Heterotopic Oceans in Southern Chile Heritage Fisheries and Marine Conservation

Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies
ISSN: 1744-2222 (Print) 1744-2230 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rlac20
Heterotopic oceans in Southern Chile: heritage,

fisheries, and marine conservation
Kathleen M. Sullivan
To cite this article: Kathleen M. Sullivan (2016) Heterotopic oceans in Southern Chile: heritage,
fisheries, and marine conservation, Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies, 11:1, 46-69
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2016.1121576
Published online: 29 Jan 2016.
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Date: 25 June 2016, At: 23:00
LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES, 2016

VOL. 11, NO. 1, 4669
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442222.2016.1121576
Heterotopic oceans in Southern Chile: heritage, sheries, and

marine conservation
Kathleen M. Sullivan
Downloaded by [Teldan Inc] at 23:00 25 June 2016
Department of Anthropology, California State University Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA, USA
ABSTRACT
KEYWORDS
This article explores the ways in which hierarchical social relations

contribute to the social conguration of space in the seas around
the archipelago of Chilo, in southern Chile. Heritage projects,
sheries production regimes, and eorts to install marine conservation areas through scientic research, increased popular awareness, and legal means, all contribute to the growing number of
overlapping oceanic spatial projects. Each project is examined for
the ways in which racialized, ethnicized, and class social orders are
exercised, and for how these processes work together to deepen
spatialized social hierarchy and social order. The analysis illuminates the commonalities and resonances between dierent kinds
of quotidian oceanic spatial projects, and provides an excellent
example of the ways in which coastal and territorial seas are being
socially reorganized in the contemporary world.
Heterotopia; mestizaje;
heritage; marine
conservation; marine
sheries; Chile
Introduction
In archipelagos, human social life and its hierarchies are as integrally a part of oceanic
space as they are a part of the spaces of terra rma. This paper explores the patchwork
of human-made oceanic spatial projects in the seas around the archipelago of Chilo in
southern Chile in order to investigate the ways in which space-making projects both
challenge and reproduce ethnic, racialized, and economic relations of hierarchy. My
argument examines three intertwined and mutually dependent spatial domains Chilo
as a national heritage site, Chilo sheries, and Chilo marine conservation and the
ways in which these domains are woven together through racializing practices, class
hierarchies, laws, and productive spatial practices in the seas around Chilo. Starting
from the position that all space is thoroughly saturated and congured by social
relations, my argument deploys Foucaults notion of heterotopic spatiality, which points
to the ways in which socially ordered pockets of spatial incongruity expose the spacemaking projects of normalcy and dominance ([1967] 1986). My goal is to examine Chilo
not as a simple heterotopic site, but rather to examine the cluster of heterotopic sites
that together comprise oceanic Chilo, and to show how, although operating in dierent registers, resonances between these sites bolster dominant power relations.
CONTACT Kathleen M. Sullivan

2016 Taylor & Francis
ksulliv4@calstatela.edu
LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES
47
Chilo Archipelago proper is anchored by Isla Grande de Chilo, a large island bound
on the west by the open Pacic and on the east by the inland sea, where most of the
smaller islands and many productive activities are situated. The inland sea consists of
Golfo de Corcovado, Golfo de Ancud, and for all practical purposes, Seno de Reloncav,
which lies to the north of Golfo de Ancud. Although the mainland coast on the north
side of the Canal de Chacao and around Reloncav shares an intimate relationship with
Chilo, this is not now considered part of Chilo. The islands in Reloncav are more
frequently considered to be part of the greater Chilo region, as sometimes are Isla
Guafo, Guaitecas Archipelago, and Chonos Archipelago, located to the south.
Today to get to Isla Grande, one boards a ferry at Pargua on the mainland for a short
crossing over Canal de Chacao. Arriving at Chacao, most people speed past the snaking
line of trucks and cars waiting to return to the mainland. Recent Chilean national governments have wanted to build a bridge over the channel, rmly suturing island to mainland.
The bridge also ts neatly with the salmon farming corporations desire to improve
transportation infrastructure. Salmon farming boasts a substantial spatial footprint in the
seas of the archipelago, and in Chiles nontraditional agricultural products export market.
However, the bridge also engenders widespread local concerns that it might destroy the
isolation that protects the uniqueness of the archipelago (for example, UNESCO World
Heritage Centre 2000; Chilo Stories n.d.). Chilo occupies a signicant place in the Chilean
nation as a site of national heritage replete with its own mythology, songs, food, and
collection of UNESCO World Heritage churches. By 2008, an additional ferry landing had
been built at Pargua, while the Chacao ferry landing remained unchanged, hinting at how
deeply the notional current of oceanic isolation runs in the social spatiality of the
archipelago. But in government circles, bridge talk was simply taking a more methodical
turn (for example, Gobierno de Chile Ministerio de Obras Pblicos 2012), and in 2013 the
government let a contract to an international consortium that aims to begin construction
in 2015 (Bridge Design and Engineering 2013, 2014).
Since my rst trip to Chilo in 1999 to conduct ethnographic eld research for my
dissertation about the salmon farming industry, and on my periodic return visits since, the
not-as-yet-built bridge has served as a leitmotif running through the contradictory narratives as to how spatiality ought to be congured in Chilo. That not-as-yet-built bridge has
occupied the racialized and class-determined edge between eciency and uniqueness,
between denser networking and isolation, between urban center and rural periphery,
between modernity and tradition, illustrating the ways in which social hierarchy congures
and saturates heterotopic spatiality in Chilo. Heterotopias are a particular kind of spatiality
or spatial project. Foucaults heterotopias are real, actual, not imaginary, spaces and places
(terms Foucault uses interchangeably), constituted through the implementation of a social
order, which by its incongruity exposes social relations and social orders considered to be
normal ([1967] 1986, 24, [1970] 1994, xxxiv). Foucault lays out a series of dierent principles
by which dierent heterotopias can be identied, and while a single heterotopia may evince
more than one principle, no single heterotopia evinces the entire constellation of principles
([1967] 1986). Dierent heterotopias in Chilo operate according to dierent principles, and
at the same time they reinforce each other as well as dominant spatial projects. For example,
the racialized heterotopia of nation-building examined in the next section enhances the
neoliberal economic heterotopias in sheries development examined in the third section of
this paper.
48
K. M. SULLIVAN
Heterotopias often reproduce power relations that are intrinsic to normal spatiality,
but in ways that exaggerate or intensify dominant power relations by bringing inequalities more sharply into focus, as in examples that reinforce inequalities between tourists
and locals, and between military powers and locals (Kahn 1995, 2000), or between
plantation owners and enslaved workers (Bentez-Rojo 1996). Some authors treat heterotopias as sites of successfully culminating resistance (Chaloupka and Cawley 1993;
Hetherington 1997), while others treat heterotopias as unnished (Sharp et al. 2000,
2930; Soja 1996) and layered, contradictory, contingent spatiality (Moore 2005; Watts
1999). For these authors, the hierarchical relationship between a dominant spatial
project (developing a colonial management regime, developing a tourist leisure industry, or developing an educative museum) and the heterotopic spatiality (colony, island,
museum exhibit) is of central concern, as are the resultant social inequalities that play
out within the social relations of heterotopic space.
Bentez-Rojo (1996) and Moore (2005), however, push the idea of social spatiality
further, suggesting that multiple spatial orders operating at the same time dierent
groups of people using their own spatial projects to reinforce or challenge other
peoples spatial projects, uses of space, and social spatial orders ultimately contribute
to denser networks of domination. Gupta and Ferguson argue: If one begins with the
premise that spaces have always been hierarchically interconnected, instead of naturally
disconnected, then cultural and social change become not a matter of cultural contact
and articulation, but one of rethinking dierence through connection (1992, 8). Building
on these authors insights, I argue that in Chilo the simultaneous functioning of multiple heterotopias enhances dominant principles of social ordering and hierarchy.
Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel Vera, and Hall (1991, 31) reconstructed the distribution of
Indigenous Peoples living in the region in the 1500s at the time of the early European
incursions as including the Chonos occupying the area between the Canal de Chacao on
the north and nearly south to the Golfo de Pea, the Payo (Queilen), Veliche, and
Huilliche occupying the Chilo specic archipelago, and the Huilliche, Junco, and Poya
(Nahuelhuapi) occupying the mainland north of the channel. Scholars recognize the
presence of indigenous and mestizo cultures and identities on Chilo, but the identities
and languages associated with these categories are complicated by shifting historical
and contemporary conditions, as well as changing government jurisdictions, laws, and
policies (Grenier 1984; Gundermann et al. 2010). I observed during my eld research in
Chilo that in everyday practice, most outsiders, including corporate sh farm operators,
do not make a distinction between people identifying as mestizo or indigenous or both,
instead grouping everyone from Chilo under the rubric of being rural, a nding echoed
in De La Fuente and Quirozs (2011) work. Not only does this practice lump together
dierent identities and social groups, it also knits together racialized and class dierences under the notions of rural and traditional.
I begin by examining the implications of representations of Chilo as a place to be
preserved in its uniqueness, tradition, and for its contribution to national heritage. I then
tackle the productive legal spatiality of sheries development in the archipelago, where
the small-scale wild capture industry operators share space with the more recently
installed and now mature industrial salmon aquaculture sector. Finally, I explore two
whale conservation projects in the archipelago and relate these to the larger issue of
establishing marine protected areas, which are both legal and environmental
49
conservation spatial projects. In the following sections, I foreground the constituent role
of hierarchical social relations in heterotopic space-making projects.
Narrating National Heritage

This section surveys a range of mediated representations (print, internet, exhibits) about
Chilo in order to consider the ways in which these representations create their own
heterotopias, and in turn, contribute to the social context in which sheries and conservation eorts congure Chilo as a constellation of heterotopic places. The popular
representations examined enjoy wide dissemination through the internet and public
exhibition. As an ethnographer working in both Chilo and Santiago, I frequently
encountered similar popular narratives in tourist market stalls, tourist attractions, and
local museums on Chilo, as well as in everyday conversations in Santiago. By comparison, scholarly works about Chilo present more nuanced narratives. While many of the
representations examined narrate a history of Chilo, the purpose of this section is not
to tell the history of Chilo, but rather to consider how histories of Chilo are told, how
the people and places are represented, and to direct attention to the implications of
these representations.
Chilo is the one site in Chile around which mestizaje is widely celebrated. This
ethnicizing practice is intimately tied to the situating of Chilo as a unique site of national
heritage. Much has been written about the relationships between mestizaje and processes
of identity (see Alonso 2004; Mallon 1996; Miller 2004; Montecino Aguirre 2007; Nelson
1999), but as the following representations of Chilo demonstrate, and as Alonso (2004,
469) argues, mestizaje also has an inherently spatializing function. Heritage-making projects regarding Chilo, I suggest, bind Chilo to the nation as a racialized heterotopia of
tradition, situated within economically and socially modern Chile. The upshots of this
binding are heterotopias made ripe for the picking of resources labor, and which foster
desires to hold this heterotopia in a time warp. While racializing, ethnicizing, and class
practices constitute dierent forms of power relations, in the case of Chilo, these three
forms of power relations are deeply intertwined.
Chilo, Chile con un Acento (Chilo, Chile with an Accent) I read from half a block away in
December 2007, on the exterior sign at Universidad Catlica de Chile in Santiago. It
advertised a special exhibition, and so too read the headline for the El Mercurio article
touting the exhibition. This title aptly captured the widespread notion that Chilo is a
unique place in the nation of Chile, Chilean but also dierent from mainstream modern
urban Chile. On the surface, this dierence is one of a contrast between tradition and
modernity, between rural and urban ways of life. But the meaning of that prominently
displayed sign, with its emphasis on the accent, is fraught with ambiguity of the sort that
men from Chilo encountered when they migrated for work in the whale processing plants
in Quintay in the 20th century. These men encountered both praise for their work ethic and
discrimination for what were perceived as their Chilo-specic dierences from other
Chileans (De La Fuente and Quiroz 2011, 178189). Grenier (1984) found many of the
same themes about Chilo spatiality operating in the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s that I
discuss as operating in the 2000s. He focused on spatiality and inequality in relation to the
way land and local resources in Chilo had been distributed and developed, emphasizing
the long history of class relations of dependency aecting the region. Urbina Burgos
50
K. M. SULLIVAN
observed that throughout the 20th century, ideas about Chilos alterity circulated freely in
Santiago (Urbina Burgos 2002, cited in Mansilla Torres 2009, 286, fn. 14; see also Grenier
1984). Appelbaum, McPherson, and Rosenblatt assert that in Latin America: Though racialized regional dierences could provoke conict and even violence, and though nation-state
formation at times involved the imposition of homogeneity, regionalism was not always
antithetical to nation building (2003, 11). The dierence marked by that particular accent
glosses a long history of deeply intertwined racialized and class relations.
Several key currents run through these ethnicized characterizations of Chilo, including the idea (1) that the Spanish and the Indigenous Peoples intermarried and shared
cultural practices in a seamless fashion, often with the help of the missionizing Jesuits;
(2) that the Chilo people congured as subaltern, whether of indigenous or mixed
parentage, peacefully and cooperatively accepted their lot as racialized laboring subalterns; and (3) that spatial and temporal isolation has protected and fostered Chilos
ethnicized ways of life. These recurring representational themes surface in a variety of
ways and are only sometimes critically examined.
Similar to many other popular histories of Chilo, Chilo Stories credits the role of the
colonial Catholic church, especially the Jesuits, in the development of: . . .a distinct, homogenous culture, generating stability and social equality (Chilo Stories n.d.). The Jesuits had a
mission network constructed in the archipelago in the 1600s and 1700s. Although signicantly altered by disasters and renovations, the extant 16 Jesuit churches were added to the
UNESCO World Heritage list in 2000. The churches, UNESCO text asserts: . . .embody the
intangible richness of the Chilo Archipelago, and bear witness to a successful fusion of
indigenous and European culture (UNESCO World Heritage Centre n.d.). The idea of a
successful fusion suggests that the creation of a uniquely Chilo mestizaje entailed the
willing cooperation of the Indigenous Peoples to take on Spanish culture as part of their
own. Contrary to this representation, Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel Vera, and Hall argue that the
Jesuits also participated in the encomienda system with what amounted to their own parcels
and allotment of forced labor, and that the Veliche were most vulnerable to the encomienda
system because they were sedentary agriculturalists, with decentralized governance practices (1991, 1823) that changed under occupation (2526).
MemoriaChilena Biblioteca Nacionale de Chile website reiterates the theme of a
unique, religiously imbued Chilo mestizaje:
El archipilago de Chilo conforma un universo cultural con caractersticas particulares. El
tradicional aislamiento en que se desenvolvi la sociedad chilota fue un factor importante
en la conservacin de prcticas religiosas y lingsticas del medioevo espaol, al mismo
tiempo que se daba un mestizaje e intercambio entre elementos culturales ibricos e
indgenas. . .Aunqes es un pueblo profundamente catlica, el chilote mantiene un complejo
sistema de creencias sobre el mundo mtico, cuyo origen atestigua los mltiples intercambios entre la cultura espaola dominante y el universo religioso huilliche. (MemoriaChilena
Biblioteca Nacional de Chile n.d.c)
The Chiloe archipelago forms a cultural universe with particular characteristics. The traditional isolation of the Chilote society was an important factor in preserving Spanish
medieval religious and linguistic practices and, at the same time, allowing exchanges and
mixtures between Iberian and indigenous cultural elements. . .. Although the Chilote are
deeply Catholic, they maintain a complex system of mythical beliefs derived from the
multiple interactions between the dominant Spanish culture and the Huilliche religious
universe. (MemoriaChilena Biblioteca Nacional de Chile n.d.c)
51
Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel Vera, and Hall (1991, 56, 17) and Ther Ros (2011, 7071)
assert that it was the Spanish who adopted indigenous ways, not the other way around
(see also Hojman, n.d.). Gutirrez (2007, 5455) argues that the churches were built
according to a spatiality that corresponded to an indigenous sense of spatiality, not
according to a European sense of spatiality; in other words, they were built as a network
of coastal sites used intermittently by turns.
Preservationists arguments (for example, Muoz Carreo 2004; Fundacin de Amigos
de las Iglesias de Chilo n.d) have helped transnationalize a narrative about the ways in
which people and places of Chilo are unique and peaceful. The World Heritage
application states:
The people of Chilo have an identity of their own, which is dierent and distinguishable
within the context of the country. They are aware, to a large extent, of this identity and
dierence. In Chilo, the pride of its inhabitants in their own history and attachment to their
own traditions is noticeable. However, economic development and globalization of communications are having an impact on vast sectors of the population. (Republic of Chile
Ministry of Education National Monuments Council 1999, 8)
The emphasis on imminent destruction reinforces the idea of unique heritage.

Preservation of the churches played a signicant role in the awarding of US
$55,000,000 Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo grant in 2005, which also bought
new whale-watching boats discussed below.
Themes of uniqueness and cooperation arising out of a mixing of cultures and
peoples are not limited to popular representations. For example, Hanisch (1982,
177184) writing about the Jesuits eorts, speaks of the unnamed people from
Chilo, including Indigenous Peoples, who served as willing workers and guides for
the settler society rulers, military, and missionaries, and of the Chonos as being initially
belligerent but then converting to Christianity and becoming cooperative members of
colonial society (see also Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel Vera, and Hall 1991, 21; Urbina
Burgos 1988, 3436). Vzquez De Acua (1956, 16), a folklorist, writes that the settling
of Chilo by Europeans was largely peaceful between the Europeans and the Indigenous
Peoples. Hanischs (1982, 193195) conclusion casts Chilo as a place where fantasy
ordered reality, where no real cities were established, where ghosts were chased, and
where life centered on navigating the seas.
While Chilo Stories, the Chilo, Chile con un Acento exhibition, and the UNESCO
application downplay colonial brutalities, many scholarly authors do not, even as they
also stress the forbearance of the local people. For example, Urbina Burgos (1990),
examining the uprising of 1712 in the archipelago, argues that Indigenous Peoples in
the archipelago only revolted after being subjected to extremely unreasonable encomendero demands. Hanisch (1982, 185186) and Urbina Burgos (1988, 1990) place the
responsibility for conict in the archipelago on the settler society. Hojman (n.d.) argues
that the 1600 Dutch incursion forced the Spanish to cooperate with Indigenous Peoples
located on the encomiendas, motivated inter-marriages, especially among Europeans in
Chilo, and spurred a successful eort to avoid the Inquisition. Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel
Vera, and Hall (1991, 2426) and Van Meurs (2007) argue that the Dutch corsairs
inuenced relationships between the Spanish and Indigenous Peoples by providing an
52
K. M. SULLIVAN
alliance against the Spanish (see also Republic of Chile Ministry of Education National
Monuments Council 1999, 3).
Vergara Del Solar (2000) argues that postcolonial nation-state leaders fostered images
of erce Indigenous Peoples in order to strengthen their inuence over settler society
public sentiment, while also forming alliances with indigenous leaders in the Araucana
region in order to defeat the Spanish. Contemporary portrayals of Chilo that emphasize
cooperation (for example, Republic of Chile Ministry of Education National Monuments
Council 1999, 34, 78; UNESCO World Heritage Centre n.d.) contrast sharply with widely
circulating representations of the Mapuche as erce, volatile, and rebellious from the
1600s to the present. Ramos (2003) argues that, whether intentional or unintentional,
essentialisms are strategic, serve as important sources of self-identity and as tools for
subalterns, as well as serving the interests of social actors occupying dominant subject
positions (see also Bacigalupo 2004; Conklin and Graham 1995; Warren 1998).
Virtual and physical tourists to Chilo encounter a collection of mythological, mysterious, and slightly dangerous characters, including trolls, mermaids, and witches said to
inhabit the archipelago. Wooden models of these characters, along with models of the
historic churches and boats can be found in trinket shops and open-air markets. They
appear on public statues, cafe windows, hotel signs, postcards, matchbook covers, and
in museum displays, along with narratives explaining their practices. Crdenas Alvarez
argues that the marketed representations are for tourists and outsiders, whereas the
characters perform a Mapuche worldview in the ordinary lives of Chilo people, a
worldview that has been systematically marginalized by the scientic worldview (1998,
511). Mansilla Torres (2009) argues that these myths and legends serve to people who
have grown up as part of Chilo culture as a language of resistance to neoliberal
development, as a means of asserting self-identity, and as drawing on collective cultural
capital to assert a boundary of dierence between themselves and outsiders. However,
some Mapuche intellectuals assert that the idea of mestizaje in Chile serves as a vehicle
to erase indigeneity and indigenous claims to lands and resources, contributing to
internal colonization (Mariman 2000). While relations of internal colonization evince
elements of racializing, these relations also pertain to issues of autonomy that cannot
simply be subsumed under racialized relations of power (Mariman 2000; Rupailaf 2002).
Mapudungun speakers cosmology is the regional indigenous cosmology that has
received the majority of the scholarly attention. Often, for scholars (as well as market
stall operators and presenters of popular history), elements of Mapudungun cosmology
serve as foils that exemplify the indigenous elements of Chilo mestizaje. The mythical
characters in the market places and museums, when used in this representational
fashion, often play on an alluring element of exotic, even erotic danger, while rendering
indigeneity harmless and amusing, and discursively situating Chilo mestizaje in a
racialized hierarchy of nation (for example, Cavada 1914; MemoriaChilena Biblioteca
Nacional de Chile n.d.c; Vzquez De Acua 1956). This practice signies a heterotopic
Chilo, exemplifying Foucaults third principle of heterotopic spatiality. Foucault ([1967]
1986) sketches, in no particular order, six principles that comprise a constellation of
dierent characteristics by which one might recognize dierent heterotopias, characteristics that set heterotopias out as dierent, such as places with a time and tempo of their
own, or places where activities not generally permitted are allowed, even encouraged.
Bentez-Rojo (1996, 242261), whose work is set in the Caribbean, deploys Foucaults
53
([1967] 1986, 2526) third principle to remind us that settler society imaginaries of
syncretism and transgressive communities are heterotopic domains in which multiple
dierent social orders are collected and given free reign, coupling fear with desire, and
setting into motion a ceaseless oscillation between here and there, creating an eect
that Kahn (1995), whose work is set in Tahiti, calls the dissonance of a heterotopia.
Contributing to the national heritage tourism industry, cruise ship tourists are daily
shuttled to the islands of Chilo to experience living history for themselves. Meanwhile,
other tourists and resident expatriates are looking for nature adventure. Darwin ([1839]
1989, 218230), arguably an early European nature adventurist, is one whom English
language travel writers intrepidly follow through Chile (for example, Simons 2010). The
salmon farming industry installed a permanent stratum of foreign English-speaking
middle- and high-level managers in the region, who make substantially higher salaries
than locals, and who form an important component of the nature adventure market.
Foucaults heterotopias designate places that stand in opposition to profane mundane places, designate places that escape technocratic delimitation and that nurture our
continued adherence to a hierarchical organization of sacred and profane spaces ([1967]
1986, 23). Contemporary imaginaries of nation and nature, I suggest, rely on a collection
of contemporary sacred spaces that lie in opposition to profane, normal operations of
the nation-state. Isolated Chilo, nearly frozen in time, serving as tourist heritage
heterotopia and nature heterotopia, occupies one such sacred space in the Chilean
nation, and images of isolating oceans suggest that the oceans insulating properties
constrain ethnicized traditions, every bit as much as protect them. The idea that Chilo
has remained largely isolated from the rest of the nation and world has been central to
the idea of preserving and fostering both Chilo mestizaje and Chilos subaltern place
in the Chilean nation. This idea also situates Chilo in a centuries old Western myth of
social evolution whose transformative power, as Peter Fitzpatrick (1992) reminds us, lies
in its ability to create a racialized originary break between tradition and modernity for its
modern authors. Arguing from a materialist position, Grenier (1984, 157196) asserts
that notions of isolated Chilo and the isolating sea contribute to making Chilo into a
socially, politically, and economically marginalized place.
Importantly, in contemporary representations, isolation is construed in interlinked
temporal and spatial dimensions. Representations of Chilo as outside modern time and
space are evinced by heritage proponents, as well as environmentalists (for example,
Claude and Oporto 2000; Fundacin Terram and Aconcagua Producciones 2002). Chilo
Stories (n.d.), Chilo, Chile con un Acento, and MemoriaChilena Biblioteca Nacional de Chile
(n.d.a, n.d.b), feature timelines to help orient and educate their audiences. These timelines
visually eect the idea that the archipelago lags forever behind and outside mainstream
Chilean and world history, by emphasizing the recent dates at which the rst road, train,
and telephone arrived in the archipelago. The Chilo, Chile con un Acento exhibition
featured four large circular pavilions depicting four dierent aspects of local life: shing,
farming, community, and family. Each pavilion signied isolation by wrapping in upon
itself. Visitors physically entered each enclosure to read explanations and touch artifacts.
Photomurals wrapping the exteriors of the pavilions showed views of the surrounding sea
from the islands and traditional village life. Only one photomural hinted at the contemporary world, and it featured a young child holding a bright red plastic dinosaur. The
pavilion dedicated to the Chilo peoples relationship with the sea did not mention the
54
K. M. SULLIVAN
burgeoning salmon farming industry, although the timeline made a short mention. The
large poster of ocean water on the oor in front of the entire timeline and grand seascape
murals on the outsides of the pavilions marked the temporal-spatial break between
traditional Chilo and the modern nation with seawater. Only the exhibitions gift shop
and linear chronology were arranged so as not to physically fold back in on themselves
like insulated islands in the ocean of exhibition hall space. Ther Ros (2011), however,
suggests a reorientation toward Chilos seas, highlighting the range of ways in which the
seas have long been an integral part of archipelago territory, serving as avenues of
communication and movement.
Chilo Stories (n.d.) reinforces the aura of time standing still through a series of videos
about Chilo livelihoods. The personal stories are edited to focus on either small-scale
production, or to de-emphasize the large scale of industrialized salmon farming when
focusing on a person employed in the industry. The representational gaps reinforce the
idea that Chilo is not in sync with contemporary time and global spatiality, even as
Chilo workers muscled a lions share of the estimated 503,000 tons of Chilean farmed
salmon into international export markets in 2007, the year the exhibition opened
(Technopress Sta 2008, 25 Tabla N5 citing Kontali Report Mensual del Salmn
Septiembre 2007).
Grenier (1984, 3564, 295372) confronts the widely circulating idea that Chilo is
isolated by asserting that Chilo is isolated because it has been repeatedly positioned
as peripheral to the core, rst of empire, and later of the nation-state, and because of
national politics and a lack of infrastructure development. This, he argues, has led to
the intertwined practices of abandonment and exploitative economic relations. The
sea, he asserts, is not isolating but full of resources. Grenier also argues that two
other ideas contribute to the isolation experienced by Chilo people. The rst is the
idea that Chilo is poor, which it is, he argues, but not of its own making, basing his
argument on economic and health data through the 1960s (Grenier 1984, 121150).
The second, he argues, is the idea that Chilo is a society of egalitarian small land
owners, and its corollary that the land plots are just too small to be eective. This
idea, Grenier argues, has been fostered and spread by scholars, including Pedro
Barrientos Daz, to the detriment of Chilo people (1984, 349351). Grenier goes on
to show that the much-touted redistribution of the considerable Jesuit land holdings
landed land mainly in the hands of owners controlling very large tracts (1984,
378407).
Revealing the way that racialized dierences are used to build discursive heterotopias, also illuminates the ways that class too plays a role in the making of heterotopias.
Grenier (1984) argues that emphasizing small-scale production and isolation masks the
ways in which Chilo has long been part of a Euro-American-driven global economics.
Chilo has experienced a long history of large-scale resource exploitation, including
timbering (Grenier 1984, 335338; Ther Ros 2011, 7173), whaling (De La Fuente and
Quiroz 2011; Quiroz 2011), more recently salmon farming (Sullivan 2004), coupled with
an incessant demand for the labor of people from Chilo, since the Spanish rst arrived,
at home and as migrants (Crdenas Alvarez, Montiel Vera, and Hall 1991, 2122; De La
Fuente and Quiroz 2011; Grenier 1984; Urbina Burgos 1990).
The touting of a combination of small-scale ecotourism and cultural tourism as
excellent economic activities for indigenous and non-indigenous local communities by
55
the government (Castro and Llancaleo 2003) and by whale conservationists (HuckeGaete, Viddi, and Bello 2006), evinces the operation of Foucaults ([1967] 1986, 27) sixth
heterotopic principle, which is that of compensation. Chilo serves as a site of compensation for what has been lost in the profane, quotidian operating of the nation-state and
its neoliberal market economy. In this compensatory heterotopia, representations of
both Chilo mestizaje and Chilo indigeneity suggest to visitors and developers that the
people of Chilo are welcoming and willing to channel their energies into nationbuilding, tourists pleasures, petty commodity production, and industrialized waged
labor.
Fisheries
Although often thought of as primarily biological, wild capture and aquaculture sheries
are human spatial projects created through productive activities (casting nets, setting
long lines, installing netcages) and through laws, which determine the boundaries and
species comprising a shery, as well as access and uses. Fisheries spatial projects
reinforce racialized and class boundaries, echoing the intertwined operations of racializing and class found in the heterotopic representational projects discussed earlier.
Chilos oceans are worked by an artisanal wild capture eet, several aquaculture
industries, with salmon farming being the largest, and an industrial wild capture eet.
Industrialized shing eets dominate the rougher waters of the Pacic, while scattered communities along the western coast utilize the coastal margins. The Chilean
industrial shing eet developed in the 1950s, and much of its pelagic sh catch
(anchovies, sardine, mackerel, and hake until the 1970s) is processed into shmeal and
sh oil (Bernal et al. 1999, 121122). Ibarra, Reid, and Thorpe (2000, 605) argue that the
declaration of Chilean 200-mile Exclusive Economic Fisheries Zone (EEZ) in the 1970s,
when coastal countries the world over declared their own EEZs, coupled with the
Pinochet governments aggressive support for neoliberal export-led development
prompted intense sheries development through the late 1970s and 1980s (see also
Castilla 2010; Gelcich et al. 2010, 1679516796; Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz 2002,
93; Pea-Torres 1997; Schurman 1996). The industrial eets capture gures prominently
in salmon aquaculture production by providing sh feed components (sh meal and sh
oil) to salmon feed producers.
Artisanal sheries and aquaculture concessions congure ocean spatiality in the
inland sea on the eastern side of Isla Grande. The industrial eet does not work the
inland sea because of the natural environment and sheries law, whereas artisanal
sheries producers became dependent on their captures of sh and shellsh for more
than subsistence during the 1970s and 1980s in a sh processing boom, which later took
a downturn (Schurman 1996, 16961697, 1706, fn.15). By 2000, the salmon farming
industry, and to a lesser extent, shellsh-growers exerted a dominant presence in the
coves, inlets, and sheltered bays ringing the inland sea. A steady ow of ferries, shing
boats, salmon farming transport vessels, cruise ships, and the ever-present Navy traverse
the expansive inland sea. Villages, farmsteads, pastures, small sawmills, industrial aquafarming facilities, and three large towns are located along the northern and eastern
coastal margin of Isla Grande. The mainland coast to the west and south has fewer
56
K. M. SULLIVAN
settlements, several extensive terrestrial and one marine national park, as well as one
extensive private terrestrial park.
The Chilean artisanal eet evinces a range of sizes of boats, production methods, and
participation styles, from full time to important temporary employment, all grouped
under a legal denition (Bernal et al. 1999, 121, 124125, 127). Pea-Torres argues that
from the mid-1800s until 1978, access to Chilean sheries was based on the idea of
historic rights; for example, whoever rst shed a shery had the rights to that shery.
Then, in 1978, Pinochets government replaced that historic rights regime with an open
access regime, in other words, anyone could sh anywhere for whatever species they
selected, which began to wind down by the mid-1980s (Pea-Torres 1997, 254, 257258;
see also Castilla 2010, 229; Gelcich et al. 2010). People in Chilo were dependent on
small-scale agriculture, livestock, and subsistence sheries until the 1970s (Grenier 1984;
Schurman 1996, 1697). With open access, Schurman (1996) argues, seafood processors
intensied their investment in Chilo where abundant stocks were located, fomenting
increased sheries capture and the development of a small boat eet by locals. This
economic orescence provided a short-lived economic boom in the region for many
Chilo men, who shed, and women, who worked in the processing plants (Schurman
1996, 1696).
Although sheries production grew considerably in tonnage and value under the
open access regime (Ibarra, Reid, and Thorpe 2000, 612, Figures 1 and 2, 614), open
access also led to several seriously overexploited sheries stocks (Ibarra, Reid, and
Thorpe 2000, 617618; Schurman 1996), as well as to social, political, and economic
conicts along the coast of Chile (Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz 2002, 8889; PeaTorres 1997). Ley General de Pesca and Acuicultura, N 18.892, 1991, recongured open
access and the legal and productive contours of sheries spatiality for both wild capture
and aquaculture sheries. Bernal et al. (1999, 121134) describe the 1991 law as formally
distinguishing the industrial sheries sector from the artisanal sheries sector, legally
dening the artisanal eet, tying specic artisanal shers to specic national administrative regions, cordoning o a new artisanal coastal shing zone from industrial shing
access along the coast from the northern border of Chile to the Canal de Chacao
including inland seas, and establishing procedures for creating benthic management
and exploitation areas for associations of artisanal shermen, which grant exclusive use
rights under a specic multispecies resources management plan (see also Pea-Torres
1997; Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz 2002; Gelcich et al. 2010). Bernal et al. (1999, 133)
assert that even with its restricted access regimes, the law remained true to the principle
of open access.
Spatial regulations form key components of contemporary Chilean sheries management eorts by tying specic rights to specic locales, and state-sher controlled
management area plans are slowly being developed with input from shers (Castilla
2010, 223; Gelcich et al. 2010; Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz 2002). Bernal et al. point
out that the protection of artisanal sheries production indicated a willingness to accept:
. . .some degree of economic ineciency. Societies do that because in their collective
judgment, in addition to economic factors, they respect traditions, recognize ethnical
and cultural dierences and incorporate ethical and social considerations (1999,
138139). Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz (2002) report that artisanal shermen have
a complicated take on the system of management areas created by the 1991 law, seeing
57
management areas as vehicles to increase their economic earnings, while also seeing
them as conicting with deeply held social values such as freedom, and with socioeconomic survival strategies such as illegal harvesting and migration between harvest
areas. Meltzo, Lichtensztajn, and Stotz also suggest that so few management areas
were created in the rst decade after the 1991 law, not because of artisanal shermen,
but because, they argue: Policy discussions centered on how to grant marine tenure to
artisanal shermen without major restructuring of a coast already occupied by the
politically powerful industrial interests in tourism, aquaculture, and sheries (2002, 94).
In the Chilo archipelago, the salmon aquaculture industry is one such powerful
economic interest occupying the spatial nexus between industrial development and
sea-zoning. Industrialized salmon farming requires copious, exclusive oceanic space for
its own production purposes. The sheltered bays, coves, and inlets of the inland sea,
which have excellent water circulation, have been particularly important for the development of commercial salmon grow-out facilities, while the freshwater lakes and
streams host industrial hatcheries and smolting facilities. Over the last several decades,
salmon farming interests have come to dominate many terrestrial locales in the archipelago, with feed plants, net plants, suppliers, smolt truck facilities, and processing
plants. Although the people of the archipelago have long been integrated into global
commodity networks, not least of all through labor out-migration, salmon farming
brought a dramatic increase in the presence of contemporary international corporations
and vendor companies to Chilo. Salmon farming began as the brainchild of a technology transfer project in the 1970s, and experienced explosive growth after the introduction of Atlantic salmon in the late 1990s, and again with the global consolidation of the
industry in the early 2000s. People relocated from Santiago, the United Kingdom,
Canada, Norway, Australia, and the United States supplied management and capital,
while local people supplied manual labor. Industrialized salmon farming has permanently changed the class structure in the region, reorganized the rural labor force,
changed settlement patterns by fomenting urbanization in Ancud and Castro, and
changed the uses of marine and freshwater resources in the archipelago (Sullivan 2004).
Ley General de Pesca and Acuicultura N18.892 redened aquaculture concessions
and licensing, and established a system of large-scale coastal zoning mechanisms where
aquaculture can be carried out as a non-exclusive activity, and where concessions and
licenses can be freely traded (Bernal et al. 1999, 132133). The legal right to freely trade
spatially demarcated concessions, which were nite in number, played a crucial role in
the maturation of the salmon farming industry in the early 2000s, when corporations
traded concessions for vast sums of money. While shellsh are also commercially
cultivated in the Chilo archipelago, industrialized salmon farming far surpasses shellsh
and algae production in its spatial footprint, its productive capacity, and its earnings
(Technopress Sta 2008, 24 Tabla N4).
Successive Chilean governments aims to develop and maintain a strong neoliberal
capitalist economy have relied heavily on the use of legal means to develop industrial
wild capture and aquaculture sheries, beginning during the Pinochet years, but
continuing to the present. One dramatic eect has been the repositioning of artisanal
sheries as an economic and social heterotopia throughout Chile and in Chilo. In 2000,
I often heard from corporate managers about how artisanal shers slit the salmon nets
to burgle the crop, even though at the time, it was illegal to sell salmon in local markets
58
K. M. SULLIVAN
and restaurants unless purchased from the corporations. Echoing another common
argument, one staunch supporter of salmon farming pointed out to me how inecient
and detrimental artisanal shing was because of their numbers. When I, in turn, commented on how few and low-tech artisanal shers seemed to be in the archipelago in
comparison to industrialized salmon farming with its substantial footprint, the speaker
immediately expanded her scope to include the entire coast of Chile to give her point
more weight. Schurman (1996) argues that shellsh stock was greatly impacted by the
harvesting and processing boom in the 1970s and 1980s. During the past 11 years, two
marine reserves have been declared on Isla Grande to protect the reproduction and
habitats of various shellsh stocks (Fernndez and Castilla 2005, 17581759; Gobierno de
Chile Subsecretara de Pesca 2006, 2021). However, arguably since 2000, the salmon
farming sector has made the greatest changes to sheries spatiality.
Aquaculture corporations muscle the people and places of Chilo into the global ow
of industrialized food production. Salmon corporations abilities to control the use of
oceanic space rests on law, on economic success in global sh markets, on Chilean
governmental support for the development of large-scale businesses, and nally, on a
widely circulating justication that the archipelago experiences trenchant unemployment because of its isolation and lack of development. Gupta and Ferguson assert:
. . .by always foregrounding the spatial distribution of hierarchical power relations, we can
better understand the processes whereby a space achieves a distinctive identity as a place.
Keeping in mind that notions of locality or community refer both to a demarcated physical
space and clusters of interactions, we can see that the identity of a place emerges by the
intersection of its specic involvement in a system of hierarchically organized spaces with its
cultural construction as a community or locality. (Gupta and Ferguson 1992, 8)
As discussed in the previous section, the category rural, when directed at people from
Chilo, is a spatial gloss for mutually reinforcing racialized and class relations. Close on
the heels of rural, I also encountered resonating notions such as lacking education and
being unclean. De La Fuente and Quiroz (2011, 185187) report that migrant whale
processing workers from Chilo were accused of being too clannish, too frugal, only
suited to manual labor, or too dierent by people from the host communities.
Salmon farming corporations spatial practices infuse racialized ideas about Chilos
uniqueness with material concerns about pollution and hygiene. One afternoon in 2000,
I visited a salmon processing plant. As my host and I walked toward the entrance of the
plant, I commented on the extraordinary number of sinks lining the outsides of the
buildings. The manager explained to me that the company had to train the workers to
clean themselves and that management had trouble enforcing bodily hygiene, because
the workers did not know about cleanliness, adding that the workers come from rural
areas. At another interview, a manager chastised me for what he called my American
refusal to understand intrinsic dierences between local people hired to do manual
labor and managers and owners. His comments referred not only to class and social
dierences but also evoked a racialized dierence. My ethnographic research, which
included interviewing people at many levels within the sh farming industry in Chile,
found that people recruited to the industry from the archipelago very seldom rise above
the level of assistant or site manager. Corporate managers and owners come mainly
from outside of Chilo, with the Chileans coming from urban middle- and upper-class
59
Santiago. Foreign managers, who had themselves been manual laborers on salmon
farms in other countries, explained to me that one had to maintain the strict separation
between management and manual labor here or lose respect, and they were careful not
to reveal that they had been manual laborers themselves elsewhere.
Foucaults fth principle suggests that heterotopias: always presuppose a system of
opening and closing that both isolates them and makes them penetrable ([1967] 1986,
26). He argues that sometimes entry is compulsory (26) and at other times, entry
appears to be open to all, but is in fact exclusionary (2627). Dierences recounted
earlier, although readily attributable to a class division between manual and managerial
status, also carry racialized meaning, and in particular a referent to indigeneity, not
because workers necessarily identify as indigenous but because people from Chilo are
widely seen by outsiders as embodying indigeneity through mestizaje. Everyday encounters with the wall maintaining separation between workers and managers in Chilo
illustrate, not bad personal intentions, but rather the racialized class determined spatial
orders operating in the global economic system in which we are all enmeshed as
workers and as consumers.
Marine Conservation
The nal oceanic spatial domain to be considered is marine conservation in Chilo, an
intrinsically place-based eort where again isolation plays a key role, and where eorts
aim to control human activities in oceanic habitats. Ley General de Pesca and
Acuicultura, N18.892, provides provisions for the creation of marine parks and marine
reserves (Barragn, Castro, and Alvarado 2005, 1819; Bernal et al. 1999, 121134;
Fernndez and Castilla 2005; Gobierno de Chile Subsecretara de Pesca 2006; Praus,
Palma, and Domnguez 2011, 108113). Marine parks allow only for scientic and other
activities that do not interfere with preservation of species and habitat, while marine
reserves are sheries stock reproduction tools aimed at rebuilding specic species
(Praus, Palma, and Domnguez 2011, 108113; see also Gobierno de Chile
Subsecretara de Pesca 2006). A third category of conservation-oriented zoning, not
designated by Ley N18.892, is the Marine and Coastal Protected Area for Multiple Uses
(AMCP-MU), where human uses are limited to educational, scientic, and sustainable
production, and while similar to marine protected area designations in other places, the
AMCP-MU is uniquely Chilean in its consideration of coastal areas (Praus, Palma, and
Domnguez 2011, 113115; see also Gobierno de Chile Subsecretara de Pesca 2006). The
Chilo archipelago has been subjected to various eorts to create marine conservation
projects and areas. I now examine some recent eorts, beginning with whale conservation, in light of heterotopic spatiality.
Centro Ballena Azul (http://www.ballenazul.org/index.html, accessed June 2014) seeks
to recongure ocean spatiality by creating an AMCP-MU, a multi-use marine protected
area. Centro Conservacin Cetacea (http://www.ccc-chile.org/, accessed June 2014)
works to protect whales by raising local, national, and international awareness and
concern. Both nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) spatial projects seek to foster
human responsibility for whales and their habitat by adjusting and controlling economic
and social spatial practices in the ocean. Given that much of the region has been
deemed suitable for industrialized aquaculture (Fernndez and Castilla 2005, 1760),
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K. M. SULLIVAN
and given that legislation pertaining to coastal and territorial seas has prioritized
development over conservation (Barragn, Castro, and Alvarado 2005; Fernndez and
Castilla 2005; see also Haughney 2007 on environmental legislation in general), this is no
small undertaking. Barragn, Castro, and Alvarado (2005) and Fernndez and Castilla
(2005) argue that the states approach to oceanic conservation, as it has been undertaken, also precludes the creation of a network of marine protected areas, parks, and
reserves, even though current scientic thinking supports the idea that networked
protected areas contribute to more eective marine conservation.
Centro Ballena Azul was created in 2000 by Chilean marine biologists from Universidad
Austral de Chile in Valdivia, who have studied blue whales and other marine species since
1996 in the Golfo de Corcovado, from their eld station at Melinka in the Guaitecas
Archipelago (http://www.ballenazul.org/, accessed June 2014). They garner international
grant monies, publish in international scientic journals, and received the prestigious
national Sello Bicentenario award in 2006. In March 2008, the Chilean scientists, their
local lab employees, international colleagues, and the blue whales were featured on an
ABC Nightline special report aired in the United States (Kofman 2008).
One of Centro Ballena Azuls main goals has been the creation of an extensive national
multi-use marine protected area (an AMCP-MU) from the west, southwest side of Isla
Grande, and extending south to include the Archipelago of Chonos, covering a large piece
of the Golfo de Corcovado, in which human use zones would range from no-take areas to
restricted use areas, to general use areas (Hucke-Gaete, Lo Moro, and Ruiz Troemel 2010;
Hucke-Gaete and Ruiz Troemel n.d.; Hucke-Gaete, Viddi, and Bello 2006; Universidad
Austral de Chile et al. 2006; WWF-Chile 2011). The texts produced by the marine scientists
acknowledge the well-publicized environmental issues caused by wild capture overshing,
salmon farming, shellsh farming, garbage, sewage outows, and shipping as a threat to
marine mammals in the region (Hucke-Gaete, Lo Moro, and Ruiz Troemel 2010; HuckeGaete, Viddi, and Bello 2006). Their early eorts to change human usages focused on
education and substituting ecotourism activities for artisanal sheries activities (HuckeGaete, Lo Moro, and Ruiz Troemel 2010; Hucke-Gaete, Viddi, and Bello 2006). In contrast,
by 2000, Chilean environmental NGOs Fundacin Terram, Ecoceanos, and Corporacin
Terra Australis had become vocal national critics of the salmon farming industry in the
region, focusing attention on addressing its pollution and labor practices, and lack of
government controls on the industry (Sullivan 2004; for example, Claude and Oporto 2000;
Fundacin Terram and Aconcagua Producciones 2002; www.ecoceanos.cl, accessed June
2014).
Establishing marine protected areas can be a tense undertaking where political,
economic, and social tensions arise, because marine protected areas represent substantive changes to existing usages and regulations (for an ethnographic example, see
Walley 2004). In March 2008, on a visit to Chilo, I learned that several public meetings
regarding Centro Ballena Azuls proposed marine protected area had been held, one in
Puerto Montt on the mainland, approximately 55 kilometers from the northern tip of Isla
Grande. I inquired into the history of this public process, which ran smoothly from the
standpoint of local cooperation until August 2007, when at the insistence of other
marine conservationists, the public meetings were moved to the Isla Grande. Once
there, objections emerged from local communities over the nature of permitted uses
to be established. After this, the Navy, which exercises enormous managerial control
61
over Chilean seas (Barragn, Castro, and Alvarado 2005, 11, 1516; Fernndez and
Castilla 2005, 17551756), delayed the process for further investigation. Remoteness
and isolation were represented as being characteristics of the proposed area, but
Melinka, I was told by one person in reference to local tensions aroused by the marine
protected area proposal, is not isolated from the rest of the area (authors eldnotes).
Centro Ballena Azul has since added a social science component to their research eorts
(for example, Alvarez Abel and Navarro Pachaco 2010a, 2010b; Ruiz Troemel 2010).
Well known among locals on northern Chilo, Centro Conservacin Cetacea is also
working to conserve whales in the waters around Chilo. While whale conservation
eorts are heterotopic spatial projects in relation to industrialized development and
sheries, Centro Conservacin Cetaceas spatial eorts can also be seen as heterotopic to
the better-funded university-associated Centro Ballena Azul. My brief summary in this
paragraph draws on the Centro Conservacin Cetacea website (http://www.ccc-chile.
org/, accessed June 2014). Sponsoring an annual whale day on Isla Grand, enlisting
locals to help maintain records of whale sightings, maintaining an annual whale observation report available online, publishing in scientic journals, working with the Navy
and with Ecoceanos, an environmental NGO that among its eorts, focuses on protecting artisanal shers (http://www.ecoceanos.cl, accessed June 2014), Centro Conservacin
Cetacea is also garnering an increasingly international reputation. In 2008 was instrumental in getting the government to declare Chilean oceans a Whale Sanctuary in
accord with international bans on whale hunting.
In March 2008, I headed to the little settlement of Punihuil, adjacent to the popular
eco-attraction and conservation area, the penguin rookery on the northern end of the
Pacic side of Isla Grande. Otway Foundation put the pinguinos of Punihuil on tourist
and conservation maps years ago. After sliding downhill on a damp dirt road, one arrives
at a beach where authoritative young men (called catchers by the locals, because
tourists like sh are commodities to be netted) direct tourists to park along the eroded
dune that marks the high tide line. The largest of the rocky islands looming o the far
end of the beach is the rookery. Nearby, tourists don waders and life vests before being
conducted to shiny aluminum boats waiting at the edge of crashing waves. The penguin
watching guides are interested in adding whale watching to their services, and the new
boats, admirably seaworthy, are up to the rigorous demands of whale watching.
That afternoon, I learned that Centro Conservacin Cetacea had made a formal
presentation to the locals, hoping to hold o whale watching until their research was
further established, and until whale watching could be made into a more reliable
economic undertaking. Whales, unlike penguins, are not a sure sight. Centro
Conservacin Cetacea took the tack of trying to improve penguin watching, sharing
their research ndings, and getting locals involved in contributing whale observations.
In their formal presentation, Centro Conservacin Cetacea suggested that the ve
businesses with concessions on the beach pool their eorts at penguin watching,
organize the ow of tourists, and ll each operators boat in turn, rather than unnecessarily expending fuel and human energies trying to out compete one another. The small
business owners at Punihuil, some of whom originally came to the penguin rookery to
pursue their own conservationist callings, gave the suggestions a try.
The sparkling new boats had been purchased at the beginning of that summer, with
money from a US$55,000,000 Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo grant, itself a source of
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K. M. SULLIVAN
much speculation when I made a trip to Chilo after the initial announcement in 2005.
Would the money be used to develop ecotourism along the lines of the neoliberal big
business model commonly deployed in Concertacins Chile? Would locals have a shot at
any of it? The monies, as it unfolded, were distributed among existing businesses for
improvements, including small tourist businesses, such as those at Punihuil, Parque
Nacional Chilo, some of the bigger hotels, the Ancud museum, and the World Heritage
Site churches. While not directed at creating new businesses, the Banco Interamericano de
Desarrollo program nevertheless aimed to deepen the business of conservation in the
archipelago.
The rationalization of the penguin concessions held only for a while at the beginning of the season. First, Fundacin Otway had pulled out altogether from running
tours, because long-time environmentalist Horst Otway seems to have become upset
over the direction penguin environmentalism was taking. Then, another operator
purchased a second boat, and leased it to yet a dierent tour operator. He too pulled
out, because his second boat was not included in the scheme. By mid-summer, the
group had split in two and catchers were again eagerly competing for tourists.
Meanwhile down south, the Mayor of Quelln saw the blue whales in Corcovado as
a community resource. He enthusiastically moved to jump start whale watching there,
but the whales did not prove to be as reliable as the tourists. Would-be whale
watching guides up north at Punihuil interpreted the Quelln experience as a
disciplinary mechanism. Better we stick with the penguins I was told at Punihuil
they will always be there (authors eldnotes).
Centro Ballena Azul and Centro Conservacin Cetaceas share the goals of making
whale populations (and other sea mammals) legible through the application of systematic scientic observational techniques. Not aiming to control whales, both NGOs aim to
control the conditions in which whales live, feed, and reproduce by installing mechanisms that recongure existing human practices in whale marine habitats. Rose argues:
Liberal rule is inextricably bound to the activities and calculations of a proliferation of
independent authorities . . . and upon establishing relays between the calculations of
authorities and the aspirations of free citizens (1999, 49). As the exercises of Centro
Ballena Azul and Centro Conservacin Cetaceas demonstrate, the relation between
calculation and aspiration are not always certain, nor are they xed.
In early 2014, the Piera government established Parque Marino TicToc, 87,500 hectares in which only scientic and no-take recreational activities are allowed, o the
mainland coast, south of Isla Grande, near the border between Regin Los Lagos and
Regin Aysn, along with the adjacent rea Marina Costera Protegida de Mltiples Usos
Baha TicToc Golfo de Corcovado, Regin de Los Lagos, and rea Marina Costera
Protegida de Mltiples Usos Pitipalena-Aihue, Regin de Aysn, where sheries activities will be limited to closely managed artisanal shing (News Editor 2014; This Is Chile
2014). Centro Ballena Azul worked with Fundacin Melimoyu, WWF-Chile, and
Universidad Austral de Chile to get the government to establish these marine protected
areas (WWF 2014; WWF-Chile 2011, 2014a, 2014b; News Editor 2014). The areas are
located in a less populated area, near Parque Nacional Corcovado, along a coast hosting
extensive public and private terrestrial eco-parks. While not on the scale that Centro
Ballena Azul argued to have set aside, the marine park and protected areas represent a
signicant spatial reconguration of human uses.
63
During January and February, news of their creation enjoyed widespread reportage
throughout Chilean websites dedicated to conservation. As a whole, this reportage can
be read as interpreting the government to be instituting a sea-change in its relationship
with heterotopias of marine conservation, in part because of the size of the newly
established areas. But also, and importantly, until recently Chilean governments have
been very slow to expand the establishment of marine protected areas in spite of years
of scholarly research on Chilean marine environments and scholarly pressure to do so
(for example, Castilla 1986), and in spite of NGO pressure within Chile to do so.
Marine conservation projects are part of a growing Chilean national sense of environmental awareness. Rose remarks: Governable spaces are not fabricated counter to
experience; they make new kinds of experience possible, produce new modes of
perception, invest precepts with aects, with dangers and opportunities, with saliences
and attractions (1999, 32). Whale conservationists are working to vernacularize and
spatialize marine-oriented environmentalism, in the sense that Merry suggests that
social actors translate knowledge between dierent social sites (Merry 2006; see also
Rose 1999, 4751). Centro Ballena Azul and Centro Conservacin Cetaceas seek to do
this locally, nationally, and internationally by mobilizing popular identication with the
whales, systematically studying marine mammals and their habitats in the region, and
pressing for whale conservation. Heterotopias of conservation are another example of
Foucaults sixth principle of compensatory heterotopias ([1967] 1986, 27), relying heavily
on the role of expert knowledge to reorder already existing spatial practices. Although
compensatory, marine conservation heterotopias are organized to change relations
between people and nature, they primarily recongure relations between people.
Reections on Heterotopic Space

I have used Foucaults ([1967] 1986) notion of heterotopic spatiality as a guide to trace the
contours and operations of a number of dierent kinds of oceanic spatial projects in the
oceans of Chilo, illuminating the quotidian operations of intertwined racialized and class
relations that shape dominant spatiality and heterotopic spatiality. Examples of the multiple
heterotopic spatial projects of Chilo include those created by heritage discursive projects,
such as Chilo Stories and the eorts to get the network of Chilo missions included as a
UNESCO World Heritage site, recongurations of sheries production through legal and
developmental changes, and most recently, the creation of ocean conservation areas.
This analysis reveals that oceanic space is increasingly being subsumed under ever
more extensive and intensive forms of social control. Spatial projects in the region are
becoming more densely packed together. At the same time, both dominant oceanic
spatial projects (for example, large networks of state granted aqua-farm concessions,
industrial sheries) and heterotopic oceanic spatial projects (for example, artisanal
and subsistence sheries, marine parks, marine protected areas) evince ever more
comprehensive and productive mechanisms of Chilean social control. As in many
places in the world, the boundaries of these projects have been made more denitive. Inside those boundaries, rules, policies, regulations, and practices regarding
access, uses, and management have proliferated. Makers of each new or newly
expanded dominant and heterotopic oceanic spatiality seek to broaden and deepen
social control over specic concrete areas of oceanic space, to determine more
64
K. M. SULLIVAN
eectively who can do what activities where and when, and to more carefully and
accurately keep account of all activities, human and otherwise, within and often also
outside of the designated boundaries.
Foucault suggests that dierent heterotopias operate under dierent principles and
the wide range of dierent oceanic spatial projects in the archipelago suggests that this
is the case. However, my analysis also nds that the simultaneous functioning of multiple heterotopias in the Chilo archipelago enhances the eectivity and extension of
dominant relations of power, including introducing more comprehensive state control
over oceanic spaces in the archipelago. Often eective attempts to curb detrimental
excesses of dominant space-making projects and to productively create alternative
forms of spatiality involve bringing the state into the situation, as demonstrated in the
creation of marine parks and protected areas. Ferguson ([1990] 1994), Bentez-Rojo
(1996), and Moore (2005) demonstrate how when multiple spatial projects governed
by dierent dominant and subaltern social orders meet in the same arena, the process
challenges dominant social relations in some registers, but also contributes to the
overall deepening of dominant forms of social ordering.
Discursive projects, which both grow out of and reproduce racialized and class relations,
feed into the rationales for instituting spatial projects in the archipelago. Sunday afternoon in
December 2007, at the Chilo, Chile con un Acento exhibition in Santiago, an obviously curious
young man took a seat near me. I struck up a conversation with him. He was from Chilo, a
tour operator. We chatted about the way in which the exhibition emphasized some aspects of
life on Chilo, while blatantly ignoring others. Our conversation that afternoon led me to
reect on how in a neoliberal economic system, where environmental awareness and conservation practices are increasingly marks of the cosmopolitan subject, the late Chilean writer
Francisco Coloane, from Chilo, is touted as a pioneering ecologist and environmentalist by
Petreman ([1990] 2003) in his introduction to an English translation of Coloanes work.
Coloanes writing draws on his experiences as a young Chilo migrant worker on the estancias,
or large ranches, in Tierra de Fuego during the economic downturn of the 1930s and 1940s.
Perhaps Petreman represents Coloane as a pioneering ecologist because of his vivid descriptions of oceans, icebergs, and sea mammals. However, the nature that Coloane renders visible
in his stories is human nature, when people are challenged to confront the limits of their own
morality, in a world where so many people are forced to occupy subaltern subject positions,
and places are made both sacred and materially marginal through racialized and class spatial
orderings.
Acknowledgements
I thank the two anonymous reviewers as well as Tom Boellstor, Sandra Brunnegger, and Carol
Mitchell for their helpful suggestions, the Center for the Study of Law and Society, University of
California, Berkeley Law, where I was a visiting scholar during 20132014, and the people in Chile
who generously spent time with me during my eld research.
Funding
Part of the eld research for this article was supported by a 1998 University of California Pacic
Rim Program research grant.
65
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Kathleen M. Sullivan is at the Department of Anthropology, California State University Los

Angeles, Los Angeles, CA 90032 (Email: ksulliv4@calstatela.edu)

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CONTACT Kathleen M. Sullivan

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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Narrating National Heritage

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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The emphasis on imminent destruction reinforces the idea of unique heritage.

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

Reections on Heterotopic Space

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

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LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ETHNIC STUDIES

Kathleen M. Sullivan is at the Department of Anthropology, California State University Los

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