 100 stadia in circuit and

tavicn aquae fasti^'iiim acqtiahat, and

122.

Diodorus xvil 85 who says 'now the

16 in height and presented a smooth
On its southern side it was washed by the
surface completely circular.
Indus, the largest river in India, while the other sides were bounded by
deep ravines and inaccessible crags'.
meiae etc] compare Livy XXXVII 27 ipse collis est in
aciitttm caciuncn a fundo satis lato fastigatiis.

modum

metae in

est'\ lifts itself up, rises up straight.

Compare IX i 10.
in artius'X Compare VII 3 9 ceterum structura latior ab iino paiilatim incrcinento operis in artiiis cogifur, ad ultimum in cai'inae iiiaxinie
fnoduin coit, and below VI 1 1 13 9.
'Come together into a narrower

erecta

space

'==

'

taper

off'.

7.
eluvies'\ this word is used by Curtius here and in V 4 26, VI 4
It is
20 to denote a gully formed by the erosive action of a stream.
tlierefore the exact equivalent of xa.pa.hpa.

ad tnaminiX compare ix 3
8.
truncam ardorem] compare VI 9

14.

28 z>elnt tninciim co)pus, dempto

sine spiritu sine nomine, alicna terra htdibrium hostis fiituros,
Virgil Aen in 659.
index] this word properly means a witness who is himself an acHere we may say betraying their
complice, like 'King's evidence'.

capite,

'

eagerness'.
stration or
'

9.

'

Compare ix 2
way of shewing

septimum

(pdpayya Kai

TTju

30, 6

17

m(//(7;/^

=' demon-

'iiruTa ttj TroXvxeipig. xcicras

r^s

w^Tpas, irpoaeKdwv ivepyi) woXtopKiaif

Tj/xepas eirTa. koL ras tcras vvKra^ k diaSoxv^ Tas

pi(;av

(xvi'eaTTja'aTo, cruve^^o)? e(p'

where

'.

Diodorus XVII 85

etc]
r-qv

7r/)0(T/3oXds voiOLifievoi.

among the Thracian hill tribe of

name, were often employed by Alexander on such services as the
See 14 24, IX 8 18.
present, where agility would be required.
Arrian IV 28 8 also mentions them on this occasion.
Agrianos] these light troops, raised

that

per ardua niti\ 'to struggle up the steep'. Compare VII 11 \6 per
aspera nisis duriora restabant, et crescere altitudo peti-ae videbatiir,
Horace carm li 19 21.
iuvencs proinptissintos] compare 13 14, and below i7'
ex sna cohorte\ that is, from the regia cohors of pages or gentlemen in
immediate attendance on the king. Curtius viii 6 6 says of this body
hacc cohors vehit seminarium ducitm praefcctorumque apiid Macedonas
fuit: /line habtiere posteri reges, quorum stirpibus post multas aetates
Romani opes adcmerimt. See Thirlwall cc 48, 52 (vol VI pp 149, 315).

NOTES.

5 19]

Ill

Alc.xander\ Plutarch Alex 58 apparently speaking of this

lo.
same affair says eripa. 5e 6/J.oius diroTd/jLCj} (Tr^rpp) wpoa^aXwv tovs veuripov^
tQ>v Ma/ce56'wi' wapuipfxa, Kal 'A\iav8p6v nva KoKovpet'Of Trpo(Xo.yope>')(Tas
"
" dWa aoi
ye" dwev dvdpayaOeh' TrpoariKei Kal Std riji' tTTuvvp-iav" tirel
di \a,uTrpws 6 veavias dyiiivi'^ofj.fi'os eweaev, ov fxerpiui tb-qx^Vnon plaaiit\ perhaps this may refer to some resolution of a council of
war or of a general assembly of the Macedonian troops. In viii i 18
we are told that after Alexander had exposed himself to great peril in
the great hunt in Sogdiana the Macedonians quamqiiavi prospcro evcJttii
suae more iie ant pedes
defunct as erat Alexatidcr, tamen scivc'7-e geutis
See Thirl wall
venarettir ant sine de/er/is prine/pnni atqnc ainicoruni.
c 52 (vol VI

pp

304, 305).
aitdaciae promptae'] see a like passage IX 6 10.
for these was aioiJLaTO(pi''\aKes.
corporis cnstodes^ the Greek name
There seem to have been two sorts of them (i) a small picked body of
distinguished officers who formed a kind of Staff attached to the king's
II.

z'ir

person, and (2) a larger body of Macedonian youths of high family who
formed the regia cohors of bodyguards and attendants. See Arrian VI
28 4, Curtius IX 6 4, 8 23, 10 26, viil 6 21, 22, and 26.
relictisqtte']

qne as often ~sed.

Compare

14 35.

viiserabilis etc] for the general sense compare Vil 11 16 ilia

vcro miserabilis cj-at fades, qnntn ii quos instabilis gradns fefilerat ex
in se patieuda alieni casns ostendchat
frraecipiti devolvercntnr. max eadein
12.

exeiHplum.
'
at first then the barbarians
14.
snperne etc] Diodorus XVII 85
being on higher ground had the advantage and killed many of those who

came

rashly up to the assault '.

acrius qncipi caiitins'] 'with more spirit than judgment'.
the double comparative see Madvig 307, Kennedy 76 b 2.
15.

16.

18.

and seems

iticesserent']

so IX 5

For

8.

The
intrepidi\ not in a hurry, cool.
not to be used by Curtius elsewhere.

word

is

somewhat

rare,

antea per otiitm

deptilisse contenti] compare iv 10 14 Mazaens, qni
vicos incenderat, iani fngcre content lis pleraque inviolata hosti reli^jnit.

See Madvig

389 obs

3.

Arrian and Diodorus give no account of any

sfatnisset etc]
19.
The former (who is the more
such intention on the part of Alexander.
worthy of our confidence) says that the Indians terrified at last by the
while the front attack
occupation of a cliff commanding their position,

surretuler.
was pushed on with unflagging vigour, made proposals
This was merely a ruse in order to gain time for a retreat under cover of
Alexander discovered their purpose, left open a way for them to
night.
below by Curescape, and fell upon them in their retreat, as described
tius.
See Thirlwall c 53 (vol vii p 10).
sub conveys the notion of
succedere] to take the place of, relieve '.
for a

'

'

to the help

Otto,

'.

Compare

subveni7-e, succurrere, subsidiuin.

as in virovpyelv, tnrijpeTi]^

So

in

Greek

1T2

CURTI RUFT HFST. ALEX,

Q.

[viii

Mutzell remarks that a BaXa.fyaos

22.

Balacro]
or twice by Arrian as
'

23.

adessc(\

commanding

24.
Miitzell.

22 25

'.

'

viiikair^ hurt,

1 1

meutioncd once

the d^-oi'ricrraL

were upon them

flinghig themselves headlong '.

praecifitafi]
ol (^^ Kai ir<f)oj37]/j.^i>ws aTrox^upovvres Kara tQv
dtrtOavov,

The word

is

Arrian
Kprj/xi^uii'

sn^'s (iv

30

piipavrei

4)

(KJiCts

especially of bruises and blows with sharp objects.

11 17 in precisely the same connexion.

used again vii

is

speciemi

We

this

word

is

added by Hedicke from a conjecture of

have rather chosen

to accept this than read with

Zumpt

iiiagnam victoriain.
25.
qJio\ that is, itinere.
tion see note on ix 10 i.

He

refers to 5 aliove.

For construc-

Diodorus XVlii 86 says kuX ry p-kv o^riyr'iaavTi.

Swpeas dtreduKeu.
Sisocosio] Arrian IV 30 4 /cat edveu err' avrrj (t^ ir^rpq.) 'A\^^av5pos
Kal KareaKeuaae (ppovpiov, Trapadovs '^laiKOTTU) eTripLeXeicrdat. ttjs (ppovpas,
ctim fidc\ honourably.

Tcts u}po\oy7]ixivas

CHAPTER

XII.

Arrian iv 2S 7 has the form 'E,/3o\[^a. General

Cunningham places it about Ohind on the upper Indus.
Erice\ seems to be the same person as the one named by Diodorus
XVII 86 'kcppiKrji.
I.

Echolimi-iX

per fiinditoycs\ the insertion ol per here is a fine conjecture of

MSS for the most part have nothing, but two have fere.
It is better to read per than to adopt the old emendation fuiiditore et
For per expressing agency compare 9 below, HI 2 i
sagittario.
qiiippe quae per duces suos acta erant cuncta damnabat and many other
places in Curtius, Tacitus Agr 22 nee Agrkola jiinquam per alios gesta
avidus hitercepit.
2.

Foss.

The

Diodorus XVII 86 tovtov 5i rives dveXovTe's Kai

aurov tt/jos 'AX^^avdpov eviyKavres oux TaiiTTji rrjs evepyeaias
TrepieTToirjaavTO rds I5ias adir-qpias.
3.

inpuuitatei)i\

rrjv Kff>a\riu

honorem etc] compare the more decided censure of the Amalekite

Samuel i. vv i 16.
4.
hinc'\ that is, from the pass whence he had dislodged Erix.

in II

This is a common Roman expression,

day's march '.
from the custom of forming a regular encampment at the end of
See ix 10 5.
the day.
rcppcrii\ Diodorus XVII 86 ai^ros oh TrapekOwv evl tov'IvSov irorapov
'

castris'\

arising

Kal KaTa\aj3ojv rds re TpiaKOfrdpovs KaT(TKvaap.vas Kal tov irbpov e^evy-

Wherever this bridge may have been, it seems pretty certain

was above the junction of the Cabul river with the Indus.
His account in general
Omphis'\ Diodorus XVII S6 calls him j\Iuj</)t5.
The kingdom of this prince
corresponds very closely to that of Curlius.

pAvov....

that

it

NOTES.

i2i 9]
was

11,3

which the great and wcallhy city Taxila was the cni>ital.
It is strange tliat Curtius should make no mention of this
place, \\hich
struck the Greek observers so forcibly as a city both populous and wellordered.
See vStrabo xv r 17, 28, 61, 62, Arrian v 3 6, 8 2, vil
2 2.
See the interesting remarks of General Cunningham on this
He shews that jo years after Alexander's visit it was very
place.
wealthy, and that it remained great down to comparatively recent times.
He finds its site near Kalaka Serai.
that of

The preceding

fuerat auctor] '^had urged '.

See on 10 18.
phasizes /rf/'ri.

quoqiie merely

t\\\-

Mutzell
6. permissoqne\ this is undoubtedly the right reading.
well cites Livy VI 25 peimissoque ut ex coUegis optaret quern vellet,
XXXVIII 10 permissoque ut et Rhodii et Athenicnses deprccatores v-eat.

See Madvig 429.

ut regnaret"] Diodorus does not mention Alexander's answer.
usu)pare\ compare III 12 16 (of Hephaestion) libertatis quoque in
admoiiendo co non alius ius habcbat : quod taincn ita usurpabat tit t?mgis
a rege permissum quam vindicatum ab eo vidcrctur.
sustinitii\

IX

did not venture or

34, 10 15.

i//Iius]

Madvig
common.

'

make up

his

'

to.
oi'/c

Compare
eTdXfiyjae.

use of u/lus by the best writers see

Curtius uses the dative (see ix 3 i), which is less

for this substantival

90, 3.

experiirtur]

'make

trial

of

the

good

faith (or protection) of any but

of, submit to the autho-

Alexander.
That is, put himself in the hands
See 9, 10. Yox fidem see ix i 23,
rity of.
7.

mind

In Greek we should probably have

per modica intervalld\

7 13, 14.

at short intervals.

See 14

13.

word is continually used by Curtius as the equivalent

of acies.
Compare 13 19 and chapter 14 passim. This usage is
An excellent
almost confined to the poets and silver-age prose authors.
instance is Virgil georg II 280 which Conington's ingenious note cannot
ag)nini\ this

be said to have explained away.

castellorum] so Diodorus XVII 87 in the account of Porus' forces
before the battle 7} jxev odv 6\t] ffuura^is avruv inrrjpxe 7r6Xei Trapaw\-r)cno%
TTiv irp6(Toipi.v' 7] fxev yap twv iXecpavTicp crracrts rots irvpyois, ol 5^ dfa
See below 14 13,
ixicrov TQvTusv ffTpaTLurai toIs fiecroTrvp-fiois u>/.i.oi(j3vTO.
IX 2 15.
8.

i/>se

concitat equum']

Diodorus says

ai'ros 5e ixar

dXlyuv

trpo-

tirirevffai.

9.
vel...ver\ vel, probably an old imperative of volo, is used in stating such alternatives as the present where the distinction is not the point
Here it is especially suitable, since j?w...j/w has
forcibly insisted on.
may render vel here perhaps 'or 'it might
just been used above.
be '.
See Madvig 436, and compare above III i 18 (of the Gordian
knot) gladioque ruptis omnibus loris oraculi sortctn vel elusit vel iiiiplevit,
below IX 5 27, Cic in Catil II i.

We

c.

'

quod
sense

CURT/ RUFl HIST. ALEX.

Q.

114

is

posset inteUegt\
the same as if

364 obs.

far as

'

expression

conseri] joined.

that

he had written quantum

Connected with

'.

That

is,

potiiit.

'.

The

See Madvig

vo/o.

conversation could not be held.

man, the man wanted

'

10.

[viii 12

could have been gathered

2.

vultu']

eo\

'so

gloriae militantem']

namely an interpreter.
fame \ See Tac

fighting for

word

hist \\\ 53.

strange, as famam cannot stand

where it is by way of emphasis, /tvyf^Z/Vr 6' being the empliatic word.
II. pecord] Mut^cll argues lliat this word probably refers to sheep
the presents from Taxiles that
especially, for in Arrian V 3 .s among
awaited Alexander at the crossing of the Indus we find mention of /3oDj
below
See
14 30, IX 2 16, and above VIII
TTpb^ara and i\e<pavTai.
et anncnta, IX 8 29.
4

iimere] the position of this

igpecom

inagnitudiinsl

Pliny

NH

is

VII 21

maxima

in

India gignunttir

animalia.
aa-eptui?i\

See
'acceptable'.
i 18 ininctum.

Mayor on Cic

philippic

li

32, 65,

and compare IX

1 2.
agriailtores an niilitcs'] this question must have been suggested
by the division of the Hindus into classes or castes, which was soon
found out by the Greeks, and of which the -yeiap-yol and iroXefnaTal
formed two important divisions. See below IX i 36, Strabo XV i

40, 47, Arrian Indica 11 s 9> 10 'next to these in the second place
come the farmers {yeupyol) who are the most numerous class among the

Indians these have no martial weapons and take no thought for the
works of war, but till the gi'ound and they pay thdr tributes to the
:

And in case of
kings or the independent states as the case may be.
a war among the Indians, neither party may lay hands upon the tillers
of the land or ravage the land itself but the soldiers are warring and
hard by are ploughing
slaughtering one another while they (the farmers)
or gathering the vintage or pruning the vines or reaping the corn undisFor the Greek accounts of the classes in general
turbed ', 12 2
4.
(which Curlius has strangely omitted to notice above), and their mistakes, see Elphinstone appendix in.
:

A/n'sares] Miilzell cites the remark of the famous geographer

that this prince probably ruled in the territory of Abhisara,
a part of Kashmir bordering on the Panjab. See on 13 i. Thus here
See the medley in
also the names of king and kingdom correspond.
note on 10 22 Mazagas, and compare Taxiles and Taxila.
13.

Ritter,

Perhaps we might simply render

emincbat'l see on 9 21, ix i 2.
The kingdom of Porus lay between
'surpassed his rival in power'.
the Hydaspes and the Acesines, Strabo xv i 29, and contained some
300

cities.

14.
back his

permittentt^ Dlodorus xvii 86 says that Alexander gave

/cat fieT(i}v6/.i.a(rei> avrov Ta^l\7]v.

have seen in note on 5 that the

styuente nomine] we
was Taxila, and have remarked on 13 that the

capital

him

kingdom

name of the
name Taxiles

NOTES.

g9-i8]

The

ns

corresponds to this name.

prince a name indicative of his seat of government is known to have
So in IX 8 8 Curtius calls the people Musicani,
existed in India.

principle of giving to the i-eigning

while Arrian and Diodoras call their king 'iilovaiKavos. See Strabo xv
=
=
I 36
(speaking of naXi73o9pa Pataliputra Patna) tov 8i ^aaiXevovra

TroXecjs ehai, JlaXl^oOpov KoXovfj.ei'oi' irpos tui l^lip T(f

(K yeveTTJs 6v6p.aTi Kaddirep tou ^avSpoKOTTOv (Chandragiipta, see Wiltoiovto
liams' Hinduism c l p 4) Trpos hv ^ksv 6 ^leyaaOevijs TTeix<p9d%.
di Kal TO vapd toTs Uapdvaiois' 'ApaaKai yap KoKovvTai Travres, i8ig. di
etrciuvfxoi' diiv ttjs

Poms is probably another name

'Opudni 6 5i ^padrijs 6 5' oiXXo rt.
heft of another Porus conSee appendix D.
of the same kind.
temporary with the more famous one here mentioned, Arrian V 20 6,
21 2, 3, 5, Strabo XV r 30, arrtl there seems to have been one
contemporary with the emperor Augustus, Strabo 73. It is to be
noted that Curtius in 13 5 gives this Omphis his new and official title
For a name passing down with an office, but with no local
of Taxiles.
Curtius
connexion, see Surena in Tacitus ann vi 42 with Orelli's note.
probably misunderstood the significance of the transmission, as Diodonis seems also to have done.
6 fxev

15.

We

igilu)-] carries

raXaira

us back to the end of 11.

that

signati] stamped,

is,

coined.

See on 10

i.

Arrian v 3 5 says dpyvpiov

es diaKOcria.

Persicae ves/is] whether this vest is be something of the nature

of tapestry, as rugs, shawls etc, or 'changes of raiment is not easy to
The splendour of Oriental drapery was proverbial. See Propersay.
lius III 18 19,
In IX 3 10 it is merely a rhetorical expression for a
16.

'

foreign dress.
sic7tt .ita\ this is one of tlie Latin equivalents for the Greek
17.
p.lv..M, and should be rendered by simply putting 'while' with the
former of the two verbs.
Compare III 11 16 of Hephaestion et sicitt
aelate par erat regi ita corporis habiiu praestabat.
.

bound him for

obstrinxerat\ perhaps the force of this pluperfect is
the present '.
offendit\ So Plutarch Alex 59, Strabo 28 of the reception of
Alexander at Taxila irvxov re irXeioVuc i; avrol irapiaxov, oSare (pOovtiv
Toiis Ma/ceSdvas /cat Xe'Yfiv <1js ovk ilx^") '^s ioiKev, 'AXe^avopos ovs cvepyeT-q(Tt irpiv i] dii^t] tov Ifoov.
'

'

super cenam] for super of time

18.

occidissel] viii

'

during

',

see

Kennedy

72, 3 a 4.

51.

invidos etc] this is a regular saying, such as the rhetoricians dearly

loved.
Compare Isocrates Euag 7 (p 190) royrcjv 5' ai'rios d (pdovos,

y TOVTO fxovov dyaOov TrpocreaTtv, 6'ti /xeyKXrov ko-kov rots

Menander incert 12 and Meineke ad locutn, Seneca de
nunujuam
felix que?u iorquebit Jdicior, Horace
Virgil eel vii 26, Martial IX 97, Erasmus adagia
e7-it

^x^^'^'-" f''^''"')
ira III 30 3

ejiist
(title

2 57

ab

Jinem).

8-

initio

59,

ad

it6

(2-

CURTI RUFI
CHAPTER

I.

Ahisarae\

Arrian V 8 3

HIST. ALEX.

[viii

13

XIII.

r\Kov he

(vravOa

rrap'

avrov koI irapa

tu>v dpelujv '\vbQv ^acCKidis.

^APitrdpov irpiafieis tov

viandafum'] by Abisares.
2.

Compare IX

stipcndiuni'] tribute.

snoniin finiiini']
order of the words
was not to cross his

Miitzell in a long
is chosen so as to

own

14, 7 14,

Livy

li

9.

and learned note shews that this

throw stress on sttoritm. Porus

frontier.

ocatrrcret\ the word is chosen as being neutral, taking indifferently a

friendly or hostile sense, ^s praesto esset below.
reg{'\

'his sovereign'.

alteriiml the one, or

clause with iit shews.

praesto

esset\

more

'

strictly

the second

used again but in friendly sense IX

',

as the explanatory
2 24.

3.
quippe etc] an explanatory clause, suggested
advcrsiis Indos just above.

by the emphatic

above.
reguld] refers to the obscure Samaxus (or Gamaxus)
simple ablative with prohibere comes again X 3
In IX 3 5 we have
5 qimm postero die prohihiti aditii regis essent.
the more common construction. Arrian V 8 4 says ^yi/w^ws dpyeiv rod
4.

5.

transilii\ the

wdpov avTov

T]

TrspwvTi. eiriTldeaOai.

6. nltra eos\ beyond, that is here 'behind' them. Compare 14

at Issus Hyrcani deinde Mediqtie
30 and III 9 5 of the Persian array
ceterarwn gentium tiltra eos dextra laevaqite diseqitifes: ins proximi
positi.

an(e\ 9 28.
apte\ readily, conveniently.

7.

par

corporis'l

Compare

Miitzell

14 19.

compares Justin xil 8 virilms

cor-

animi magnitudine paritcr insignis.

wisdom simply here. The passage quoted on 9 3 r
sapientid]
will however illustrate this one well. Alexander's Greek flatterers made
See 14
the most of Porus in order to enhance the glory of their patron.

poris

et

'

'

46the
8. fliiniinis magnifudo'] the size of the river would depend on
Arrian V 9 4 says that when Alexander and Porus
season of the year.
In
faced one another on the Hydaspes it was just the summer solstice.
in the Athenian month Munychion.
19 3 he places the battle with Porus
One of these two statements must be wrong. Probably the former is,
for he says in the same place that it was precisely at the time of the
solstice that the rivers would be at their highest, both on account of the
Monsoon).
melting of moimtain-snows and of the rains (of the S
Now Aristobulus in Strabo XV i 17 while agreeing in the statement as
that
in
the
rivers
of
the
summer, says
to the fullness
they did not

experience continuous rains

till

the

march from

the

Hydaspes

to the

NOTES.

i lo]

117

Hypanis and back again (koI iTreiSrj Kara^aaiv iirl rhv 'Tddavqi' Kal
viK7]<TaaL Hwpov 656s ^v eVi rof "Tiraviv Trpos iij KCLnecdev iirl rov 'TddaTrrjv
It would seem then
7ra.\iv, xjecdaL (xvvex^w not fj.a\icrTa tois err;crtais).
that Alexander reached the Hydaspes early in May and crossed the river
and defeated Porus about the middle of that month (end of Munychion).
As Miitzell remarks, the accounts of modem travellers shew that the
river could then be crossed ; a month later it would hardly be possible.
It seems then that Curtius speaks of the greatness of the river more as
a rhetorician than as an historian, though the width assigned (about
i mile) is no great distance and hardly if at all exaggerated.
not diffitsum, for though he has spoken oijluiiicji above
diffits2is\
he is really thinking of Hydaspes. So in 14 40 we have co though
beliia has gone before, for he is thinking of elephanttis. Zumpt.
The
personification of the river in this passage suits well with this view.
aperi^nte] compare IV 9 21 tandem qua Icniore tractu amnis aperit

vadum

emersere,

"\^irgil

Aen

107.

= yet not. Compare 14

pro spatid\ pro = 'in proportion to
9.

10.

^^]

'

',

accusative in Greek.

Compare ix

according to '. So ko-to. with

4 14, and for spatiuiii ix 2

6,

17stdgnaiitiiiml

Miitzell

appropriately used here.

remarks that

Compare ix

this

word

(see

on 9

7)

is

not

2 12.

^/z = throttled,
compare ix 2
The sense is well illustrated by
17, and generally IX 2 21, 7 22.
Pomponius Mela III 5 of the Araxes. Miitzell remarks that the name
arrowof this river in Sanskrit is Vitasta [Hydaspt's), which means
torretis

squeezed.

elisus'\
'boiling and compressed'.
For the use of the word in speaking of a

et

river

'

swift'.

occulta saxd\ this mention of hidden rocks in the bed of the Hydaspes has led some observers to fix the point of Alexander's passage some-

But General Cunningham rather

where by the village of Jhelam.
Old lines of high
inclines to the other place of crossing at Jalalpur.
road run to both these points. The mention of the rocks by Curtius is
not in itself decisive of anything, and the insulae in 12 may come out
of another account and be no
view.

more than

the saxa from another point of

'

'

beaten back in eddies.

Compare 9 8 and vi 4 4,
repercussae]
5 (amnis) qui tria fcrc stadia in longitiidiiiem itniveisus fluit, deindc saxo
quod alveolum interpellat repercussus duo itinera velut dispcnsatis aquis
aperit. inde torrens et saxorum per quae incunit asperitate violentior

lerram pn-aeceps
^

made

subit,

Miitzell refers to IV 13 5
vastorum']
to attribute to the Scythians and Bactrians

10.

magnitudinem
inritatae\

corportitn.

by

where Parmenio is
eximiam vastorum

Comjjare IX 1 19, 21.

their drivers.

aures fatigabant'\
below in IX 10 16.

poetical,

and

u.icd

in

a slightly different sense

ii8

CURTT RUFI

Q.

HIST. ALEX.

[viii

13

used here of two things both on tlie same side

of the persons considered, for both river and enemy were in the front of
on ix 4 10, 8 6.
Macedonian
See
the
army.
hinc

II.

se experta\

h!7tc\

that had proved themselves, and so knew wliat they

sense is well illustrated by Odyssey XX i8, Horace sat

The

could bear.
10.

II 5

iiiproviso\ see

on ix

1 13.

We

have accepted
See IX 9 13.
inhabiks] awkward, unliandy.
this conjecture of Miitzell in preference to the old reading instahilcs.
latter
would
have
suited
well
with
rates
had
these
been
rafts.
But
The
that boats or ships are meant is shev.'n by 26, 27. Probably the boats
Arrian V 7 thinks that the
referred to in 10 2, 3, 12 4 are meant.
Indus had been crossed by a bridge of boats used as ]ionloons. In 12
4 he says that the boats taken to pieces had been brought to the Hydaspes and put together.
General Cunningham in his plan of the river by
12.
insjtlae]
Jalalpur shevi's plenty such.
evcntum'\ 'by the decision of small affairs were gauging
faix'iie
the issue of the final struggle'.
Compare IV 16 2S magno coiisilio
iactiiram sarciftarum impediinejitorwnqiie contempsit, quiim in ipsa acie
siimmae rei viderd esse discri?/h'n : diibioqiie adiiiic piignae eventic pro
victore se gessii, and 14 i below.
See Tac hist 11 35.
13.

perpettia\

compare ix 9

2.

pariiiini] often used for 'side' in a contest, and even by itself as

here for the side to which the person considered belongs. Compare iv

16 4 (Mazaens) for/una partium terrihis.

fclicitate'\ see on 10 18.
accensi] for sense
viento.

compare Pliny epp IX 33

'

14.

freqiiens

15.

poteraiit,

hostis']

si

the

enemy

invcniretX

in

see

crowds

crcscit

audacia experi-

'.

Madvig

348

e,

Kennedy

214, 3.

words are used by Seneca de benef vii 3 i in

speaking of Alexander himself. The position of /t/ix here shews that
it means 'when fortunate ', evrnxv^ ovaa or ev
For the sense
(pepo^j-ivri.
in general compare iv 14 19 licet felicitas adspirare viaealur, iamen ad
itltitmim temeritaii non snfficit.
these

it'ineriias felix']

supei-venientesl those
on their own side.

coming upon them, coming up

to maintain the

fight

enavera7i(\

had reached

(the island)

by swimming.

See on ix 9

18.

ocatlti XdOpa or Xadovres.

17.

= prepares

dolum
as

the phrase comes again vii 5 21. intetidit

net etc.
Arrian V 10 4 says fj.Tjxava.Tai ri

intendit'\

trap,

TOLOfSe.

erat insula etc]

Arrian

11 i, 2 'there was a bluff standing up

at a point where the river made a

from the bank of the Hydaspes,

ii

2iJ

NOTES.

remarkable bend

this

was

itself

119

overgrown

witii all sorts

of trees, and

untrodden and
lay an island in the river, a wooded
When he observed this island opposite the bluff, two
to take
decided
he
wootled spots suited to cover the attempt at crossing,
the bluff and the island were distant as
his army over this way.
ovet against

it

solitary place.

Now

much

as 150 stadia

iegcudis etc]

from the great camp

vii

compare

7532

'.

silvcstre iter

aptiim insidiis tegendis

erat.

comparing Arrian quoted above {a.vixvaa) we must infer that

hollow behind the bluff (a/cpa). For the sense compare

fossa\

\}mi fossa is the

Virgil
(jiie

Aen

Xl 522

est ciiit'o

anfractu valies adcommoda frattdi aniioritin-

dolts.

hand procul ripa'\ compare IX 8

3.

The

construction

is

common

in silver-age Latin.

'
convenient place ', the abstract having passed
i8. opportiotitatis]
into concrete signification, as in ninny other words, for instance ceiiatio,

ambulatio, pensio.

See on ix

2 10.

Ptolomaeiim^ so Hedicke, following the MSS authority, spells the

name. Anyhow Curtius seems to have made a mistake here. In 14
immediate company of the
15 he represents Ptolemy as being in the
from Ptolemy's own accounts (V 7 i,
king, and Arrian writing mainly
was left in charge of the army
14 5) says that it was Craterus who
and adds (4) TrapTjpAXero 5^
facing Porus at the ford (v 11 ?),
Kpare'/jw li-ij Trpli> OM^oAveiv rbv iropov irpiv airaWayrjvaL WSipov ^w ry
Sufafid

(i'X

a(pas 17 (pevyofra fj.aOtli', aiirovs 5^ viKWPras.

tuiinis^ a sort of ablative of the instrument.

(iri

omnibus

obeqtiitare\ that

is,

See on 10

hosiibus.

6.

'
making pretence of attempting the passage, guasi and
quasi\
used thus by writers of the Silver Age. Comtamqiia7n are continually
'

pare IX 7 2^.
19.

ei parti] ripae.

advertere\

Compare

Virgil

Aen

Xll 555 urbique adverteret agiiim.

time the island was out of sight of the

erat] 'by
different points Porus had been
is, by continual feints at
enemy '.
Alexander was now free to carry out
enticed lower down the stream.
his plan of turning his enemy's right flank by crossing higher up.
Compare IX i 35, IV 4 6
diversa]
looking the other way '.
Aen V 166 quo
/orte rex classeni in diversam partem agi iiisserat, Virgil
diversus abis ? Tacitus Agr 11 proairrcntibus in diversa ten-is (of
20.

iam
That

this

'

Britain

and Gaul).

Atlalum\ Arrian V 12 i mentions Attalus with other offiBut his

cers as detailed off for a third attack between the other two.
at the sham headc[uarters is not
presence in the character of Alexander
as Mutzell seems to think inconsistent with the duty assigned to him by
He might wait there till the time of the intended night-attack
.'Vrrian.
and then at once join his detachment in time for action. In fact this is
21.

I20

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

[viii

13

21 26

Alexander would probably choose an officer of rank

his place, and yet want to employ him in the battle.

likely, for

to take

What follows is explanatory.

fraesidere\ guarding.
Compare VII 9 6 ceteritm praetei- hanc speciem ripis praesidentis excrcitus ingens 7iavigantes terror invaserat, Livy
speciejii]

XXII II

'

'the appearance that

9.

hi regionem instdae] into the quarter of the island, that

reach the land over against it.
23.

averso

'

171

eos\

was busy watching

'

tliose

who were

is,

to

with Ptolemy.

Arrian v 12 3 'and in the night there came

obstrepentibus vends]
on a violent storm of rain. In this way his preparations and attempt to
cross were the less exposed to detection by the rattle of arms and the
noise of giving orders; for the sound of the tliunder and rain drowned

them

'.

24.

conderent hiceni] the words have a poetical ring.

25.

terruisset]

compare ix

5 19.

word was supplied by Aldus. The

received by Hedicke from the correction of Jeep.
The old
reading occtipa7ite had no authority of value.
suat/i occasioneiii\ was his opportunity.
26.
Compare IV 6 13
peteba7it te}imte'\

second

the former

is

recede7itibus infei'iint signa, cu7ictatio7iein

hostinm sitani fore

occasio7ie77i

rati.

nm

expelli\ to be
irpuiTos aiirbs e/c/3ds.

aground.

Compare ix

4 11.

Arrian v 13

CHAPTEli XIV.
Curtius passes on to describe the battle itself, as though after once
reaching shore and disembarking his men Alexander had had no further
But we learn from Arrian, who is manifestly better informed,
difficulty.
that on disembarking his men Alexander found that they had not
reached the river-bank but only a large island. The channel between
this and the bank was not usually deep, but the rain of tlie preceding
He goes
night made it very hard to find the ford in the early morning.
on (v 13 3) ws 5^ ilevpedrj ttots 6 iropos, riye Kar' avrov xaXeTcJs' yf yap

rdp

p-ev ire^idv virep tovs paarovs to iJdcop tvairep to paOvraTov avrov' tiZv
S^ iinrcov ocrov ras KecpaXds virepLax^'-v tov voTapov.
Either then Curtius
did not find this important point noticed in his authorities, or he passed
it over as not
being strilcing enough to give opportunity for a fine
The latter view is in itself the less probable, and
descriptive passage.
the silence of Diodorus, who seems to have followed much the same
authorities as Curtius, gives great probability to the former.
The
account given in Plutarch Alex 60 is nearer that of Arrian, but would be
cf little use if the other versions had not survived.

g I.

ripa7n'\

'the bank' on which he himself was.

Abisarai\ in spite of his submission (13

i).

See 12

13, ix

7.

1 4 ^ I

Diodorus xvii
Arrian v 20
2.
I

90 mentions

87,

121

''Efj.^laapos

as an

ally of Porus.

See

5, 6.

clearer after the storm.

Compare Vll 11 i\
caelo, duhitatio exeinpta est, Virgil

liqiiidiore\

ventm ut
georg

NOTES.

1]

liqiiidior

lux appantit

404.

Arrian v 1 4 Ptolemy and Aristofi-atcr ipsius\ according to

bulus, thougTi difiering in other details, agreed in stating that this force
a son of Porus. Whence Curtius got his information
was commanded

Hages

by

we cannot

tell.

XV

i 52 says Svo 5' dffiv eirl ry apixan irapaMiitzell thinks that the numbers given in Curtius may be reconciled with the above by supposing that this arrangement was a special one, due to the terror inspired by Alexander.

pdrai

3.

ry ^"toxy.

haud saijc]
4.

Strabo

seiios]

Trpbs

vix

see

on 9

tillus] see

37.

Madvig

494.

muddy sloughs formed by the rain on

the low grounds. Arrian V 15 2 says that the chariots during the
action were vizo wrfKov axp^M.
the

itihtvie ac voragiiiibtis\

shrmid] Arrian V 15
5.
Tj a^0' avTov iTTiriiJ.
et

Scythae

Dahae]

tribes of Central Asia.

speech IX 2 24.
emisif] 'launched'.

evravda

dr]

o^e'ws iirtireffuv

avroU |lV

Alexander had raised troops among the warlike

Curtius makes Alexander refer to them in his

Compare 24, V 13 \() Alexander hostiuin

cum equitum parte ad inhibendamfiigam

trepidaiione comperta Nicanoran

emittit: ipse cum ceteris sequittir.
6.
licence.

pugna

illud] eKitvo,

7.

se

moverafl a remarkable expression savouring of poetic

what follows

done by the charge to both sides

was not clear which suffered the moie.

erati 'the harai

a77ceps

could not be told

namely the desperate charge described.

'.

That

is, it

sense would be clearer without utrisque, as the context she\\s

See on 16 below, and ix 4 12.
are referred to.

The

9.

exactt] driven

pugnam

off,

that

ciente?>i\ poetical

is,

and

off the field.

Compare

who

30.

rhetorical, as Miitzell remarks.

v 15 5 (he drew up) 'the elephants first in

elephantos\ Arrian
front at intervals of at least 100 feet, so as to have his elephants ranged
Alexin front before the entire phalanx of his infantiy, and so frighten
:

ander's cavalry at
10.

all

points

'.

oUm'\ see on IX 6 26.

mitigatis']

tamed, hence

'

accustomed

'

',

deadened

'.

Megasthenes according to Strabo

XV 1 58 reported that the philosophers of the lowlands worshipped
Miitzell says that Bohlen takes
See Tacitus Germ 3, 7.
Hercules.
II.

Herctdis]

See IX 4

2.

12

Q.

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

[viii

14

Others say Siva or Krishna. See

Hercules to mean Vishnu.
Williams' Hinduism c 8 p 105, M'Crindle pp 39,
simulacruni] the image of a god [oiyoKfia] as opposed to stattui that
of a man (aj/Spicts).
See Mayor on Cic philippic II no.
this

m.

incitameniumi

Compare IX

Germ

flagitiu7n\ Tacitus

Germ

5 6, Tacitus

7.

6 saitiim reliquisse praecipiium flagithim.

Hercules, of course.

12.

illo hostc\

13.

tiirriuni\ see

on \z

7.

procul\ 'to a distant view'.

'had surpassed'.

excesserat\

of Porus in Diodorus xvii 88

is

Compare IX 2 28. The description

like that in Curtius, but more extrava-

gant.
'

foymani\

word

in Cic

outline

de Off

',

hence

'

conception

'.

Compare

the use of the

'

\^forinam et tamquani faciem honesti the outline and so to speak the shape of moral goodness
103 officii formam
the outline of duty'.
Here it seems to mean standard '.
i

',

'

'

7Hagnitudi}ie7n corfort\ this is the clever emendation of Vogel.

construction he compares IV 3 8 latitiuiinem qiwque aggeri adiccit.

For

qtiantd] not qtianium, for the idea of praestare includes only the
excess of one thing over others, not that of general comparison of size.
This is also marked by the construction after it (aliis not inter alios).
aliis\ homitiibus.

stern joy which warriors

14. par
video'\ compare Scott's
foemen worthy of their steel '.
egregiis] must be repeated in sense with bestiis.
'

in

feel

15.
comitatus'] the past participles of many deponent verbs are
used also in a passive signification by good writers.
See Madvig 153,
and compare X 8 3 sedecim oimiino pueris regiae cohortis comitatus.

dextrum move] 'advance the right wing'. Arrian v 16 2 tells us

that Alexander was making a flanking movement {waprj'Kawev) with the
bulk of his cavalry to attack the enemy's left wing. He then ( 3) goes
on KoiJ'Oj' 5e ire/xTret oJs cttI rd de^iov Trjv AyifxriTpiov Kal ttjv avrov Ixoi'Ta
iTTirapx'-o.v, KeKiVcras itruSdv to Kara, atpds arlcpos twv Itririuv ioovres ot
^dp^apoi dvTnrapnnrevii}cni> avrbv KardTriv 'ixf<^daL avr(xiv a hard passage
it is true, but one which need not be unintelligible to any one who bears
in mind that Alexander's movement was a flanking one and reads with
The situation is
care the description of his attack in 16 4, 17 i, 2.
this: Alexander was not himself in position on the right wing, but put
Coenus there with some of the cavalry while he himself with the main
body made the flanking movement. This he did with speed, so as to
take the Indian horse in flank before they had time to change their front
,

and meet him. They tried to execute this movement, but had not time;
and while they were in the confusion thus brought about Coenus fell
upon what had been their front but was now their disordered flank.
Whether the Indian horse from their right wing was brought over to
succour that on their left or not does not affect the probable position

NOTES.

112 2]

The one

of Coeniis.

123

of this explanation is the

presence, according to Arrian 15 7, of the war-chariots in front of the
Indian horse.
But it seems easier to suppose that Coenus was able to
elude these clumsy adversaries than that Alexander expected him to see
from the Macedonian left the ri;;ht moment for his own charge and then
wheel round the rear of the whole Indian army and execute his orders
difficulty in the

way

Diodorus XVII 88 says yvofj.hT]s difiaxv^ to /.(.iv ttp'Jtov rory

If this refers, as
a-rravra cxxfSdi' to. apixara rut' 'IfStSc Qie<})dapri.

opportunely.
iTTTrevo'Li'

does, to the beginning of the main battle, the chief objection

[I am solely responsible for this note, which will I think
W. E. Heitland.]
explain the passage of Curtius by that of Arrian.
Leonnatc\ Arrian mentions Seleucus here and leaves out Leonnatus,
The three were in command of the phalanx of foot.
I

think

is

it

removed.

See
hastae\ the Macedonian udptaa was over 20 feet long.
Li\T IX 19 7, XXXVII 42 4, Polybius xviii i(), Lucan x
47, 48, Thirlwall c 48 (vol vi p 147K
They seem to have been somewhat like the long pikes of the Scotch Borderers described by Scott.
16.

IX

7 19,

to

damage

'uncertain'; that is, not to be depended on, as being likely

own side as much as (if not more than) the enemy.

anceps]

17.

their

laevum

cornii\ that

is,

the cavalry on the Indian

left.

Arrian V 17 3 tells us that the phalanx at first

suffered greatly from the charges of the elephants.
So Diodorus xvii
55

18.

tuio inipetjc\

88.
qita...iiissit\

avreirriyov ttj

Arrian says koI kv tovti^ ol eiricTaTai. tQiv iXe^avrwi'

Kal 17 (pdXay^ avTrj tuv MaKedivuv dfreTryei.

'lirwi^ to, drjpia,

irpbs Toi'S \e<pavTas.

For the matter see on 9 28, and comsays of the Karduchi in anab iv 2 28 dpcaroi oi
Kal TO^Wai -ijcrav {oi KapSoi'Xoi)' elxov 5^ ro^a 771)5 rptiriixVi ^d d^ ro^ev/xara irXeou rj oLTr-qxv' (IXkov 5k rds vtvpdi oirore ro^evoiei' irpbs to Karu]
TOO t6!;0V Tip dpiuTepiii TTOOl Trpoa^alvovTES.
rd 6e ro^fv/Lara excipet 5id
Twv daTridwu Kai oid tCov ffupaKwv. Schneider thinks that crossbows are
there meant, but this view is probably wrong.
19.

pare what

statuerent'\ 'rested'.

Xenophon

inponu7it\ put on the string.

But Arrian V 15 5 says
htbrica] from the rain of the night before.
that Porus drew up his army on sandy ground, which the rain no doubt
would make firm; in fact he calls it dirtoov Kal (mpeov.
id] the slipperiness of the ground.

inolicnUs\ preparing, striving

I
329, IV 331.

to

deliver.

Compare

IX

10

19,

Virgil georg

ocatpantiirl see on 9 32, and add Ovid

See also below ix i 32, 7 22.
(Cacurfi).
20.

iiirbatis]

Tapaxvs ok ttoWtjs

in medium] compare IX
in medium et rebus succurrite fessis.
21.

22.

obviiis...it{bel\

fasti

575 occttpat Alcides

yevoixef-qs, says

21, Virgil

Diodorus.

Aen

Diodorus also mentions an

XI 335 considite

effort of

Porus to

G CURT! RUFI

124

retrieve the fortune of the

HIST. ALEX.

day by a general attack with

[vin r4

his 40 remaining

Perhaps this may be another

elephants, which succeeded at first.
version of the fight described in Arrian v 1 7 3. See below on 25, 26.

23.

pavidtuji]

Compare Tacitus

hist.

11

68

[Viiellitis)

ad omnes

%7isp{(io7ies pavidtis.

ad omnia]
well

known

so

we

say 'to shy at everything'.

The

elephants were

to cause great terror in horses.

concursatwne\ 'running about', hence 'skirmishing' of light

Carthaginian troops,

24.

Miitzell compares Livy xxx 34 of the

troops.
concursatio et velocitas illinc maior qttam vis.
25.

above on

i7ige7item...eos\ Arrian V 17 3 (continued from quotation

18) 1% re tovs eiri^dTas avTi2v dKoi/Tii'ovres Kal avrd rd 67]pia

irepiaTabov iravToOev (jdWovres.

Not as the light troops

constanter] 'firmly', 'steadily'.
retire as the Indians retired or advanced.

who would

advance or

obtriti etc] Arrian V 17 3 'for the beasts charged the ranks

26.
of the foot, and wherever they turned were crushing through the Macedonian phalanx though in close formation'. Diodorus gives a vivid
description of the havoc wrought by the elephants in the early part of
the battle.
fitere documentin){\ the nominative is less common in the best writers.
have however 41 esset exemplimi, and
See Madvig 249 note a.
there are many instances in other writers, IaU none of these seem to
have the following construction with tit.

We

27. facies\
Compare the passage
Tacitus Agr 36, hist il 89.
10, 8 5.

'trunk'.

vianu]

See Cic de divin

quoted on 11
li

122.

12, also

Lucretius

II

IX 7
537,

1303 28.

in niJiltitm diei\

copidas] choppers,
root as kotttco.

29.

from same

Madvig

285 b obs

something

i.

like a

Goorka

knife.

kottIs

timor] this, remarks Zumpt, must be the fear in which the Macedonian soldiers stood of the elephants. This fear stimulated their ingenuity and ferocity, so that the elephants that fell in the battle were
destroyed with a spiteful barbarity worth special notice. novi= unheard
of,

horrible.

oniittebat\ for the sense generally compare Tacitus Agr. \(>ncc tiUum
in barbaris saevitiae genus omisit ira et victoria.

30.
ergo...obterebantur\ Diodorus XVII 88 Atera 5^ ravra ti2v
avvaKovTiiopLei'wu Kai did t6 ttXtjOos rwv rpavfxdrwv irepiijoSvvoiv
^Lvop-ivuv, ol p.ev TrepijUfjirjKOTes avTOis 'lv5oi Kpareiv TTJi op/xijs tujv fwcoj*
ovK iffxvov eKvevovTo. ydp eh roiis Idiovs tols opfxoLS dKaTaffx^Tws (ppeTo
dripiwv

Kal TOVS (piXovs aweTrdrec, Arrian

ad

= 'ljy

ipsis] that

their

dpitati.

own

is,

beasts'.

The

7 5, 6.

'by the very beasts they had driven'

words go in the first instance with prae-

qieos rexerant,

NOTES.

2238]
i/aqiic']

having, that

pecorum modo] that

is,

is,

now no

125

drivers.

in wild disorder like a flock of sheep.

Arrian

17 5 Kol avTol oi e\4(pavTs to, jul^i' riTpwaKOfxevoi to, 5^ vtro re twv

irovujv Kal ipij/xig. riye/JLOvcov ovk4ti SiaKeKpifiivoi iv rrj /.t-dxil V<^ap, 18 4.
deslitii/us'] 'left in the lurch'.
Compare ix 4 33.
a plin-ihus\ 'by the majority of his men'. So Miitzell.
fela\ Diodorus says that Porus by reason of his great strength could
throw darts almost as hard as a catapult (see Rich's diet of antiquities

31.

for these engines).

expositus]

compare IX

5 9.

petcbatur] Diodorus says that Alexander ordered the bowmen and light
Miitzell observes that this
troops to single out Porus and shoot at him.
is
probably only a distorted version of the movement described by
For the words compare ix 4 31.
Curtius above in 24.

33.

drooping.

fliieniibiis\

Compare

Virgil

Aen X S28

r//t7;-(7;

noil sponic flttens.

vix compoteni\ Diodoras XVII 88 'Porus having fought like a hero

and lost much blood by reason of his many wounds fainted and sinking
helplessly on the beast was borne to the ground '.
See on ix i 6.
eius\ Alexander.
34.

compare

Aen X

893.
V 18 6, 7 says that Taxiles himself
was sent, and then other and more acceptable messengers.
effiiso]

Zfi-

frater

Virgil

Taxilis] Arrian

ad noiam voccm\ 'at' or 'by' the well-known voice. Com 36.

pare IV 15 32 ergo hand seats qiiani in tcnebris errabant, ad soniitn
notae vocis, nt signunt, siibinde coetinies.

The verb is
prodHoris'\ 'who gave up' his throne and kingdom.
similarly used in Terence hautont 479, 480 prius proditiirum te tuam
vitam

et prius

quod

peeiiniam omncm quam abs tc amilias filitim.

In English we should rather
such is the Latin idiom.

iii!!t!ii\

say 'the one dart that'.

effltixerat\

had

fallen or slipped

from his hand.

penelravit] Arrian says that Taxiles escaped the javelin

by speedy

flight.

37.
I

16

I,

edi/o opere] a regular combination of words.

\\a.\Q edila piigna ix 5 16.
63 3.

We

III

exceperat] this
sistit fugani\

is

In 33 the beast was unwounded.

quick work.
tlie flight of his troops.

stays

pedileni] his remaining infantry.

Arrian V 18

Compare Livy

He

had

lost the greater

part, sec

4.

vetabat etc] this is not stated by Arrian, who is more to be

Diodorus xvil 89 says that there was great slaughter in the
pursuit, and that Alexander checked it.
labi\ see the passage quoted on 33.

38.
trusted.

12 6

CURTIR UFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

39.

spoUari

40.

aim

[viii

3 9

-46

instiluti\ 'trained'.

bebia

only Curtius states this.

Plutarch Alex 60 lias got

iicbef]

.inponcre'\

more wonderful account of the sagacity of

this beast.

hold of a still
Strabo XV i 42

ev rots
says of trained battle elephants oi oe koX i^alfiovs tovs iji^ioxovs
ayuxn weaoPTas a.i'eXofJ.fi'oi. aJo^'ovcrLV e:; ttjs /oax'js, rovs 5^ vwoovi'Tas ^era^i)
TiZf irpojdidiv TTohuiv vwepiiaxoiJ-evoi
41.
found in

iiialiuii]

tliis

oUawaav.

interjection,

common

See the passage de

Cicero.

in the

comic poets,

is

also

off II .-3 praeclare in epistida

quadam Alcxandrum filiitm Pkilippiis accusat quod largitioiie bcncvolentiam Macedonum consectetiir.
'quae te, malum' inquit ratio in islam
^

spem induxil

itt

eos libi fideles

Render 'What the plague was

Taxilis\ the genitive

See on 10

putares fore quos pecunia corriipissesV

the infatuation that drove you'...

that of further definition after

is

exemphim.

7 ignis.

fecistil
42.
licenliam etc.

granted, given.

vSo often facere

copiam polcstalcm

Alexrursus...essei\ Arrian v 19 2 says that when asked Ijy

like to be treated, Poms replied 'like a king' {^ao-tCurtius seems to have got hold of something not very different
XtKoJs).
from this, and to liave dressed it up after the fashion of the rhetoricians
with a sage reflection on the mutal;ility of fortune, in order to point his
43.

ander

how he would

moral.

44.

common.

infraclam'] 'broken down', 'dismayed'.

Compare ix 2 30, Virgil Aen xii i.

45.
l/j.-n-vovs

some

The word

aegnim airavit] Diodorus XVII 89 says avrbs

that is
TrapeSodi] rots 'Ivdo'ts irpo% r-qv 6epaweiav,

wv

Brahman

of the

5k

is

very

ITcI-oos

probably to

doctors.

Aai/d seats quani\ =hciiid iiiimis qjiam.

conjirmatiivi\ when he recovered his strength.

V 19 3 ttJv re apxhv tui Uuipui tCiu re avrov

Kai aXXTji' ?ti xuipav irpbs rfi iraXai oiiffr] wXeiova ttjs irpbadev
in detail 20 4, 29 2.
Trpocredr]K, and again
tiee sa)te...gloriae] 'and in truth his nature had no more esampliore] so Arrian

'\vbi2i> ediOKe

46.

sential or

more permanent

and
quality than a regard for true merit

renown'.

See on ix

ex

2 i^

solido.

'but he took more impartial account of glory in

Compare IV 14 ig praelerea breves el

simplicius...in eive]
an enemy than in a subject'.

mutabiles viees reriim stint, el forliina

'never shews favour without reserve'.

26.
destniil unbuilt, pulled

down.

mimquam

simplieiter indulgel,

For aestimabat compare IX

IX

N0 7ES.

1-6]

127

CHAPTER

I300K IX,

I.

I.
j^//etc] Diodorus xvil S9 'and the king buried the dead and
gave due honours to tliose who liad distinguislied themselves in the
battle and sacrificed in person to the sun, as the power that had given
him the conquest of the eastern worM '. Arrian v ?o i only speaks ot
TO.

vofiL^oixiva iwiviKia.

reliqua belli\ compare vii 5 27 ceteris

belli jia7Mitnros operant pollicebanlMr.
'

pro contione]

The phrase

is

before the assembled army',

common

iclebratas]

storied

',

The Eldorado

Europe.

ad

feuqiia

in a general meeting'.

in this connexion.

2.
opiinam praedami compare V
que ipsum et milites eius spectare.
'

gratiae aclac quod

praedam opimani paratam-

much told of in the rumours

of those days lay in the East.

that

reached

eminere} were great, 'abounded'. Compare viii 12 13.

then '.
Compare the advice of the .Scythian
to Alexander when contemplating an expedition into Scythia VI 1 8 24
proiiide fortitnatn tiiam pressis mav.ibtis tene.
'

proivde'\ accordingly,

common '. See on 6 14 below.

(Miltiades 6 2) opi)f)ses obsoleti to gloriosi
= giving glory), speaking oi hoiiores. See on 6 14.
(
iam

etc]

obsole/a]

'had become cheap and

so

Nepos

'

replettim ire] ]\Iadvig

3.

dii/iissis] that

is,

411.

They were on

their

way

to

fill

'.

iis.

materia etc] so Diodorus xvil 89, Strabo XV i 29, and Sir A

4.
Burnes (quoted by Miitzell) says that the same thing is still done on the
Hydaspes, and that on no other of the rivers in the Panjab do such
facilities exist for

building vessels.

word with a following infinitive

Compare 10 12, Virgil Aen il 165, vi

adgressi] the use of this

and

post- Augustan.

is

poetical
584.

serpenies\ Diodorus xvil 90 'and the neighbouring hill-country had

the following peculiarity.
Besides the timber for shipbuilding the
country contained a number of snakes of extraordinary size, 16 cubits
long', Strabo xv i 28.
5.
rhiiioccrotes] see on viil 9 16.
aliitJ] nonien.

Arrian V 19 4 'Now Alexander founded cities at

where the fight befell and at the point whence he started in
his passage of the Hydaspes.
And he called the (j;ie Nikaea in honour
of his victory (v'lK-q) over the Indians, and the other Bukephala in
of
his
horse Bukephalas who died there, not that anyone liad
memory
wounded him, but from work and old age'. See Vlil 14 34 above,
where Curtius reports the story rejected by Arrian, and for the name of
the town 3 23 below.

6.

the place

urbibiis]

128

Q.

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

aureis\ if these were gold Philips (Horace

be worth about i6s each, if Persian darics
But they may have been neither.

epist

ii

(5a/jetKoi)

[ix

234) they would

about a guinea.

7.
neque enini...captivnn{\ 'for' said he 'I cannot live without
the power of a king and this I should not enjoy as a prisoner '.
captivuni stands where in Greek we should have a present participle.
nuntiari etc] Arrian says in effect just the same (v 20 6),
8.
Diodorus XVll 90 only observes K-ara7r\?;Jd/.',6cos fji'dyKaae woinv rb
TrpoaraTThfievov.
It seems better to read thus, than /'^rc with
porrd\ 'further on'.
the best
a reading which the commentators have vainly striven
;
to torture at once into Latin and sense.

MSS

a7iinc\

must

refer to the Acesines (Chenab).

Arrian v 20

Perhaps Accsine has

9 speaks of the crossing of

this river at some length, as it had received special notice from Ptolemy.
But Diodorus xvil 90 goes on in the same way avTo% hk fiera t^s 8vviIt seems
fxecos irepaffas tov TroTaixov Trporjye 5ia x^P-^ o,peTy dLacpepovarjs.
probable therefore that he and Curtius are both here depending on the
whose
of
the
matter
somehow
led
them
into the
same writer
handling
gjave blunder of omitting an important name.
fallen out before ai7ine.

8,

silvac etc] so Diodorus goes on difdpuv yap eTxfi yivq haWdr 9.

TOvra Kal rb pev vipos l^x^^^a tttjx^v e^5op.riKoi>Ta to 5^ Trdxos pLoyis xiirb
Terrdpuv dvdpCjv Trepi\apPav6p.va TpLwv Sk irXedpuv crKidv iroLovvra.

pivpe in inmeiisu7n spatLum'\ in spatium propc ininensum, over an

almost boundless tract of country.
10.
pleriqiic rand etc] the tree here described is the Banyan, one
of the most celebrated Indian trees, as well known to the ancients as it
has been in modern times. Strabo XV i 21 gives a description from
See also Theophrast hist plant iv 4
Onesikritus and also Aristobulus.
XII 22, 23, Arrian Indica 11 7.
4, Pliny

NH

at

instai-]

Madvigl 280 obs

rurstts]

goes of course with erigebanttir.

6,

Kennedy

166, 2.

qua sc ciirvaveranf\ at the point where they had bent themselves;

any point, that is, where they took an upward bend from the ground.

The

clause is obscurely put in, but the sense is- pretty certain in itself,
established by the words in Strabo {oivbpa) &v tovs /cXaSous av^rjOevras irrl tttjx^'-S kclI SciSe/ca ^vretra ttjv \onrriv aij^rjcnv Karacpeprj Xa/x(idvuv cos av KaTaKap.TTTopivovs, e'ws dv dypuvrai ttjs 7':7S" ^Treira Kara
yfjs diadodivras p(-^ov(rdai o/jLoius Tois Karuipv^LV, etr dvadod^vras (xreXe-

and

is

Xovcdai.

would shoot up straight again. Compare viii 1 1 6.

compare iv 7 16, 17 (of the temple of
Amnion) tandem ad sedem consecratavi deoventiim est. incredibilc dictu,
inter vastas solitndines sita undiqtte ambicntihus ratnis, vix in densam
vnibram cadente sole, contecta est ; multiqiie fantes dnlcibiis aqtcis passim
caeli quoque mira temperies verno tepori
manantibiis ahmt silvas.
luaxime siviilis oi/incs anni partes pari salubrilate percurrit.
erigebantur\
II.

caeli...fontihus\

NOTES.

6 u]
12.
t] x^pcfUvojv

hie guoque] see 4.

ttXtjOos fJUKpi2v

0(pei)t>

oi ixkv

yap xaXxoeiOeZs

jii^v

t29

So Diodorus xvii 90

says eTx^ 5 koI

rots f-iey^Oeai rai% Si TroiKiXiais e^r/Way-

pdjiSois

iirecpaii'Oi' etc.

The notion of 'back fiom

reddentibusi 'sending out ', 'giving'.
soon passes into tliat of out from ', and so rcdderc is really ^pracbere.

'

'

Compare

III 2 5 sctttis ceirae

maxinte

spcctcin 7-eddentibiis,

and

on

see

4 23 below.

virus etc] Diodorus says 5ia 5^ tQv hrjyjx6.rwv d^e?s davdrovs direipydand so on; Strat-o speaking of some small venomous snakes says
r
iravrds wopov /xerd fTruSwias,
45 Tovs 5i jr\riyei>Tas ai,uoppoei:p

^ovTo

XV

iireiTa dTrodvTj(TKei.v el

/x?;

jioridrjau tis eudus.

praesensl we have now in English dropped the correct usage of this

word, and use 'instant' or 'immediate'.
Compare 1 % 19.
reinediunt etc] Diodorus says /oera Se ravra wapd tlcv eyx'^pi-f^" M^'^66vTS rriv dvTi.(pdpfJ.aKov pl^av dir eKvdrjaav tojv Seu'cGv.
Strabo goes on
rriv 6e jSorjOttav pq.oLav dvat. did rrjv dpiTTJu Tioi/ 'It/OiKUV pi^uiv koI (pap/j.d-

Kwv.
See also Arrian Indica 15 li.
of the local Brahmans.
13.

the sense

The

incolae are probably

iunctiivi\ that is, on t'le banks of the river.

is erat neniiis iuiictuin flitinini.
The last two

epithet =7ra/)a7rora'/iio;' or
arboribus']

Strabo

XV

some

The order

of

words are an

some such word.

i

21

iroWd yap

d-ij

84vdpa wapddo^a

17

'IvSiKi]

Tpe(pi.

pavonui>i\ Elphinstonc intr p 10 says

in a wild state

'

the peacock also

is

common

'.

frequens] 'crowded',

'filled'.

Compare V 4

7^v////.9

terra viul-

tisque vie is atque tcrbibns frequois.

oppidmii\ Mutzell refers this to the same place as that spoken

V 22 3 Kal devTeoaios /J.^i' dwo rod iro'rafj.ov tov 'Topauirov
TTpbs n6\t.i> TjKfv fi di'opiaJliiJ.Trpap.a' to 5' ^dvas tovto twp'Iv5u)v AdpaCaral
iKaXovfTo.
If this be right, then Curtius must have had a very different
account of the affairs belbre him, for Arrian goes on ourot fj.iv 5?) irpocreSee also Diodorus XVII 91, Arrian
X^^prjaav op-iAoylq, 'A\t'^dioptf}.
14.

of by Arrian

'

21

6.

eorond] by a general attack all round tiie walls.

6 19 urbem corona circumdedil iniinitiorem quant

Compare 4
tit

4,

\'ii

priiiio i/itpettt eapi

posset.

xvn

viagitaiii etc] Diodorus

91 says that Alexander took t^i/ ^^674aTr\v Kal oxvpuraTTjv iroXiv of the Kathacans, but whether this corresponds
to the present notice of Curtius is not certain.
Strabo
i 33

XV

says

between the Hypanis ( = Hyphasis) and Hydaspes were 9 tribes

and 5000 TriXeis ovk eXdrrovs Kw ryjs Mfpoirioos, and in xiv 2 19 he
We may therefore infer that the words
says that Kos was 01/ p-eydX-rj.
that

of Curtius ui in ea regione are not wilhoul authority.

urbem'] probably the place called by Arrian ra "LdyyaXa the most
imporlauL town of the Kathacans. General Cunningham finds this at
C.

Q.

T30

CURTI RUFI

HIST. ALEX.

[ix

hill still bearing the same name, between the Hyarotis (Hydraotes)
and Acesines. Alexander must then have turned back for a space,
as he had according to Arrian v 21 6 already crossed the former

river.

He
IVa koI Xlfxvrj oi fxaKpav tou re^xo"* V"paliide] Arrian V 23 4
goes on to say that it was not deep.
6^
vehicuHs] in three rows, according to Anian 22 4 /ciyKXy
15.
Tov yr)\6(pov afid^as Ktpi(jTT}!TayTe% evrbi aiirCiv iffTparowidivov,
irXovi' xapa/co Trepi^e^Kija-dai. tCjv a.fj.a^Cjv.
Compare 4 3.
ield\ weapons of offence.

<lis

rpi-

The sentence
a change of subject.
transilicbantqiie] there is here
alii saures habchant had been written
goes on as if tela alii hastas
The word seems to denote the jumping from one waggon to
above.
another.

16.

inconditd\ 'undisciplined'.

'means of warfare', 'force'. Compare iv 9 t^ falcatae

and Viii 14 g 6.
quadrigae, vnicwn illariait gentium auxiliuvi,
ab utroque latere'] this can hardly refer to the same move as that
mentioned below quo...circumvenirentur. It would seem then that
Curtius is following some account in which the waggons were not
round the town, but in a line so as to serve as a rampart to an
auxilio]

ranged
army covering the town.

vincula etc] this account does not correspond with that of

17.
Arrian v 23 2 who mentions gaps between the waggons and says
nothing of any means of binding them together.
208.
quo facilius] Madvig 440 b obs i, Kennedy
VIII minims'] it is impossible to compare the numbers given by
Curtius and Arrian 24 3, 5, as neither gives the total of_ killed and
the details of the numbers who fell in the separate operations of the
to admit of comparison.
siege are not so stated as
also weakened tiie walls
sealisi Arrian 24 4 says that they
18.

by mining.
paucis] emphatic.

ii qui.

qtti]

profeetd] goes closely with deorum.

Eumeni\ Arrian V 24

19.

Compare 8

18.

6, 7 has a similar but slightly different

account.

ad urbent]

see on 4 23.
Compare VII 2 7
deprecaycntur] to win over, appease.
amici quoque data misericordiae occasione consui-gunt flentesque regent
20.

deprecantur.

1257 ^ 7a/'

21.
ipse

22

Ko.pa.na.aQai.

in

Greek.

Compare Aristoph vespae

tov TrewovOdTa.

Compare v 11 2
ifiwinebant] were inclined to, bent on.
itiminetis adloquendi eum, Vi 10
regis sequebaiur, occasioni
ergo imperio, quod dedignor, inniinco. Suet Aug 24.

currum
sic

So

iraprjTi]<javTO

AZOTES.

^i4--^5]

131

The force of the word is 'lake in as

admit, 'welcome'.
due', because they had for some time made up their own minds to do
so.
Compare recipit in viii 9 32.
recipiuiit\

23.

convocaveriiiit] called
'
to meet'.

them

to a

The

conference.

con has

the force of 'to',

OTw] Eichert

in his lexicon takes this as 'strength', that

is,

as equi-

But perhaps it may more strictly mean 'violence',

Arrian v 24 6 says that Eumenes was to tell the people
'severity'.
of some hostile towns 'that they would have no harsh treatment from
Alexander if they remained and received him as a friend for neither
valent to

z'i?-es.

had any of the other independent Indians who surrendered themselves

So here we may have just the reverse meant, speaking of
willingly'.
those who resisted.
But see below 32.
injidciii acccpit]

took under his protection.

Compare

14.

According to Arrian vi 2 2 the kingdom

of Sopithes lay on the left bank of the Hydaspes.
Strabo xv i 30
also says that some place it between that river and the Acesines, but
adds that others put it beyond the Acesines and Hyarotis, which view
is evidently that followed
by Curtius (see 35) and Diodorus xvii 91.
See M'Crindle p 154, who points out that I.assen has identified the
name Sopithes with Sanskrit ^.fz/di/rt// lord of horses'. According to
Slrabo Sopithes was king of the Kathaei.
24.

regmim

Soptthis]

'

ut barbari credHiit\

'

in the opinion of the natives'.

sapientia] see on VI 1 1 13 7.
bonis moribus\ so Diodorus XVII 91 /xera 5e raZr eaTpdrevaev i-n-l
rds vjrb "Luweidriv Teray/xeras TroXets, evfo/u.ovaevas Kad' vwep^oh-qv.
Hence = 'lives under' as in S 4.
regitiir^ is ruled or directed by.
geniios etc] Diodorus says to /cdXXos irap avroh Tiixiwraiov
OMirep e^ vr)iriov wap avToiS to. ^p<p'q diaKpiverai, Kai to. fiev
apTia. KoX T7)v (pvciv l^x^vra wpds {inrpeTretav Kai iax^v ({JOerov Tpe<perai,
Ttt 5^ KaraSeij rois aii/xaaiv avd^ia rpocprjs ijyovfxevoi
diacpdelpovaiu. Strabo
XV 1 30 tells the same story, but only on the authority of Onesikritus.
For some remarks on these customs see Wheeler's History of India ill
25.

vivbfiiCTai..

4 (PP 24. '73)tolliini\ this word is strictly applied only to the Roman custom of
placing a newborn child on the ground at the feet of the father, who
by raising it in his arms signified that he acknowledged the child as his

own and was prepared to rear it. Here tollnnt aliintqiie

one notion. Perhaps we may render 'acknowledge and rear'.
eonim

is

really

'

the commissioners entrusted with the medical inetc]

So Strabo says Kpidivra 8' vvo tov diroSeix^ivspection of the babies'.
T0% dpXOVTOi.

Aabiium] 'condition', hence bodily form, 'looks'.

Compare

2 6,

i^-

tnsigncs] 'remarkable', hence 'defonncd'.

Caiig 26 insigncs debilitate aliqua corporis.

Compare

Suetonius

92

CURTI R UFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

132
26.

Diodorus says dvoXoy^o;?

[ix
5^

2636

sal toi)j
ydfiovs iroiouvrai irpoiKbs fih Kal t^s AXK-qs TroXireXeias acfypovTiarovVTes,
KoXKovs 5^ Kal TYJs TOO ffio/xaros VTrepoxvs fibvov ^povrl^ovres.
For the
Spartan custom see Plutarch Lykurg 14.

nuptiis etc]

roiroi'i

genere ac nobilitate\ a hendiadys, =generis nobilitate.

is

The

ablative

that of cause.
coiiiiciidis]

joined together, 'contracted'.

Compare

IV

9 donis

acceptis amicitiaque coniuncta.

electa specie\ electioiie sp:ciei,

through choice of appearance = 'choos-

ing by looks'.

taken account of.

'is

aestimattcr']

etc] so Diodorus XVII 91 waph di iravras 6 /SatrtXei^y

SwTrei^Tjs wepipXewTOs coc eirl rep /cdXXet, Kal rip jx-ffKU rom rerrapa^ TTTj^f'S

eminens

28.

virepdyuiv, irporj\de p-kv k t^s :r6Xews

5'

avrbv Kal

^aaCkelav 'AXe^dvdpij)
KparovvTos trndKeiav.
tt}v

t-ijs

ixovcrris to,

ttoXi-v

^aaiXeia,

TaOrrjv aireXalie

7ra/).i5oi>s

oia,

ttju

tov

NH

IX 112 (referred to on VI II
_^o.
ca/ic/ore] 'lustre'.
Pliny
9 19) counts candor and magnitudo as the two merits of pearls.
baculutK anreuni\ sceptre.
'

precatus etc]

Some customary

with the wish that it might bring him good luck '.
Oriental phrase of compliment is no doubt represented
wish to the bride in Plautus

by this expression. Zumpt compares the

casina 441 sospes iter incipe hoc.

31.
caiies'\ we have much the same account of these wonderful
hunting dogs in Diodonis xvil 92, Strabo XV i 31, and their great
vii 31.
size is noted by Pliny

NH

'On sighting the game'.

viderunt\ emphatic, according to Pratt.
lconibus\ Plutarch de solertia animalium 15 tells of an Indian dog
who would not notice a stag boar or bear, but at once assailed a
lion.

MSS

32.

in

conseptiim]

this

Diodorus says

conseptii.
riXeiov.
'

IIII oiiinino]

dogs were slipped

is

Miitzell's

eiffrjyayev

rt

emendation of

Tre pi cppayp-a

Strabo and Diodorus say that

4 in all '.
at the lion and then two more.

ociHpaveruni\ see on viil 9 52.

technical slang

excellent
eTs

word

Xeovra

first

two

Render 'fastened on 'or even our

'tackled'.

one of the royal huntsmen.

it
(the leg) would not come away
Compare
Virgil Aen vi 146 (of the golden bough) carpe mann, tiamqne ipse
ex

lis.

..Huns']

'

11071

'.

seqnebatu)-]

volens facilisque sequetur.

'

VT

iiisfilit]
33.
7 "ZK-

iiiJc\

went on

of time, as in 10

to'.

^ 22.

Compare

iiis/iUt

quaercre in IV

7 g 27,

NOTES.

^ 1-3]
sudin/fg]

133

Diodorus says

over and over again.

yiax'xfl

xar'

otlier authors

into

irefivfv

dXlyov.
[in] illis] in

34.

is

bracketed by Miitzell, following Halm.

tra)iscribo\

'copy' out of the books of

own.

my

'

adjiriare\

guarantee

'.

Comjiare 7, ^24.
Hvpnsin] Strabo and Diodorus call the river 'TTrcti'i?, Arrian
the MSS
T(^affis.
Pliny agrees with the above spelling supported by
Miitzell compares the Sanskrit form of the name Vipasa.
of Curtius.
Diodorus XVII 93 a.p.a hk tovtoh irpaTTO/ji^i'oi.i Jj/cei'
Hephacstioiie\
subJucere] withdraw, 'suppress'.

35.

HcpaiaTiwv fierd t^s ffucaTreoraXyUfi'?)? dvvd/.cecos TroWriv ttJs 'IvdiKrjs KaraIn 91 he tells us that the expedition had been directed
found also in Arrian V 21 =,.
against the younger Porus, a statement
Curtius treats this as merely a suljordinate operation to the main campaign, and such indeed it is.

TreTro\f,a-i]Kiis.

diversam
36.

regioneiii']

a district in another direction.

Phegetis etc]

Diodorus xvii 93 has

this in

almost the very

same words.
of accounting for
iussis\ this is probably no more than Curtius' way
a circumstance which he found somehow mentioned in his authorities,
and the bearing of which he did not fully understand. See on Vlll 12
12.

CHAPTER

II.

took
superare] Ritter and Thirlwall argue that this crossing
the Hypasis (Beyas) with the Hesudrus
place below the junction of
of deserts to the east is only true of the
(Sutlej), because the mention
Pratt quotes from Elphinstone's Caubid to the
part more to the south.
same effect. See on VIII 9 8- Diodorus says XVII 93 rhv "TTraviu
to 5^ (Sddos ^'4 opyviwv to 5^
TTOTafJ-ov, ov rb nh TrXciros 171' CTTaSiwi' fTrra
and we learn from Strabo XV i 17,
peufxa ffcpodpof Kal dvadid^arov,
See on vui
27 that this part of the campaign fell in the rainy season.

I.

13 8.
the construction is changed suddenly, for non
7ion spa/ia... etc]
spatio is an ablative of cause.
spatio has scd inpcditnm parallel to it.

XI diertim] So Diodorus goes on a-Koiao-s b\ tou <^rjy^ws irepl

2.
T^s Tripav Tov 'IvOov TroTa/xov [? tou TroTa/Mov simply] x'^P'^^ ^'' SciSe/ca
5^ TavTrju elvai Trora/j-bu rhv dvo/xafiev 'qfiepiliu ^x" oiooou ipr]pLoi>, jxeTO,
aTabiiov Tb 5^ (iddos
top-evov Tayy-qv, to p.kv ttXcltos TpiaKOVTa Kal SvoZv
IxiyicfTov

tQu

dj) iripa-v

TOU

KaTo. rrjv 'IfOLKrjv,

...

etc.

'T</)d(rtos iroTapLOv eiiSalpiovci,

But Arrian v 25 r says rd 5^

ts ti]v x^P"'" ^^J"" e^^iVT^XXero...

etc.

meets one advancing, 'comes next'. Compare 10 6.

Diodorus goes on icipav bk toutov KaToiKeti/ to
re tQu Ylpaiaidov nal Vavdapibdv '4dvo%, toi'tuiv bk (iacnXeuetv Siav5pdf.i7]i>
lYovra biap.iipiws piv itnrfh ne^wf bi eiKoai fxvplabas appara. Si biaxi-^M
excipere]

3.

tdteriorem etc]

134

Q-

CURTI RUFT HIST. ALEX.

[ix 2

iroXe/MKQs KKocTfi7)fiivovs TerpafftffX'X^oi/y.

The names of
the nations mentioned are according to Captain Wilford
(quoted by
hk

i\i<j)avTa'i

Pratt) merely corruptions of Indian names denoting the peoules to the

eastward generally.
See however M'Crindle pp 9, 57, 134," who also
identifies Aggrammes with the famous Sandrokottos
who

drove the Greeks out of India about 312 B c.

obsidentem vias\ that is, he had so many in the
'

mobilized

[Chandragupta)
field (as

we now

say

to hold the

approaches to his country.

ad hoc\
moreover ', praeterea. Common in the historical
4.
writers.
Compare 10 13. See Kennedy 70.
incredibilia etc] this account is almost ^vord for word the same
5.
as that of Diodorus xvii 93.
')

'

aim

eo\ that is,

ntvi Poro.

iactari^ were not f;\lsely represented by report, that

were not exaggerated.
ignobilei\ compare Horace sat i 6 9 ante potestatem Tiilli atqiic ignobile regmim.
For the sense of this passage see appendix D (/).
tdtimae sortis] 'of the meanest condition
Compare Iir 2 11 ille
et stiae soriis et rcgiae sicperbiae oblihts, Horace carm iv 11 22 7Jon tiiae
sortis {puella), Liv epit 19 sortis iiltimae hominem.
That is,
propulsantemi 'staving off' hunger by his daily earnings.
living from hand to mouth.
6.

haudfaho

is,

'.

in propiorem etc] he had been advanced to a

7.
higher place in the
confidence of the reigning monarch, /w/wr^w = nearer, more intimate.

qui

tiiiii

the throne

'who had then been king' = who was then on

'

regnasset]

'.

eo]

the king his master.

pdr

insidias'] treacherously.

Compare

and see Kennedy!

7 16,

70.

the regular form of the genitive of this word.

qtnnuncregnat'\ this is put in as a dependent clause in the orntio o!>iiqtia, but constructed as though meant to represent the very words ol' the
So we have di/nt est 10 21 in a clause really dependent on
speaker.
liberiim^

voluisse just above.

invisiini etc]

Diodorus says

compare Livy

vilem]

11

41

evreXyj TravreXuts Kal aSo^ov.

8 vi/ior civibus 'cheaper in his fellow-

citizens' eyes'.
'

Tnciorei\ that is, he rather took after his father (a low adventurer)
than conducted himself as one born to a throne (as Porus himself was).
'

8.

nndtiplicem etc] caused the king manifold anxiety.

feel anxious on many grounds.

That

made him

is,

spernebati see 21.

sitnt?! locont?n'\

the

lie

of the ground, that

is,

the natural obstacles

would present themselves to an invader.

vim flutnininn] this M'ould probably be the main

that

difficulty

with

NOTES.

3-i2]
which he would have
often in Greek) = and
'

135
be taken

to contend : ei therefore should

in particular'.

(as Kal

'to follow up and unearth men removed almost

bound of the world seemed too hard a task '. Coniparu
V 5 14 of the Greek prisoners in Persia, procid Europa in ultima
arientis relegati, Cic Tusc II 20 non saeva terris gens n-legata ultiriiis.
reki:^atos etc]

9.

to the uttermost

In these passages

all

notion of banishment has disappeared.

compare 3 8.
on tlie other hand
rursus'\
avaritia gloriae] compare Horace de
laudem nulUits avaris.
eruere]

'

'.

insatiabilis etc] Alexander's

10.

r4 7 tot

tot spatia

terrarnni]

terrarum spatia

ambition

arte poet 324 {Graiis)

is

prader

proverbial.

broad lands'. Compare iv

and see below on 4 19.

'all those

e/zwnsis,

]\Iutzell remarks that this would be literally applicable to the

senes]
old soldiers of Philip who had accompanied Alexander into Asia, but
that it must really refer to the Macedonian troops generally who were

Of sucli
most part men sent afterwards to reinforce the army.
could only be said in a figurative sense, which is well illustrated by
See on
senes facti means in truth little more than 'worn out '.
10.

for the
it

5-

difficultates'X

IT

per has tamen

difficuliates

rivers storms
as concrete vii 1 1

mountains

'difficulties' of nature, such as

Compare for the use of

word

floods heat cold etc.

enituntur in verticem mantis.

with booty,
praeda, that is, 'Overflowing and laden
had won than wear themthey would rather (he judged) enjoy what they
find sXso frui parto (neuter) in mucli
selves out by getting more'.

parta

frtii']

We

the

same

See Virgil georg

sense.

300.
'

'

depend on the notion he thought easily

See Madvig 403 a.
to be supplied from what precedes.
non idan animi esse] 'his men were not of the same mind as
II.
himself. For the construction compare viii 8 19 qiietn, si Macedo
nunc Olynthio non idem iuris est.
esset, tecum introduxissem
velle etc] these infinitives

mente complexum] had grasped in mind,

'

formed the conception

'

of

universal empire.
this word
adhiic'X in silver-age Latin
also 'even', 'still'.
Compare 3 13.

primordio\
6 17.

at

'

2.

ergo]

CLd htinc

the

first

so then

'.

beginning.

The

means not only

Curtius

particle refers

much

maxime modum']

'very
often used like the Greek fidLXura as
with numerals.

'

about

hitherto

the

uses

back

'

to the

to this effect',
'

',

pretty

much

',

but

word again
end of

9.

maxime
',

is

and more

particularly

disseruit]

he

who

will

compare the following

brilliant

speech with

CURT/ RUFI

Q.

136

HIST. ALEX.

[ix 2

v 25, 26, \vill

the wearisome liaran-ue supplied to his leaders by Arrian
see the great superiority of Curlius both in imagination and expression.
That is, the two days of rest
last days '.
per hos dics^ during these
See i.
of the day on which he is speaking.
and
'

part

viii

11.

unknown. Compare
13
iuprovisd\ unexperienced,
in 9 11, but the common one is
perhaps also the meaning
'
'.
unexpected ', unforeseen
See Holden on Cic de
vamtas\ falsehood, lying. So below 17.
off in 58.
ox 'passes' from Cilicia mto
fauces] these are the 'gates' (ir-uKo-C)
See in 4 n, 12 Alexander fajtccs iugi, quae Pylae appcllantur,
Syria.
mtravit. coniemplatiis locornm situin non alias tnagis dkitttr adtniratiis^
si fiiissent qui
esse felicitatem siiam: obrui potuisse vel saxls confitebatur,
aniiatos : dorsum
in sulieunfes propelle7-ent. iter vix quaternos capiebat
r3.

Such

is

'

ereviontis inmifiebat viae non aiigustae mode sed plerumque praernptae,

This was on
bris oberrantibus rivis, qui ex radidbus montium manant.
the way to the battle of Issus.

where the battle of Gaugamela or Arbela was fought.

Curtius says IV 9 15 paucos
vado] namely the Tigris, of which
ad iemptandutn v a dtim fluminis praemisU

camposA,

equituin

ponte']

namely the Euphrates, of which he says iv 9

Um pervenit quo pontibus

iuncto

12

ad Euphra-

etc.

ad liquidum] to the clear, to clearness. That is, to a state of

14.
and see what the fact is which
traiisparency so that one can look through
Compare Velleius
underlies these obscure and distorted statements.
V 14 28.
1 16 I res adliquidum ratione pzrducta, (^uintilian
is the
ilia tradente\ when she hands them on, tliat is, when she
medium through which they are conveyed.

cum sit ex solido']

a foundation of fact.

'

though resting on a

real foundation

',

That

is,

solniius vill 14 46, and Virgil Aen xi

in solido rursus fortuna locavit.
426, 427, iuultos alterna revisens lusit et

Compare

nominis quam opens'] here we have probably no more than an

antithesis between ovoiia. and
attempt to express the common Greek

'name' and

epyov,

15.

6.

sustinerf]

'reality',

compare

armentorum]

22, IX 5 18.

cattle.

See viu 12

11.

The word

is

con-

nected with the root of aro.

Strabo however xv i 42 says and they are seldom

difficilius]
hard to tame; for they are naturally of a mild and gentle disposition, so
as closely to resemble a rational animal (Xo^u-y fwy) '.
'

17.
namflumen etc] the connexion of the sense seems to be this.
of the rivers
[The other obstacles are exaggerated, and so is the breadth
but this even if taken for granted would afford no proof of their being
hard to cross] For a river etc. Alexander seems to be pointing out
that the croakers have for once overshot their mark.
:

'

'

NOTES.

12-25]

T37

that
spatio ah'ei] by reason ol the breadth of channel,
channel is broad.

8.

all

Sd...fingainiis'\

those stories are true'.

That

quot Poms]
decHnari in fiigai\

See 4

fly'.

in the battle with Porus.

'

turn themselves

'squeeze out',

elidtmt]

into

away

'

fliglit

'

swerve

20.
'

21,

is,

VIII 13 6.

20.

and

the

but suppose for the sake of argument that

Compare Juvenal 11 iii sed hi vera puta.

praeseiis] 'before our eyes'.

aside

when

in ripa\ emphatic.
'

19.

is,

nip': hence

'

hamper'.

inhabiles\ for the matter see vili 14 18.

opposiierit?!^

22.

did not set

them

in line.

introducing an objection to be immedi 437 c, Kennedy 79, 6 b.

at eiiiin] as usual,

ately answered.

Madvig

pancis\ emphatic.
enivi\ ironical.
'

sustinebifis\ endure, support,

bear the shock of.

'
goes with adversus viultitiidimni.
Unconquered
in fighting against odds'.
But the battle of the Granicus was not a

23.

i7ivicti\

striking instance of this.

this refers to the
Cilicia']
III II 27 Darius lost

Curtius

battle of Issus, in

which according

to

110,000 men.

Compare Virgil Aen X 24 iniiiidant sanSo Lucan X 32, 33 says of Alexander ignotos
miscuit amms, Persamm Euphraten Jndoniin sanguine Gangen. Compare Horace carm 11 i 34
36.
iiimtdafal

guine fossae

'deluged'.

{2! fossas).

Arbela, eui/is] yet Arbela is neuter phu-al.

ossibict strati] Compare the description of the finding the remains
of the army of Varus, Tacitus ann 161.
24.

'

solitudinetn etc]

now

that

you have depopulated Asia by

Compare Tacitus Agr 30

your conquests'.

(of

Roman

conquest) ubi

solitudinem faciunt, pacetn appellant.

25.

illi

Bactrians etc.

throng like that' of Scythians

contemptuous, and denotes mere
See iii 3 27 (of the
stare paratiim et sequi, nee titrba nee sarci-

turbae\ that crowd,

tttrba, as in 22,

numbers as opposed
Macedonian army) agtiien

'a

is

to eflective strength.
et

nis pj-aegrave.
gesturtis

sum]

'

mean

to do'.

vadeni praedemque] 'bail and surety', vas was a surety in general,

and particularly for the appearance of a person to answer a criminal
charge, praes v,-as a surety in civil matters, such as the disputed poshe would guarantee that the property should not be
session of land
damaged before the right of ownership was settled. Ausonius idyll 12
;

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

Q.

138
siibit

in

pom am

quis
quis dabitur? praes.

capitali iudicio ?

vas.

quid

[ix 2

si lis fucrit ninitntaria,

Madvig 297 b obs 2. Miitzell

brought out more strongly thus than if

use of the genitive see

7nei\ for this

remarks that the opposition

he liad written nicos.

is

'I beg'.
See Madvig 248.
in liminc\ 'on the threshold', that is, just about to begin.
Compare VI 3 17 in ipso limine victoriae s/nmns. Airian v 26 % 6
makes him say i}/xets 5^ Kal to, in viroXoiwa rrji 'Aaias irpoadeTe roh TJdij

inihi\ the so-called dativus ethicus.

26.

KeKTrj/xivoLS Kal to.

oXlya rots 7ro\Xo:y.

on 4 18.
Arrian V 26 i makes him say that it is not
oceanuni] see 4 17.
far to the Ganges and the Eastern sea, which the Hyrcanian sea (Caspian) will be found to join, inTrfpiepxerai yap yfjv -rrepl wdirav 77 fxt-^dXr]
so/is or/iem] see

See on 3 14.
Jine tetraruni] Arrian V 26 2 makes him say that after a voyage
pretty well round the earth they will have as theirs all Africa and
Asia, Kal Spot, rrj^ Tavrrj dpxvs ovairep Kal rfjs yyjs 8povs 6 6eos iiroirjcre.
ddXaaca.

dives et

27.

made merely

a statement

inbellis'X

to

entice

his

hearers on.
28. per vos etc] vos does not go with per, but follows oro qiiaesoque below, per governs the gloriam and merita by which he is adjuring
them. For this order of words compare V 8 16 per ego vos decora
maiorum...oro et Oi^to/i?/-, Horace carm i 8. Sometimes the verbs of
entreaty are left out, to be supplied in sense, as IV 14 24 per ego vos
deos pa trios aetermtmqiie ignem... vindicate ab ultimo dedecore nomen
getitemqiie Persariim.
fastigiiivi\ the

and IV

invicti]

ipsos beneficio

cerentur

'pinnacle' of

human

greatness.

Compare

10 24,

kaud contentus mortalifastigio.

we adhere to the old reading. Compare

VII 10 8 si quis
iniuria expcriri maluisset, certaturos fuisse ne vinVogel adds Cic pro Mil 96. There is a similar ex-

quam

officio.

pression in Greek.

Plut Alex 59 illustrates

it

w^ll.

umqiiam praecepi, qui)i\ for quin= 'in such a way that

not = without see Madvig 440 a obs 3, and below 9 23.
in my grasp',
infregeritis etc] 'do not break the palm already
Miitthat is, do not break off my hitherto Unbroken career of victory.
29.

'

zell

'

7tihil
'

compares Seneca Phoenissae 536

spolia deiecti geras ; frangetida

si

invidia afucrit']

without incurring the

30.

pulso'X

palma

foil

= et

dveiricpdovov

ill-will

of heaven'.

'knock

exultes

licet victorqtte

'

at'.

fratris

est.

dtnlv,

if I

Compare Claudian de

may speak
bell

thus

Getico 625

pulsaretque tuas ultdatus coniugis aures.

taces
tacere perseverarent] 'still suppressed what they felt',
31.
used of keeping back something: compare VI 10 35 si et quum indicamus invisi et quum tacemus stispecti sumus, quid facere nos oportct (
is

NOTES.

25-34]

The

139

word

to denote (as here) the suppression of a feeling is

Compare Virgil Aen iv 67 taciturn vivit sub
particularly elegant.
pectore volnus.

use of the

deliqui etc] 'I must have inadvertently given

will not even look at me'.

you some

offence, that

you

quod...vuItis\ this clause with quod \% not dependent on the leading

proposition, but rather contains the circumstance that suggested that
The argument then is ' as to [the circumstance of] your
proposition.
being unwilling to look at me, [I infer that] I must have offended you '.
See Madvig 39S b obs 1, and compare Virgil Aen 11 180, 181 et nunc
quod patrias vcnto peliere JMycenas, arma deosque paratii comites.

Munro's note on Lucretius iv 885

will

supply ample information on this

point.

in solitudine] compare 4 33.

tiemo saltern nt'gat'\ 'no one so

with me.

much

as refuses', that

is,

to go

on

used in silver-age Latin after a negative in much

as quidem.
Here he might have written ftemo ne negat

saltern is

the same

way

quidem.

See Quiniil

g 24, 31, 2 16,

you some strangers?

quid autem postulo?~\ that is, am I claiming something utterly absurd
and beyond bearing? postnlo ai^iQi, autem'ayQ, and', does not set
aside what goes before.
See Madvig 437 b.
32.

qtios adloquor] that is, are

vestram] emphatic.
vindicamus] note the plural 'that 7ve are upholding'. For vindico
compare X 7 15 in eadein do/no familiaqiie imperii vires remaiifitras
esse gaudebant : hereditarium iviperiuni stirpem regiatn vindicaturam :
adsuetos esse notnen ipsum colere venerariqu, riec queinquam id capere
nisi genitutn ut regnaret, Caesar bell gall vii 76.

vuhierati] perhaps this refers to the wound in viii 10 27

30.
hostihis deditus\ this, the most stinging expression of the tliree,
because most clearly implying the agency of the army, is carefully reserved to the end of the sentence.
Compare Cic pro Sulla 79 obicere
invidiae, dedere siispiiioni.
geiitibus, quartan etc] see 2 3.
nominal the mere names. Compare IV 12 9 Itidi ceterique rubri
maris accolae, noviina verius qiiam auxilia, post citrrus erant, Tacitus
hist IV 14 attollerent tantum ocidos et iuania Ui^ionutn notnina ne paves-

33-

Cerent.

erunt nieciim etc] compare Caesar bell gall i 40 quod si praeterea

sequatur, tamen se cum sola decima legione iturum, de qua non
dubitaret, sibique earn praetoriam coJiortein fttturam.
34.
Compare X 2
precario etc] to be connnander on sufferance.
i^ palarn certe rupistis imperium, et precario rex sum, Tacitus Agr 16

nemo

Trebellius fuga ac latebris vitata exercitus ira indecorus atque

precario

humiUs

max praefuit.

deserto rege etc] Arrian

v 28

2 says that after

Coenus had spoken

I40

CURTl RUFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

[ix 2

34

u]) the meeting and on tlie morrow assembled them

ayros i^kv ievai i<f>r) tov irp6ffw, ^idataOai Se ovdefa dKovra

Alexander broke
again and

l^laKeSovojv ^vviTreffdai' e^eiv ydp toi)s dKo\ovdi)aovTas ry fSaffiXfi (T(pQv

eKovras' tois 8^ kuI diriivai oiKabe idiXovaiv virapx^iv diTLevai kuI i^ayyiWeiv Toh olKtiois 6ri tov ^affCkia (r<puiv iv /xecrots to?? TroXe/xtots iTravr]-

KOV(nv dvo\i.ir6vTes.

a vobis etc] 'for the victory that you have given up hope of. loaii
somewhat awkwardly with this, but is natural enough

inveniani goes
with morii.

CHAPTER
I.

expectabant

Caesar bell civ

feratur.

66

Render

'

lit

7teqiie

wait for

III.

construction is rare, but found in

expectant ut de eortim iniperio ad populuni
this

etc]

'.

The construction
perferrent etc] 'report [the news] that'....
that with miiitio (see Vili 14 i) and other words.
illi\ that is, the duces principesqiie.
2.

sua

sp07ite\

'of

its

liberius\ compare VI 2
qiierellas dolor.

own

accord

secessio

',

that

is,

militum

like

is

no one knew how.

ct liberior

inter niiituas

erigi\ to raise itself, arise.

temperare oculis\ to refrain from tears.

Compare Livy xxi

22.

3. propius tribunal] compare VII 7 9 propiits ipsuin considere

arnicas iubet, and see Madvig 172 part III obs 4.

tut Coem/s] this speech put into the mouth of Coenus has a
5.
peculiar literary interest beyond the ordinary ran of orations written for
their leading characters by the rhetorical historians of antiquity.
In the
remaining works of the elder Seneca we have a suasoria or hortatory
oration (see Mayor on Juvenal l 16) on this very subject, in which are
arranged all the telling sentences that some of the most famous Roman
The remarkable
rhetoricians could compose to suit the situation.
parallels found in this collection to the present speech of Curtius illustrate in a very striking way the artificial nature of these harangues, and
shew what a vast amount of labour this spirited and polished specimen
The corresponding speech in Arrian v 27,
probably took to produce.
though less pointed than that in Curtius, is more natural and easy, and
to
that
far
See
put into the mouth of Alexander.
certainly
superior

appendix A.

So Virgil georg I 511 Mars

inpias mcjites] 'disloyal thoughts'.
Aen vi 612 ariiia impia, speaking of civil wars.
For the general form of the
assuredly '.
profecto'] one may be sure,
sentence compare V 8 9 dignissimi quibus, si ego 7ion possim, dii pro me
gratiam 7-eferant. et tnehercule referent.
inpius,

'

idem animus etc] Arrian V 27 4 on the contrary oKlyoi 5i

\Qv inroKditovTai., koI ovre tois awixacnv en waavrios ippu/xivoc,
yi'wp.ais

TToXi) ert

pLaXXov 7r^o/ceK/*7;^6rey.

e/c

ttoX-

Taii re

AZOTES.

3i ii]

T41

Aen

IV 639 perficere est animus,

compare Virgil
Horace epod xvi 17 11 nulla sit hac potior saitentia
ire pedes qiio-

atiimus

est ...ire]

ctiinque Jerent.

commaidare

'to give your

etc]

Compare Cic ad fam X

'

so then

'.

Lucan

exaJigues]

quo

in

Ovid heroid XVI 374 iiomcn ah

posteritati\

proinde\

name

keeping to after ages'.

12.

acteriia postcritate feres.

343 (of the veterans of Caesar) conferet exanguis

Sallust Cat 39 4, Cic pro Sest 24.

se post bella senectus?

6.
auspiciui)i\ a very Roman notion, which comes again 6 9, vi
3 2 (enumerating a list of conquests) quorum alia ductu ineo, alia iiuSee Horace carm I 7 27, IV 1 4 33, Suetoperio atispicioque perdoinui.
nius Aug 21, Tacitus ann 11 41.

The metaphor
filled up the measure of.
Compare Tacitus Agr 44 7,'era
capere (xoipelv) 'to contain '.
bona, quae in virtutibus sita sunt, inplez'erat.
8.
fiitc\ TdLCiius Agr J,^uec ingloriu/n fuerit in ipso terraruni ac
naturae fine cecidisse.
See also 4 18 below.
inplevimus\ 'have

7.

is

shewn by

eruere expetis]

VI

17

on Lucr
sol\

Curtius uses this construction elsewhere.

dicturum se quae

scire

expeterent pollicelur.

Compare
See Munro

418.

see on 4 18.
'

victoi-ia lustres]
may traverse as conqueror '. Compare Virgil
IV 607 sol qui terrarum flamniis opera omnia luslras.
in incremento erit]
will be ever growing '. Comjiare iv 2
9.
tnolis, cuius incrementutn cos antea fefellerat.
'

Aen
21

putria] this word seems to mean 'broken', 'cloven', that is,

In Livy xxi 37 (of
badly-healed or sloughing wounds.
Hannibal's passing the Alps) we are told ai-dcutiaqne saxa infuso aceto
putrcfaciujit : the same operation is spoken of by Juvenal X 153 diducit
scopulos et montem rumpit aceto, and Fliny XXIII 57 uses rumpit in the
same way of the effect of vinegar on rocks; while in Virgil Aen ix 432
10.

cut

\\\>

\\ith

we have
iam
5id. TTji'

Candida pectora rumpit.

Diodorus XVII 94 says of the army koX ruiu nh 'i-mToiv
avvex^'-"-" '"^^ odoi'TopLas ras owXas inroTeTplcpOai avvijiawe, rwv 5i
(ensis)

tela etc] so

'

birXuf
irivai

TUP

TO. TrXeiVra Kare^dvOaL Kal rbv fikv

EWiji'iKdv IfiaTicxi^iov e/cXcXot(TwavayKd^ecrdai 5e ^apjSapiKoh {/(pdff/xaai XPV'^^"-'-! avvTip.6vTas to.

li'dui' irpi^Xrjp.aTa.

tela...arma] offensive

and defensive

cannot be brought up
subvehf]
notion of up to the place required.
'

respectively.

to supply

degeneraviiiius] so viii

5^(4

sub conveys

tlie

in peregrinos externosquerittts degenerare.

multos] that is, how few.

opjiortunity of escaping.
luburaiiius] are struiLcncil, in dilficullies.
II.

us.

'

quam

The

slaves had taken every

Compare

g 5.

142

Q.

CURTI RUFI

HIST. ALEX.

[1x3

li.
nudutfi] a supply of arms soon came; see 21.
ut angeant] for ut concessive see Madvig 440 a obs 4, and compare
4 18, 6 6 below.

Coenus speaks

inteUego\

'

13.

adhnc\

still

compare 4

deciirrere\

as in 15.

'.

2.

hie quoque] that

See on 2 26.
the ocean.
14.

ei-rare]

own person

in his

further

is,

it

is

not necessary to cross India to find

to go wandering about.
non nfi etc] Arrian v 27

2 makes Coenus say oi'Se vwtp

ravTijs (ttjs ffrparids ttjs iroWrji) to. Had' ij5ovr]i' iKelvois epSj, dXX' a, vofu^u)
15.

etc.

^I'l/xcpopa

ploratu etc] Arrian V 28 1 roiav-a elirovTos tov Koivov

Bopv^ov yeveadai e/c twv wapdvTUv ^irl rots \6yois' TroWots 5^ 8rj Kai daKpva

16.

trpoxvdivTa ^ti fiaXKov 87]\w(Tai to re Akoiktiov ttjs yvicfji,T]s is tovs wpocro)

KivSufovi Kai TO Kad' ijhovqv acpiaiv elvai Trp> dra^wpT^criv.
'

17.

excusatio] 'begging off

further campaigning.

could not have chidden them for their stubbornpoterat etc]

That is, the feeling of the army was so strong and unanimous
ness'.
that he could not see his way to giving them a lecture on their misbehaviour.
'

18.

obstmatos\

compare 2
v 28

itaque etc] Arrian

T Koirou Ty

irapp-qcriq.

30.

r
Kai ry

3 'AX^^avSpoi S^ t6t pev axOecrOeh tov

Bkvlii

twu dWcov

rjyep.bvoiv

SUXvcre tov

(on the morrow he spoke as quoted above on 2 34) Tavr

eivbvra aveKdiiv es ttji/ aKrjvrjv, p.7)M Ttva ti2v iralpoov wpoaiadai avrrjs re

^vWoyov
eKeivrjs

ttjs

ijujpas Kai es Trjf Tpiryjv Iti

ixTr'

eKeivrjs.

Diodorus XVII 94

says tliat Alexander tried to reconcile his soldiers to a further march by

giving up the rich river valley-lands to plunder after which he addressed
them in a set speech, but found the Macedonians immoveable, and so
;

abandoned

his project.

irae] Arrian V 28 3 says that he was not

waiting for the chance of a change in the minds of the
g 19.

merely angry but

men, which how-

ever did not take place.

erigiqiie etc] Arrian Diodorus and the rest give much the same
vi 62 says of the
account, the latter with more detail.
Pliny
Hypasis qui fuit Alexaiidri itinertun terminus, exsuperato ta7tien amne
This statement is not slipported by any
arisque in adversa ripa dicatis.
other writer, and from what we know of the tendency of the Panjab
rivers to destroy their banks and change their channels we can hardly
expect that the research of travellers will ever settle the point. The
account of Pliny is probable enough and is not contradicted.

NH

to be drawn out wide'.

extcnd{\
Compare Ovid metam I 43 iussit
The lines were to be on a larger scale than
extendi campos {dens).
ordinary.
'

et

NOTES.

122 2]

143

fallax miracjclitni] so Plutarch Alex 6^ says

voWa

rrpas hh^av aira-

TTjXd Kal <TO(pi(TrLKa /xyjxavufj.fi'os.

20.
Compare Livy xxxv 28 utru?n pcrgcre
re/ietens] 'retracing'.
Diodorus
qua-coepisset ire via, an earn qua venisset repetere melitis essct.
XVII 95 Toi^ aurats oSois iropevBd's dviKa/xipei' eirl tov^ KKealvriv irorafidv.

Coeniis] Arrian's account makes Coenus die by the Hydaspes not at

the Acesines, V 29 3, vi 2 i
.

'

tnorfe"]

of

The use of the

the death of Coenus.
very remarkable in IV 10 g 30 we have ingcmuisse ctiam
'
morti over the death '.

at

ablative here

'

or

'

by reason

is

Alexandrnm

propter paucos dies etc] paucos and longani are in emphatic opposition
'
That it was but for the sake of a few days that he had
opened a long-winded speech as though he alone were destined to see
Macedonia again '. visurus kTroipbix(vos to live to see'. Arrian V 27
6 makes Coenus use the word eirioilv.
to each other.

'

in aqua stabaf]

21.

Compare 9

19.

That

is,

'was riding [at moorings] in the stream'.

it was
completed and ready for service.

Diodorus also says that it was in the Acesines, Arrian with much more
Arrian v 29 3 tells us that
probability that it was in the Hydaspes.
a city was founded on the Acesines.
inter haecl

= interea.

in supplemeiitii7n etc] Diodorus XVII 95 ^-a7a 5^ tovtov rov xp''^^

EXXdSos CTvfxnaxoi Kal /uLcr6o(p6poi Sid rdv aTparriyuit' tjyinevoi

irXelovs TpiafivfiCwv, lirTreTs S' ov TroXi) Xeiirovres tC)v e|aA:fO'X'X''"',
fKO/xiaOrjaav 8{ Kai iravoTr\iai 5iairpTreis Trefots fj.ei> Sianvploii Kal wevra-

7}K0v fK TTJs
Trefoi

fj.iv

K((TxtXi'oij, (papixaKOiv 5'

iaTfnKwv fKaTov TaXavra.

thus, remarking that ^rwrt = suits of

armour', and that we ought thus to have annorum...caelaionim, but
without any reference to the words of Diodorus, which so strongly sup-

Madvig emends

fnilibus]

'

port his view.

Arrian vi 2 4
22.
viilh^ Diodorus also makes the total xooo.
says (following Ptolemy) that counting in all the smaller craft there
far
were not
short of 2000, and in the Indica 19 7 he gives the total
more precisely at 1800. There is however some doubt about the
in
these
two passages.
reading
'

discordesque et...retractantes\

The

ing feuds'.
Curtius,

and

que...et is one
re... Kal in Greek.

disagreeing and raking up old-standof the quasi-poetical mannerisms of

Forum

et Taxileii\ Arrian speaking of the time just after the battle

on the Hydaspes says (v 20 4) koX Ta^iXr; di diaXXdrrei IliSpov Kal
Tai^lXr]v diroiriiJ.irei. 6irl<ru} (U rd rjffr) to avTov. This may refer to the same

circumstance.

pirmatae .reh'nquit] the construction of relinquit here with a genitive of quality following is very remarkable.
.See however note on
VIII 10 24 obiecta est, and compare the passage quoted on 23 drdieaits,
. .

forace sat

aitt/ni,

4 17. i8 di benefecervnt ittnpis vu- qtwdqite pusilli fiiixenin'

Render 'left them with friendly relations
g 287.

and see Madvig

144

Q-

CURTI R UFI HIST. ALEX,

strengthened by a marriage alliance

Holden on Cic de off i 54, where a

[ix 3

'.

For the wonl

list

of adfines

2224

adfinitatevi

see

is

given.
finds the site of this at

Nicaeant] General Cunningham

Mong
or eastern bank of the Hydaspes.
It will be remarked that
Curtius speaks as though these towns were on the Acesines, yet he cannot have meant this as he makes the great battle (viii 14) take place on
23.

on the

left

the Hydaspes.

Bucephala] the name is given thus by Arrian and Diodorus, thougli

the former makes it neuter plural, the latter feminine singular.
Strabo
and Plutarch call it HovKefpaXla. General Cunningham finds the site of
this place at Jalalpur on the right or western bank of the
Hydaspes.
For the death of Alexander's favourite horse Bucephalus see Viii 14

34memoriae ac nomini\ a hendiadys, 'to commemorate'.

dedicans\ 'dedicating' in the metaphorical sense in which the silverage writers use tlie word.
Compare Pliny
praef 12 iiwae qnidem

NH

temcritati accessit hoc quoque,

quod

levioris opcrae

hos tibi dedicavi

libellos.

We

elcphantis etc] this account is neither clear nor correct.

VI 2 2 that the bulk of the army marched along tlie
banks of the river, Craterus commanding the division on the right
bank, Hepliaestion the larger one on the left bank: the elephants were
with the latter.
With this Diodorus XVII 96 agrees in general terms.
24.

know from Arrian

secundo amne\

'down

stream', as

we

say.

Compare 6

2, 8 3,

447 missusque secundo dcjluil amui.

Alexander did not
quadragiiita stadia] that is, about 5 miles.
hurry for the reason here given, that he might take every good opporThis was not only for the benefit of the armament,
tunity of landing.
but (as we learn from Arrian VI 4 2) to receive or compel the submisStrabo XV
sion of the native tribes along the river.
17 following
Aristobulus tells us that the voyage down to Patala at tlie head of the
Indus delta took ten months.
9 27, Virgil georg

ill

exponi] disembarked, put ashore.

'
from time to lime '.
subinde\

See 9

CHAPTER

11.

IV.

The words seem to imply

coinmittitur] 'joins',
Hydaspes was an affluent of the Acesines, and not vice versa,
which we know from Arrian VI i 5. It is to be remembered that
Curtius supposes the fleet to have been built and the voyage begun on
the Acesines.
Compare VII 3 20 7\mrus secundac t?iagnitudi>iis
See below 8.
nions committitur Caucaso.
'

I.

falls

into'.

that the

2.
Siborum] Diodoms also calls them Si^ot, but Arrian and
It is generally supposed that a tribe
Strabo have the form Si^at.
devoted to the worship of Siva are meant. See M'Crindle p iii and
VIII

14^11.

I S]

NOTES.

T45

He}-cuUs\ this same story is preserved by Strabo xv i 8, Diodorus

XVII 96, Arrian Indica 5 12. The last cites it as an instance of the
inventions that were occasioned by Alexander's expedition.
Hercules
was generally represented with a lion's skin and a club.

The word goes with excessit.

4.
hinc\ from the land of Sibi.
learn from Diodorus that the Sibi received Alexander
kindly and
that he in return treated them well.

We

milia gens^ the reading alia is found only in the Paris MS.
5.
seems better to keep the old reading than to insert alia before gens
and then to emend this assumed reading into Agalasses as Vogel does
in his text merely because Diodorus names the
people thus xvii 96 \araIt

hk

\a.^\cv

KKTfivpiovs

Toiis

dvofxa^o/j-^vovs \\')a\a(Taeis ijOpoLKoras 7rfoi)s /-'.(i' TerpuSe rptcrx'^ioi'S, avi'd\(/as avTols tidxv ^ai ci/iijcras roi/s

l-TTirfls

Tr\d(jTOvs KareKoxj/e tois 5^ Xonrovi

irdXets iKwoXiopKi^ffas e^rivRpaTroSicraTo.

ixiv

<TviJ.(pvy6vTas

We

-efis

(those of the regio and oppiditni above)

eis

rds

TrXijcloi'

must observe that only one

seem to be meant here.

fliu)ii7tui\ either the stream formed by the junction of the Hydaspes with the Acesines, or perhaps, the Hydaspes and some small
tributary stream (the name of which Curtius has not recorded) are re-

ferred to.

quae\ that is, the milia pedifuin.

amiie\ probably a tributary stream.
inclusos] that is the whole population, not merely the remains of the

milia peditum.

expngnat]
for

its

For

word used with the people

ad expugnandos eos, qui cdila
Tacitus hist V 1 2, Agr 4 1

eos.

this

object see VI 6 25

paverant, redit,

(not the place)

iiioiitimn occn-

Diodorus xvii 96 says just the same.

sed...crcma)!t\ Diodorus says, 'and having in his anger set fire to the
city he burnt in it most of the inhabitants: but some of the surviving
natives took refuge in the citadel and addressed him as
suppliants,
These he let go free, to the number of 3000'.
bearing olive-branches.
The account in Curtius is quite as probable as that in Diodorus, and
similar instances of desperation have been known in later times.
But
it
must be confessed that Curtius seems here to be straining after
6.

alteratn...ainisii\

effect.

adco etc] 'so completely does war invert natural relations'.

f,o true is it that', 'so
remarkably', compare 10 30, Livy
praef 11, 19, Quintilian xil 11 16.

7.

For adeo='

naturae iura] the natural rights or relations of men to each other,

some other object, as a person or place. Compare Vir 8 28
t/uos viceris, amicos tibi esse cave credas : inter dominum ct servum nulla
amicitia est: etiam in pace belli tainen iura servantur, where belli iura
= hostile relations. Compare 8 10, 10 8.
or to

S.

C.

arx] emphatic.

The town was

burnt.

10

146

CURTT RUFI

Q.

HIST. ALEX.

The word generally

dereliquit\ 'left behind'.
or forsake, and its use here is very strange.

means

[ix 4
to

abandon

ciraimvectus est\ the geography of this passage is so utterly confused that it is well-nigh useless to attempt any rational explanation.
How he can have sailed round the citadel strictly speaking is very hard
to see ; and we can only be certain that there is some confusion below
between the two confluences (a) of the Hydaspes and Acesines and
Diodorus does not confuse these but
{b) of the Acesines and Indus.
makes the armament reach the former confluence before these operations and then sail on to the latter, XVII 97 aivrds
-koXiv nera tlov
(p'lKwv i/J-^as els ras vavs Sta rod woTafiov rbv TrXoOv eiroiHTO jUfX/" '''V'^
av)j.po\ri% Tijov irpoeipyi^ivuiv woTaawv Kal rod IvSov.

tmmimento] Curtius uses the singular of this word in the same sense
See viii 2 20 fauces regionis qua
in artissimiDii cogihir valido mimimento sepsei-at, V i 31.
'

line of fortification' as the plural.

the meaning of septentriones or septcntrio is discussed

Virgil georg III 381.
The notion of blending is more promiconfunditta-X 'unites with'.
septentrioiie\

by Conington on
nent in 9
9.

7.

coehis\ the

meeting

midtoqite...cogitur\

narrow channel by mud

the meeting waters'.
tiirbatur\
nit'inoi'abilis

{<TviJ.po\ri)

of

tlie rivers.

'and

the navigable way is compressed into a

banks kept continually shifting by the force ot

compare III 4 8 Cydnus non spatio aquarum sed liqiiore

qiiippe leni tractu e fontibus labcns piiro solo excipiiui', nee

torrentes htcnrrKut qid placide

manantis alveum turbent.

we

are unable to follow Hedicke here in adopting the conill 53

jecture of Heinsius meattir navigiis.
Compare Plin
?neant\

N H

tneabilis.

and detailed
5. 3 gives a vivid
10. itaqiit' etc] Arrian vi 4 4
account of this violent confluence (according to him that of the Hydaspes and Acesines), but says nothing of Alexander's personal danger.
In this however as in other respects the account of Diodorus xvii 97
The stoiy of Alexander's upset was
agrees with that of Curtius.
incident and Curtius has of
probably preserved in some accounts of the
course eagerly seized upon it as affording a more dramatic situation for
the display of his rhetorical powers.
hinc.hinc] occurring twice here close together should perhaps be
taken as 'partly'...' partly', 'both'. ..'and' in both places. See on
But it is true that hinc proras hinc la fera may be renVlll 13 II.
dered (beating) from the one side on the prows, from the other on the
'

broadsides of the vessels'.

subducere vela] to furl or take in sail.
in the account of the Alexandrine war 45.

The

expression

is

found also

MSS give eelu. Of the various readings proposed we preJunius accepted by Miitzell, who well refers to the words 9
of a similar scene of confusion.
15 which occur ia a passage descriptive
melii] the

fer this of

NOTES.

8 15]

T47

that is, their own flurry and the speed

ocai/'antiir'] are forestalled
of the current prevented them from executing their orders in time.
may render are hindered '. For the sense of occiipare compare 5 24,
and for celeritate VI 1 1 14 19.
:

We

'

in ocu/is]

II.

ii>

'

6iJ.jj.a.<Tiv

before the eyes of.

mawra] Diodorus says Svo /n.aKpai vaus. Arrian explains that the
shorter and rounder vessels came off safe and sound, while the longer
vessels came off badly for the most part, and two sank in consequence of
a collision. See below 9 2.
cu/n et ipsa etc] 'though they too were unmanageable'. Arrian tells
us VI 5 I that the sailing-masters so soon as they saw the rapids near
at hand called on their men to row hard in order to keep some steerageway on the vessels in the whirling current ahead of them. Curtius implies (and so does Arrian) that any efforts of this kind were not wholly
successful.

innoxia] 'unhurt '. This passive use is not uncommon in the writers
of the silver age.
Compare Lucan ix 892 (gf/is) a saevo serpcntum innoxia morsu.

expulsa

su/ii] e^eireae, says

Diodorus.

nabani\ so says Diodorus, and

makes one suspect him as well as Curtius of having
the danger.

amici

12.

13.
erg6\ seeing the danger threatening
either case.

certamine\ compare \'irgil

concita>ti\ the crew, that

Aen

III

it

from both

128, 290,

a touch that

is

made

the most of

sides, that

is,

in

778.

is.

'

might be beaten out ', that is, forced to give place

In fact they rowed their very
vessel's bow.
hardest in order to get some steerage-way on the ship even at the
eleventh hour.
Compare iv 3 18 (at the siege of Tyre) tandem remis
everbcrarenlitr']

by the impulse of the

pertinacitts everbciatiini inare vehiii eripientibus navigia classicis cessit,

appulsaque sunt litori, laccrata pleraqnc.
14.

crederes\

Madvig

370.

Compare 9

ittliditur] els rriv yrjv e^eirecre, says

bclluni etc] this

is

16 below.

Diodorus.

sad stuff indeed.

Some

take ergo to refer back to

this.

sacrificid\

Diodorus says that he compared

struggle with the

river in

Iliad

XXI.

this affair to Achilles'

awdeis 5^ wapad^^uis toIs 6ioii

(Ovcrev uis fie-yiarovs ^/CTre^eu^ws Kivbvvovs xai irpos Trora/jLov 6/xoiu^ 'Ax'X^fi^
But it is very doubtful whether any
It is possible.
oiayojviadpiei'os.

echo of
bclhon

this

statement, however faint,

is

to

be found in

eum ainni

etc.

Sudracaruni] we have here retained the form found in the

and supported by Justin xii 9 3. The Greek writers generally
them Oxydrakae. From Strabo XV i ^ 33 we learn that ihey lay

15.

MSS
call

10

CURTI RUFT HTST. ALEX.

Q-

14??

to the south of the tribes

between the Indus and Hydaspes.

[ix 4

Meineke's

text there has SvdpaKat.

Malloruni] this tribe were neighbours of the Sudracae, and their

town seems to have occupied the site of the present Multan. See
below on 8 3.

chief

alias
hnixerat] Diodorus XVII 98 says the same, and adds that
they soon got to loggerheads again and never fought together against
Alexander.
more than 80000 infantry, looco
Diodorus says
7tonagi>!ia etc]
'

cavalry and 700 chariots

16.

integrutn']

'.

a war, that

is,

no part of which had been got over.

Arrian Diodorus and
and Strabo calls them

ferocissiinis'] the most high-spirited nations.

Plutarch all use the epithet /.caxt/*os of them,

'

In silver-age
trans)nittere\ to let go by, hence to give up '.
find many of these pregnant words used with a certain archCompare Tacitus hist iv 9 catn sentcntiam modestissiimis qitisqitc

17.

Latin

we

ness.

silentio dcindc oblivio transmisit: fuere qui et mcminissoit, also I 13,

and Juvenal vii 100 excinpla novoriiiii fatoritm transi, also HI 1 14, X
Render 'though he had been driven to give up the river
VI 602.

273,

Ganges and the regions beyond, he had not ended the war but only
shifted

it '.

extra siderd\ outside the range of the constellations they had

in their own zone.
Curtius is in this place probably
796 (of Augustus) super et Garamantas
thinking of Virgil Aen vi 794
iacet extra sidera tellus, exti'a anni solisqtie
et Itidos proferct iniperiiim
251 should be compared.
vias, with which georg I 231
18.

been used to see

novis
existere\ perhaps Curtius has in his head the story of the
serpent's teeth and Jason ; perhaps even the very lines of Ovid heroid
XII (Medea Jasoni) occurred to him, as for instance 45
47 se>?iiiia
praeterea populos genitura iuberis spargere devota lata per arva manu,
qui peterent secum fiatis tua corpora tclis, and 95, 96 arva venenatis
pro seinine dentibus iviples: nascitur et gladios scutaque miles

habet.
'

over
identident]
'
closely with novis.
ever

new

'.

See 9

The word should be taken

and over again
enemies were ever springing up with arms
'.

New

10, 21.

existere] for the word compare Lucretius 11 871

vivos existere vermes stercore de taetro.
quod...ma)ie7-e'\

405

for

these questions

in

oratio

quippe videre
obliqua see

licet

Madvig

a.

far on the earth

eternal darkness.
Racine {Alexandre'^ i) imitating the present passage says des deserts que
le ciel refuse d'eclairer, oil la fiature seiiible elle-vieme expircr.

caliginern\ there was a very old notion that to go

would surely land the voyager at length in a region of

'

perpcluar,i\ continuous,

unbroken

'.

NOTES.

1524]

compare Virgil Aen

149

89 eripitint subilo nubes

caehimque dienique Teucronifn ex oculis; ponlo nox incubat aira.
incubanic'Di]

beluarufn]

compare Horace carm

88,

III

27

26,

27 scateniem behiis

fontum.
inmobiles undas] one of the fabled marvels of distant seas. Compare
Tacitus Agr 10 sed mare pigrum et grave rcmigaiiiibus pcr/iibnii ve

quidcm perinde atiolli; credo quod rariores terrae montesqiie,

causa ac materia ieinpestatum, et profunda moles cont'umi maris iardius

veiitis

impellitur.
de/eccrif] for this expression and indeed for the whole of 18 compare the suasoria of Seneca spoken of on 3 5 above, and primed
in appendix A.
may render 'gave way in despair' or 'broke
down
See below 6 20 aliam natiiram, and 9 4.

We

'.

nihil delude etc] 'after that there was nothing in their way
19.
beside these tribes '. The deinde nifjans after the conquest of the tribes
spoken of, and praeter has gentes is really superfluous.
'

terrarum spatial the breadth of the lands, that is, the distance from
the place where they stood to the great sea or oceanus.
cessisse etc] possibly a se should be inserted before i/lis; any 20.
how it must be mentally supplied, and- it may easily have fallen out after
the last syllable of the preceding infinitive.
But in 6 6, 26 we have
similar omissions of the pronoun so too in other writers, as Sallust
^^t 31 7.
'He had given way to their fears of the Ganges and the
numerous peoples beyond the river'. For (ri'^/W'^= ' to give way compare X 7 18 {precari) ut absisterent bello regiqtie et pluribus cederent.
;

'

21.

ia/n... marls']

and betrays the

maris see 9 3.

high-flown stuff" utterly spoils the picture

nature of the whole paragraph.
For auram

this

artificial

Herculis...termlnos'\ Virgil Aen vi Sot

805 nee vera Alcidcs taniuin tellurls oblvit, fixerlt acrlpcdcm cei~vain licet aut Erynianthl pacarlt
nciiiora et Lernam tremcfecerlt area, nee qui pampijiels victor liiga Jlcciit
habcnis Liber agens celso Nysae de vertlce tlgrls,
sedltlonls
malora stent] we can render best by changing
22.
the metaphor sligluly 'the means of quenching a mutiny are less imFor the sense compare Ovid remedia
portant than the first sparks '.
amoris 91, 92 prmclpils obsta: scro vtedlclna paratur cum mala per
convahtcre
tnoras.
longas
23.

alacer]
'

rcddltus]

= alac}-ltatls

sent forth

quos]=eos quos.

2 30.

Hercules and

fatlier

Liber are cf course meant.

This use of ad is found also in

hastes]
against the enemy '.
See also Livy 15, ir, xxii 12 2, Terence
19, 22, VIII 10 22.

ad

Index

'.

'

hautont 545.
valldlsslmae] this refers to their numbers, and agrees with
24.
the account given by the other writers.
See Arrian V 22.

ducem

etc]

Diodorus xvil 98 on the contrary says dXAcv iroKw

Q.

I50

CURTI RUFl HTST. ALEX.

[ix 4

In the following account of the campaign Curtius and Diodorus omit the important operations described by
Arrian VI 5 8, in which the skill and judgment of Alexander were
shewn to great advantage. See Thirlwall c 54 (vol VII pp 36 46).
The siege of the town, which in these two authors constitutes the camThey speak mainly of the
paign, is in Arrian only the final operation.
Sudrakae, Arrian represents the Malli as bearing the brunt of the war.
The two accounts are so widely different in their general effect that we
must consider them to have been gathered from different authorities.
Arrian probably followed Ptolemy, so the reference to him by Curtius
(5 21) is most likely no more than an indication that he consulted that
book when describing the siege, and found that Ptolemy did not profess
Had Curtius read Ptolemy's account of the camto have been present.
so summarily.
paign, it is hard to see how he could have dismissed it
The town, which Arnan vr 8 4 speaks of as ttjv fieyLcrryju tQiv MaWcoi'
See
ttoXlv, is generally placed (as has been mentioned) at Multan.
below on 26.
(TTCiffidaavTes vtrip rrji ^ye/j.ovias.

idenfidei\ with conaftts.

25.

on which

metnne...ipsos\ the leading notion

stress

the clause /;

must accordingly be

laid,

is

contained in these words,

in the chief verb of

and not

o/iigcriiif.

certe\ at all events,

'anyhow'.

Arrian VI 6 6 speaks
occupaverunt\ escaped in time to (the hills).
of Perdiccas chasing some who had fled and putting to the sword
But this is quite a different
6'cro 76 iii] ^(pdaaav is to. 'iXrj ^vfxipvyoi^Tes.
operation, and there seems to be nothing in Arrian corresponding to the
Diodorus is also silent.
present affair.
Siidracanim'] the siege of this town is one of Alexander's most
26.
famous exploits. Plutarch also speaks of the Oxydrakae, but Arrian vi
II 3 says avrlKa iv 'O^vSpuKaLS to ira.9-qixa tovto yevesdai 'AXe^dvdpu}
6 Tras X670S Karix^i-' to 8^ ev
7}
I

re TroXts MaXXaJ;'

33 MaXXoi

ixev

7ji>

/cat oi

wap oh

MaXXor?

'idvet avTuvbixLj}'\vbiKi2 ^vvi^rj,

koI

^a\6vTi% KXi^avbpov MaXXoi, and Strabo

XV

'

airodaviiv eKLvbvvevcFev 'AXe^avopos rpuffels iv

aXd'aii. wo\lx'''r]S tivos.

admovebai] compare viii g i movit.

we have retained the old reading in preference to
the conjecture of Jeep adopted by Hedicke ni omittcrct, at ccrtc
The expression comniittere obsidionem is strange, but it is to be noted
that the substantive is put with differrct.
Perhaps then we should
rather supply some such notion as pugnam from obsidionem to go with
In
coiiimitteret. connniitere proeliuvi or p7igi!ai are common enough.
Vlll 2 6 we have caede comniissa.
27.
lie

cominittcrci etc]

differret^

we must supply an

lit

from the preceding

ne.

See Madvig

462 b.
28.
De>nophontem\ Diodorus tells much the same story and gives
this soothsayer the same name.
si tjiiis etc] for a trenchant criticism of this story see Thiiiwall c 54

NOTES.

24-331

151

In place of the testy speeches which Curtius affects to

report, Diodorus only says 6 5^ ^acnXevs tovtu) /xev iw^TrXrj^ei' cbs ifiwodllovTt Tr]v aperriv tQiv ayciji'i^ofiepwv, and the more sober Arrian says
(vol

II

nothing of
30.
is

40).

t!ie affair.

diiitius

quam

Vogel remarks that the construction

respond!t\

formed on the analogy of that

\\i\.\\J>ritis...quam.

Compare

5 30.

Aman

vi 9 3 'AX^^ai'Spos S^, ws ^XaKeueiv avT(p

cunctantibiis etc]
idoKovv Tu)v ^laKfdofwv ol (p^povres ras K\lfj.aKas, apirdaa's KXifxaKa etc.
But he says that this was against the citadel wall, the town liaving been
So too Diodorus. Plutarch Alex 63 seems
carried at the first assault.
to make it the town wall, as Curtius does.
angitsta] the narrowness was in the top of the parapet running round
the wall, which was not marked out along its upper edge with battlements (pinnae), but was built in an unbroken line of breastwork (ferpetua lorica) which was in the way of assailants {obdncta), preventing
their getting over (transitui)i).
See Merivale c 58 (vil p 170).

miiri\ see on 19.

corond\ the use of this word to signify the defensive parapet of a wall
Arrian vi 9 4 calls it r\ fVaX|ij.
very strange.
31.
itaque rex etc] 'the king then was rather clinging to than
standing up on the edge (of the parapet) warding off with his shield the
is

darts that fell upon him from every side for on all sides he was now
made a mark for shot from the towers'. Curtius seems here to picture
him at the moment when, having climbed on to the edge of the corona and
having both his feet on it, he would at the same time be obliged to rest
his right hand also on the edge, in order to gain the steadiness necessary
for the manipulation of his shield as a protection from the shower of
Arrian vi 9 4 seems to speak of
missiles with which he was assailed.
him at an earlier stage, just before he took his feet from the ladder.
His words are 1757; re Trpos rg enaXt^d tou reixovs 6 j3acn\ivs rjv, kol
ipeiffas eTr' avry rrju dcnrida TOi)s fi^v wdfi ei'trw tou reixovs tQ>v '\vci(hv, roiit
de Kai aiiTou rt^ f'^et aTroKTeivas yeyvp.vwKei to ravTrj Teixoi.
:

eniinus] merely shews that the

assailed were of a missile character.

weapons with which he was being

nee subire
32.
obniebaniur] probably a piece of gratuitous
padding put in by Curtius to heighten the effect of his picture. Nothing
of the kind is found in Arrian or iJiodorus.

mount the

subire] to

wall.

Vogel
viagnilndinem pcriculi\ = {\\i\x fear of) the great danger.
well compaies viii 1 34 (of a severe march) et rarius siihinde agnicn
fiebat,

pudoi'em, ut fere

33.

aitxilia\

the help that

by

many

their hurry

nam dum

fit,

ininodico labore vincente.

nominative to morabantur, plural because denoting

were ready to bring.
But their help was delayed
'

'.

etc] this agrees with

'

spent fefelkrunl)

Arrian and Diodorus.

baulked his hope

'.

in solitudinc] in strong opposition to in conspeclu above.

Q.

1^2

CURTI RUFJ HIST. ALEX.

CHAPTER

ad idus]

T.

to

[ix 5

V.

meet the blows.

Compare VI i ^ undiijuc nimc

circumferehat\ was shifting about.
co?nmutus nunc emimis petebatur, ditique aj-nia circuinjcrcns aha tela
alia vitabat.
clipeo cxcipiehat corpore
of construction here is very remarkstabantque exceptiiri] the change
=
he could not well
able.
Having begun with claviantilms et clamabant,
have gone on stantibusqne excepturis, and so changed the construction in
the second clause.
cum ille etc] Arrian makes him think of onlytwo alternatives,
Diodorus says XVII
into the citadel.
staying where he was or jumping
iiriTeX^ffai wpa^iv
^aaiXevs eprmuieeh wdcrjs /3oi)6'e(as iroXfirjcrev
99 o
dwh tov reixovs UTreXdeiv dvpaKTOv
napdSo^ov Kal /jlvi'i/ht^s a^iav. rb yap
iSiai evirpa^las KadrjXaro fiera
irpos TOv% idiovs avd^tov Kplvas virdpxetv ttJs
a much less imaginative way of telling the
eh
Twi' 6ir\w

ttjv ttoXiv,

p.bvo%

tale

than that of Curtius.

a rash repuinsignem} 'notable rather as conferring

ad/amam
make shift to render it thus, but thmk
tation than a glorious one '.
For the conit scarce possible to translate the words satisfactorily.

We

with
struction with a(/ compare Cic pro Mur 29, 38, Lucretius III 214
Munro's note. See also Kennedy 70.
'
It is common in a good
in a neutral sense.
here
'

famami

sense

= renown

repute

and also occurs

See Cic pro Mur 8.

'

'

notoriety'.

',

in

bad

one ='

evil

repute',

oi gloria see on 10 24 where we again have

gloriae] for a definition
gloria and /a//ia distinguished.
cum vix etc] Arrian vi 9 5 (of Alexander's thoughts) d di
2.
Kal Kiv^vufveiv dioi, fie-idXa ipya kuI rois Hetra inididdai d'^ta ep7afiri,

ffdfJLevos oi/K

non
enemy.

Compare
and

inulti,
3.

not without having

Aen

II

first

slain

some of the

670 numqiiam otnncs hodie vioricmur

in illustration of the sense generally XI

had flung with

nice poise.

166168.

Compare

iv 14 5

librare.

arbo)^

adplicuit]

on his

is,

Virgil

libraverat]

funda saxa
4.

dcnrovdel 6.iro6ava.Tai.

inultufn'] that

Diodorus mentions this, Arrian does not.

Diodorus makes him keep the tree on his right, the wall

left.

on.
Compare Livy xxxix 31 dimiadflueret\ came pouring
cantibus eis legio qninta supe7~venit, deinde lit qiiaeque potuerant copiae
adfluebant.
TroXXds fxkv yap eh rb Kpdvos
perfregerant] Diodorus only says

7.

iXdjxRave irXriyds.
artus [videmus).
succiderant\ so Lucretius Hi 156 succidere

NOTES.

i-i4]

X53

Anian VI 9 6 ivOa. dr; ipeicrBtls irpos ry reixei

x^'P*' iXOovras Kal tod ye ij-yept-Ofa tQv 'If 5coJ' irpocrpepofievov oi dpacrvrtpou Traia^as r~2 ^i<pei airoKreivei' a\\ov 5e TreXd^ovTa "Kldu}
^aXwv ?ffxf, Kal dWov \i0(^, tov Se iyyvripw irpoadyovTa t<^ ^i<pei avdis.
ol Se fidp^apoi TreXd'eiw /-Leu avT<^ ovKiri -i^deXov, l^aXXov 5e iravTodev irepi

Tovs

55.

/J.ev

itaqite etc]

Tivai

ei's

ecTTjKOTes OTi Tis

(X^v /3Aos eT&yxo-^f^ V

*"

^V

t'''^

IXaliev.

dixiaius] in VIII 9 28.

svfer latus] Arrian VI ro i A.XilavSpo's dk ftdXXerai Kal avrhs Sia
TOV divpuKOi es Tb (TTrjdos To^ev/xari vtrep t6i>' i-iaarov. (Jiare X^ya llroXefiG.2os 6ti Kal Trvevjj-a o/jov Tip ai/xari eK tov Tpavfiaros e^eTn'e'tTo, Diodorus
9.

'

XVII 99 says

inrb rbv ixaarov.

5f tare /j-ev ?tl depp-bv

Arrian goes on 2
10. quo vtihiere etc]
Tjv airi^ TO at/xa Kalirep KaKuss ex<^^ rjixvveTO' iroXXov 5^ 5i] rov aiuaros Kal
dOpoov, ota 5ti ^iiw wvevpari, eKpvei'Tos IXiyyos re avTov Kal XtTro^uxia
KaTecrx^ Kal vlirTei oi)roO iirl Tr)v dairida ^vvvevcras.
Lucretius 11 194, 195 quod genus e nosfro quom 7)iis:us
emicaiite\

corpore sanguis etnicat exultans alte spargitque cruorem.

Diodorus says evdv^ 5' ixkv To|ei/cras 'Ifoos KaTacppovqitaque etc]
(7as TTpocriSpafxe, Kal KaTucpipovTOS avTov wXijyriv 6 'AX^^avopos VTredr)K
/a^v pdp^apoi
TTj Xayovi TO ^i<pos Kal Kaipiov yevofMiwov tou Tpav/xaTos
iireaev.
'

II.
linquenteiii\ his 'swooning spirit.
que linqucnte attimo, and see below 28.

iiudum'l 'exposed'

by

raising his

arms

Compare
for a

vii 9 14 iam-

blow

(as

Diodorus

says).

'with an upward thrust' of his sword.

subiecio]

So Diodorus says

virid7)Ke.
'

/lausi/]

pierced

'.

Compare

vii

27

ium

latus eius gladio haurit

CUander, Virgil georg III 105, Aen 11 600 with Conington's notes.
dimicans iam extinguereiur'] 'that he might die sword in
12.
hand before his last breath failed him'. The iani affects the whole
expression ditnicans extingueretur, and cannot be rendered in English,
as

its

function

is

to lead

up

to

anUqnam.

'finding that he had no strength left

for the effort'.
Compare in i 8 postquam nihil inde praesidi mittcdiem
ad
batur,
pennisere se regi, 1 2 1 postquam et nox
praestitutam

postquam...virimn'\

13.

adpetebat et consequendi spes

pervenit.

nan

erat, in castra

paulo ante a suis capta

ramos etc] Diodorus goes on 6 5^ ^aa-iXevs ^iriXa^o/j.evoi tov ttXijctIoj'

KXdoov Kal oiavacjTas irpoeKaXetro twv 'IfScof toi)5 povXop.ivov% Staywiiffaadai.

murt] to he taken

14.

vf'ith

propugnatoribus.

We

must not with Zumpt press too strongly

the words per aliatn oppidi parte/n, and so force vestigia to go wilh
vestigia] that

ii'uri,

the

but

town

is,

regis.

remember

that Curtius

is

all

wall, not lliat of the citadel.

ll\e

while stupidly thinking of

Diodorus says of Teucestes

5t'

Q-

154

CURT/ RUFT HIST. ALEX.

[ix 5

(Tepai KXifiaKos irpojavado.'s irpCcros inrepriffTnae tov ^aaiXda, and Arrian

VI 9 3 makes him mount directly after the king and by the same
ladder.
Clearly then Curtius writing loosely and starting with an inaccurate conception has merely written oppidi when according to his
authorities he should have said inuri, for he only means what Diodorus
says, viz that the man mounted by another ladder.
fit

15.
solacimii] the meaning has to
to vitae.
There is in fact a sort of

it

him

be stretched a

zeugma

here.

little in

'Not

order to

to succour

but to comfort him in his death'.

in life

clJpeo...excepit\ that

is,

he gave way and

fell

over on his shield.

Tiinaeus\ Plutarch Alex 63 speaks of one ki)xvo.w, Arrian spealcs

of 'A/3;^as, and there was altogether a great diversity in the accounts as
to the names of those who fought so well on this day.
See 21 below
and Arrian vi 11 7, 8.

Leonnatus^ according to Arrian he mounted next after Peucestes

by the same ladder.

Aristoniis\ Arrian vi 28 4 mentions 'A/jicttoj'ods as one of the
original seven crufjLaTocpvXaKfs of Alexander, the addition of Peucestes to
whom {UevKicrras in Arrian) made the number eight. But Curtius

alone mentions
16.

him on

edita]

this occasion.

compare VIII 14

37,

and Vli

memorabili cdita pugna obriitiis tdis

edidit ptignam regemqiie comminiis cum hostc

se iii7nisit et

Render

7
est,

37 in vtedios hos/es
VIII 2 37 nobilein

dimicmitem protexit.

'after a gallant struggle'.

from Arrian VI 9 3, 10 2 (compared with T 11

learn that this was the sacred shield taken down by Alexander from the temple of Athena at Ilium, which was borne before him
18.

7j 8)

clipeiini]

we

immediate body-guards.
was earthen according to Arrian VI 10
some driving pegs into the wall (which was of earth), hung on by
3
them and were with difficulty crawling up'.
moliti\ where they had formed an entrance (by breaking the wall).
See on VIII 10 30, and for nwliri adituin compare VI 6 28 Jtndtam
mater iam ceciderat miles, aditum per saxa molitus.
in fight

19.

by

his

pc7-frcgere\ the wall

'

20.
parctitatum est] 'they satisfied their righteous anger', parentare strictly means to avenge
by the destruction of B. Compare
V 6 I (of the contemplated burning of Persepolis) excidio illius parciitaitdiim esse maioribus, \'\\ 2 29 onniiimique sanguine duci pare)itaWhat is specially remarkable in our
tiiros, Caesar bell Gall Vil 17 etc.
present passage is that we have the word metaphorically used, not of
satisfying by vengeance the spirit of a dead person, but of glutting the
wrath of the soldiers at the wounding of their king who was not
dead.

21. PtolomaeiirH etc] Arrian VI 1 1 8 to 5^ St; fiiyiffrov ir\i)/ji./j.TiSv ^uyypa^avTwv to. dfxcpl
AX^^auSpov (Keivo Tide/J-ai ^-ywyf.
'

\7)f.i.a

'

isriv dt ai'4ypa\pai' ^vvava^rjuai re We^dvSpo:

Kara.Tqi' K\iM.aKU ofiou UiVKearg, Kai inr t pacnr la ai Kdixivov kou iirl rifdi

UroXe/j.aiov

ydp tov Aayov

NOTES.

14-^6]

T55

^(aTTJpa iiriKXridTJuai tov IlToXe/j.aiov Kairoi avrot HTo\efia7os dvayiypaa^^a ffTpoLTidi yap avros riyovfxe<f)iv o'JSe irapayeveadai tovti^ ti^ ^h'i'V'
fievos dXXas p-axeadai fxaxas Kai wpos aXXoi/j jSap^apovs, where Sintenis
refers to Pausanias

8 6.

'became a

reg>iavit\

He

i^aalKevae.

king',

founded the great

dynasty of the Egyptian Ptolemies.

attctor esi\

Timagenes

is

regarded as a mere echo of Clitarchus, so

Compare Cic II in
particularly appropriate.
See Madvig
\'errem ill 42 dixit hoc apud vos Zosippus et Isineiiias.
213 a obs.

that the singular verb

scilicet']

'one

conveyed by
its

this

is

be sure',

may
word

here,

'of course'.

and the

original

There is no strong irony

form scire licet explains

force best.

So
refragatus] the woi'd is used in its proper sense of 'gainsay'.
iVIur 46 tota ilia lex...petitiotii refragata est, Livy XLV 40.
monumentd\ 'records'. Frequently of books, as in Livy praef 10,
The whole expression then = the
rf;-;;/=' events'.
Tacitus Agr 2.
old books of history.
Cic pro

'

securitas'X

carelessness

'.

22. abscidunt ita ne moveretur\ such

'They cut off the wood taking care not to
(=ita nt nc) see Madvig 456 obs 4.

fiiedici]

Perdiccas

Arrian says VI 11
for accounts differed

is

stir

that either

the order of the sense

For ita )ic
the point'.

Kritodemus a doctor or

drew out the dart after

enlarging the

wound.
telo is dative.
inesse etc] that there were barbs on the dart,
23.
incssc compare Ovid fasti iv 65S iicc digitis aniilus ullus incst.

For
ing

24.
occuparei\
it in time.

be too quick for them, and so prevent their stanch-

verebantur ne\ Madvig 376, Kennedy 200.

arrow-head 'it is said to have
ingois] Plutarch Alex 63 says of this
Here ingeiis is in a way
been 3 fingers' breadth broad and 4 long'.
the dart that had been driven home was a large
part of the predicate,
For
one' or better 'was a large one and had been driven home'.
adactU7?t compare X'ugil Aen IX 43 r, 432 sed viribiis ensis adactus transabiit castas et Candida pectora rumpit.
'

viscera]

probably the right lung

is

meant.

NH

Vii
Critobulns] Pliny speaks of a doctor of this name
ociilo sagitia
124 magna et Critobulo fai>ia est extract a P/iilippi regis
et citra deforinitatcni oris curata orbitate lumiiiis.
25.

rocoil'.
reciderci]
Compare Vll 7 15 an soli sidiius qui Jhiiniua
transnare passu in lis ? mnlta in nosmetipsos recident quibiis adhuc vuiius. fortuna belli arteni victos quoque docet.
= metitcre se dicentem or met urn prodenlfin.
vietuente}n\
26.
'

exanguem] 'deadly
visu cxangues.

pale'.

Compare

Virgil

Acu

11

212

dij/'iigii/ins

C CURTI RUFI HTST ALEX,

156

'

qiiid...expectas'\

dolore] emphatic,

[ix 5

26 30

what or how long are you waiting?'

hence }ne comes in and displaces saltern.

for

*
The nervousness of the doctor had
if die I must'.
moriturum']
For moriUcriim compare Horace carm
caught the eye of the patient.
I 28 6, II 3 4.
ne reus sis^ 'that you should be held to account', as though you

were your king's keeper.

cum

acceperinil

27.

'for

my

having received'.

dum...evellerei\ 'while he (Critobulus)

was pulling out the

point'.

28.

sicut praeceptum eraf] the clause refers to sine motu.

For the matter see

igitm-\ carries us back to tlie end of 23.
Arrian VI 11 1, 2 eyKe\ev(xa/j.^fov 'AXe^dfdpov Tip ^l^cpei itnTei-ielv ttjv
ev 8k Ty KOfiLdri (popa aif/zaros woWou
irXTTyijv Kal Ko/alcraadai to ^e'Xoj.
ylyveTai, uxne Xnroipvxv^o-i- o-Odis 'AXe^avdpou Kai ovru) ax^OrjvaL avTi^ to
alfj.a viro

t^ Xnroipvx^a.

The
linqui animo] this is the stock phrase for fainting away.
ablative is of a locative nature and is of the kind usually called ablative
of respect.
Compare IV 6 20 linqui delude animo et suhmitti genu
solum commovcor animo, sed etiam toto
coipit, Cic div in Caec 41 no)t
See Kennedy 149.
came over his eyes'. The word is used of swoonCompare vii 6 22 namque cervix eius saxo iia
caligine ojjusa collaberetur ne 7ne7itis quidem compos,

corpore perhorresco.

caligine] 'a mist

ing and dizziness.

ut oculis
Livy XXVI 45.
icta est

moribundus'] Virgil
extendit harena.

Aen V

374 {Buten) percullt

et

fulva moribun-

dum

medicafJientis'] IV 6 19 suppressus

29.

paulo ante sanguis

incdi-

camento.

= life) of one'. The ablative is

30.
spirihi] 'by the breath (
Compare vi
nearly akin to that of cause and also to that of means.
VII 10 7 non inimici rni/ii,
9 2 deum providentia et misericordia vivo,
cuius bcnejicio victuri cstis.

CHAPTER

I.

VI.

VII diebus"] 'for the space of seven days'.

The

ablative

is

sometimes used in this construction, especially in the later writers. See

biennio
Madvig 235 obs 3, and compare Tacitus Agr 14 Paulinus
annis exilium toleravit.
prosperas res habuit, ann I 53 quattuordecim
curato']

kept under medical treatment [curatio

obductir] that is vul/wri, as

we

find

it

fully

Oepairela.).

expressed in VIII 10 31.

in ?nedium] = elt fiiaov, a very common construction, = into the

middle' so as to be under the observation of all thus leading up to the
'

epithet undique conspicuum.

NOTES.

1-9]

2.

what

a??ii!c]

river

is

here meant

157
not easy to say.
\Ve have
Arrian VI 13 g i describing

is

pointed out Curlius' confusion on 4 8.

this incident says that it was the Hydraotes.
aliqtianfuni] a definite portion, hence a considerable portion, large
quantity.
Compare 8 i and see Holden on Cic de off i 33, 108.
pfaecipiensX taking in advance, that is, as a start. Compare 10 14,
Livy XXXVI 19 aliquatttum viae praeceperat rex, and the Greek irpoXafjL^dvfLv in Thuc iv 33, vii 80, Herod iii 105.
corpori] there

rection of Junius.

reason to suspect corruption in the MSS here, so we

Zumpt and others in accepting this corCompare VII 9 13 vexatio>ic/n invalidi corporis pati

is

have not hesitated

to follow

lion poterat.
'

still

adhuc\

This sense

'.

is

common

in silver-age Latin,

anfe praetoritini] ' before the general's tent ', a Roman ex 4.

In VIII 6 3 he says exaibabant...proximi foribus eius aedis
pression.
in qua rex adquiescebaf.
hoc...servatd\ this statement as to the observance of the custom on
this occasion also {sei-oato being in past time) is brought in here to
account for tlie presence of the friends and body-guards of the king.

Thus univcrsi

intrant follows naturally.

ne quid novi eic] 'lest they might be the bearers of some ill
5.
noviis, like the Greek veos and viwnpo^, is euphemistically
tidings '.
used to express the notion bad '.
So res 7iovare, as in 10 21.
'

soUicitos esse\ nos is left to be understood, as se often is when

is in the third
See on 4 20.
esse
person {oratio obliqiid).
'
should be being
should be '. Vogel remarks that it corresponds
to Hva.1 av.
6.

the speech

'

'

lit

mine

est'\

'by which as

it

this expression is to be
set little store '.

seems you

taken closely with tibi vilis,

The words occur again v 5

10 in a slightly different sense.

consternat etc] for this exaggerated talk of covering the sea

7.
with ships see Livy xxxv 49 {rex) consiernit maria classibus suis, and
8
below 5. Juvenal x 175.
beluas'X refers of course to the employment of elephants in war.
8.

columen\ compare Horace carm

11 17 4.

compare Horace carm I 12 47.

trahere in casuni] are drawing into peril, endangering.

sidus']

Compare

in omne discriiiien comitem trahebat.

The force of
quam
the plea is that all dejiends on Alexander, hence when he risks his own
life he also risks those of his men.
VIII 3 2

reduce\-reducente, a rare poetical sense and used especially in

9.
speaking of guiding divinities, as when in Ovid heroid XI II 50 Laodamia
The ordinary sense of
says et sua dct rcdtici vir mens art)ia Jovi.
'

'

returning

is

illustrated

by

34 above.

penates\ their gods of hearth and Iiome, hence ihcir homes.

Com-

158

mon
See

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

Q.

in Latin writers, but

Virgil Aen viii 679.

10.

[ix 6

sounds oddly in treating of a Greek subject.

ne admirari quidciii\ the implied antithesis is, as Vogel recould not even think it strange [much less tind

marks, Jiedum indignari,

fault with it] '.

'

'

'

matched
the one as great as the other.
tuo capite] the ablative denoting the price at which the thing
See Madvig 258, Kennedy g 147.
bought.
12.
rei] the deadly peril of Alexander, described in the last
parid\

II.

is

chapter.

In 2
inertissimas] the hands of the greatest laggards or cowards.
we had inertia in the sense of want of enterprize '. Here iners is
Both shades of meaning are common in other writers.
a trifle stronger.
The original meaning appears in Lucilius frag Xiii 12 iit perhihctiir

'

26

iners, ars in

quo

tion erit ulla.

'

'

would have polluted the spoils of an Alexander.

fuisse infecturas\
misericors in rios\ 'looking with pity on us '.
persequi\ to keep up with you, when you ran into such danger.
13.
ignominia notes] these words are Roman and technical.
When the Roman Censors in virtue of their office affixed a mark to the
name of a citizen on the roll, that citizen lost certain political and social
'

'

privileges, and was said to suffer ignominia. The mark itself was called
nota, and we find frequent reference to it in Roman writers, both directly

and

See Cic pro Cluentio

(as here) metaphorically.

117.

pay the price for, give satisfaction for. Comjjare VII 5 35

nunc ciilpain inaionim posteri luere, Horace carm III 6 i dclicta inaioni/u
inmeritus lues.
h/ere] to

id quod etc] that from the guilt of which he could not secure himself.
adniittcrct\ this verb is used with such words as malejiciu?n, dcdeciis,
/acinus etc almost in the sense of 'commit'. Compare VI 7 },2 faven-

non oportuit saltern purgari potest,

construction is admittere in se to bring
upon oneself, which well shews how the notion of guilt came to be imSee Cic phil 11 47.
plied.
'
or guarantee we have the
praestare\ from the sense of to secure
force of the word extended so as to imply precaution, like cavere ox protcm habes iudicem,
Cic de off III 95.

si

quod

ad/nitti

common

'

'

'

'

vidcre.
alio modo] these are the emphatic words in the sentence.
If, says
Craterus, you must needs shew in some way how cheap you hold us, let
own
so
as to
it be done in some other way than by exposing your
person
endanger the safety of us all.
14.
quocumque etc] compare Juvenal ill 78 of the versatile Greek
in caelutn, iusseris, ibit, and Horace epist II 2 40, Lucan I 367
386.
'
capiuni] contain ', that is, can contain, give scope for, your great= x'Jipelv is common, but the present passage is a
ness,
capere used thus
somewhat remarkable one.
may compare VI i 7 iiiaiores res

We

NOTES.

^9 -1 8]
erant

quam quas

praefecti

modus

caperet

a mere subordinate

suit the capacity of

159
'

the affairs were too great to

'.

glond] glory won.

obsolescit] grows mean or common.
Compare Horace
See on i 2 above.
6, 7 caret obsoUti sordibus tecti.

in sordidis hostibus] in (a contest with)

15.

exsatiaius\

compare

mean

carm

or worthless

il

ro

foes.

23 laiidis satietas.

Curtius strangely says this in his own person, though

expressing the feelings of Ptolemy and the rest.
Arrian vi 13^4 says on the contrary (reporting
16. grata etc]
the account of Nearchus) that Alexander was irritated and vexed at this
remonstrance of his friends, knowing well (so thinks Airian himself)
that he had deserved the blame implied in their words.

id est piiblicae]

it is

clear that he

is

pietas'] affectionate loyalty, as often.

10.

familiarins'] with

8 26, 5

and

more warmth than

See Coninglon on Virgil Aen

usual.

So

7 2 ncglegeiitiiis,

often.

17. altins\ that is, he went far back and reviewed his whole career
in justification of his ambition and rashness.
Compare Virgil georg

IV 285

6 altius omncm expcdiam prima repetens ab origiiie famaiii.

form of the superlative is rejected by Cic phil

His
declares that no such form is found in Latin.
however most likely in part the result of his hatred for Anhad used it. Anyhow it soon found a place in the language.

piissimi]
XIII

43,
stricture is

tony

who

this

who

The forms
says optimae uxori et piissimae filiae.
piissinms zxiApientissirmis both occur in inscriptions.
Jiabed\ compare III 6 11 pro se quisque dextram eitis amplexi grates
kabebant velut praesenti dco.
Thus Tacitus Agr 43

eo nominel on that account, viz because

Compare vii 4 10
natiira mortalium hoc qtioque nomine prava ct sinistra did potest, quod
in stio quisqiie 7iegotio hebetior est quam in alieno, Cic pro Mur 82 ico
nomine 'on my own account', div in Caec 19 quo nomine, and many
nomen = a. name or heading in an account-book, hence eo
other places.
nomine under that head' almost = ^a de causa. So we say in English
'
on that account ', ' on that score ', and so on.
'

18.

non eadem

idem cogitant

same as if he had written ncn

Their notion is not the same as mine means
the matter from my point of view'.

etc] the sense is the

'

ii...et ego.

'They do not look

qui quidem]

at

qtii is

accepted by editors.

'

the clever restoration of Junius, now generally

sense is 'inasmuch as', like the Greek os >.

The

ns containing an
cupiatis'l though the subjunctive may be justified
assumption or admission (Madvig 352), it is probably here influenced
hy forsitan, so far at least as the second clause is concerned.
'
but I measure myself not by the span of age but by
ego me metior]
The same sentiment is found in 19, 22 with a slight
that of glory'.
There is no disjunctive particle alter ego, and
diflcrence of expression.

i6o

CURT/ RUFI HIST. ALEX.

Q.

the contrast is effected by co-ordination,

phil II no.

paternis] that

19.

is,

the

as often

kingdom of

see

[ix 6

Mayor ou Cic

his father Philip.

'

per otiu/n corporis] in a life of bodily ease '. Compare 8 26 per

a sense in which Tacitus is fond of
qiiietem. per 'in a course of,
See Agricola ^ per omnem honestarum artium ciclfioii, 6 per
it.
mutuain cariiatem, hist V \o proxiiniis acinus civili bello intenius quantum ad Itidaeos per otium transiii.
ne pigri quidem etc] for the sentiment compare Horace carm iii 2
1316.
occiipat] takes them unawares.
using

bene'\

that

20.
Triballi.

rubro

rightly.

is,

3/aedts]

these

were a Thracian

tribe

not

from the

far

the Indian ocean, as usual.

f>iari\

washed below'. This may refer to the washing of the

lower part of the coast-line by the sea, but more probably indicates that
The ancients
the riibriim mai-e formed the southern boundary of Asia.
For the
often speak of the north as above and the south as below.
word compare Caesar bell Gall vii 69.
subhiitin-]

orbeni\

'is

compare Juvenal X 168 of Alexander unus Pellaeo

iiiveni iion

sufficit orbis.

aperire\ to

novas gentes

open up.

Tacitus

Agr

22 tertius expeditionum

annus

apcriiit.

21.
Europae\ this refers to the crossing of the Jaxartes to attack
So in Vil 7 2, 12, 13 we find the river mentioned as
the Scythians.
the boundary of Europe and Asia, and in 13 Alexander is made to say
utms amnis interfliiii, quern sitraiciiiius, in Europam arma proferimus.
The river is there it is true called Tanais, but Arrian III 30 *? 7, 8 well
shews that there were two rivers of that name and that the Jaxartes is
meant. Indeed he quotes Aristobulus in support of his state-

really

.See Schuyler's Turkistan c 6

nioment6\ compare Horace sat i
vcnit aut victoria laeta.

ments.

post]

after,

that

is,

(i

p 236).

on attaining.

horae iiiomento cila mors

Instances will

be found

in

Madvig 276 obs 6.

nonum] this is one
too

little.

year, and vicesimtim atque octavum two years

But a historian trained in rhetorical schools would think

nothing of straining a point of chronology in order to make the more of

So Tacitus Agr 33 has octavus annus, 34 quinhis hero's exploits.

quaginta annis, both rhetorical exaggerations.

excelendd] working up, completing.
Compare Tacitus dial 22 (of
Cicero) primus enirn excoluit orationem.
Madvig 454 obs i.
ego vero] introduces the denial with emphasis.

in theatro] that

is,

before the eyes of the world, with

all

mankind

NOTES.

1826]

as spectators.

Cic

i6i

Venem v

35 hns a similar passage, which

have suggested the expression to Curtius, but it is probably oi

may

Greek

ii in

origin.

Such is the force

22.
submoverai] had (hitherto) kept far away.
of the tense. For the word compare Horace carm 11 10 17.
ferei\ for this word meaning 'lead' 'guide', especially in speaking
of the tendency or course of-destiny, see Conington on
Virgil Aen II 34
sat iam Troiae sic fata ferebant
longani\ it is worth noticing that in a similar context (Agr 44)
Tacitus employs this adjective to aid in expressing what Curtius here
renders by multam: (of Agricola) et ipse qnidetii, quauiquani medio in
.

spatio ititegrae actatis crept us, ijuantmn

peregit.
% 23.

of a

quibnsl

woman

is

to

which

most famed

that

is,

ad gloriam,

/oiigissiiiium

in the sight of

which

aevum

the name

for valour.

Sa/niramis] the admiration entertained by Alexander for this great

Assyrian queen is spoken of above VII 6 20. She was said (v i 24)
to have founded Babylon, and to have made great
conquests in the
East.

molita est'\ undertook, planned.

other phrases.

So moliri

belluui

iv

39 and

ct iam etc] 'and have we already had our fill of

For et
glory?'
compare Virgil Aen vi 806 et dubitainus adhiic virtiitem extendere

fact is ?
24.
maioi-a'] in X i 17, 18 Curtius says that he meant to make
an expedition along the north of Africa, conquering Carthage on the
and
then
over to Spain and so home by way of Italy.
way,
So in other writers, as Cic ad
ita...si'\
only on condition that'.
fam XV 20 2, Livy xxi 21.
'

nihil parvum etc] this

is

in

answer

to

what Craterus

said in

i r,

12, 14.

The reference is to the

do?ncsticorum'\ 'those of my household'.
plot of the pages headed by Hermolaus, and to the real or supposed
of
Philotas.
treachery
subibo] will submit myself to, hence 'face'.
in theatro] Philip was assassinated by one Pausanias in the
25.
theatre at Aegae, in the year 336.
See Tac hist 11 75.
oli?!i] goes with agitatae in a)iimo meo, and means' for a long
a sense which it often bears in silver-age Latin.
See Mayor

26.

time

',

96, X 173.
inmortalitati etc] that is, deified.
In X 5 30 Curtius speaks of
the pietas of Alexander towards his parents, quorum
OlyfJipiada inj/iortalitati cojisecrare decreverat, and VI II 5 17 he makes Kallisthenes
speak of Hercules and Liber as consecratae inmortalitatis exempla.
Hence the words seem to imply the making a mortal into an immortal.

on Juvenal iv

quandoque\
C.

= quandocumque

as often in Livy.

II

i62

Q.

CUR TI RUFI

HIST. ALEX,

praeccpcrit^ anticipate, (like occupo).

lac p)-aeccpcrit aestiis.
t)handasse\ that

is,

si
Virgil eel in 98

me.

CHAPTER

Compare

26
[ix 6

VII.

colonias] referring generally to the settlements made by Alexin central Asia, and in particular to those of Baktra and Alex-

I.

ander

andria on the Tanais (Jaxartes).

Diodorus in his brief reference to the
incident XVII 99 speaks of 01 Kara ttjv TiaKTpLavr]v Kal lioySiavrii/ kutoiKKrOeuTes '"EWrjves.
The Story of Biton Boxus and Athenodorus has
come down to us in the version of Curtius only.
ipsos] as

opposed

disagreements between them and the bar-

to

barians.

2. popular iiiDi] 'their countrymen',

remained loyal to Alexander.

that

the

is,

leaders

who

Genitive of further definition,

3regis fiomen] the name king'.
like vox volttptatis, nonicn Catonis and
See
other
'

many

Madvig

phrases.

286.

auctoriiateni\ his advice or guidance, his

'

lead' as

we

say.
'

the general word meaning

nation is gens, the
smaller bodies or tribes are commonly denoted by natio.
Here the
meaning probably is that they were citizens of the same Greek state,
both Arcadians, both Boeotians or so forth.
'

4.

7iationis'\

per\ denotes the agency, as often.

5.
ultra'] of his own accord, unprovoked.
ultra

arma

ittfcrentes, Virgil

ad urbcs Dardaniis, Cic de

Aen

II

So

Scythas

off III 86.

fratis Bitanis'] 'foul play on Biton's part'.

manare\ trickle, spread about.
Compare Livy
tirbe

vil 7

193, XI 286 iiltro Inachias venisset

11

49

iiiaiiat

tola

rumor.

suspitio']

nedy
8.

we have ventured

to restore the spelling here.

See Ken-

and appendix 17, Mayor on Cic phil II 114.

were on the point of being applied'.
admovehantur'\

12 note,

'

tiimidtuantium vocifcratione\ literally 'by the shouting of the

But their shouting would not be any serious hindrance to the
application of torture to Biton, and we are not here concerned with the
It seems then that we must take
extracting information by torture.
this for an instance of the common use of abstract for concrete, so as to
be equivalent to a tumultuantibus qui vociferabantur= by the rioters
whom they had heard shouting'.
9.
rioters'.

'

sicut nudatus erat\ 'stripped as he was'.

10.
Compare x 4 2
sicul vincti eraiit.
The Greek would be wairep iyeyvij.i>wTo or uicfTvep rjv
yeyv/j.viiofiii'os.

in diversutn'] to the other direction, eh roivavriov.

a strong revulsion of feeling.

That

is,

caused

NOTES.

[ 16]
11.

r6 J

)rge] Ale.vandro.

rcvertit\ Diodorus xvii 99 says that they never reached their homes,
but after suffering great hardships on the way were cut to pieces by the

Mace.'.'^mans after the death of Alexander.

12.

and Malli are meant.

quahty or description.

duaruiii] the Sudrakae

viagnitudiiie\ ablative of
liiieae] see

on vill 9

15.

Arrian VI 14 i
3 in speaking of this episode
says that they claimed to have been free since the time of the eastern
conquests of Dionysus {Liber pater in Curtius).
14. feiisitabat\ as they were a free people, this cannot mean that
they had been and were in the habit of paying tribute to any other
power, and must be a remark of Curtius' own, stating that they
and laid on them the tribute which the
used to pay it at one time ;
two tribes actually paid to (the satrap of) the Arachosians'. Perhaps
however the te.\t is corrupt, and we should rather read pensitaret.
Arrian only says that they submitted to Alexander and offered to pay
tribute, and that Alexander set Philippus over them as satrap.
13.

liberiati\

'

pensitabat] paid in instalments.

iniperai] Arrian says that he demanded 1000 of tlieir chief men as
If Curtius means these (which is very doubtful) then eqidtes

hostages.

must oe taken to denote men of high standing, a Roman notion derived

from the Roman ordo eqiiester. But Arrian further says that they sent

him besides of their own accord 500 war-chariots with their complement of men. It is probable therefore that Curtius has confused two
parts of the account given in his authorities, unless indeed they had
done the same before him. See below 8 i.

15.

modicis]

=' small',

as usual.

The

close packing

of the

couches shews the great number of guests.

So in viii 5 21 of Alexander overhearaulaed] tapestry curtains.

ing the speech of Kallisthenes 7iec quicquam eoritm quae invicein iactata
erant rex ignorabat, cum post aulaea quae lectis obduxerat staret.
nova
That is,

i7iinutatione\ 'by their new-fangled change

their adoption of Oriental customs and dress.

(of manners)'.

corriij uf/i] 'tainted'.

Compare V 1 36 nihil urbis cius corruptius
moribus, and below ix 9 6 of the sea-water.
virtittcm viriu)/i\ 'excellence of his strength = his excuiieut
16.
As virtus like aperi) can be used for any sort of excellence,
strength.
there is no need to find fault with this strange phrase.
'

iaml so the MSS, and it is surely as good as the correction etiam.

can hardly find in the latter an allusion to Alexander's dislike of
athletes in general (Plut Alex 4).
Some editors omit the word al-

We

together.
irKrepabant'\ used to carp at him, saying....
saginati corporis^ genitive of quality or description, here part of the
'That they had a full-fed goodpredicate and parallel to inutilfm.

II

t64

CURTI RUFI

Q.

HIST. ALEX.

fix 7

See on viii 10 -24 obiecta est.

for-nothing beast in their company'.
sagina is particularly applied to the plumpness produced by the high
See Mayor on Quintil x i 33.
feeding of athletes.
ole6\

the oil

employed by

athletes for anointing themselves.

fraepara)-e etc] getting up an appetite by exercise.

in convivial ^t this particular banquet; opposed to the

17.
imperfect increpabant above.
Ilorratas] Diodorus xvii loo gives an account of this affair almost
word for word the same as that of Curtius, but gives the same Macedonian the name K6pa7os.
See Tac hist II 68.
exprobrarc\ used absolutely, as
postero die] Diodorus says

we

say 'to upbraid'.

that the king appointed a

day

for the

duel.

tandii\ at last, that

is,

after the duel.

proper sense, as connected with the root of volo.

The logical order of the sentence is obscured by the necessary repetition
oi de, for the sense is de [vel sua tcmcritate vel illius igfmz'ia)^ in direct
vel...ver\ in the

speech 'on

(call

it

my

ignavid] so Virgil

rashness or your cowardice)'.

Aen XI 733 quae' tauta animis ignavia venit.

Compare III
18.
eludente\ 'setting at nought', 'malting fun of.
18 07-aatli sortetn vel elitsit vel iiiiplevit (\n cutting the Gordian knot),
VIII I 42 oraciibim ehidens, Livy I 36, 48, Cic div in Caec 24.
I

'

condicid]

the (terms of the) challenge'.

deterrere] Diodorus says that Alexander

gives no hint of any attempt to stop the duel.

backed up Koragus, and

MSS

here are confessedly corrupt, and

19.
ingens hie etc] the
the insertion of qui between quos and erant is necessary to the sense.
hie is the
reading, for which Hedicke accepts Jeep's conjecture
is
vis.
[The emendation conventus crat for convenerat found in 1
to have
my own. I believe the word /?iiiltitudo loxmd in the same
For the latter word in the simple
arisen from a comment on conventus.
sense of 'meeting' compare iv 5 11 isdem fere diebiis solevine erat
ludicruni Isthmioriim, quod conventu totius Graeciae celebratur, Cic II
in Verrem iv 107 festos dies anniveisarios agiint celeberrimo virortim
mulierumque convefttu, Horace sat I 7 23. W. E. H.]

MSS

MSS

MSS

studebani\ =favebant, were backing.

vijiv

Diodorus says

tuiv

bk 'E\X^-

T(^ Aiw^iinrip avva-yuiviihvTwv.

The 'regulation arms', as we say now.

iusla] 'proper'.
sarisam] this spear was over 20 feet long, and suited only to the
heavy charging formation of the Maced jnian phalanx.
20.

laeva] probably the scarlet cloak

was wrapped round

his left

fore-arm.

Compare Quintil ix 2 22
suspenderai] kept awhile in suspense.
Diodorus
suspendisset iudicum anitnos, Ovid met vii 30S.

CMw diu

NOTES.

1625]

165

us that those present likened the scene to a conflict between Ares

(Koragus) and Herakles (Dioxippus).

tells

21.

interfici posse] that

is,

etim.

IV 6 i6 exigiia corporis decUnatione evitato ictu, Virgil

Aen V 444 5 ille ictiun vcnientcm a vertice velox pracvidit celerique
Diodorus here says ^po-xv irapeyKXlvas ttj:' iiri<peelapstis corpore cessit.

vtiassc-i]

pop.iv7]v irXrjyriv i^ivfvcrev.

antcquam...dextrai>i\ Diodorus

makes him advance with

levelled

sarisa.

11.

occiipatum conplexii] grappled

5' avrov crTraaOai

Diodorus says jxiWovro^

STjcras,

him before he was ready.

ttjv fxdxaipav, ^(pdacre Trpoirrj-

Kai ttj p.kv (vu)vvp.(^ KariXa^e ttjv eXKOvcrav to ^l(pos X*'/"^)

ttjs jSaaews tov avrltraXov vwecrvpe to. ffKiXi].

''"5

^'

dXX-g KLfTjcas k

ariitavit] knocked (here, knocked down) like a battering ram. For

the word compare Plautus true II ii i qiiis illic est qui tarn proterue
nostras aedes arietat? Virgil Aen XI S90.
iacenti] tlie general dative of relation, closely related to the datlvus
cotnmodi et incommodi. Compare Virgil Aen IX 3478 pectore in
adverso totum cui coDtmiiiiis cnsciii condidit adsurgenti.

elisurus] meaning to brain him.

Compare Plant Poen II 46 iain
Diodorus says that having got his enemy
elidain caput nisi auscii/tas.
down he looked up to the spectators, who cheered and made a great
Curtius
noise, but adds nothing as to the intentions of the conqueror.
is

probably strivhig

to

maivc the most of his story by

little

effective

touclies.
23.

Diodorus XVII loi says d iikv ^aaiXdis irpoaiTa^ev

diav StoXiVas aTrriXXayi} 5v(X(popMV ejrl ry tov MaKeddvos

tristis etc]

acpttvaL, Kal rrju

ilTTTj.

verebatur'] the use of this word in the sense of seeing with grief and
vexation, taking an accusative and infinitive after it, is rare.
Compare
Ovid heroid xvi 75, 76 vittcere erant oiiines dignae, iudexque verebar
non omties cansam vincere posse suain. See Madvig 376 obs.

24.

ex

coiipositd\

by private arrangement.

common.

The

expression

is

subduciturl Diodorus says that they took the cup, and hid it
beneath Dioxippus' pillow, then charged him with theft, and made pretence to find

it

there.

conslantiae] 'firmness', here applied to the power of sitting

unmoved under an imputation. So Nepos Alt 22 r says of the words
of the dying Atticus hac oratione habita tanta consiantia vocis
atque
voltus, that is, without fahering in speech or moving a muscle of his
25.

face.

'Constancy' in

this sense is

common

in

Shakespeare.

The sense is ' often those who blush

rubore] abstract for concrete.
at a false insinuation are less able to bear the
glance of reproach tiian
those who are really guilty '.

i66

Q.

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

coniectum etc] Diodorus says 6 5^ OojjpQv

tQv Ma/ce56vwi' rbre /xiv i^rfKdev eK tov wotov.

rrjv

[1x7^.^2526

iw' avrov awSpofxriv

26.
graviter etc] Diodorus says that he was vexed at the man's
arfd longed for him when it was too late, and 'i-^vjo r-qv KaXoKayadiav To.i'dpos e/c r^s ruf dia^aXovTi^v saKiai.

death

CHAPTER

VIII.

dom's] the account here following seems to be an entirely

different one from that of Arrian cited on 7 14 above.
See 10 25,
z'csds] 'raiment', clothing material; that is, cloth.
Virgil Aen IX 26 dives pictai vestis et aiiri.
I.

<-//;;/

ferri caiididi] probably steel

see Colonel Yule's learned

and

meant. For the famous Indian steel

interesting note on Marco Polo bk I

is

c 17.
domitiiiii\ Strabo XV i 37, 69 speaks of tame lions in India,
1.
and Marco Polo bk 11 c 16 tells of a tame lion taught to lie down 'oefore
the great Kaan, and in bk 11 c 18 of tamed lions (tigers) leopards and
See
wolves used for hunting purposes like dogs by the Great Kaan.
Colonel Yule on the passage.

laccrtaruni\

probably the hides of crocodiles are meant.

Aelian

anim xvi 6 speaks of an animal which M'Crindle p 163 makes out

hist

be the scaly ant-eater.

to

dorsd\ the backs, that

XVI

is

shells,

of tortoises.

See Aelian

hist

anim

14, 18.

3.

force

Crater6\ Arrian VI 15 4 says that he took Craterus and his

left bank of the Indus, and sent him along that

over to the

side.

Mallortnit'] Curtius, it is to be remembered, has made the affair

See above on
related in chapter 5 take place among the Sudrakae.
see here that he conceived the Malli to have lived further
4 24.
down the river, whereas Arrian puts the Malli above and the Oxydrakae

We

(Sudrakae) below.
4.

Sabarcas']

Diodorus xvil 102 says Karripev ei's rr^v x'^po-v tQiv

and the same may be meant by Arrian VI 15

ovo/jLai'opLivdiv 'Za/.L^acTTwi',

TO Twv

'

A^aaTavw

idvo^ avrofo/xov.

popidi inipcrio'] in Arrian we find frequent mention of independent

tribes.
See v 20 6, 22 i, 24 8, vi 14 2 etc. So also in his
Diodorus II 3!^, 39, 41 mentions states
Indica 11 9, 12 5, 6.
governed democratically, and Plutarch Alex 59 speaks of toi>s iXfvdepovi
Diodorus here says of the Sambastae oiKowTes 5e ras wdXeis
d-ijfiovs.
For these independent communities observed by the
SripLo^paTovnivas.
Greeks in India see Elphinstone appendix Hi p 261.

LX
dorus.

ffii/ia etc]

these

numbers are the same

as those given

by Dio-

NOTES.

8i ii]
5.

viaxime in ripd\ no doubt

167

for the convenience of being near

the water.

anna

ftdgoitia etc] Virgil

perhaps suggested

Aen

vi 489

491

is

very like

this,

and

it.

So 10 13.
nova^ strange, unusual.
kin..Ji!)!c\ does not mean that these were on different sides of
them.
6.

hortantium'] used absolutely as in iv 13 38 hoylaiitcni exercittis

exattdire

non potcrat.

filled for the time.

Compare iv 12
milium etiam prociil slantium aures i/npleverat.

tnpleverant\

tot

10 frcmitusque

7.
legates etc] Diodorus says that the elder men advised
to attempt resistance, and so ambassadors were sent.

them not

alias genlcs] called by Diodorus 265/)as Kai 'Sladuavavs.

8.
Arrian vi 15
oppido] Diodorus gives precisely the same account.
2 speaks of Alexander's ordering a town to be built at the confluence
of the Acesines and Indus.
If this (as is probable) be the same as is

meant by Curtius, we have here another instance of the latter's confused

The place is now occupied by the town of

geographical notions.
Mithan Kot.

Musicani] see on Via 12 14 seqiiente nomine.

Terioltel Arrian VI 15 3 says that he was deposed, and gives
him the name Tipvdcr-mjs. Diodorus says nothing of the matter.
9.

isdem] that

is

his subjects the

cognovit\ 'held

an enquiiy'.

Parapamisadae.

A common

legal word.

avare ac supcrbe\ extortionately and tyrannically.

Compare TarArrian's words are ovk kv Koajxi^
qiiinius superbus = 'Y'\x(\y\\\\ the tyrant.
i^rjydcrdai.

convictuni] for the use with following infinitive

See Madvig 400 c obs.

compare 10

2t sus-

pectus voluisse.
10.

praeto>'\

= (raTpa.Tni)'5.

aholutus^ this probably refers to the revolt of the colonists in

Bactria.
See 7 i
11.
Alexander acquitted him of complicity in
the mutiny.
Arrian says nothing of this.
iure amoris} Alexander had married his daughter Roxana.
amplioris imperii] Arrian says that he received the government
of the Parapamisadae from which Tiryaspes had been deposed.

11. Praeslos] no other writer mentions

due to some corruption in the MSS.

this

name, and

it

is

very

likely

has not some adjective such as validam or magnain fallen

out here ? Or indigenain ?
Arrian vi 16 calls him "O^vKavbs.
Forticanus] so Diodorus.
et ipsain']

rex] Diodorus speaks of

Tov vofMd/jxv^

TTJi

ravTy

7571.

rriv \loi>jia.vov dvi/aaTdai>,

Arrian styles him

68

CURTT RUFI

Q_.

12.

so

oaiditur']

HIST. ALEX.

[ix 8

Arrian says that he was taken

Diodorus;

prisoner.

The name is
niniatlo] a mine or passage under ground.
13,
a rabbit's burrow.
Livy iv
probably derived from the resemljlance to
22, V 21, Caesar bell Gall ill 21, vii 22.
simile monstri etc] the passage closely resembles Livy V 21
very likely a reminiscence of it.
terra existebant] So Zumpt and Hedicke read in VII 4 19 convivio
abire conspcctu iubci, 6 16 pcriculi quo evaseraf,
prosiluit, VIII 3 5
X 2 4 civitatibus qtiis pulsi crant.
14.

and

ro,

is

specus\ the cave, hollow; that

LXXX ?nilia\

15.

MSS of Curtius give

best

sub corona] this

this

is

the mine.

number

is

corrected from Diodorus.

DCCC Indorum.

Roman

a technical expression in

is

with
selling of prisoners as slaves,

The

Zumpt.
warfare for the

which view they were dressed out

with garlands.
16.

much

defecenint etc]

the revolt and

suppression are related in

its

same terms by Arrian vi 17 1, 2.

who was also
Madvig 488.
eundejnqiie'\
the

'

'.

in critcein sublatd\ Kpefidaat, says Arrian, probably in the

same

sense.

evidently the same as that described by

17.
oppidum]
Diodorus XVII 103 as rrjs eaxo-r^s tC)v Bpaxi^di'ioi' iroXecos, tjv dvofxa^ovaiv
It will be observed that he speaks of tlie Brahmans as a
'Ap/j.aTrj\ia.
It is
other writers also.
tribe, and this mistaken expression is found in
clear from comparison of the narratives of Arrian Diodorus and Plutarch
to which the
(Alex 64) that it was the influence of the Brahman caste
resistance and subsequent re<volts in these districts were due.
this

is

paucitate contemptd] compare Tacitus

18.

D Agriaiios]

dXlyovs tuv

tpLXSiv,

Agr

37.

says Diodorus.

evenhi] the 'sequel', final result.

Diodorus tells the same with more circumstance, both as to
the effect of the wounds received, and the method of preparing the
For the use of poisoned weapons in India see Elphinstone i 2
poison.
(p 26) in abstract of Menu.
20.

7je}ieno']

strenuae'] strong,

stremmni

violent.

reinediiwi ad/t-rre,

Compare
Horace

III

epist

6 2 non praeceps se sed

1 1
28 stremia nos cxercet

Diodorus says ouvoii^ davdrovs aweipyd^ero.

el/am leves plagae\ so Diodorus koX Toh fiLKpav Kal

inertia.

dfxuxw

rrjv

Tvxovffav

dfade^a/j-ivois.

'met with', almost 'cut off', in a hostile sense.

Aen ill 332 excipit incaiitwn.
and indeed '. Compare Virgil eel 11 44 et faciei.
ei]
That is, by good luck rather than caution
as it chanced '.
forte]
he had escaped untouched.

21.

Compare

exeipPi

'

'

5,

Virgil

NOTES.

1228]

169

us that he did not trouble himself

22. praeciptie] Diodorus
so much about the others who were wounded, but was extremely anxious
tells

about Ptolemy.
observes
sanguine coniunctiis] Arsinoe the mother of Ptolemy,
For the connexion of the Macedonian
Vogel, was of the Lyncestae.
mother
the
tribe through Eurydike
royal family with that of this Illyrian
of Philip, see Strabo vii 7 8 (p 3^6)The stoiy occurs also in Pausanias I 6 2.
'nis\ Philipp{\
in the narrower sense of the two men 23.
corporis custos'\ here
tioned in note on viii 11 11.

and
pacis artibzis'] 'civil pursuits ', meaning probably statesmanship
el
Compare Tacitus hist I 8 Cluvitis Riifus, vir facundus
diplomacy.
This side of Ptolemy's character shewed itself afterwards
pacis artihus.
and in tlie book of memoirs he himself
of
in his
encouragement

learning

wrote.

So Tacitus Agr 40

cultu\ way of living.

modicus, scrmone facilis.

the generosity of

liberalis'\

Ptolemy

is

says of Agricola cultti

marked

in his

apophthegm

to make others rich than

quoted by Plutarch that it was more royal
be rich yourself, rov TrXovreii' to TrXouTl^eiv eXvai ^aaCKt-Kurepov.
'

cuUtufacili\ ablative of description.

regicu\ the 'court'.

Madvig

to

272.

used in
24. ominati\ 'foreboded'. The word is more commonly
an unfavourable sense as in 9 22 below, and Cic de off li 74.
See
a sick-bed.
cuisideret] almost technical of watching by

25.

Horace

sat

82, Tacitus

Agr

45.

'
So Justin XII 10 3, and Cic de
in a vision'.
26. per quietent]
divin II 135 secundum quieteni, speaking of this very matter. Compare
Tacitus hist IV 83. The following story is told by Cicero (just referred

Arrian says

Justin and Diodorus with very trifling discrepancies.

to)

nothing of
27.

it,

and Strabo XV

adgniturum']

that

2 7
is,

makes

it

happen among the Oritae.

the fortunate finder, the

si

quis follow-

ing.

As

from Patala.
Pataliain'\ this adjective seems to be formed
28.
to the forms of the name, Arrian speaks of ra XlrfraXo and tQv

of
X'^P"-^' Strabo of to. UdraXa and ij flaraX?;!'!?, Pliny
Patala (nom sing, it seems) and Patalene, Arrian in his Indica
It
of ndTxaXa, and Diodorus has the apparently corrupt form Tai^aXa.
seems that Patala denotes the city. The place is now occupied by
Haidan'ihad, the old name of which was Nirankot, also Pdta/pur,a.m\ is
called Patasila by the Chinese traveller Ilwen Thsang in the 7th century
AD. Cunningham pp 279 287.
T\a.TaXk<j3v Tr\%

I'ala/e

Diodorus xvii 104 says that at TavaKa there were two royal
rex'\
houses and the general control of affairs was in the hands of a senate.
Vl
profugerai\ Arrian

17^5

f|a77^XXcrat ort

ruiv IlarciXwc virapxos

Q.

70

CURTI R UFI HIST. ALEX,

[ix 8

2830

dTro\nru)v
^vXka^ihv Tuv UaraXiuv to^s iroWoiis aTrodtSpaKuis otxotTO,

Xuipav

ducibus\ probably some of the

30.

speaks of in vi 17

we

ttjv

'iprifiov.

men whose

capture Arrian

6.

msitlam'] see on viii 9 7.

For this curious half-personification
enatanfl which had sprung up.
may compare the use of vaierdw in Odyssey I 404, IX 23.

CHAPTER

IX.

nec = ei

I.

Compare

m'c rcpcrtis\
iioii, but the negative only affects repertis.
adiccit.
iii 13 2 riec dubitare cum

So 6 ignaris.
hominibus.
one of the makeshifts proposed for filling up this
lacuna.
Others are compiilit and instigabat.
cokrcnt] this is very strange, being used absolutely, leaving
2.
terras loca or regionaii to be sup|ilied mentally.
peritis\ that

is,

this

coegit]

is

quam placidiini] how quiet (or the reverse).

Compare Tacitus hist IV
patiens] enduring, that is 'navigable by'.
21 Khenus incognita illi caelo siccitatc vix naviiim patiens, Livy XXI 31.
See above 4 11.
longaruni] fxaKpiOf, war-vessels.
conicctura
anceps etc] compare VI 11 2 r anceps
VIII 13 25, Caecina
caeca] groping in the dark, baseless. Compare
to Cicero (ad fam vi 7 4) in hac cahiiiiuia tiiiioris ct caecae suspitionis
est.

tormenio.
3.
ipsos] either simply
that is, unaided by guides.

the mariners.

nauficos]

4.

in this chapter, here

by Curtius

incupiberent]
dcesse]

= 5^,

Virgil

Aen v

or to be explained 'of themselves',

An

and g
15,

unusual word, used three times

7, 26.

294.

wanting to complete.

capi] so VII 8 19 Lydiam ccpisti.

Arrian VI 18 5 tiZv fiXwv rovs
5.
navigid] in (on) a boat.
Kov(pOTa.rovs KViJ.-^:ts.
See Lucrefresh ', as opposed to amanis or salsus.
6.
didccin]
'

tius VI

890

destinari]

4.

marked

'

out, described,

meant

'.

That is, they were as yet only at

gentle '.
the weaker or upper end of the tide-way.
Compare 27.
evecti] sailed out to or past.
8.
7.

'

kni adhnc\

still

Compare Lucan X 246 7 of the

curstisl the stream of the river.
Nile ilk mo7-a cursus adversique obice ponti aestuat in campos.
of the island mentioned, or to
put in to the lower end
adplicanti
some other point along the shore. Compare adpulsa 10 i.
'

'

NOTES.

9i 13]

171

being only acquainted with the practically tideless shores of

ignaris]

the Mediterranean.

by Roman reckoning = 9 am with us.

Lucan X 240 of the west winds
periodical
the Nile quorum stata tcmpora flatus, and below 27.
9.

tertid\

'

stata\ fixed,

'.

affecting

Arrian VI 19 i, 2,
exacstuans\ 'rising in flood-tide ', 'flowing'.
more sober account of the incident, says that they were first
troubled by the ebb and then yet more sorely by the floods, which
sounds more likely than (see 19, 10 below) the account of Curtius.
Burnes vol III c i gives a description of
Diodorus says nothing of it.
the violent tides of the Indus estuary, shewing that all the main details
of this account are quite in accordance with facts.
in his far

invehi\ to assail, 'burst

'

upon

them.

Arrian says d^/jooy ^TreX^oiros

T0\> KlIflCLTOI.

coercitum']

'

'checked

in its course.

adverstim] adjective of course, meaning

rivers in flood '.
ton-eniid] fluniina,

'

up against

its

natural flow

'.

'

'over and over ag^in ', hence 'continuously',

Catullus 49 (51) of the youth gazing
upon his mistress qui sedens advcTSUs identidcm te special et audit duke

10.

identideni]

'every instant

So

'.

21, 4 18,

ridentcin.
II.

12.

trepidi\ in a hurry.

festiuatio etc]

tardd\

'more haste less speed ', as we say.

For this transitive use

cramping, hindering.
Horace sat 1932 tarda podagra,
aptart] fitted, 'shipped

'.

II 2

compare

88 tarda senectus.

Compare

Virgil

Aen v

753 aptant ronos-

que rudentesque.

some support is found for the sense run aground ',

keep that of 'sit down ', which has the further advantage of referring to the men, not the ships (whicli are not in question as
subject of any verb till aliae 13).
Compare Virgil Aen IK 289 coHsiThe sense of the whole will then be
dere transtris, IV 573, V 136 etc.
some were pushing the essels with poles, others had taken their seats
[to row] but [in their crowding and scrambling] had meanwhile been
'

consederanti until

we

feel

bound

to

'

preventing the orderly shipping of the oars '. The description of this
scene of confusion is graphic, thougli at first sight somewhat difficult.
cnavigare] to sail out into the clear channel.
The meaning is that more oars were manc/auda] crippled, lame.
ned on the one side than on the other, as in Virgil v 271 ordine dcbilis
word
claudus
For
the
see Lucretius IV 436, Livy x.xxvil 24,
uno.
Tacitus ann 11 24.
13.

'

working them feebly.

had not taken on board, that is, had not been able
(by reason of the hurry caused by the sudden rise of the tide) to do so.
Wc must as Zumpt says understand omncs. Tlie sense in general is that,
tnoliebantur]

were

7ton receperant'\

'

172

CURTI R UFI HIST. ALEX,

Q.

[ix 9

3 ^

seeing a vessel suddenly getting afloat, a number of men belonging to

different vessels would try to crowd on board, but could not all do so
before she diiued away with the stream.
See Tac hist iii 77,
hinc...hinc\ here the

14.

another

meaning

is

'from one side'

'from

'.

For this use with

tendentiuf>i\ keeping in view, making an object.
a pronoun see Livy xxxil 32 quod summa vi ut tenderent amicis et
propinqiiis 7nandaverat.
abstergeri] compare Livy xxxvii 24 (of the Rhodian naval
ant proram lacerabat aut remos detergebat.
Observe
ujgere] to press on them from behind, bump their sterns.

16.
tactics)

that three distinct sorts of collision are

same as that described in 17.

ad

17.

that

inafiiis]

is,

Cic

to violence.

etiam res ad piignam atque ad

nonnumquam

of, this last

spoken

II

mamis

in

being the

Verrem v

28

vocabatur.

19.
siibsederant] had sunk or settled down, that is (as Vogel remarics) at the time of the formation of this land, and implying that the
'
subsidence still shewed its effects.
Where there were depressions in
the ground'.
For the word compare Ovid met l 43 itissit et extendi

ca/npos, siibsidere valles.

fastigium] a raised point, elevation. See viii 9 3.

'
occupaverant^ had seized, that is covered '. For the sense of seizing
a strong post compare 4 26, viii 11 2.
20. reciprocari] to run the other way, here to 'ebb '. Livy XXVIII
6 /return Eitripi non septiens die, sicut faina fert, teinporibus statis
reciprocat, where we have the active form.
'

suck

tractu"]

'

current

',

'channel

fretu??i]

'.

'.

So

25

The proper

and

often.

sense, hence often a 'strait'.

reddebati was restoring, rendering up, as it retired.

Compare with
passage generally VI 4 19 of the Caspian a septentrione ingens in
litus tnaxe iiiciirnbit longeque agit fluctus et magna parte exaestiians
idem alio caeli statu recipit in se fretum eodemque impetti quo
stagnot.
effusiim est relabens terram naturae suae reddit.
this

'

destitutd\

left

high and dry

'

',

stranded

',

as in 22.

Virgil Aen I 118

9 apparent rari nantes in
planks.
gurgite vasto, anna virtim tabulaeque et Troia gaza per undas probably
suggested the present passage.

tabularuni]

See Herodotus quoted on viii 9 4.

non obrutmt quin] obruuiit conveys the general notion of
For ^?^/='that not' see Madvig 440 a obs 3. We

beluae\ ? crocodiles.

22.

23.
hindrance.

should say

'

so as to prevent

persideret']

him from

'.

from persideo.

in speculis]
on the watch '. Compare Cic
autcni homines in speculis sunt, observant etc,
'

speculis

omnis Abydos

erat.

i in Verrem 46 tiunc
Ovid her xvill 12 in

NOTES.

roi 2]

173

Arrian says nothing of tliis strnncje precaution.

praecedercnt\ go before it and herald its approach.
etjuitcsque etc]

esse etc]

24. faratosque
according to 26.

that

is

naitticos or milites nauticosqite

25. itipulit\ set in motion. Compare Virgil

discedens i)tptdit allain hattd ignara modi puppim,
matiH magna Po7'himis etintem inpiilit.

Aen X 246
V 241

dextra

2 et pater ipse

eiusdem']
Vogel with some plausibility brackets the syllable
elcnienti is the generally accepted correction of Mss mentis,

16.

dem.

tnodo

obnoxid\ that

is, it

seemed so

to

them.

diseors^ that is, at first they thought it out of harmony (with natural
laws) because (see S, xo, 22) this bore of the tide A\as beyond their
own experience, but presently they found that it did obey certain laws in

For diseors used of the tides see Pliny nat hist 11 218
respect of time.
who speaks of diversi aestus tempo7-e noH ratione discordes.
See Mayor on Cic phil li
27.
acciderat\ commonly used of evil.
17oecuparetl catch

it

in time,

take advantage of

it.

voti etc] see 2 26, 4 21, Arrian VI 19 5 says that

that his object was to see whether any land appeared rising

he gave out
from the sea

near at hand, adding eixol bk hoKel, oi'x TJKLffra uis ireTrXeuK^fat ttj;' fieydXtji'
l^w Ii'Sw.' ddXaaaav.
Arrian VI 19 4, 5 and Diodorus XVII 104 relate this
saciijicid]
more in detail. See also Arrian Indica 20 10.

Tr\v

CHAPTER

X.

'
advefsiim fiitmen sidnt'\
goes up against the stream '. Lite
ascends the opposing stream '.
Compare Caesar [or Hirtius] bell
Gall VIII 15 barbari confisi loei natura qiniin dimicare noti recitsarent si
Curtius uses the construction
fotie Roinani ttibire collem eonai-entttr.
with the ablative by or 'along' in 3 below.

I.

'

rally

'

'

Iac2( salso']
Arrian vi 20 says that Alexander went up to Patala
again and then, having found his orders for the foundation of a strong
station progressing satisfactorily, descended the other (left) branch of
the river; in the course of which voyage he came upon a great lake in

which

sea-fish

were seen.

who had not bathed. lie means

communicated by contact with the sores.
altos']

those

that the infection

was

Leonnato] Arrian VI 20 3 mentions Leonnatus, but not 5

is speaking of this well-digging.
Strabo XV 2 3 speaks of
See also Justin XII 10 7.
the party as /ueraXXeurds t<2v vbpdwv.
siecal so say Arrian Strabo Diodorus and Plutarch.
2.

where he

vernum temps] Arrian VI 21

5 quoting Nearchus [with which

i,

XV

2,
i

Indica 21

7,

i,

Strabo

XV

quoting Aristobulus,

Q-

1/4

CURTI RUFI HIST. ALEX.

[ix lo

in the latter part of the summer, ih^t

af^ices] place the time of departure
MUtzell observes that Plutarch Alex 66
of the fleet in the autumn.
not ten months, as the time spent in sailing down the

assigns seven,
another account, which may have been
rivers, and so probably followed
the same as that followed by Curtius.
Anyhow it would bring him to
Patala in April, not (as Aristobulus says) in July.

Arrian speaks of the town and station at Patala and of

iirbes\
the most of the statesundry naval stations. Curtius is probably making
ments of his authorities, whatever they were.
'a number',
many'. So in Tacitus hist I 39. S6
ple7-asqnc\ simply
we find plcriqite opposed to f hire's.
the
N'cairho] he was the admiral (vain pxos) and Onesikritus
3.
head pilot or sailing-master (apxi-Kv^epvriTT)%) of the fleet. We know
that there was a jealousy between them (Strabo XV 2 4), for which the
of
latter was probably to blame, as he proved himself in his account
Alexander's expedition a steady and enormous liar (see Strabo XV i
that he had himself been vava.pxo% of
passim) and in particular affirmed
The irapd-n-Xovs of Nearchus was a work of considerable
the fleet.
'

merit.

\onrhv or'jXnv napaoovs

Diodorus XVIl 104 rhv
({cdiuerent etc]
irapa'^'*' '"'"' a^^o's T'-^" 0'^'^" TrpofffTaJe tt^v irapaXiaf
rraaav^
irXeuaai Oi WKfavou Kal iravra KaraaKe^aixivovs airavrii' eirl rets fK^oXas

Nedpxy

Tov Eixppirov TTOTaaov. Arrian Indica 20 13 says (iq^ioting Nearchus)

that Alexander wanted to go on this voyage himself, but abandoned it
from motives of prudence. When searching for a trusty admiral he
received an offer from Nearchus to undertake the business.
crt'matis] so says Diodorus.
had been sent off under Kraterus
exaritiim'] not the whole, for a part
Karmania. For details see Arrian VI 17 3, Strabo XV 2 5.

4.

through

Arabiton^ Diodorus calls them 'Ap^crai, Strabo "Ap/3tes,

5.
his Anabasis, 'Apa,3tes in his Indian history. ^ Their
Arrian 'Apa/3.rat
further or weslern boundary was the river variously called "Ap/Sis,

and Arabics. Beyond this river lay the Oritae, and

The words
or Kedrosii.
beyond them again the Gedrosii Gadrosii
Cedroswrum are obviously wrong. But, as has been already
i,ide
observed by Vogel, they may very well for all that have been written by
Curtius himself, for Diodorus speaks of the submission of toi;s tV
'ApafiLos, 'Apd^LS

olKowTOi% immediately after that of the Arbitae, an J then goes

mention the Oritae, returning further on to the march through
both followed the same
IveSpwtrta, as Curtius does below. They probably
have been some confusion to account for
authorities, in which there may
It is remarkable that Arrian VI 22 1 mentions
their strange muddle.
Gadrosian troops as having assisted the Oritae to oppose the entrance of
Alexander into the territory of the latter. See on 12 iumaita and 18
Ke5/!3u)(7iai'

on

to

quiete.
liber]

Arrian Vi 21 S 4.
'Apa^trai, idvos Kal tovto avrbvoixov, says
Arrian and Diodorus agree with this statement.

dedidit se\

NOTES.

2-ii]
6.
\vith this

.75

Diodonis and Arriaii agree in substance

account of the march and laying waste of the country of the
ibi

maiorcm

etc]

Oritae.
7.
wbem'] so says Diodorus and tells us that its name was AlexArrian VI 21 5 says only that he praised a certain spot as
andria.
suited for the development of a great city.

Arachosii'\ this statement rests

on Curtius' authority aloue.

Itnlos] these are clearly the same as those

105 calls 'idvos ciS^evov /cat TracreXcSs Oripiiodes, and to

fiiaritimos

8.

Diodorus XVII

whom
whom

other writers give the name Ichthyophagi.

But it is remarkable that
Arrian vi 28 g 5, Indica 24 2g fass/m speaks of their being visited by
Nearchus, not by Alexander, and this is perhaps the more probable
version of the story, unless we refer this passage of Curtius to the exploring party under Thoas, sent by Alexander to survey the coast district.
vi 95.
See Arrian vi 23 g 2, 3. Pliny

NH

'

intercourse ', perhaps in the way of exchange.

The word i2is means 'right' or 'rightful relation ', and the expression
ins commercii is important in early Roman history.
See note on VIII 9

coinmercii

iiirc\

19-

9.

ipsd\

'of itself, opposed to tiatura quoque 'even by nature'.

efferavit\ 'has
ingenia fton belliim

made

savage'.

modo sed ctiam

viii 2 16 turn fcrocia

ae desperado efferaverat

Compare
vcii.

The following account of this

'characters'.
iiigenid]
tribe is in strict agreement with the other authorities.
10.

tugiirid]

these are the huts called

loathsome

by Arrian Ind 24

The

following account of
them corresponds with the more detailed descriptions in Strabo XV 2
2, Diodorus xvii 105, Arrian Ind 29 19, 30 g 8, 9, anab vi 23 3.
Arrian VI 23 3 IwOivras rds Koyxo-s.
conckis^
stifling cabins'

[iv

KaKiifi-rjcn

irviyripricn).

purganientis\ offscourings, refuse. The other writers inform us that

these were the bones of whales or other huge animals {ktjti]) cast up by
the sea.
pellibus\ so Diodorus, 5o/)as Qi\p[wv.
thick fish hides.

Arrian Ind 24

9 says that

some wore

sole diiratis'\

Strabo and Arrian Ind 29

9^13

say that they catch

made of palm-bark, and then dry

the larger ones in the sun

meal and even bake the meal into
From Pliny N H vii 30 we learn that Klitarchus is his
loaves.
authority for this statement, and Curtius probably took it also from the
same source. See Pomponius Mela 11 1 8.
fish in

nets

and grind them when dried

eiccit\

Ts,

into

so Diodorus ai.Tovurai 5^ ra eKJ3uX\6fM(va

rest agree.
igitur] the country supplying no food.

/ctjtt;

capKocpa-yovv-

and the
II.

ad ulti/num']

'at last',

'

in the end'.

So ad extremum.

7adiees palt)ia'urn\
Strabo .XV 2 5, Arrian VI 23 6, Indica 26
6, 29 I mention only the fruit (/SdXaroi Pdates) and pith (^7/c^^oXos)

176

Q.

CURTI RUFT HIST. ALEX.

[ix lo

Diodorus says nothing of the matter, which makes it

of the palms.
probable that Curtius has not mistaken his authorities but followed
different ones.
Zumpt well refers to Cic. Ii in Verrem v 87, 99
where we read of sailors compelled by hunger to eat radices palmaruin
agresthon, a non-fructiferous sort of palm.
gignitur] that

in ea regione.

is ibi,

etc] so Arrian vi 25 r, who however (cc 24

26)
places the scene of these terrible sufferings in the land of the raS/juxroi

iumenta

12.

is the more probable account.

See on 18 qiiiete.
cremabant incendio] set fire to and burnt', as we say.
13.
pesHleniia] Arrian vi 25 2, 3 speaks of their suffering from
a voaos, but does not attach such importance to it as Curtius seems to
have done, probably following different autliorities.
ad hoc'\ on the top of this, besides'.

proper, which

'

'

Arrian substantially agrees with all this, and Ifkens

14.
those who lay down in the sandy desert to men lost at sea.
agnieti etc] Arrian says (Tttot'Stj 7dp iroWrj eyiyvero 6 <tt6\os, Kal iv tu)
VTT^P TOV WaVTOS TTpoOvfli}) TO Kad' eKOLffTOVS ^^U dvayKT) TjfJLeXetTO.
strati etc]

proficere air\

make advance

nulla enim res tantiim

towards.
Compare Cic Brutus
ad diccndum projicit quantum scriptio.

praecipe re ut'\ so IV
credeiis fore ipsius,

quod

orahant\

15.

3 of the retreat of Darius in haste,

celcritate praecipere potuisset.

with

vig 458

compare the

this

all

Thucydides vii 75 3, 4.
nec.et'l there were not ... and

So

oifre... re

pathetic

92

id deiniim

passage

often in Greek.

of

Mad-

c.

a-Koplq. tcDj' inro^vyiuv,

iumetitd\

be picked up.

excipi]

above.

=portare poterat.

portabat'\
et ipsis'l

says Arrian.

See excepturi

'

themselves also

'.

ante oculos erat^ = obversabatur.

saepius'] too often, that is, so often that they ceased to take heed.
susti/iebani] bear, endure.
misericordia] for others, formidinem for themselves.
16.
ipsis']

sacra

communid] the

themselves, that

is

rites

of their

common

religion.

the persons addressed, those hurrying on.

17.
quia...esset\ because (as he felt) he was, 'feeling himself to be'.
This subjunctive of the assumed reason is common enough. See MadArrian VI 24 2, 3 tells us that Alexander well knew
vig 357 a.
what he had to expect when he undertook this march but the legends
of the journeys of Semiramis and Cyrus through the same district, how
the former lost all her army but 20 men, and the latter all but 7, roused
him to attempt to succeed where they'had failed. So too Strabo xv 2
5.
;

NOTES.

ir 22]

177

misit Qtc\ Diodoras xvii 105 gives substantially the same account of
his messages to the
satraps and their prompt attention to his orders.
finiiimarui] Diodorus

ttjv Hapdvaiav Kai Apayyrjvrjv Kai 'Apeiav.

would be more natural to have a fame after vindicabut the present construction seems a possible one.

18.
ttis,

fame\

it

'

dtimtaxat] here at least

in Ccdrosiae etcj see on
'.

5,

12.

omnhim

reruni\ 'all sorts of things '.

sold\ that is, alone of all the districts round.
take it ; and emendations are not wanted.

Arrian VI 27

c]uiete\

makes him

rest

So

Miitzell

and refresh

his

and Zumpt

army

at the

capital of the Gadrosi, which in 24 i he calls Iloi^pa.

Plutarch Alex
66, 67 says that he found himself in plenty on entering Gedrosia, and
that he gave his men a second rest at the
But,
capital of that district.
as he makes them march seven days
through Karmania in the mean
time, we cannot attach much weight to his statement.
It is however
clear that there Wre two accounts of Gedrosia; but, as Arrian and

we cannot have much

Strabo agree,
country

(at

least

as far as

hesitation in believing that the

Pura) was scorched and barren to the

last

degree.
19.

Ind 23

Leo>inali\ his victory is mentioned also by Arrian vii 5 5,

Diodorus gives a version less favourable to the Mace-

5, 6.

donians.

This is the
Craterd] see on 4.
as to the whereabouts of Kraterus.

first

hint

we have had from

Curtius

Ozincn\ Arrian vi 27 3 speaks of Kraterus bringing one Ordanes

a captured revolter to Alexander.

compare Virgil georg l 271 insidias avibus moliri.

Sibyrtio] Arrian vi 27 i says that he succeeded one Thoas
(successor of Apollophanes) as satrap of Gadrosia, and that he was also
satrap of Karmania.
violu-ntes]

20.

viorbd\ so

Thoas

in Arrian.

Aspastesl mentioned only by Curtius.

suspectus voluisse] so Tacitus hist l 46 siispectus consilia
2

1.

dtiml used here with

eitis fovisse.

favourite present indicative, though in the

dependent clause after voluisse. See Madvig 369 obs 3.
its

See Madvig 360 obs 2.

22.
dutJiX until such time as.
quae delata erani\ the informations laid against them. Arrian VI 27
4' 5 speaks of three satraps Kleander Sitalkes and Herakon whom
the king ])unished after enquiry into their conduct.
See also Diodonis

xvu

106.

cum indc\ the order of

cum igitur or the reverse.

the sense

For

is

ijide

cum.

2'rtV= after that,

So we might htive
compare i

'next',

.3.5-

cquorum
C.

etc]

Arrian VI 27 6 gives

much

the

same account.
12

178

CURTI RUFI

Q.

sub imperid\ 'under their

HIST. ALEX.

[ix lo

rule'.

its quibus as often.

qui bus]
ifipedimenta\ =iumenta 'horses and carts'.
XXVIII 41 for this military expression.

23.

cnltuni] see 3 xo, II.

24.

igitur']

having

now

Miitzell

compares Livy

reached a land of plenty.

Diodorus xvii 106 and Plutarch Alex

supra] see viii 10 17, 18.
67 give just the same account of this seven days' revel. Arrian VI 28
I, 2, following Ptolemy and Aristobulus, denies the truth of the story,
and he is probably right.
gloriain] his 'glory' or 'renown' won by his great exploits as a
conqueror in the ezsti/amam, his 'repute' as the founder of the Bacchic
For the opposition of the words see 5 i. Cicero Tusc iii
revels.

mim

3, 4 est
glo7-ia solida quacdani res et exprcssa, non adumbrata ;
ea est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta vox bene iudicaizduin de
excelIcjite virtute ; ca virtu ti rcsonat taiiquam imago,
qtiae quia rccte
ilia
factoruin pleruntqiie comes est, non est bonis viris repudianda.
aute/n quae se eius imitatricevi esse vult, temeraria atque inconsiderata et

pleruiiique peccatorum vitioruvique laudatrix, fama popularis, simulaBut fama,

tione honestatis for7nam eius pidchritudinciuquc corru/npit.
we must remember, is in itself a neutral word.
sive...lusiis\ is
iinitari.

illud] 'that'
crat,

where

a parenthetic remark

= what

liy

way of comment on

statnit

he did. So Virgil Aen III 173 nee sopor ilhid

saw and heard. See quod 2S below.

illud=\\'\\:ii I

triumphus] Arrian says kox Qpiafipov re avTOv

vvaov Kal rds
dpia/jL^ovs.

ein.KKridijvaL tov

rals v'lKais rat's eK iroX^fxov irofnras etrl

Greek writers always render the Roman
eirl

ry avrQ

A16-

TovTip

trinmphus by

^/)ia,u/3os.

25.

aedium] temples or can it be that he means houses

from nominative cratera.
:

crateras']

constrata']
veils]

26.

with carpets or rugs, according to Plutarch.

hangings, curtains, awnings.

cohors regia] see on viii 11 11.
common word in the poets.

redifnita] a

vehiculis] that

'

is,

ibaut,

rode '.

comissabundus] so Livy ix 17 says loosely of Alexander, Indiae, per

qiiain tcDiulcnto agmine comissabundus incessit.
poculis] 'cups', as distinct from cratcrae 'mixing-bowls'.
27.
saltern] goes closely with adversus comissantes.

viri mode]

= dut?imodo

viri fuissent.

fortuna etc] compare Sallust Cat 8 i sed profecto fortuna

in omni re dominatur ; ea res cunctas ex lubidine niagis quam ex vera
28.

celebrat obscuratque.

^2 2 3o]

NOTES.

179

the contemporaries of Alexander.

Curtius uses
these very words in precisely the same sense vili 5 11, where he has
the
same notion in the words scaaii viventitcm.
just put
praesetis\ tliat

deitidc] 'after

is,

them'.

So Greek

^Tretra.

Curtius appropriately closes the book with one of the moral

sentences dear to all rhetoricians.
30.

12-

APPENDICES.
The

Seneca the rhetorician, from the

Teubner, 1872), to be compared with
For
22.
15, 4 16
21, 9 20
these declamations on themes see Mayor on Juvenal I 16, vii
162.
Seneca's work is a collection of specimens, reported from
his own notes or from memory, of the manner in which some of
A.

first

snaso7'ia of

text of Kiessling (Leipzig,

Curtius IX 2 8
II, 3

the greatest masters of the period

The beginning of the present one

had handled

certain topics.

unfortunately lost. They

are interesting as shewing the spirit of the rhetorical schools,
their laboured striving after antithesis and tendency to wear a
is

sentiment tln^eadbare.
...sinunt.

modum

cuicumque

nihil infinitum est

iacere terras ultraque

rei

magnitudinem natura

nisi

Oceanum

Oceanus.

declerat dedit et

aiunt fertiles in

Oceaiio

rursus alia litora, alium nasci orbem,

nee usquam rerum naturam desinere, sed semper inde ubi desisse uide-

nouam

facile ista finguntur quia Oceanus nauigari non

hactenus Alexandre uicisse qua mundo lucere satis est.
stat immotum mare et quasi
intra has terras caelum Hercules meruit,

atur

potest,

exsurgere.

satis sit

deficientis in suo fine naturae pigra

moles: nouae ac

magna etiam Oceano portenta quae profunda

terribiles figurae,

ista uastitas nutrit, con-

fusa lux alta caligine et intei'ceptus tenebris dies, ipsum uero graue et
defixum mare et aut nulla aut ignota sidera. ita est, Alexander, rerum

natura: post omnia Oceanus, post Oceanum nihil. 1 Argentari. renihil tantum est, quod
orbis te tuus reuocat: uicimus qua licet,

siste,

Pompei Silonis. uenit ille dies,

ego Alexandri periculo petam.
Alexander, exoptatus, quo tibi opera desset idem sunt termini et regni
Osci.
tui et mundi.
tempus est Alexandrum cum orbe et cum sole
:

desinere.

quod noueram

uici

nunc concupisco quod

nescio.

quae tam

APPENDIX

A.

i8i

ferae gentes fuenmt quae non Alexandrum posito genu adorarint ?

qui
tarn horridi monies quorum non iuga uictor miles calcauerit?
ultra
Liheri patris tropaea constitimus. non quaerimus orbem, sed amittimus.
inmensuni et humanae intemptatum experientiae pelagus, totius orbis

uinculum terrarumque custodia, inagitata remigio

saeuiente fluctu

premit

inquieta,

nescio qui

et

modo

deserta

fugiente

uastitas, litora

modo

tetra caligo fluctus

quod humanis natura subduxit

oculis aeterna

nox

foeda beluarum magnitudo et inmobile profundum

testantur, Alexander, nihil ultra esse quod uincas: reuertere. 3 Albvci
SiLl.
terrae quoque suum finem liabent et ipsius mundi aliquis occasus
obruit.

est;

]\IvSAE.

nihil infinitum

fortuna non

facit.

est:

magni

fortuna uictoriae tuae

modum magnitudini facere debes,

pectoris est inter secunda moderatio.
naturae finem

quoniam

eundem

imperium tuum cludit

Oceanus. o quantum magnitudo tua rerum quoque naturam supergressa
est
Alexander orbi magnus est, Alexandro orbis angustus est. aliquis
etiam magnitudini modus est: non procedit ultra spatia sua caelum,

quem

facit:

maria intra terminos suos agitantur. quidquid ad summum peruenit

incremento non reliquit locum, non magis quidquam ultra Alexandrum
ultra Oceanum.
Marilli. maria sequimur,
orbem quem non noui quaere, quem uici relinquo.

nouimus quam
tradimus?
BiANl.

terras cui

Fa-

toto pelago

infusa caligo nauigantem tibi uidetur

admittere, quae prospicientem quoque excludit ? non haec India est
nee ferarum terribilis ille conuentus.
inmanes propone beluas, aspice

quid?

ista

quibus procellis fluctibusque saeuiat, quas ad litora undas agat. tantus

uentorum concursus, tanta conuulsi funditus maris insania est ; nulla
praesens nauigantibus statio est, nihil salutare, nihil notum rudis et
ista maria ne illi quidem petierunt
inperfecta natura penitus recessit.
sacrum quidem terris natura circumfudit
qui fugiebant Alexandrum.
:

Oceanum. illi qui etiam siderum collegerunt metas et annuas hiemis

atque aestatis uices ad certam legem redegenint. quibus nulla pars
ignota mundi est, de Oceano tamen dubitant utrumne terras uelut
uinculum circumfluat, an

in

suum

colligatur

orbem

et in

hos per quos

nauigatur sinus

quasi spiramenta quacdam magnitudinis exaestuet ;

ignem post se cuius augmentum ipse sit habeat, an spiritum. quid

conmilitones? domitoremne generis humani, magnum Alexmemento

andrum, eo dimittitis quod adhuc quid sit disputatur ?
Alexander matrem in orbe uicto adhuc magis quam pacato relinquis.
agitis,

Divisio.

mandum

esse

aiebat

Cestivs hoc genus suasoriarum aliter declanon eodem modo in libera ciuitate

quam suadendum.

dicendam scntentiam quo apud

reges, quibus etiam

quae prosunt

ita

APPENDIX

82

tamen

ut delectent

suadenda sunt,

A.

et inter reges ipsos esse discrimen:

quosdam minus aut magis osos ueritatem;

Alexandrum

facile

modum

quos superbissimos et supra mortalis animi

exisse

inflates accepimus.

denique ut alia dimittantur argumenta, ipsa suasoria insolentiam eius

coarguit

non

orbis ilium suus

cum summa

amitino Aristotelis accidit,

nam cum

sales:

capit

itaque nihil

dicendum aiebat

nisi

ueneratione regis, ne accideret idem quod praeceptori eius

(deum) se

quem

occidit propter intempestiue liberos

uellet uideri et uulneratus esset.uiso sanguine

quod non esset Ix'^p oiqs -nip re p^ei

ab hac urbanitate lancea uindicauit. eleganter
in C. Cassi epistola quadam ad M. Ciceronem missa positum: multum
iocatur de stultitia Cn. Pompei adulescentis qui in Hispania contraxit
eius philosophus mirari se dixerat,

HaKdpfcrcn deolaiv.

exercitum et ad

ille

se

Mundam

deinde

acie uictus est;

ait:

'nos quidem

nos gladio avTipLVKTripiari\

in omnibus regibus haec urbanitas extimescenda est. 6 aiebat itaque apud
Alexandnmi esse dicendam sententiam ut multa adulatione animus eius
ilium deridemus, sed timeo ne

ille

permulceretur, seruandum tamen aliquem

modum, ne

conrueret ratio et

accideret tale aliquid quale accidit Atheniensibus, cum publicae eorum

blanditiae non tantum deprehensae set castigatae sunt,
nam cum

Antonius

uellet se

Liberum patrem

dici et

hoc nomen

statuis subscribi

habitu quoque et comitatu Liberum imitaretur, occurrerunt

uenienti ei Athenienses cum coniugibus et liberis et ^^lowo-ov salutauerunt.
belle illis cesserat, si nasus Atticus ibi substitisset ; (set) dixe-

iuberet,

runt despondere ipsos in

rimt ut duceret.
se

illis

mille talenta.

/xrjTepa

aov

matrimonium

Antonius

ait

illi

Mineruam suam

et

rogaue-

ducturum, sed dotis nomine imperare

turn ex Graeculis

quidam

ait

K'upn, 6 Zeiis rrjv

huic quidem inpune fuit,

avpoLKOv dx^v.
sponsalia mille talentis aestiniata sunt.
quae

sed

'Zep.iXTjv

Atheniensium

cum

exigerentur conphues contumeliosi libelli proponebantur, quidam

etiam ipsi Antonio tradebantur: sicut ille qui subscriptus statuae
eius

fuit,

cum eodem tempore

et

Octauiam

uxorem

haberet

et

'OKraovla Kal 'AdTjvx 'Avrwina}' res tuas tibi habe.

Cleopatrarn
bellissimam tamen rem Dei.I.ivs dixit, qiiem Messala Coruinus
7
desultorem bellorum ciuilium uocat, quia ab Dolabella ad Cassium
:

si Dolabellam occidisset
a Cassio
ad Antonium, nouissime ab Antonio transfugit ad
hie est Dellius cuius epistulae ad Cleopatram lasciuae

transiturus salutem sibi pactus est,

deinde

Caesarem.
feruntur.

transiit

cum Athenienses tempus

nee exorarent, Dellius

trienni die debere.

ait:

longius

peterent ad pecuniam conferendam

et

tamen

me

fabellarum dulcedo produxit

dicito

illos

tibi

annua,
:

bienni,

itaque ad

APPENDIX

A.

183

propositum reuertar. 8 aiebat Cestivs magnis cum laudibfts Alexandri banc suasoriam esse dicendam, quam sic diuisit, ut primum
diceret, etiamsi nauigari posset Oceanus, nauigandum non esse; satis
in transitu uicisset;
gloriae quaesitum; regenda esse et disponenda quae
consulendum militi tot eius uictoriis lasso ; de matre illi cogitandum
:

et

deinde illam quaestionem subiecit,

abas causas complures subiecit.

9 Fabianvs philosophus priquaestionem eandem etiam si nauigari posset Oceanus

modum
at rationem aliam primam fecit
nauigandum non esse.

ne nauigari quidem Oceanum posse.

mam

fecit

est

magna

quae arbitrio suo

felicitas

uarietate fortunae et
et

incertis

maria

motibus

constitit.

dixit

ilia

demum

deinde locum de

cum descripsisset nihil esse stabile, omnia fluitare

modo adtolli, modo deprimi, absorberi terras et

montes subsidere, deinde exempla regum e fasligio suo

sine potius rerum naturam quam fortunam tuam
secundam quoque quaestionem aliter tractauit: diuisit

siccari,

deuolutorum, adiecit
10

deficere.

hie dixit sententiam

esse rebus secundis.

inponendum

Oceano aut trans Oceanum

tamen ad illas non
maris naturam non patiposse; hie difficultatem nauigationis, ignoti
entem nauigationis. nouissime ut posset perueniri, tanli tamen non
enim illam

sic,

ut

primum negaret
deinde

esse terras habitabiles.

si

ullas in

essent, perueniri

hie dixit incerta peti, certa deseri; descituras gentes, si Alexhie matrem
enotuisset

esse,

andrum rerum naturae terminos supergressum

de qua
esses.

II

quomodo
Glyconis

ovde TpdwiKos

'

tovto

avTO

iJ.iv

ei del

ry

el

fj.rj

tl

KaKov

Plvtion

imitari uoluerunt.

rjv,

dixit

dpa irepaLovadai.
TeXdyei

ov

rah

ttjv

dv vearov '^kuto.

5ia tovto fieyiardv e<7Tiv,

ArteMON

EWrjffTrovriacs

eiJLTrp60(7fJ.ov

ov5^ 'lv86s, dXX'

Fji<ppdTijs tovt' eaTiv,

hoc omnes

oiiK
/cat

fiera irdi'Ta, fieTO. 5e avrb oi-Oiv.

riayU^i/XtV

trepidauit etiam quom Granicum transiturus

Celebris sententia est: tovto ovk ian ^i/xdeis

ilia

dixit:

rjoai-v

icpecrruiTes ov5' iwi

Kapa5ot:ov/.iei>

e'ire yTJs

on

dixit: ^ovXevT^ov

dp-truaiV

ov8e

Tipixa, etre (pixrews 6poi,

the TTpia^vTaTov (ttolx^Iov, dre yeueais 9eQf, iepCxrephv iariv rj Kara, f ai s

Al'ATVRiVS dixit: ivTtvOiv t) vavs eK fj.Lo.'S <popds ti^ dvaroXas,
vdiop.
Cestivs descripsit sic freinit Oceanus,
ivda 5e ets rds dopdrovs dvffeis.
:

Corruptissimam rem
omnium quae umquam dictae sunt ex quo homines diserti insanire
dictam Ilomeri, cum
putabant Dorionis esse in metaphrasi

quasi

indignetur

quod

terras

rclinquas.

12

coeperunt,
haec quomodo ex corexcaecatus Cyclops saxum in mare reiecit...
tamen sana sint, aiebat Maecenas
ruptis eo perueniant, ut et magna et

apud Vergilium
Vergilius quid

intellegi posse,

ait ?

rapit

tumidum

est

fipeos 6pos

diroairdTai.

appendix

t84

a.

haud partem exigiiam mentis.

ita

magnitudine discedit, ut non inpnidenter discedat a

(a)

inflatum

fide,

est

KoX Katpia

^dWerai

vrj<raoi.

Vergilins quid ait? qui de nauibus:

credas innare reuolsas

Cycladas.

non

dicit

hoc

incredibile est,

fieri,

sed uideri.

propitiis

quod excusatur antequam

auribus accipitur, quamuis

dicitur.

13

multo conupti-

orem sentertiam Menestrati ciiiusdam declamatoris non

abiecti suis

temporibus nactus sum in hac ipsa suasoria, cum describeret beluarum

in Oceano nascentium magnitudinem... efficit liaec sententia, ut ignos-

camus

qui dixit ipsis Charybdi et Scylla maius portentum: 'Charybne in una re semel insaniret: 'quid ibi
as ethicos induxit matrem
potest esse salui ubi ipsum mare perit?'
loquentem, cum describeret adsidue prioribus periculis noua superei

dis ipsius maris naufragium', et

Dam

Barbarvs dixit, cum introduxisset excusantem se exercitum Macedonum, hunc sensum ... 14 Fvscvs Arellivs dixit: tester ante orbem tibi tuum deesse quam militem.
Latro sedans banc
uenisse

dixit;

non excusauit militem, sed

dixit:

dum

mittit hostem, quis terram, quis diem, quis

sequor, quis milii proda ubi castra po-

mare?

nam, ubi signa ponam. reliqui parentes, reliqui liberos, commeatum

Latini declamatores in de15
peto: numquid inmature ab Oceano?
nam aut minus desci ipserunt,
scriptione Oceani non nimis uiguerunt
;

aut (nimis) curiose.

nemo

illorum potuit tanto spiritu dicere quanto

Pedo, qui nauigante Germanico

dicit:

iam pridem pos terga diem solemque relinquunt,

iam pridem notis extorres finibus orbis
per non concessas audaces

ire

tenebras

ad rerum metas extremaque litora mundi;

nunc ilium pigris immania monstra sub undis
qui ferat Oceanum, qui saeuas undique pistris

aequoreosque canes, ratibus consurgere prensis.

accumulat fragor ipse metus.
iam sidere limo
nauigia et rapido desertam flamine classem
seque feris credunt per inertia fata marinis
tarn

non

felici

laniandos sorte relinqui.

atque aliquis prora caecum sublimis ab alta

aera pugnaci luctatus rumpere uisu.

APPENDIX
ut nihil erepto ualuit dinoscere

B.

obstructa in talis effundit pectora uoces

quo ferimur?

fugit ipse dies

185

mundo,
:

orbemque relictum

ultima perpetuis claudit natura tenebris.

anne alio positas ultra sub cardine gentes

atque alium flabris intactum quaerimus orbem?

di reuocant rerumque uetant cognoscere finem
mortales oculos: aliena quid aequora remis

uiolamus aquas diuumque quietas

turbamus sedes?

et sacras

ex Graecis declamatoribus nulli melius haec suasoria processit

Glyconi ; sed non minus multa magnifice dixit quam corrupte

rumque faciam uobis potestatem.

endo indicium
fieri
fieri,

uolebam uos

meum

experiri

non

utroadici-

nee separando a conuptis sana potuisset enim

et nihilominus poterit
laudaretis quae insaniunt
ilia belle dixit:. ..sed fecit quod solebat, ut
distinxerim.

ut uos magis

quamuis

et

quam
:

ilia

sententiam adiectione superuacua atque tumida perderet: adiecit enim:

...illud quosdam dubios iudici sui habet
ego non dubito contra sententiam ferre
iiylaive yrj, uylaive TJXie' MaKfdofes yap x^os elairXiovaL.

B.

Specimen of the translation of John Brende, 1553.

[From IX

I 11].

all that he had sayde, there was not one souldier

would open his mouth to speake, but stode wayting that some of
the princes and great capitaynes shoulde declare unto the kynge their
estates, and howe that there remayned not in them any obstinat refusall

Notwithstanding

that

of the warres, but that they were so exhausted with woundes and weried
with continuall travaill that they were not able to endure any lenger.
As they stode thus astonied and afrayed, keping silence and lookyng

upon the ground, there beganne first a whisperyng and a rumor and
afterwardes a lamentacion amonges them, and by lyttle and little thei
beganne more manifestly to shewe their dolour, the teares fallyng fro
their eyes.
The kynges anger was then so turned into compassion, that
he was not able to keape hym selfe from weapyng.
At length the
whole assemble brast out into an excessive weapyng. And when all the
were at a stay to speake Cenus toke upon hym to presse forwarde
towardes the judgement seate where Alexander stoode, signifieng that
he had somewhat to saye. When the souldiers saw he pulled his helmet

rest

APPENDIX

1 86

B.

was the custome to speake unto the kyng) they

cause of the whole army.
began to require hyni that he woulde utter the
Then Cenus beganne in this wyse: The Goddes defende our myndes
from all wicked thoughtes (as I doubt not but they -wyll) there is none of
from his head (for so

it

towardes you that they have bene

your souldiers but be of the same mynde
Whether it be your pleasure to commaunde them to go
in tymes past.
to hasarde them selves, or with their bloud commend
forwardes, to
fyght,

And if you will nedes persever in your

posteritie.
naked and without bloud, we will
unarmed
be
we
though
opinion,
But
either come after you or go before, as you shall thynke expedient.
of your
if you wyll be content to heare the griefes and complayntes

your name unto the

I
souldiers that be not fayned but expressed by force of very necessitie,
humblie beseche you then that ye woulde vouchesave favourably to heare

and fortune, and are

them, that constantly have folowed your authoritie
O Alexander, with
wil appoynte.
yet redy to folow wheresoever you
of your actes ye have not overco ne only your enemies, but
the
greatnes

also your

owne

souldiers.

Whatsoever mans mortalitie

is

able to

fulfyll,

having passed over so manye Seas and countreys

in
better knowen to us then to the very inhabiters, nowe remayning
maner in the uttermoste ende of the worlde. And yet for all this, your
an other worlde and seke out an Inde unknowen
purpose is to passe into
Ye covet to plucke out the wilde beastes and serpentes
to the Indians.
further with
out of their dennes &
places, minding to serche
that

is

perfourmed by

us,

lurking

hath visited w* her beames, which truly is an

your victory then the sonne
but farre exceding our capacitie and
imaginaciS mete for your harte,
force
and
manhode
Your
courage is alwayes an encrease, but our
power.
our bodies destitute of bloud, perced
groweth in declinacion. Behold
Our weapons
with so many woundes, and rotted with so many scarres.
nowe be dulled, and our armour is wasted & consumed, we weare our
because our countrey garmentes do faill
apparell after the Percias maner,
are degenerate out of our own fasshion, & growen into a
us.
What is he that hath his corselet or horse particuler to
strauge habite.

We

himself?

Cause

it

to

be enquired

how many

servaijtes

do folowe

maisters and what remaineth to every ma of the spoyle.

victorers of al me, of all men we are the poorest.

their

Being the

APPENDIX a

187

C.
Some extracts from the Alexandreis of Bishop Philippus
Gualterus (12th or 13th century). These interesting passages
are taken from Miitzell's introduction he quotes them to illustrate certain views as to the history of the MSS of Curtius, from
:

whom

the matter of the poem,

and even much of the phraseology,

was taken.
intercipit in

(i)

dccursurum Achesiin
motibus

et
*

magnus

mare Ganges

occitrrit uterque

rapido inter eos coUiditur aestu.

Probably a misprint

for magiiis.

8 where the old reading was Acesines eiuii

aiiget.
Ganges decursnriim in mare intercipnt, magnoqiu motit amnis
titerqite coUiditur.

This comes from viii 9

iamqtie Argiva phalanx tnedium proriiperat agmen

Indoriim.

(2)

So the

old reading in viii 14

18

\\a.s

prortipit.

tamen fatis Macetumque resistere famae

(3)
gens Sudrackanim.
See note on the name of this tribe in ix 4 15.
attsa

(4)

obiice nos ciiivis portento : ignobile bellurn,

degeneres piignas, obsctira pericula vita;

gloria qiiantalibet viii sordescit in haste.

So

in IX 6 14 bclla

in

his History

D.

An

campaigns

was

read, viheie pericula

abstract of the remarks of

is

Mr

now

generally adopted.

Talboys Wheeler

from the earliest ages vol III c 4 on the

of Alexander in that country and other matters conof India

nected with the same

with a few comments added in brackets.

He accepts the stories of Alexander's drunkenness and the

(a)
weakening of his character, and thinks that the Macedonian phalanx
had already degenerated when the Indian campaigns began. [See
above in the Introduction B 13 for douljts as to the full acceptance of
this view,

though of course

it is

partly true.]

APPENDIX

i88

D.

Alexander's original design was to penetrate to the Ganges and

{b)

conquer the great empire then existing on its banks. To do this he

must conquer the smaller kingdoms on his way. Of the three Punjab
kingdoms that of the 'elder' Porus was the most important: and from
the eminence assigned to him
name at least, over the others.

it

appears that his authority extended, in

Tims he would be a sort of suzerain of

the Punjab, a view confirmed by the Hindu tradition of the empire of
Pimi in these parts. The so-called hostile sovereigns (Taxiles and the
younger Porus) were originally nothing more than refractory vassal
Under the non-cohesive system of Asiatic monarchies such
kings.
nominal supremacy is often retained long after the political
been virtually destroyed. Alexander deemed it politic to

ties

treat

have
the

refractory vassals as independent sovereigns.

Alexander had learnt that

[c]

in Asiatic warfare the chief

danger

lay in the rear, and accordingly was careful to secure the real submission
of the tribes as he passed. Liberal to ready submission and to obstinate
resistance, he sternly repressed revolts and punished deception.
His

message to the Indian princes, requiring their submission, was probably

sent by him as Great King of Persia to whom the whole
region (Cabul
and the Punjab) had been tributary in a previous generation (Herodotus
III 94,
After subduing the Assacani and taking Aornos, he
95, I07.).

made

the

kingdom of Taxiles
The battle is one of

his base of operations for crossing the

the most remarkable actions in ancient

and the passage of the river a wonderful feat. The results of his
He was able to form a fleet on the
victory were most important.
Jhelum, a measure due both to his soldierly instinct of precaution and to

Jhelum.
story,

his imagination.

He

at first

took the Indus for the Nile.

After crossing the Chenab and Ravee without opposition, he

(d)
was called back to reduce the rebellious Kathaei to obedience. These

seem

have been Rajpoots: at least their customs were of a Rajpoot

But his plans were frustrated by the sullen resistance of his

to

character.

Macedonian

soldiers.

"Their

spirits

had been broken, not so much by

of war, as by Ihe wind and rain of the south-west monsoon ;

and by this time their love of ease and sensual gratification had blunted

the

toils

and dominion which had formerly animated the

So they would not advance beyond the Sutlej. So he
phalanx".
turned back and proceeded along the Jhelum and Indus through Scinde
and thence through Beloochistan to Susa.
that passion for glory

[e\

The

surface-observations of the Greeks

who accompanied him

APPENDIX
shew

189

Their descriptions of the country are accurate,

and acuteness.

care

D.

One thing
but they did not penetrate into the inner life of the people.
gather from them, that distinctions of caste had not as yet

we may

appeared in the Punjab, and that in

this point (as also in respect of the

system of government) the civilisation of the Punjab was essentially

different from that of the Gangetic empire as described a few years later
by Megasthenes, when Sandrokottos was on the throne. This prince,
to the Hindus as Chandragupta, ruled over a great populous and
wealthy country there caste institutions had long prevailed ; the court
was of rather a Tartar than an Aryan type, with its intrigues and con-

known

hosts of women and bodyspiracies, its pompous ceremonies, and its

guards round the person of the Raja. Espionage was the chief engine
of government.
The religion of the people was Brahmanical, but the
Buddhists had then made some progress, and there is reason to think

Raja was himself a convert to Buddhism.

that the

[It is to

be gathered

that the later writers in borrowing from Megasthenes did not understand
the variety of customs and institutions in India, and (as possibly Curtius

VIII 9) applied what was

those of the Punjab.]

meant

for the

[Mr Wheeler remarks

(/)

Hindus of the Ganges

that the story told

in

valley to

Curtius ix 2

It is, he says, simply the

a scandal unworthy of credit.
67
oriental form of abuse, which is directed not against the individual but
But he represents the
against his mother and other female relatives.
is

tale as told to

Alexander

he makes the two meet

Mr

cannot discover.

at

Taxila by Sandrokottos ^. On what authority

and how he brings the latter to Taxila, I

at all,

McCrindle on the contrary makes the story

to

be

told 0/ Sandrokottos; at least he says that the Savdpd/j.r)s of Diodorus

XVII 93 and the Agrammes of Curtius are to be identified with him, and
that

the

names are mere

distortions

of form.

The

last

is

a bold

remark.]
^

Is

it

possible that Sisikottos

[I find that

Sandrokottos.

Mr

may have been meant here ?

Hunter, pp 144, 160, also identifies Sisikottos and

E H

July

1S.S2.]

LIST OF NAMES.
Greeks by the name of Zeus Ammon.
an oasis in the Libyan desert, which
was visited by Alexander in person in the year 331 BC with the result
that he was greeted by the oracle as the son of Zeus.

Ammon]

He

liad a

god known

to the

temple and oracle

Antigenes]

is

in

as having been present at the

After the death of Alexander Susiana fell to his

mentioned by Curtius

battle with Porus.

sliare.

Aristonus] shewed great courage at the attack on the capital of the

when he helped to save the hfe of Alexander. He was a somatophylax and it was he who after Alexander's death proposed, probably
according to arrangement, that the supreme power should be entrusted
After Alexander's death he remained near Perdiccas
to Perdiccas.
and was subsequently put to death by the orders of Cassander.
Malli

Attalus] In VIII 3 i we are told by Curtius that Attalus was of

same age as Alexander and that at the passage of the Hydaspes he
was left, dressed in royal robes to deceive Porus, in command of the
He
mercenaries while Alexander himself crossed higher up the river.
was one of the seven great officers at Alexander's death and subse1

the

he made his escape

quently joined Perdiccas, after whose assassination
only to be defeated and taken prisoner 317 B c.
Balacrus] was not a person of any great note. He was the son of
Amynlas. After Issus he was appointed satrap of Cilicia and was
Alexander's departure
subsequently employed in Egypt where after
he was left in command of an army. Later on we hear of liim again
at the siege of

Aornus.

Barzaentes] satrap of the Arachosii and Drangae, accompanied the

flight of Darius from Gaugamela and joined Bessus in murdering him.
He was afterwards delivered up to Alexander who put him to death.
Cleitus] brother of Lanice the nurse of Alexander whose life he had
good fortune to save at the battle of the Granicus 334 B C. To
At first he held
this we may trace Alexander's great affection for him.
the command of the royal squadron of the guard but after the death of
Philotas he shared with Hephaestion the command of the horseguards.
He was subsequently appointed satrap of Bactria in It,: room of Arta-

the

LIST OF NAMES.

191

basus but before he set out to his government he was killed at a banquet in a fit of anger by Alexander himself whom he had enraged by
sternly rebuking his flatterers.
Coenus] brother in law of Philotas, at whose trial he was one of
the three presiding generals.
Probably from a wish to save Philotas
from being tortured he proposed the punishment of stoning. He commanded a division of the phalanx and was employed by Alexander on
various occasions, as for instance against Spitamenes whom he defeated.
Accompanying Alexander to India we find him in command of some
It was Coenus who in the name of
cavalry at the battle with Porus.
the army strongly dissuaded Alexander from pushing on his conquests
beyond the Hyphasis. He died not long afterwards.
Critobulus]

whose eye he

Greek surgeon in the service both of Philip, from

an arrow, and of Alexander for whom

skilfully extracted

as Curtius says

he extracted the javelin from the wound received at the

Arrian ho\\'ever gives the credit of this

siege of the Mallian capital.

operation to one Critodemus.

Cratems] one of the ablest of Alexander's officers but if we may

judge from his conduct at the trial of Philotas not of a veiy scrupulous
and upright character. Under Parmenio he commanded the infantry
of the left wing at Issus and the cavalry at Gaugamela, and afterwards
was entrusted with one of the divisions of the phalanx. Accompanying
Alexander to India he was employed on numerous occasions where
On the return from India he was
energy and ability were required.
sent back by the Bolan Pass to Carmania with the elephants the light
disabled
and
the
Macedonians, and arrived in safety. By Alextroops
ander's desire he married Amastris a niece of Darius and was then
despatched with Polysperchon to conduct the discharged veterans Ijack
After Alexander's death Greece and the countries to the
to Europe.
north of it fell to the joint regency of Craterus and Antipater whose
Craterus eventually fell in battle against
daughter he married.
Eumenes.

Eumenes] is only once mentioned in our period. He was a Greek

of Cardia and a man of great ability.
Having become secretary to
Philip he held the same post under Alexander by whom he was employed not only in civil but also in militaiy operations. On the death
of Alexander he obtained Cappadocia Pa]ihlagonia and Pontus and was
He took a leading part in
estalilished in his government by Perdiccas.
the subsequent wars.
Harpalus] who was about the same age as Alexander himself was
banished for his share in the intrigue to bring about the marriage of
Alexander w ilh the daughter of Pixodarus. On Philip's death he was
recalled and accompanied Alexander to Asia as his treasurer, but before
He was however
Issus was guilty of peculation and fled to Greece.
recalled and pardoned and placed in charge of the treasury at Ecbatana
he
abused
his trust and again fled to
with 6000 men. Again
grossly
He was
Greece on hearing of Alexander's safe return from India.
eventually assassinated in Crete.

LIST OF NAMES.

192

Eephaestion] was about Alexander's own age and his most intimate
He does not appear to have possessed any marked ability, and
this perhaps was one reason for Alexander's affection towards him.
We find him crowning the tomb of Patroclus in the Troad as Alexander did that of Achilles.
In the Egyptian expedition he was in command of the fleet, and he received a wound at Gaugamela. At the
trial of Philotas he was one of the three
presidents and after the death
of Philotas succeeded with Cleitus to the joint command of the horse-

friend.

He was subsequently employed in important operations in

Sogdiana and Bactria and accompanied Alexander to India, where
again we continually find him charged with the conduct of great opera-

guards.

He shared with Perdiccas the task of preparing a bridge over

the Indus, was sent to occupy the kingdom of the lesser Porus, led a
division during the invasion of the territory of the Malli, and commanded half the army during the descent of the Indus. From this it
would appear that he had acquired sufficient military experience to
After this he was occucompensate for liis want of striking ability.
pied with the building of several cities and when separated from the
king it was on him that the command of the whole army devolved.
On his return to Susa he married Drypetis a daughter of Darius and
sister of Statira.
Soon afterwards he was taken with a fever at Ecbatana and there died receiving after death the most extravagant honours
from the affection of Alexander.
tions.

Leonnatus] was one of the ablest and most distinguished of AlexHe was a somatophylax and on several occasions
ander's officers.
shewed the greatest courage, notably at the siege of the Mallian town
where with Peucestes he saved Alexander's life. On the march down
the Indus he commanded the light troops and was left at the mouth of
that river with most of the troops and the smaller vessels.
On the
return march from India he was lelt to overawe the Oritae and to wait
arrival
Nearchus.
For
these
he
was
for the
of
services
rewarded with a
golden crown. After Alexander's death Lesser or Hellespontine Phrygia

fell

to his share.

was present at Alexander's battles of the Granicus

and Gaugamela and took part in the operations in Bactria. At
the passage of the Hydaspes he was in command of mercenaries.
After Alexander's death he led the opposition against Perdiccas by
whom he was put to death.
Memnon] was appointed governor of Syria and subsequently
brought up reinforcements for Alexander from Thrace.
Nearchus] was in command of the fleet on the voyage down the
Indus, from the mouth of which river he was sent round with a fleet on
a voyage of survey to the Persian Gulf and arrived safe at Carmania
after meeting with Leonnatus at Oritis, visiting the Persian Gulf, and
From here he proceeded to
finally landing near the island of Ormuz.
At Susa he was married to a
explore the mouth of the river Tigris.
daughter of Mentor by Barsine, who had also had a son by Alexander
(by name Hercules) whose claims to the throne were supported by
Nearchus in the council held after the death of Alexander.
Meleager]

Issus

LIST OF NAMES.

193

Onesicritus] was appointed pilot of the king's ship or chief pilot ot

the fleet built on the Hydaspes and accompanied Nearchus in that
capacity on the voyage down the Indus and also to the Persian Gulf.
At Susa he was rewarded for his services with a crown. He subsequently wrote a history of Alexander which, though he was to a large
extent an eyewitness, is chiefly remarkable for its want of veracity.

Oxyartes] accompanied Bessus in his retreat across the Oxus after

murder of Darius, having left his family as he thought secure in a
fortress of Sogdiana.
Alexander however stormed the fortress and
having taken them prisoners designed to marry Roxana his daughter.
On hearing of this Oxyartes gave himself up and met with the kindest
treatment and was appointed satrap of Parapamisus a post which he
continued to hold after the death of Alexander probably until his own
the

death.

Perdiccas] was one of the greatest of Alexander's generals and as

See Thirlwall
proved one of the most unscrupulous.
He was one of the officers called
chapter LVii (vol viii p 221).
somatophylakes and also commanded one of the divisions of the phalanx.
At the siege of Thebes he was wounded and was present at all
Alexander's great battles.
He was subsequently employed both in
the campaigns on the Oxus and in India where he was sent on with
Plephasstion to prepare a bridge for the army over the Indus, distinguished himself in the battle with Porus, and was selected to lead the
assault on the Mallian town where Alexander nearly lost his life.
He
married a daughter of the satrap Atropates and his favour with Alexander seems to have been continually on the increase and Alexander's
after events

(which was to hand his signet-ring to him) seems to have been

intended to designate Perdiccas as his successor. He was chosen regent
after Alexander's death in conjunction with Meleager and after many
vicissitudes was finally assassinated in Egypt in a campaign against
last act

Ptolemy.
Peucestes] was appointed to carry the sacred shield which Alexander took down from the temple of Athena at Ilium, and in this
capacity chiefly contributed to save Alexander's life among the Malli.
As a reward for this he was made a somatophylax and appointed
governor of Persia. At Susa he was rewarded with a golden crown.
In 323 B c he joined Alexander with 20000 Persian soldiers and was in
close attendance during the king's last illness.
He further won Alexander's favour by adopting the Persian dress and manners. After the
king's death he was continued in his government of Persia.

Pithon] the commander of the royal household was defeated

wounded and taken prisoner by Spitamenes. He was employed in the

Indian campaign and there received a province.

Against the Malli he
held a command and was also sent to put down the revolt of Musicanus.
the
On
march down the Indus he had charge of a division with the duty
of planting colonies and pacifying the country.
After Alexander's death
he retained his province and eventually fell in the battle between
Demetrius and Ptolemy v, c 312.
C.

13

LIST OF

194

NAMES

Polypercon] or Polysperchon, one of the oldest veterans in the

find
service of Alexander commanded a division of the phalanx.
him mentioned as present at the passage of the Hydaspes and also in
the descent of the Indus when he was under the command of Craterus
with whom he was subsequently sent to conduct the discharged veterans

We

back

to

over and

Greece. Being absent at Alexander's death he was passed

not heard of again till sometime after that event.

is

Ptolemy] the reputed son of Lagiis and thus of obscure origin, but
also said to be an illegitimate son of Philip, was probably the ablest of
Alexander's officers and was the author of an account of his conquests.
He was banished from Macedonia on the discovery of Alexander's projected marriage with the daughter of Pixodarus, and this event was t'he
In conjunction with Asander he
beginning of his subsequent elevation.
defeated Orontobates and captured Halicarnassus and other strong
of
the
Persian Gates he was in comthe
At
forcing
places in Caria.
mand of a division of 3000 men and was made a somatophylax in the
He was sent to arrest Bessus and commanded a
room of Demetrius.
column in the operations across the Oxus and was engaged at the siege
It was he who gained information of the
of the fortress of Chorienes.
plot of Hermolaus and the pages and reported it to Alexander, thereby
In the campaign against the
in all probability saving the king's life.
Aspasians he killed their chief with his own hand. In the operations
against the Malli he commanded one of the three corps of invasion and
in the district of Oritis (or in the kingdom of Sambus) he received a
wound which was healed by the application of a herb discovered by
Alexander himself, who was thus enal)led to requite his friend for saving
On the return from India he was
his own life as above mentioned.
married to a daughter of Artabanus. After Alexander's death Eg)'pt
and founded a
fell to his share and there he maintained himself

dynasty.

an Indian leader of mercenaries who,

and became attached
It was he who gave Alexander accounts of the
to the conqueror.
country beyond the Indus. To him was committed the charge of the
important rock-fortress of Aornis or Aornus.
Sisocostus]

when Bessus

fell

or

Sisicottus,

into Alexander's hands, submitted

INDEX TO THE
a meridie

Abisares

lo -24
9 5

viii

ab Oriente

adfluere ix 5 7
adgressi with infinitive ix

viii

adhuc

12 13
ablative ix 5 30, 10 12, 18
ablative of description ix 8 23
viii

instrument

,,

viii

origin viii 10
price ix 6 11

,,

,,

admovere

13 iS
i

,,

abstergere ix q 16
abstinere viii 10 10
abstract for concrete

viii

13 18, ix

viii

cautius viii 1 1 1 5
= against viii 10 22, ix 4 23
hoc = praeterea ix 2 4, 10 13
ictus ix 5 I
manum viii 1 1 8

acrius

ad
ad
ad
ad
ad
ad
ad
ad
ad

quam

manus ix 9
omnia viii 14
speciem

viii

ix4

viii

viii

10 22

10 27

agmen = acies

viii

12 7

ago and dego

viii

9 33

agrestis viii 10 14

Agriani viii 1 1 9
agricultores viii 12 12
alere viii 9 16

filter

viii

VHi

13^2

altius repetere ix 6 16
amarus salsus ix 9 6

24

7
adfinitas ix 3 22
adfirniare ix i 34

ix 6 2
aliter viii 10 27
alitus viii 10 8

23
9 22

ultimum ix 10 n
vocem viii 14 36

adactus ix 5

ix 10

adversus ix 9 9
advertere viii 13 19
aedes ix 10 25
aegris mortalibus viii 10 29
aegrum curare viii 14 45
aestimare viii 14 46, ix i 26

aliquantum

adeo and non adeo

adversum flumen

agger
8, 4 8

13

4 27
9 8

Afghans
i

11,

13,

adplicare
adsidere ix 8 25
viii
23
adventare viii 9 16

adsum

78
Acadira
10 19
acceptus viii 12 11
accidere ix 9 27
Acesines viii 9 8, ix

ix
ix

6 2

ix 2 4,

admittere ix 6

time ix 6 I
without preposition after
verbs ix 8 14

,,

xNOTES.

amplius viii 10 2
anceps viii 14 7, 16,

animus

est ire ix 3 5

antequam

viii

10 30

ix

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

196
Aornis

viii

1 1

carpere

aperire viii 13 8, ix 6 20
appellata regina viii 10 35
aptare ix 9 13
apteix 13 6
Aquilo viii 9 12

Arbela

ix 2 23
Arabitae ix 10 5
arbores viii 9 34
ardua, niti per viii

viii

9 10

castella viii 12 7
castra viii 12 4

Caucasus

viii

9 3

cedere ix 4 20
Cedrosii ix 10 5
cedrus viii 10 8
celebratus ix

i r

i 2
celeritas ix 4 10,
certamen ix 4 13

arietare ix 7 22

eerie

arma)(tela ix 3 10

armentum

celerum viii 9
ceterum = sed

Arsinoe

charta

(aro) ix 2 16
ix 8 22
artes pacis ix 8 23
at enim ix 2 22
attraction viii 9 10, 33, 10 36
avare facere be 8 9
avaritia gloriae ix 2 9

auctor

viii 12

auctoritas ix 7 3
aversus in viii 13 23
aves, talking birds viii 9 16, 25
aula ix 7 15
aura maris ix 4 21

aures fatigare viii 13

pulsare ix 2 30
aureus ix 1 6

auro caelata

aurum

viii

auspicium

autem

viii

Biton ix

(?) ix

viii

9 22

9 28

viii 9 2 r
33
9 31

brachia)(lacerti

Brahmans

viii

Bucephala

ix

6, 3 23

caecus ix 9 2
caligo ix 4

candor

ix

viii

10 2

9 15

viii

10 22
1

circumferre ix 5 i
claudus = debilis ix 9 13
climate, effect of viii 9 20
coetus ix 4 9
cognoscere ix 8 9
cohors regia viii i j 9, ix 10 26
colere

viii

9 g 21, 34, ix 9

columen ix 6 8
comissabundus ix 10
viii

8, 5

28

26

ix 3 5
viii 9 19

viii

ix 4
1 1

27
5

14 24

24

condicio ix 7 18
confirmatus viii 14 45
confundi ix 4 8
coniunctus ix i 26
conserere viii 12 9
considerare viii 10 26
considere ix 7 12
constanter viii 14 25
constantia ix 7 25
consternere ix 6 7
constituere

30

capere = x'<'P''' ix 3
capital (archaic form)
carbasa viii 9 24
carbasus viii 9 21

14 15

condere viii 10 11
condere lucem viii 13

baccar viii 10 14
Beira viii 10 22

binum = binorum

36
12

viii

concursatio

16

belnae, crocodiles

14 19

committere obsidionem
committi ix 4 i
comparative double viii

ix 2 31
i

Choaspes
circuitus

commendare
commercium

9 26

9 18
ix 3 6

auxilium ix

viii

comitatus

10

10

viii

viii

7.

6 14

viii

9 34

viii 9 19, 1 1 4
contentus with infinitive viii 1 1
contio ix I r
convictus with infinitive ix 8 9
convocare ix i 23
co-ordination of clauses ix 6 18

iJ

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

copis

viii

corona ix i 14, 8 15
corona = a parapet ix 4 30
corrumpere ix 7 15
cratera ix 10 25

cremare incendio

ix 10 12
9 9, ix 9 22
cnidus later viii 10 25

crocodiles

dum

viii

fide viii

Daedala

Dahae

viii 12 i
14 37, ix 5 16
9 17,29, 14 26
elephants
efferare ix lo 9

40

effluere viii 14 36
effusus viii 14 34
elidere ix 2 21, 7 22
elisus viii 13 9
eludere ix 7 18

10 19

eluvies

viii

emicare
eminere
viii

10

30

dego and ago

viii

viii

dative of predication viii 9 37

dative of relation ix 7 22
declinare ix 2 20
decurrere ix 3 13
dedicare ix 3 23
deinde = l7r6iTa ix 10 28
deficere ix 4 18
degenerare ix 3 10
viii

9 33
9 9
dependent clause of oratio obliqua

delphinus

such time as ix 10 22

Ecbolima

edere

viii

14 5
dative, ethic ix 2 25
dative of gerund or gerundive

viii

in Indicative ix 2 7
deprecari ix i 20

derelinquere ix 4 8
destinata viii 10 28
destinare ix 9 6

1 1
7
ix 5 ro

viii 12 13
emittere viii 14 5
enare viii 13 15
enatus ix 8 30

enavigare ix 9 13
equites equester ordo ix
ergo ix 2 12
erigere

viii

1 1

6, ix

14

10, 3 2

eruere ix 2 9
Erythrus rex viii 9 14
et viii 10 II, ix 6 23, 8 21

= /cat = and in particular

Ethimantus viii 9 10

et

ix

evehi ix 9 8
eventus viii 13 12, ix 8 20
everberare ix 4 13
ex solidoix 2 14
exacti

dirigere viii 9 36
discors ix 9 26

viii 14 9, 30
exaestuare ix 9 9
exanguis ix 3 5, 5 26
excedere viii 93, i4i3
excipere ix 2 2, 8 21, 10 15
excolere ix 6 21
excusatio ix 3 17
eximius with genitive viii 9 5

distinguere viii 9 24
diversa regio ix i 35

existere ix 4 18
expectare ut ix 3

destituere

viii

14 31, ix 9

destruere viii 14 46
deurere viii 9 12
dies

fati viii

10

i r

viii

viii

viii

ix

dumtaxat ix 10 18
Dyardenes viii 9 9

25
9 27
10 30, 11 8
curare, curatio ix 6 i
currus viii 9 29
cursus ix 9 8
curvare se ix i ro
custodes corporis viii 11 11
custos ix 8 23

ramis

with present indicative

dum = until

1 6
cultus ix 3 ir, 8 23
cum viii 9 27

potest

viii

21

crux ix 8

cum
cum
cum

197

13 20
diutius quani ix 4 30
documentum ut viii 14 26
dogs ix r 3 r
dorsum ix 8 2
dulcis (of water) ix 9 6

diversus

14 79

9 32

20

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

198

genitive of definition

expelli viii 13 26
experiri viii 12 6
expertus se viii 1 3 11

,,

of quality with verb

9 28
gerandive

Great
etc viii 14 42

miraculum

viii

fastigium
9 19
fati

dies

viii

3,

habere

r,

ix 2 28,

23

viii

20

frigescens viii 10 29
frigus viii 10 7
fruges viii 10 14
viii

of subject

generare

viii

of,

viii

15

8, ix 4 8
8, ix i 35, 2

idem animi,
identidem

iuris ix 2 11

9 10
igitur viii ro i
ignavia ix 7 17
viii 10 7
ignobilis ix 2 6

ignis

ignominia notare ix 6 13
illud = e/cervo used of what follows
14 6, ix 10 24
ix 8 4
impersonal use of verbs in passive
viii 10 5

imperium populi
implying change

13 8
9 16

viii

genitive ix i 26, 2 i
^iii 9 32
genitive, objective

ix

viii

9 5
9 19

viii

gender, change

11, ix 4 10, 8

iacere viii 10 24
laxartes ix 6 21
idem ix 8 16

16

Ganges

ir, ix 3

hortari ix 8 6

Hydaspes viii 13
Hyphasis viii 9

14 13
13 17

frequens viii 13 14, ix i 13

frequentative force lost in verbs

gemmae

haud sane viii 9 37, 14 3

haud secus quam viii 14 45

Hindoos
i

fossa viii
fraus ix 7 5

fretum

lo 3

flagitium viii 14 11
fluere viii 14 33

ix 9

viii

Hesudrus ix 2 i
hinc.hinc viii 13

9 29

fides viii 12 6, 11 25, ix

putaie ix 2 13
fingere

viii

viii

hendiadys ix i 26, 3 23
Hercules)(Vishnu viii 14

ferox ix 4 16
ferre ix 6 22

forma

10 30
10 24

haurire ix 5 11
hedera viii 10 13

9 32
fatigare aures viii 13 10
2
ix
fauces
13
felicitas viii 10 18, 13 13
felix temeritas viii 1 3 1 5

ix 8

viii

10 17
25
Hages viii 14 2
viii
hasta
14 r6

viii

ferrum candidum

10

viii

habitus ix

24
10 3

Kaan

i,

Greek construction

ix 3 19

fallere ix 4 33
fama ix 5 i, 10

14

viii

22,7 6
genitive of distributive numerals

faciendo aggeri viii 10 30

facies viii 14 27
facturus viii 10 i
fallax

viii

24, ix 3

gloria ix 5

copiam

10 7, ix

41

expetere with infinitive ix 3 8

exponere viii 14 31, ix 3 24
exprobrare ix 7 17
expugnare ix 4 5
extendi ix 3 19
extra sidera ix 4 18
facere

viii

73
of further definition

in artius viii 1 1 6
in crucem tollere ix 8 16
in diversum ix 7 10

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

X99

depending on

'he says'
'he thought' not expressed ix 2

in fidem accipere
23
in incremento esse ix 3 9
medium viii 14 9
multum diei viii 14 28

infinitive

in
in

infractus viii 14 44

in obsidione viii 10 22
in oculis ix 4 10

ingemere morte and morti

ingenium viii 9 20, ix 10

in

inhabilis viii 13 11
inluvies viii 14 14
inminere ix i 21
inmobilis ix 4 18
inmortalitas ix 6 26

ix

10

viii

13 23
in solido ix 2 14

regionem

in speculis ix 9 23
incedere viii 1 1 16

incitamentum

viii 14 11
includere viii 9 28, ix 8 -ir
inconditus viii 11 i, ix i 16
incubare ix 4 iS

incumbere

ix

9 4

35

India, climate viii 9 20

,,
reports and traditions about
viii 10 I
Indian dress viii 9 21
viii 9 19
the banyan tree ix
9. 10

,,

jewels
trees,

Indian ocean (rubrum mare)

animals

for

riding

,,

burning of dead

,,

classes

,,

division of

,,

,,

among

viii

viii

viii

months

viii

9
9

institutus viii 14 39
insula viii 9 7

9 32

9 35

drunkenness viii 9 30
dyeing of beards viii 9 22
viii

fire

,,

hair and liairdressers

god

9 32
viii

22, 27
,,

,,

marriage, exposing or rearing of children ix i 25, 26

tree-worship viii 9 34

tree- wool (cotton) viii 9 r?

,,
indicative in apodosis of conditional
sentences viii 13 15

indicium ix 2 30
Indus boundary of India viii 10
derivation of viii 9 4
,,
tides in viii 9 9
,,
indutus viii 9 24
iners, inertia ix 6 \i
inesse with dative ix 5 23

integer ix 4 16
intendere viii 13 17
inter hKC = interea ix 3 21
inter ora viii 10 iS

12 12

,,

9 32

viii

9 28

viii

viii

insignis ix 1 2?, 5
instar ix i 10
instare ix i 33

^9

Indian bows and arrows

inplere ix 3 7
inponere viii 14 19
inprovisus ix 2 13
inpunitas viii 12 3

inquinare
i

5
Indian

inmutatio ix 7 15
innoxius ix 4 11
inpedimentum ix 10 23
inpellere ix 9 25
inpius, inpiae mentes, inpia arma

inde, of time ix i 33, 10 22

index viii ii 8

,,

ix 3 20

interfluere viii 9 1 1
interritus viii 9 33

intrepidus viii 1 1
invehi ix 9 9
invertere se viii 9
invidus viii 12 18
inusitatus
j

^.j;

invisitatus^
inultus ix 5 2
inundare ix 2

lomanes

^g

28

9 8
viii ro 29

viii

lovis filius
ipsos ix 9 3
= se viii 10 i
ipsos
ita ix 9 12
ita ut ne ix 5
ita ne

ita si ix

22

6 24

iunctus flumini ix i 13
iungere viii 10 3

ix

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

200

iiistus ix 7

viii

viii

viii

14 19

30
labi viii 14 38
laborare ix 3 11
lacerta ix 8 2

niemor

ix 2 7

mensis

viii

9 35, 36
ix 2

mentiri, inendax

viii

mentum

viii

meridies

viii

viii

ix 8 8

viii

I4 10

viii

momentum
moribundus

monumenta
moriturus

movere
movere

ad liquidum

7,

10 30, 14 19,

ix 6 21
ix 5 21

ix 5 28
ix 5 26

viii

mundus viii 9 13
munimentum ix 4

Musicanus and MusicanI

viii

14

9 20, 10

28
ix 2 34

22

lubricus viii 14 19
lucre ix 6 13
luxuria viii 9 23

2,

viii 12

14

ix

13, ix

natio and gens ix 7 4

natus viii 9 i
nauticus ix 9 4
ne viii 10 5
nee = yet not viii 13 9
nec et non ix 9 i
nec.et ix 10 15
Nicaea ix i 6
nisi viii 9 16

per ardua viii

noctes viii 9 30

viii 10 31
magnificentia viii 9 23
8 3
Malli ix
4. 15. 24.
malum viii 14 41

niti

manare

nomen

ix 7 5

se viii 14 6
niulcari viii ir 23

linquere ix 5 1 1
linqui animo ix 5 28
linum viii 9 15
lintea viii 9 21

machina

ix 5 19, 6 23

libido viii 9 19
librare ix 5 2
limen, in limine ix 2 26
lineae vestes ix 7 12

12 10

30. 13 10

moliri

liberalis ix 8 23
liberius ix 3 2

longus ix 6

viii

modicus viii 12 7, ix 7 15
moles saxorum, corporum viii 10

10 14

locum invenire

22
10 24
6

Mithan Kot
mitigare

10 12

milites viii 12 12
miserabilis viii r i

lectica viii 9 24
legatio viii 9 27
liber viii 9 15

situs viii

ix 2 12

mente complecti

meta

viii
9 15
lapillus viii 9 21
lascivia viii 10 15
latitudo viii 9 2

locorum

9 19

14

militans gloriae

lana

liquidus,
2 14

14

8,

10 22
mecum esse ix 2 33
mei ix 2 25

27
kingly
kings attended by women viii 9 30
forbidden to get drunk viii 9
,,

viii

1 1

viii

Mazagae

29

via

7 .'7

margaritae
materia ix

24
duties ix 8 25,

laurus

n-ix

maxime = yuaXi<rTa

Karduchan archers
ix

19

Kaan, the Great,

Kathaei

manum

manus, ad

iura reddere and petere viii 9 27

iura naturae, belli ix 4 7
ius commercii ix 10 8

nomen
14

. .

opus = 6f o/ia

ix

1 1

6 17

. .

^/JYOP

ix

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

nomen

palmam

regis etc ix 7 3

noniina ix 2 33

Nora

viii

1 1

novus, novare res

viii

14 29, ix 6

TrapaiTeiadai ix

parcitur
.

nudus

ix 5 1
nuptiae ix i
viii

Nysa

25

o 7

ob, force of in composition

-8
obequitare viii 10 6
obligare viii 10 28
oblique petition ix 4 18

10

viii

,,

,,

participle
viii

occasio sua viii 13 26

occulta saxa viii 3 9

occupare
I

13 15

32, 4 10, 5 24. 9 19

viii 13 2

occurrere

26

Oceanus
oleum ix

ix 2

dim

14 10, ix 6 26
ix 6 26

viii

16

ominari ix 8 24
omission of pronoun ix 4 20, 6 6,
26
omittere viii 14 29
omnis, ad omnia viii 10 20, 14

23
ix

32

12
est ix 9
viii

Omphis

operae
operatus

opimus

4
37
10 17

viii

ix

10

3
Patala,

10 23, 24, ix
Oritae ix 10 6
OS viii 9 8
viii

Oxydracae

ix

4 15

viii 10
pati viii 9 23
patiens ix 9 2

pavidus

pavo

ix

viii

Pattala,

etc

ix

34

14 23

13
pecora viii 12
Penates ix 6 9

1 1

per in adjurations ix 2 27
per otium, per quietem ix 6 19
per ardua niti viii 1 1 9
per herbas viii 10 17
per insidias ix 2 7
per modica intervalla viii 12 7
percutere viii 10 27
= nuntiare viii 3 i
perferre
permisso viii 12 6
perpetuus

viii

Persica vestis

opportunitas viii 13 18
oppressus viii 10 20
opulentia viii 9 19

opus

14
viii

passively

pensitare ix 7 14
per of agency viii 12 2

Olympias

omnino

viii

and verb = two verbs

24
patera

32, 11 2, 14 19,

20

viii

15

Patalia,

viii

petra

13 13, ix 4 rS
viii 12

16

viii 11 2

viii 10 4
philosophers viii 9
pietas ix 6 16

phalanx
2

14

10 5

used

12 17

= Xd^pa

ix

past with present meaning viii 10 17

ablative of used absolutely
viii 12 6
past of deponent verbs

,,

obsolescere ix 6 14
obsoletus )( gloriosus ix i 2
obstrepere viii 13 23
obstrinxerat, force of pluperfect

ix

viii

parentare ix 5 20
parrots and talking birds viii 9 i^
parta (praeda), parto frui ix 2 10
pars viii 10 2
partes viii 13 13
participle future viii 10 r

obruere quin ix 9 23
obsidere vias ix 2 3

occulti

infringere

frangere,

^9

papyrus, paper vni 9

201

31

pientissimus, piissimus ix 6 17
pinna, lorica ix 4 30
plerique, plures ix 10 2
pluperfect, force of viii 12 17

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

202
poculum, cratera

ix lo
viii

poetical expressions
17. 13 10, 24
poma viii 10 14

populares ix
popiili

pono

7 2
ix

imperium
ix

26
10

i,

15,

quod =80

far as viii 12

quod ix 2 31
quoque viii 9 20
quoque = Kai viii 10

pnsteritas ix 3 5
postulare ix 2 31

10

viii

ix

5,

ix

17

post ix 6 21

praecipere

qui quidem = os 7e ix 6 18
qui unus viii 14 36
quin ix 2 28, 9 23
quippe viii 9 8
quo = ut eo with comparative

18

6 26, 10
ratio viii 10 20

Trpo\afil3dviv ix

,,

viii

praecipito

1 1

recidere ix 5 25
recipere viii 9 32, ix
reciprocari ix 9 20
recta regione viii 9 2
recto alveo viii 9 5

praeparare ix 7 16
praes, vas ix 2 25
praesens ix i 12, 2 19
praesidere viii 13 21
praestare viii 14 13, ix 6 13
praesto esse viii 13 2
praetorium ix 6 4

primordium

refragari ix 5 21

viii

ix 2

1 1

1 1

pro = in proportion
pro contione ix i

to viii 13 9
i

procul viii 14 13
procul with ablative viii 13 18
proditor, prodere viii 14 36
profecto ix r 18, 3 5
proficere ad ix 10 14
prohibere with ablative viii 13 5
proinde ix i 2
pronoun omitted ix 4 20, 6 6,
26

promptus

viii

propior ix 2 7
propius ix 3 3
propulsare ix 2 g 6
publicis moribus

= in

viii

public

9 19,

ix

putris ix 3 10

quandoque
quasi,

ix 6

tamquam

que = sed
qui

= eos

13 18

viii 11 11

qui

viii

36
relative not attracted viii 9 31
relegare ix 2 9
reliqua belli ix i 1

repercussus viii 9 8, 13 9
repetere ix 3 20
repetere altius ix 6 16

viii

10 10

ix 3

2
ix 5

21

retractare ix 3 22
reverberari viii 9 6
reus ix 5 26

rhinoceros

viii

9 16, ix

9 10

rigare

viii

rubor

ix 7

25

Rubrum mare

26

viii

= Te...Kat
que...et

regere ix r 24
reges viii 9 23
reges )( reguli viii 10 2
rcgia ix 8 23
regio viii 13 23
regnare ix 5 21
relative proposition expressing reason of leading proposition viii 9

repletum ire ix i
rerum monumenta

33
pulso ix 2 30

purgamentuni

21

recubare viii 9 24
reddere ix i 12, 9 20
reddi viii 9 32, 11 g 25
redux = reducens ix 6 9

piecario ix 2 34

pretium operae

viii

rudis with genitive

ruiiipere ix 3 10

9 6
viii

10 32

22

10 2, 10

Sabarcae, Sambastae ix 8 4

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

Samiramis

ix

viii

sapientia

6 23, \o% 17
9 31- I3

subicere ix 5 11
subinde viii 9 10, ix i 33, 3 24
subire ix 4 32, 6 24
subjunctive imperfect second person
singular ix 4 14
subjunctive of assumed reason ix 10

5
3 24

securitas ix 5 21

senes facti ix 2 10
septentrio, septentriones ix 4 8
sequi ix 1 31
serpens ix i 4
Sibi ix 4 2
sicut ix 7 10
sicut.. ita

= /iei/...5e

siderum motus

viii

viii 12

6 20
ix 6 22
subsidere ix 9 19

subluere

17

subvehere ix 3 9
succedere viii 11 19

sidus ix 6 8
signiuus viii 12

15
simpliciter, simpllcius viii I4 46
simulacrum )( statua viii 14 11
situs locorum viii 9 20, 10 13,

succidere ix 5 7
Sudracae ix 4 15, 24
suicide among Brahmans

solea viii 9 2 1
solidus ix 2 14
solitudo ix 2 ^ 24
solvi
solutae vehi

supplementum

et vehi

viii

10

sura

viii

Surena

3
Sopithes

(Asvapati) ix

9 30
sopitus
sors ultima ix 2 6
2
ix
10
spatium

spiritus ix 5
viii

stagnum viii
stare in aqua

viii

ix 3 2

viii

13 2

tamquam and

10 25

quasi viii 1 3 8
6 21
tardus ix 9 12
Taxila and Taxiles viii 12 4

Tanais

9 7
13 9
r

viii 13 2
strenuus, strenue viii

14

5, ix

ix

telum and arma

temeritas felix

temperare
8

ix

viii

i
15
13 15

(oculis) ix 3 2

tendere ix 9 14
Terioltes, Tiryaspes ix 8 9
terra

9 5

20

tabula ix 9 20
tacere ix 2 31

slipendium

siringere

ix 7

suus emphatic

19

statuere viii 14 19
status viii 9 13, ix 9 9, 27
sternere ix 2 23

viii

10 28

suspitio ix 7_ 5
sustinere viii 12 6

30

20

ix 3 21

viii

suspendere

stadium genitive plural

stagnare

12 14
suspectus with infinitive ix 10 21

24

viii

spatia terrarum ix 4
species viii 9 22
spectare viii 9 2

viii

32, 33

super with accusative viii 12 17

superbe ix 8 9
supervenire viii 13 15
supine with verbs of motion ix i

ix 2 8
sol ix

viii

submovere

33

subducere ix i 34, 7 24
subducere vela ix 4 10
subject, change of viii 11 2, io 10
subject, change of implied in change
of gender viii 15 8

sarisa viii 14 16, ix 7 19

scala ix I 18
scilicet ix 5 21

Scythae viii 14
secundo amne ix

203

studere ix 7 19
suasoria ix 3 5, appendix
sub=i;7r6 viii 10 10

sacrificium ix 4 14
sagina, saginatus ix 7 16
saltern ix 1 31

humore

25

diluta

= xrijXdy

viii

10

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

204
theatrum

ix 6 21

Timaeus ix
Timagenes

5 15
ix 5 i

vestis Peisica viii 12 16

i

tollere ix

i 25
torrens viii 13 9
torrentia flumina ix 9 9
tractus ix 9 20
tradere ix 2 14
trahere in casum, discrimen ix 6 8
transcribere ix i 34

transilire ix

vinum

viii
9 30
= aper 17 ix 7 16
virus of snakes ix i 12
vis ix I 23
viscera ix 5 24

virtus

visums = ^7rot/'6^e'os

ix 3

20

vitare ix 7 21

15
transmittere ix 4 17
i

vitium viii 9 19, 10 29

vivarium viii 9 28
vivere with ablative ix 5 30
vix ullus viii 14 4
uUus, ullius, ulli as substantive

tree-worship viii 9 34
truncus viii 1 1 8
tugurium ix 10 10
turba ix 2 25
turbare ix 4 9
turris viii

vices viii 9 13
victoria lustrare ix 3 8
vindicare ix 2 32, 10 18

12
ultra

I4 13

viii

= behind

viii 13

ultro ix 7 5

vanitas ix 2 13
vas and praes ix 2 25
vastus viii 13 10
vel...vel viii 12 8, ix 7 17

velum

ix 10 25
venatus ix 8 28

venenum

ix 8

20

verbs compounded governing the

dative viii 10 6
verb singular with names of persons
ix 5 21

vereri ix 7 23
vereri ne ix 5 24
vero ix 6 2 1
vestis viii 9 15, ix 8

universus

viii

ro 26

vorago viii 10 24, 14 4

usque preposition viii 9 2
usurpare viii 12 6

ut = ita ut viii 10 25
ut, concessive ix 3 12

supplied from preceding ne

27
utcunque viii 10 36
utique viii 9 19
vultus viii 1 2 9
ut, to be
ix 4

writing,

on linen and skins

15
i

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

viii

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