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Topics covered:

• History : Beginning – Decline - Revival

• Ideology :Reason to rise in India

• Location of Naxalism : State Movement and their Condition

• Charu Mazumdar : The Initiator of the Concept

• Kanu Sanyal : Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

• Movement to Peace : Salva Judam (Peace Campaign) :

• Surrender : Central & State Government Scheme

• Conclusion

Conceptualized
& Prepared by:

Irfan Pathan
THE NAXALITE MOVEMENT IN INDIA

• INTRODUCTION

Naxalite or naxalism is an informal name given to communist groups that were born
out of the Sino-soviet split in the Indian Communist movement. Ideologically they
belong to various trends of Maoism. Initially the movement had its centre in West
Bengal. In recent years, they have spread into less developed areas of rural central
and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of
underground groups like the Communist Party of India (Maoist). They are conducting
an insurgency, the naxalite-maoist insurgency. They now have a presence in 40% of
India’s geographical area, and are especially concentrated in an area known as the
“Naxal Belt,” comprising 92,000 square kilometres. According to India’s intelligence
agency, the Research and Analysis Wing 20,000 insurgents are currently in
operation, and their growing influence prompted Indian Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh to declare them as the most serious threat to India’s national security.

The CPI (Maoist) and some other Naxal factions are now considered terrorists by
the Government of India and various state governments in India. In Feb, 2009,
Central government announced its plans for simultaneous, co-oriented counter-
operations in all Left-wing extremism-hit states-Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, Up and West Bengal, to plug all possible
escape routes of Naxalites

• History :

The term comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of
Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)] LED BY Charu Majumdar and Kanu
Sanyal led a violent uprising in 1967, trying to develop a “revolutionary opposition” in
opposition to the CPI (M) leadership. The insurrection started on May 25, 1967 in
Naxalbari village when a peasant was attacked by hired hands over a land dispute.
Local peasants retaliated by attacking the local landlords and the violence escalated.
Majumdar greatly admired Mao Zedong of China and advocated that Indian
peasants and lower classes must follow in his footsteps and overthrow the
government and upper classes whom he held responsible for their plight. He
engendered the Naxalite movement through his writings, the most famous being the

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‘Historic Elight Documents’ which formed the basis of Naxalite Ideology. In 1967
‘Naxalites’ organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist
Revolutionaries (AICCCR), and later broke away from CPI (M). Uprisings were
organized in several parts of the country. In 1969 AICCR gave birth to Communist
Party of India (Marxist-animist).

Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). A separate tendency
from the beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre with evolved out of the
Dakshin Desh-group. MCC later fused with people’s was Group to form Communist
Party of India (Maoist). A third tendency is that of the Andhra revolutionary
communists, which was mainly presented by UCCRI (ML), following the mass line
legacy of T. Nagi Reddy. That tendency broke with AICCR at an early stage.

During the 1970s the movement was fragmented into several disputing factions. By
1980, it was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a
combined membership of 30,000.

A 2004 home ministry estimate puts numbers at that time as “9300 hardcore
underground cadre... [holding] around 6,500 regular weapons beside a large number
of unlicensed country-made arms”. According to Judith Vidal- Hall (2006), More
recent figures put the strength of the movement at 15,000, and claim the guerrillas
control an estimated one fifth of India’s forests as well as being active in 160 of the
country’s 604 administrative districts.” India’s Research and Analysis Wing,
believed in 2006 that 20,000 Naxals are currently involved in the growing
insurgency.

• Genesis : The Mode of Formation

The Santhal tribals of Naxalbari, armed with bows and arrows, forcibly occupied the
land of the kulaks and ploughed them to establish their ownership. Demonstrations
were organized against persons holding paddy in their godowns. In many cases, the
entire stocks were lifted and distributed or sold locally at cheaper rates. There were
violent clashes. Between March and May 1967, nearly a hundred incidents were
reported to the police. The situation progressively deteriorated. After some dithering,
the West Bengal government ordered the police to take action. The movement was
squashed, but “Naxalbari exploded many a myth”.

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The extremists, following Mao’s dictum that “if there is to be revolution, there must be
a revolutionary party”, formed, on April 22, 1969, the Communist Party of India
(Marxist-Leninist). It was declared that “the first and foremost task of our Party is to
rouse the peasant masses in the countryside to wage guerilla war, unfold agrarian
revolution, build rural base, use the countryside to encircle the cities and finally to
capture the cities and to liberate the whole country”.

The Chinese Communist Party welcomed the formation of the CPI(ML). The Marxist-
Leninist groups of other countries like UK, Albania and Sri Lanka also extended their
recognition.

• The Beginning of The New Terror :-

The Naxalite movement, drawing inspiration from the Maoist ideology, had a meteoric
phase for about two years from the formation of the party till the end of June 1971. The
ripples starting from Naxalbari spread in ever-widening circles to practically all parts of
the country. The only areas which remained untouched were the north-eastern states
and the Union Territories of Goa, Pondicherry and Andaman & Nicobar Islands. The
dominant strand of the movement was the annihilation of class enemies. It was
viewed as a “higher form of class struggle and the beginning of guerilla war”. Charu’s
assessment was that “every corner of India is like a volcano” about to erupt, that “there
is the possibility of a tremendous upsurge in India”, and he therefore called upon the
cadres to start as many points of armed struggle as possible. “Expand anywhere and
everywhere” was his message. Such expansions were particularly noticeable in
Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh, Debra-Gopiballavpur in West Bengal, Mushahari in
Bihar and Palia in Lakhimpur district of UP.

The Naxalite violence was at a peak from about the middle of 1970 to the middle of
1971. It is estimated that there were a total of about 4,000 incidents in the country from
the middle of 1970 to the middle of 1971. The bulk of these were from West Bengal
(3,500) followed by Bihar (220) and Andhra Pradesh (70).

The political parties realized the emergence of a new force. The government became
conscious of a new threat not only to law and order but to the very existence of the
democratic structure of the country.

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• The Decline : The Death of Charu Mazumdar

The Government of India organized joint operations by the army and the police in the
bordering districts of West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa which were particularly affected
by Naxalite depredations. The operations were undertaken from July 1 to August 15,
1971 and were code-named Operation Steeplechase. The broad strategy of the
Security Forces was to surround as large an area as possible and seal the routes of
entry and exit. The Army formed the outer cordon and the CRPF the inner ring. The
local police, which was generally accompanied by a magistrate, carried out thorough
search of the area. Suspected Naxalites were arrested, illicit weapons, ammunition
and explosives seized. Wherever possible, simultaneous action was taken in the
neighbouring area also so that the Naxalites sneaking out were caught while
attempting to escape. These operations covered Midnapur, Purulia, Burdwan and
Birbhum districts of West Bengal; Singhbhum, Dhanbad and Santhal Parganas of
Bihar, and Mayurbhanj of Orissa.

The operation achieved the desired results, though not to the extent anticipated by the
administration. The organizational apparatus of the Naxalites in the aforesaid districts
was thrown out of gear and the party activists fled from their known hideouts to other
places in search of safety. Violence registered a drop. Incidents of arms-snatching
fell down. Above all, it restored the confidence of the people in the strength of the
administration. Charu Mazumdar was also arrested by the Calcutta Police detectives
on July 16, 1972. A few days later, he died. Charu’s death marked the end of a phase
in the Naxalite movement. The period following his death witnessed divisions and
fragmentations in the movement.

• The Revival

The formation of People’s War Group in Andhra Pradesh subsequently in 1980 under
the leadership of Kondapalli Seetharamaiah gave a new lease of life to the movement.
The PWG’s program included :

Ÿ redistribution of land

Ÿ enforcing payment of minimum wages to the farm labour

Ÿ imposing taxes and penaltie

Ÿ holding people’s courts

Ÿ destroying government property

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Ÿ kidnapping government functionaries

Ÿ attacking policemen, and

Ÿ enforcing a social code

The PWG is believed to have redistributed nearly half a million acres of land across
Andhra Pradesh. Its activists also insisted on a hike in the daily minimum wages and
the annual fee for jeetagadu (year-long labour). The poorer sections found that what
the politicians had been talking about and the government promising year after year
could be translated into a reality only with the intervention of Naxalites. Gorakala
doras (Lord of the Bushes) is how the Naxalites came to be known in the interior
areas. Kidnappings to secure the release of its own cadres was frequently resorted to
by the PWG activists. The cause celebre was the kidnapping of six IAS officers
including a Principal Secretary of the state government and Collector of East Godavari
district on December 27, 1987 while they were returning from a tribal welfare meeting
at Pulimatu in the district. The state government decided to play safe and released the
eight Naxalites in Rajahmundry jail. The PWG got tremendous propaganda mileage
out of the incident.

The revolutionary writers of the Jana Natya Mandali, the cultural front of the PWG,
greatly helped in preparing the environment in which the Naxalite ideology found ready
acceptance. Its moving spirit was Gummadi Vittal Rao, better known as Gaddar. He
was a balladeer who fought the establishment with the power of his songs. The
People’s War Group gradually spread its organizational network to the coastal and
Rayalaseema districts in the state. It extended its tentacles to the adjoining areas of
Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa and made a dent even in the bordering
districts of Karnataka and certain pockets of Tamilnadu.

The Andhra Pradesh government banned the PWG and its six front organizations in
1992. At the same time, the state police, assisted by the central paramilitary forces,
undertook well-organized counterinsurgency operations. As a result, 248 Naxalites
were liquidated and 3,434 activists were apprehended in 1992. The arrest of
Kondapally Seetharamaiah and other important leaders meant further setback to the
PWG. There was demoralization among the ranks and about 8,500 Naxals
surrendered before the authorities.

In Bihar, the Maoist Communist Centre, another major Naxalite formation, perpetrated
acts of violence. Its organizational network extended to most of the Central Bihar
districts. During the six year period from 1987 to 1992, there were eight major
incidents in Gaya, Chatra and Aurangabad districts in which 42 Rajputs, 40
bhumihars, 5 Muslims, 1 BJP MP and 3 policemen among others were killed. What
began as a fight for social and economic justice actually degenerated into a caste
conflict with a veneer of class struggle. The MCC ran virtually a parallel judicial
system in certain pockets. These were described as Jan Adalat or People’s Court

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where they would even shorten an accused by six inches – behead him, in other
words!

• Present State of Movement

The present phase – we could also call it the third phase - of the movement
commenced with the holding of the Ninth Congress of the People’s War Group in
2001, when it was decided to militarise the armed component of the party by giving
more sophisticated weapons to the People’s Guerilla Army. The total number of
incidents of violence and resultant deaths in the country during the last five years have
been as follows :

Total incidents Deaths

2001 1,208 564


2002 1,465 482
2003 1,597 515
2004 1,533 566
2005 1,594 669

Violence was thus at a peak in 2005 when 1,594 incidents took place in which 669
persons were killed, though 2003 had registered a slightly higher number of incidents.

The Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, admits the spread of Naxalite
movement to 76 districts in 9 states of the Union, namely, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and
West Bengal. It further concedes that the People’s War and the MCCI are trying to
increase their influence and operations in some parts of the states of Tamilnadu,
Karnataka and Kerala and also in some new areas of the states already affected.

The disturbing features of the movement are

Ø Spread over a large geographical area

Ø Increase in potential for violence

Ø Unification of PW and MCCI

Ø Plan to have a Red Corridor

Ø Nexus with NE insurgents and Nepalese Maoists

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The Government of India have already expressed concern over the spread of the
Naxalite movement over a huge geographical area. The Prime Minister has described
Naxalite movement as the single biggest threat to the internal security of the country.
According to the Institute for Conflict Management, the movement has actually spread
over 165 districts in 14 states and that the Home Ministry’s assessment in this regard
is an understatement. The Naxals’ potential for violence has increased substantially
with their acquisition of sophisticated weapons and expertise in the use of improvised
explosive devices (IEDs). They are said to be in possession of at least 6,500 regular
weapons including AK 47 rifles and SLRs.

The movement got a tremendous boost when its two major components, the People’s
War (PW) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI), decided to merge on
March 21, 2004, though a formal announcement was made on October 14, 2004 only.
The unified party was called the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The merger, apart
from augmenting the support base of the movement, has given it the character of a
pan-Indian revolutionary group. The Naxals’ plan to have a Compact Revolutionary
Zone stretching from Indo-Nepal border to the Dandakaranya Region is likely to get a
fillip with the unification of their ranks.

The Naxalite groups’ nexus with the other extremist organizations has added to the
complexity of the problem. There are indications that the PWG cadres received
training in the handling of weapons and IEDs from some ex-LTTE cadres. They have
also some understanding with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland(I-M) for
supporting each others’ cause. Some batches of CPML-Party Unity also appear to
have received arms training under the guidance of United Liberation Front of Assam.
The Communist Party of India (Maoist) has also worked out a strategic alliance with
the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

• Situation in States

• Bihar & Jharkhand

The Naxalite movement in Bihar is bogged down in caste based jealousies and
rivalries. On January 5, 2005, the Naxalite killed the Superintendent of Police, Munger
by blowing up his jeep. Six other policemen were also killed. Lately, the Maoist
Communist Centre has shifted its focus to the Jharkhand region, which was carved out
of Bihar on November 15, 2000. The Naxalites are said to be active in 15 out of the 22
districts of Jharkhand. They have been particularly targeting the police and the
paramilitary personnel.

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• Andhra Pradesh : No Solution of any discussion Till Yet

Andhra Pradesh has gradually emerged as the epicenter of


left-wing extremism in the country. The PWG set up a
People’s Guerilla Army in December 2000 “to strengthen the
political power of the people and to defeat the efforts of the
State and the Central Governments to check the
(revolutionary) movement”.

The most audacious attack by the PWG took place on


October 1, 2003, when they tried to assassinate the Chief
Minister of Andhra Pradesh, N.Chandrababu Naidu, on a
forest road between Tirupati and Tirumala in Chittoor district
while he was proceeding to attend the Brahmotsavam
celebrations. Claymore mines hit the car of the chief
minister; the bulletproof armour over the car however saved
him. Four others including the State’s Information Andhra Pradesh State
Technology minister, B.Gopalakrishna Reddy, sustained serious injuries. The PW
claimed responsibili ty for the attack, saying that it was “to eliminate a person who has
been perpetuating state sponsored violence”.

Peace talks were held between the People’s War Group and the state government of
Andhra Pradesh during June-July 2002 at the initiative of ‘Committee of Concerned
Citizens’. Three rounds of talks were held but unfortunately there was no agreement
on the substantive issues. The PWG called off the talks in July 2002 in protest against
the allegedly killing of their cadres in ‘fake encounters’. A second round of peace
talks were held from October 15 to 18, 2004 at Hyderabad, but there were no fruitful
discussions. The government took strong exception to the Naxals moving about with
arms in towns and cities. The Naxalites’ annihilation of Narsi Reddy, Congress MLA,
and eight others in a major attack on August 15, 2005 in Mehboobnagar proved to be
the proverbial last straw. The peace process ended abruptly, and government
reimposed the ban on the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and its front
organizations.

• Madhya Pradesh & Chhattisgarh

In Madhya Pradesh, following the bifurcation of the state in November 2000, Naxalite
violence is now confined to Balaghat, Mandla, Dindori, and Sidhi districts only. The
Madhya Pradesh Transport Minister, Lakhiram Kavre, was annihilated on December
15, 1999 in retaliation to the killing of four top PWG leaders.

In Chhattisgarh, Naxalite violence is concentrated mainly in the Bastar area and in


Rajnandgaon, Jashpur and Sarguja districts. The state government has been trying to
mobilize the tribals through ‘Salwa Judum’ (peace mission). This is being vehemently
opposed by the Naxalites, and they have been recklessly killing the Judum activists.

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Note :I couldn’t understand. Please, tell give me some information of graph.

[Naxalism In India] Page 10


• West Bengal

Naxalite violence in West Bengal is at a low pitch compared to the other states. This is
to be attributed to the success of Operation Barga under which sharecroppers were
registered and given permanent and inheritable rights on cultivation of their plots
covering a total area of 11 lac acres. Besides, 1.37 lac acres of ceiling surplus and
benami lands were acquired by the state government and distributed among 25 lac
landless and marginal cultivators. The land reforms have seen the emergence of a
new class loosely termed ‘rural rich’ and weakened the social and political power
enjoyed by the landlords in the countryside. There is some Naxalite activity
nevertheless in Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia districts.

• Other States

Orissa witnessed a qualitative increase in Naxalite violence during 2000 and 2001.
The MCC has established its presence in the northern districts while the PWG has
consolidated its hold over the southern districts. The formation of Andhra-Orissa
Border Special Zonal Committee gave fillip to Left Wing Extremism in the State.

Uttar Pradesh has witnessed stirrings of Naxalite activities in the eastern belt in
Sonbhadra, Gorakhpur, Ghaziapur, Ballia, Chandauli and Mirzapur districts. On
November 20, 2004 Naxalites blew up a police jeep in the forests of Chandauli with a
landmine, killing 13 PAC and 4 police personnel

In Maharashtra, Gadchiroli is particularly affected, though there are incidents in


Bhandara, Chandrapur, Gondia and Nanded districts also.

In Karnataka, Naxalites have been active in the Kudremukh area following


government’s move to evict the tribals from the forests. On Feb. 11, 2005, Naxalites
killed 6 policemen of the Karnataka State Reseve Police in Tumkur district.

• REASON FOR THE RISE OF NAXAL IN INDIA

The factors which gave rise to Naxalism in the country are, unfortunately, very much
present today also. The extent of poverty in the country continues to be abysmal.
Land reforms remain a neglected area. Unemployment figures are high. Tribals
have been getting a raw deal. Poor Governance in the rural and remote area is
also the key reason of it.

Government Effort Government have prepared a comprehensive 14-Point Plan to deal


with the problem. There is special emphasis on the socio-economic development of
the affected areas, and the state governments have been asked to ensure speedy
implementation of land reforms. Infrastructure is being developed and there are plans
to provide employment to the youth in the remote, backward areas. The National Tribal
Policy seeks to protect the rights of tribals. How far these measures produce the
intended results, however, remains to be seen.

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• Maoist Communist Centre
In its self-identity and political image, MCC represents the ‘hardline wing’ of the
Naxalite movement. Completely banned, MCC leads an entirely underground
existence.12 As a result, reliable information on MCC is difficult to obtain. Thefollowing
account is based on a series of interviews with the MCC spokesperson vin Bihar in
July-October 1996, as well as on some primary literature supplied by him.MCC was
formed on 20 October 1969. The initial differences between the MCC and the CPI(ML)
are spelt out in a document circulated by MCC in June 1971.13 MCC considered the
CPI(ML)’s political line and practice until 1971 to suffer from ‘left deviationism’ and
asserted that this trend would have to be opposed, like its right counterpart
(represented by the CPI(M)).Even though MCC’s central critique of the CPI(ML) line
was its then extreme position, paradoxically, it is MCC which today is faced with the
accusation of being katarpanthi (extremist)in the Naxalite camp. Even before the ban
of its open fronts in1994, MCC’s emphasis was on underground party action and its
mass fronts were relatively confined. In its inner-party functioning, in particular in the
implementation of the principle of democratic centralism, MCC is known to be more
centralised than democratic. As it turns out, MCC has achieved little success in
building a mass People’s Army for guerrilla warfare. Instead, it has become known for
actions that have invited condemnation not only from bourgeois circles, but also from
the Naxalite movement itself. For example, on several occasions MCC has retaliated
against massacres by upper caste landlords by carrying out counter massacres of
upper caste men. In fact, MCC leaders have threatened to kill four ‘class enemies’ for
every victim of a massacre. Other examples of actions that have attracted wide
criticism include brutal punishments in people’s courts (justified as ‘the will of the
people’) and severe threats against those who participate in elections.MCC is most
active in districts that are now part of Jharkhand. In central Bihar, it is considered to be
strongest in Gaya, followed by parts of other districts such as Jehanabad,
Aurangabad, and Patna.

• Charu Majumdar : The Initiator Of Naxal Concept

Charu Majumdar (1918–1972) was a communist


revolutionary from India. He was born on 1918 in Siliguri,
West Bengal. His father was a freedom fighter. He
dropped out of college in 1938. In 1946,Maumdar joined
the Tebhaga movement. He was briefly imprisoned in
1962.

[Naxalism In India] Page 12


During the mid 1960s Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal organized a leftist faction in CPI(M)
in northern Bengal. In 1967, a militant peasant uprising took place in Naxalbari, led by
the Majumdar-Sanyal group. This group would later become known as the Naxalites.
The same year, Majumdar and Sanyal broke away and formed the All India
Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. AICCCR founded the
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in 1969, with Majumdar as its General
Secretary.
He was captured from his hide-out on July 16,1972,and died in police custody at the
Alipore.

Kanu Sanyal, born in 1932, is an Indian


communist politician. He was one of the founding leaders
of Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) formed in
1969. He was one of the key leaders behind the abortive
Naxalite insurrection attempt by radical communist to
initiate an "Indian revolution" by violent means.

He announced the formation of the original CPI (ML) on Lenin's birthday in 1969 at a
public rally in Calcutta. He came out with the seminal Terai report on Indian revolution.

Sanyal proposed that the Jugantar revolutionaries be a highly secretive and cabalistic
group who would periodically surface to commit acts of terrorism such as political
assassinations and armory raids. Sanyal actively solicited help from the communist
regime in neighboring China to further his goals. Sanyal had publicly declared on
several occasions that he was receiving some kind of support from the Chinese
government. It was never established as to whether that support was moral, tactical or
financial. The Indian home ministry has argued that Sanyal only managed to obtain
ideological support from China.

After the failure of the Naxalite uprising, Sanyal went into hiding. The death of his
colleague Charu Majumdar was followed by the breakup of the Naxalite movement,
and Sanyal claimed to have abandoned violent means and accept parliamentary
practice as a form of revolutionary activity

• His Arrest : Violence in West Bengal

He was eventually cornered and arrested in August 1970. News of his arrest sparked
of region-wide violence by the radical communists. CPI(ML) cadres destroyed
property, raided and attacked educational institutions, and engaged in rioting. For
seven years Sanyal was imprisoned in a jail in Andhra Pradesh.

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• Formation of COI(ML)

In 1985 Sanyal's faction along with five other groups, merged to form the Communist
Organisation of India (Marxist-Leninist). Sanyal became the leader of COI(ML).

On January 18, 2006, Sanyal was arrested with fellow agitators for disrupting a Delhi-
bound Rajdhani Express train at the New Jalpaiguri Railway Station near the hamlet of
Siliguri, protesting against closures of tea gardens in the region.

• Location to Operate

The most prominent area of operation is a broad swatehe across the very hartland of
India, often considered the least developed are of the country. The Naxalites operate
mostly in the rural and Adivasi areas, often out of the continuous jungles in these regions.
Their operations are most prominent in (From North to South) Jarkhand, Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra, the telengna (northwestern) region of Andhra
Pradesh, and western Orissa. It will be seen that theses area are all inland, from the
coastline The People’s War is active mainly in Andhra Pradesh, western Orissa and
eastern Maharashtra while the Maoist Communist centre is active in Bihar, Jharkhand
and Northern Chhattisgarh.

[Naxalism In India] Page 14


• Movement to Peace : Salva Judam (Peace Campaign) :

Recently though, the movement is betraying signs of flagging


in the wake of Maoist retaliation. With grossly inadequate
state security force deployment in the far-flung areas, the
initiative of the tribals invited instant retaliation from the
Naxalites who gheraoed over half-a-dozen villages with arms,
burnt down many houses and attacked the villagers. They
have also been kidnapping village leaders, including
sarpanches and kotwars, for extending help to the
People Power: Villagers brave
government-sponsored drive against them. Even children and the elements to turn out for a
women of the leaders are being targeted. Maoists have demonstration
Photo by Rupesh Yadav
already killed more than 60 people since end-June.
The apprehension of
selective reprisals has
More than 10,000 villagers — mostly women, children and led to a withdrawal of
the elderly — have reached the district police headquarters of open support to the
Bijapur in search of safety. In Dantewada, 175 families movement, contrary
migrated from their villages and had to take shelter in the to the state’s claims of
district headquarters. To add to all this, the worst-ever naxal increasing public
support. Senior police
attack on security personnel, in which 24 crpf personnel were officials rue the
killed, has driven fear into the tribal populace. government’s failure
to seize the opportunity
The state government has been ineffective in giving police
protection to the villagers, but some leaders have been kept confined in the nearest
police station premises since the attacks started. The Nagaland police battalion and
Chhattisgarh police saf and crpf are deployed at rallies for protection against the
Naxalites. The police is trying to counter the Naxal retaliation through pamphlets in
local languages and Hindi asking villagers to kill Naxalites who are damaging roads,
bridges and destroying trees to block traffic. ‘‘Bastar Bachao-Naxali Bhagao” slogans
have been painted on the walls of buildings in the area. On the pattern of the Maoists’
organisational hierarchy, the police have set up a parallel organisation. The Jan
Jagaran Samiti in the South West division of Bastar was formed to promote the anti-
Naxalite campaign.

The state government claims the campaign is getting an overwhelming response. Ram
Vichar Netam said the reaction against the Naxalites is spontaneous. Describing the
anti-Naxal campaign as “historic and unprecedented,” he added that the tribals of
Bastar have been denied the benefit of development schemes reaching their villages

[Naxalism In India] Page 15


by the Naxalites. Raman Singh, equated the campaign with the Satyagraha of
Mahatma Gandhi against colonial rule.

The apprehension of more selective reprisals in future has, however, led to a


withdrawal of open support to the movement, the state government’s claims of
increasing public support notwithstanding. Senior police officials are concerned that
Salva Judum would have achieved bigger goals had the state government taken
proactive steps in steering it in the right direction. On condition of anonymity, some
senior police officials, who have experience of handling Naxalite-violence or of
terrorism in Punjab at its peak, confided that the state government has failed in
leveraging the opportunity. “Such an opportunity does not come often. People have
collectively determined to root out the menace that has crippled growth for the last
two-and-a-half decades. The movement should have been dealt with in a more
professional and proactive manner. More funds and security personnel should have
been directed to the area to give a sense of security to the people for them to come
out more openly. However, the state government lost precious time, which the
Naxalites have used to full effect to crush the movement,” a senior police official said.

Another officer rubbished the administration’s apprehension that the 12 bore rifles to
be given to the Gram Suraksha Vahinis might fall into Naxals’ hands, “It is an open
secret that Naxals have sophisticated weapons in their arsenal. They have ak-47s, ak-
56s, snipers, rocket launchers, gelatin sticks and bomb devices. In fact, they are in
possession of state-of-the-art equipment to detect our radio frequencies. Under these
circumstances, the view that they would be eyeing the rifles is misplaced.” He feels
that the government should have constituted village security committees and promptly
given them such weapons to give them a sense of confidence.

It is to be noted here that the chief minister while speaking to some media men
informed that he had intelligence reports to the effect that Maoists leaders from across
the country are now in Bastar in a bid to foil Salva Judum.

While the movement loses vigour, political parties in the state capital, Raipur, are
divided over the way it is being led and operated. While it is an open secret that the
movement has got all support from the state government, it denies any active role.
Sharp differences have arisen within the ruling bjp as well as the Opposition Congress
over the person at the forefront of the movement: Mahendra Karma, the Leader of
Opposition in the state Assembly and a senior tribal leader.

Hailing from Dantewada district — the worst Naxal-affected district in the state —
Karma has a long history of opposing Naxalites. When he took up the lead, there was
no opposition on the state government’s part, perhaps to give a sense of

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belongingness to the tribals associating with the movement. However, resentment in
ruling party circles is brewing. The bjp leadership was averse to give the leadership
and credit of the movement to a person from the Congress camp. The issue came up
at several party meetings in the recent past. But given the fact that Karma has been
leading the movement, and the bjp doesn’t have a leader of his stature, mass
acceptability and deep knowledge of Bastar, the party has shied away from exerting
any additional pressure on the government.

On the other hand, the Congress camp has also seen much dissention to Karma’s
leadership of the movement. Several Congress leaders have blamed Karma for the
death of the 60-odd tribals who have been killed by Naxalites since Salva Judum
began. Ajit Jogi, the former chief minister, termed it a ‘failed movement’, and said that
Karma, a Congressman, should not lead it.

According to Jogi, unless people have the weapons to fight Naxalites and safeguard
themselves, no movement of this nature would succeed. Rajendra Pambhoi, an MLA
from Karma’s district of Dantewada, has also demanded strong action against him by
the party for leading the movement.

• Central Government directions to the State


governments
Each of these problems need to be dealt with in different ways. There is a call for a
closer co-operation between Center and
states. Even the problems are in a single state but encompass several states. In a
federal and unitery in nature like Government such as Ours,
where the law and order is a state subject. States have to maintain law and order
strictly. Without this, economic development is impossible and
also it threatens our unity, stablity and democracy. The followings are the measures
taken by the Central Government to the state governments in
accordance with law and order.

1) Modernisation of State Police in terms of Modern Weaponry, Communication,


Mobility and Infrastructure.

2) Revision of Security Related Expediture (SRE) scheem.

3) Supply of Mine Protected Vehicles.

4) Long-term deployment of Cetral Para Military Forces.

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5) Sanctioned Indian Reserve Battalion mainly to strengthen security apparatus.

6) Recruitment in Central Para Millitary Force and ect.,

In order to ensure accelerated Socio-economic development and justice in Social,


Economic and Political to the naxal affected areas, the states are asked to do the
followings.

1. Effective implementation of the land reforms and Panjayat Raj institutions.

2. Formulating a resettlement and rehabilitation policy for displaced tribes.

3. Improving Good -governance.

4. Setting up better delivery system for people centric/people driven development


programmes in the Naxal affected districts.

5. Providing proper and fullest utilisation of various funds allocated to the respective
states in various scheems like.

• Bharat Nirman

• National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheem

• BDI, BRGF, PMGSY and Mid day Meal Scheemect.,

• Surrender Scheme

The Ministry of Home affairs has requested all the Naxal affected states to implement
the " SURRENDER-CUM-REHABILITATION" scheem for the Naxalites who want to
shun and join in the majority interest of the mainstream Government. For this scheem
centre has provided assistance to the state governments. Recently, the Jharkhand
govt has offered monthly allowance of Rs.2000, Life insurence worth Rs.10 lakh,
vocational training for two years, one acre agri-land and free education to the
Naxalites and their families.

[Naxalism In India] Page 18


• Conclusion :-

The approach to the Naxalites problems needs a blend of firm but sophisticated,
handling of Naxalites violence with sensitive handling of the developmental aspects.
Government cannot blame the Naxals, because they are also the subjects of the
nation. But their violence is not acceptable by the government. Naxal groups have
been raising mainly land and livelihood related issues and they blame the Government
settings and Bureaucracy. For a dabate, if a plan or Government establishment are
changed in accordance with their likes, then they can not assure that even in those
establishment also a naxalism which was handled by them will not rise its head again.
Now, India has benn facing many challenges like Equality, Jutice (in Social, Economic
and Political), Liberty, Fraternity, Peoples' economic development through high
economic growth rate and Defence ect.,. These are all the difficult values to be
satisfied by India which is a responsive welfare provider. Overcoming and
concentrating on the Naxlism gives extra burden to the administration. We spend bulk
of money which is the contribution of tax payers(citizens) for the high growth rate in
Indian economy and welfare activities, to control the Naxalism through various
measures. If Government look after the issue more seriously then we can definitely
root out the burning issue from the country.

[Naxalism In India] Page 19

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