Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Thesis
submitted
requirements
for
the
Richard
in
accordance
of Doctor
Henry Charles
June 1979
in
the
of Liverpool
of the University
degree
with
Philosophy
Gillespie
by
ABSTRACT
thesis
This
Movement during
Peronist
the
of
Cuban Revolution,
the
in
and exclusion
studied.
of external
such as the
events
the political
(especially
system
of the
bourgeoisie
this
However,
in
is
argued
period.
of these
in
has demonstrated
and sustained
that
it
by those
the
great
forms.
bourg-
of leading
a signif-
problems
revolutionary
an alternative
bourgeoisie
and petty
class
different
national
capable
and
the evidence
assumed very
process,
to forge
attempting
from
clear
no longer
is
liberation"
"national
is
petty
the Argentine
that
thesis
the
it
fractions
class
alliance
guerrilla
of sectors
of military
years
the radicalism
encountered
and the
the radicalisation
working
icant
the political
class
eoisie
the
were found
in
Though it
to examine
rule)
1966-73
factors
that
tendencies,
organisations
from
emerged within
Peronism,
within
the impact
decline,
Socio-economic
was designed
Left
methods
which
period.
the project
Peronist
of the major
performance
1955-76
to radicalisation
gave rise
which
tendencies
left-wing
the
in Buenos Aires,
research
factors
the
examines
are
also
illustrated.
The investigation
onent
the urban
their
Left
of the Peronist
by radical
influenced
tended
to practise
theory
al
struggle.
While
of revolutionary
liberation
to practise
of Marxism,
the
petty-bourgeois
stages,
and socialism,
temporally
the proletarian
(ii)
though
politics,
typical
not
were far
be
the methods
and employ
sectors,
comp-
politics,
reformist
ideologists,
revolutionary
influence
the petty-bourgeois
whereas
the working-class
indirect
to
the
open
class
tended
nationalist
guerrilla,
class,
that
revealed
tended
of
of
more
methods
of
to embrace the
struggles
tended
for
nation-
to see the
two goals
pondence between
became evident,
notion
ideology,
though
the study
labour
of Peronist
of urban
This
movement.
organisations
ist
of urban
nature
grew,
struggles
of
the
labour
guerrilla
methods
isations,
with
experience
let
corresthus
of struggle
of the
questioning
overcome their
to the
itself.
that
scale
of
elit-
of urban
the mass
of urban
of Peronist
overshadowing
decision-making.
countries
guerrilla
actions
draconian
methods
of political
repression.
(iii)
composition
remote
militarisation
of other
on from
and ultimately
As the
an
from
considerations
and tactical
isolati:
of the social
became increasingly
total
revealed
fatal
the individualistic
warfare
they
initiatives
guerrilla
movement.
military
confirmed
to a critical
was a product
guerrilla
actions
strategic
to
and of
guerrilla
in
Left
guerrillas
guerrilla
and forms
politics
led
A clear
"prolgtarianisation".
of petty-bourgeois
inability
them as inseparable.
class,
Examination
the
for
Finally,
in
organ-
judgement
political
the recent
Argentine
how urban
illustrating
as a pretext
Left
for
introducing
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
.......
.........
Chapter
I.
II.
III.
16
79
IV.
'MOVIMIENTISMO':
V.
'MOVIMIENTISMO':
VI.
.....
160
.....
249
.....
329
....
CONCLUSION
413
496
.......................
509
APPENDIX B:
514
APPENDIX C:
SOURCES
APPENDIX A:
BIBLIOGRAPHY'
....
516
.............
519
...............
(iv)
.....
543
PREFACE
Existing
pre-1955
period
followed.
Yet
tine
the
about
cal
long
the
to be misplaced;
proved
run
Peronism
since
Peronist
Left
and is
thus
ing
development
to account
despite
a definitive
figures
for
Left
the
were
Argen-
question
can be brought
Left
will
about
in
developments
potency.
of the Peronist
have to reveal
far
(v)
Moreover,
Latin
more than
the
America,
change
America.
thesis,
this
Left
ambitions
for
within
and political
of how social
No claims
Left,
seen in Latin
Peronist
its
is
the Montoneros,
scholars
and in writing
order
of it
Analysis
yet
the perennial
numerical
history
kind
of its
in
own right
organisation,
guerrilla
of why, so far
its
its
trends.
political
students,
Peronist
the
an explanation
leading
with
in
of those
to all
of interest
In studying
thwarted,
radi-
in
score
mark on recent
of more general
and national
aims were
for
the Peronist
were abortive.
who grapple
activists
gest
spawned an urban
rapidly
which
to be studied
deserves
to an understanding
essential
also
to speculate
Peronist
inside
made their
and certainly
Left
why these
explain
on this
the
both
struggles
had arrived
a force
becoming
once again
a num-
history.
political
The Peronist
to
in Argen-
left-wing
a strong
nevertheless,
of spectacular
protagonists
force
political
change in Argentina.
social
1960's
of Peronism
possibility
the
In particular,
late
scene by the
on the
to say about
1955 overthrow
changes.
on the
concentrated
as a vibrant
survived
the
after
important
of
have mainly
politics
ber
of Peronism
studies
my main
and
have to date
before
limitation
and the
crucial
areas
the rendering
ist
becomes feasible.
euch a project
inadequacy
economy,
enough material
of competent
analyses
of the rise
same time,
this
of guerrilla
urban
the novel
phases,
leaves
theories
much premature,
faith
in
The basic'
initial
chapters
A third
tendency
is
for
available
of the Peron-
of this
are devoted
early
appeared,
they
along
below.
Argentine
guerrilla
epis-
guerrilla
methods
urban
demonstrated
below,
of a cul-de-sac.
at
attempt,
something
of recent
and
however,
are very
still
campaigns
retain
is
quite
to the multifarious
treatment
of which
the
examines
1960's
thesis
ideological
emergence
and military
for
the
chapters
organisations
Two
straightforward.
influences
ignored
to
Peronist
Left
collapse
of the
the perform-
evaluate
Peronist
of the
as a
Left
1960's.
the Argentine
Party
Left
rural
Requiems,
concerned.
the
examining
efficacy
political
and not
in
with
to fuse
of this
warfare
must be emphasised
(Socialist
ially
such
gone through
of the recent
the late
It
Left
is
this
in
works
and fall
concerned
Having
many protagonists
structure
initiative;
ance of the
since
for
chapter
the
in
of guerrilla
Left,
on the Peronist
date.
feature
The failure
the
is
success.
as Argentina
as far
thesis
by some organisations
attempt
mass struggles.
with
first
published
as political
possibilities
their
of existing
despite
Left.
At the
least
Nevertheless,
Left
this
due to their
the Argentine
A comparative
thesis
had declined
open hostility
"New Left"
study
features
Peronist
the
towards
dealt
of the Argentine
Left
are
Left
before
only
(vi)
the
The traditional
generally.
with
that
Peronist
Peronism,
with
might
and
tangentwell
be
if
fruitful
the future,
in
undertaken
is
forces
left-wing
Revolutionary
Party.
three
of all
1955 Argentine
were the
est
value
the
Peronist
Left
volumes
Left
of those
ential
about
been Anglicized
Tation
when they
in brackets
the
readers
throughout
organisations
first
the
through
based upon
but
copies
and indeed
as a number of interviews
and guerrilla
organisations.
work in
to construct
order
of speeches
for
texts
two chapters.
in Appendix
organisations
a jungle
after
using
text
for
those
initials.
(vii)
with
Much
a chron-
and other
in
the
of the
Further
case
infludetails
C.
are referred
to in
the
of initials,
their
names have
the Spanish
Initials
mentioned.
thought
political
by
over dusty
poring
the first
with
Of greatissued
publications
Diary
in
on post-
time.
the present
at
of the
their
were largely
spent
where possible
are
is
Socialist
Argentina,
Left
Left
and other
Finally,
one hundred
present
as Pierce-as-It
to be found
are
sources
than
to newspaper
discussed
ideologists
More than
Rather
political
illustrations
providing
exist
as well
interventions.
parliamentary
Argentine
An Obituary?
outlines
for
the Peronist
reviews
Congressional
of the
to my departure
general
and several
of events,
was an essent-
of other
not
tentative
on the Peronist
themselves,
devoted
was also
ology
in
political
members of Peronist
is
project
upon request.
works
politics
Left
only
used in researching
few other
very
two are
prior
are available
The sources
primary;
Communist Party);
written
sources,
secondary
when this
The ERP:
papers:
"The Lion
Army);
The latter
1896-1958.
time
in my estimation
to my three
Painted"
time
interested
referred
the
at
of the Peronist
analysis
Anybody
prerequisite.
but
name plus
are periodically
monotony,
transrepeated
text.
with
however,
is
to its
abbreviated
a list
deals
section
where a whole
Spanish
is
of abbreviations
terms
right
deserve
ent
ment of impeccable
his
he gave me that
periodic
the
labour
ical
his
formations
be regarded
not
Theory
ment of Politics
thanked
the
ions
for
project.
as mutually
in
providing
Several
on technical
Unfortunately,
number of Argentines
In addition,
discussions
text,
Left,
deals
in
mainly
with
on the
polit-
Research
of Liverpool
Council
this
which
the Department
of Newcastle
during
Newcastle
colleagues
for
study
the writing-up
made valuable
to be
phase of
suggest-
questions.
who helped
to mention
me in
(viii)
by name a considerable
so many ways.
would
of Political
facilities
able
to
without
both
the University
I am not
to
of Companero and a
fruitful
Science
the University
former
my thanks
my own concentrates
studentship,
me with
when one
complementary.
in
so important
the
Peronist
of the
a research
me with
providing
1955, whereas
and
comments on my work,
collection
in
establish-
ideas
to express
as several
contri-
his
stimulating
is
like
mentioned
way,
to be an excell-
proved
his
which
precious
and their
go to him for
for
also
as well
work,
movement since
and military
some extent
of his
Little
many valuable
I would
documents,
Since
Buenos Aires.
from
their
of Spanish
a glossary
project
thanks
encouragement
loan
the
of scarce
couple
Apart
name
the bibliography.
this
standards,
on a "Long March".
out
sets
My sincere
academic
with
Walter
do lose
readers
after
me with
Dr.
suggestions.
useful
along
thesis,
recognition.
supervisor.
research
If
provided
helped
A number of people
butions
initials.
end of the
the
at
its
one particular-organisation,
with
They range
from
academics
illas
to personal
Argentine
present
from
to journalists,
political
conferment
of a death
dispensable,
whether
but
discussions,.
informed
risks
in my work,
they
which
Finally,
ient
ful
work,
took
it
the form
the
took
and the
my typist
her magnificent
Apart
Mrs.
like
to express
from
the
they
confidence
which
E. Wallace
deserves
informal
material
time which
for
her
and her
cooperation.
Gillespie
Department
of Politics
The University-of
Newcastle
upon Tyne.
June 1979.
(ix)
the
in me.
placed
thanks
Richard
they
to them for
to meet my dead-line
efforts
in-
political
my thanks
the
interviews,
of underground
guerr-
In
was absolutely
of personal
provision
urban
contacts.
contribution
contacts.
I would
and from
them would
naming
Their
sentence..
lawyers,
me to establish
situation,
to further
or introductions
invested
who helped
friends
to
authors
efficcheer-
INTRODUCTION
The term
"Peronist
Peronists
those
sense - i. e.
those
It
itself
is
leaders,
ally,
indirect
the aid
of popular
votes
through
mechanisms
was less
Peronist
Left
and vice
versa.
Under the
Peronists
of militant
in
government
fervour
of the
of their
term,
only
1960's
for
nationalism.
several
and early
years
1970's
with
that
it
-1-
was Peronist
of forms,
mainly
com'De
on the review
the defence
Left,
in
the late
1950's
tendency
in
re-emerged
the growth
the
The Peronist
it
or
a left-wing
of 1946-55,
before
introduced
Left.
a revolutionary
in
participation
of the State
collaborators
in
rhetoricin an
has never
so,
proposed
developed
really
into
and crystallized
declined
differed
and also
of Peron and
except
popular
control
group,
they
was or
than a Peronist
as
is
Peronism
sovereignty
to the extent
that
Peronism"
Peronism
Peronism
being
In characterising
Frente'.
Socialism
capitalism,
governments
in
present
was only
This
Peronist
early
who posited
the
popular
"leftist"
regard
direct
be exercised.
Movement could
tendency
which
and modern
sovereignty
governments
income,
political
original
orthodox
to denote
of popular
to popular
Though Peronist
sense.
that
challenged
been committed
thesis
"Left-Wing
goal.
Peronism,
has never
the
those
all
inference
Official
this
proponents
embraces
possible
left-wing.
Peronist
in both
or long-term
due to its
in
employed
an immediate
avoided
is
and anti-capitalist.
either
Left"
of Peronism
in
sectors
the fullest
strongly
1960's
It
in
then
the
Youth
the
sense
and early
1963-64.
of the Peronist
with
late
and
-2-
Peronist
politico-military
Peronist
Left
steady
was thus
irregular
to be found
the
in
theoretical
the
principal
however,
duction
is
discuss
will
geoisie
history
with
labour
research
into
one can at
though
least
clarify
not
definitive,
of research
constrained
political
one's
projects
by the
of the national
thesis
This
on which
bourgeoisie
in
broad
in
present
they
as an introintroductbourthe radic-
1955,
of it,
evidence
after
and cite
are,
than
of the national
Each could,
assumptions
the
history
has characterised
decades.
There
The reader,
sources.
or sectors
is
linked
to what follows
force
national
bourgeoisie,
subject
Argentine
The weakening
another
thesis
introduction.
potted
independent
them one is
In discussing
of this
yet
the decline
movement for
be the
hoped will,
underpin
Argentina.
themes:
three
of the petty
Argentine
which
of post-war
background.
period
falls.
matter
to existing
as a strong,
alisation
subject
this
thesis
as an introduction
be presented
referred
assumptions
the
are
truncated
than
rather
1.
by
directly
themselves,
the
which
in
contained
chapters
theoretical
and they
derivative,
discussion
into
ing,
substantive
sections
certain
as a whole
ion
the
of
growth.
Most of the
to
The development
organizations.
same
sectors
and it
their
the
is
the
of
to be
own right.
inadequacies
structures
some of the
of
but
exist-
are based.
as an independent
For an outline
history,
political
of the background
see Angel
(Buenos Aires:
Peronismo
Ediciones
Cairo,
Centro
de
claves
Estudios
Ernesto
Aporte,
Gonzalez,
1975;
ue fue
ue es el
Ediciones
Pluma,
(Buenos Aires:
1974);
& Donald
C.
peronismo
76.
National
Hodges,
1
The
Argentina
Revolution
and Reeist-1
Press,
1976).
On economic
trends,
of New Mexico
ance(University
M6nica Peralta
Ramos, Eta as de acumulacib
see particularly
ny
de clases
(Buenos Aires:
1930-1970
en is Argentina,
alianzas
Siglo
XXI Argentina
Editores,
1972).
-3-
political
of foreign
tration
industry
data
cites
which
national
companies
times
the
during
50,
for
from
49 to 29 over
U. S. companies
The stake
16 in
from
towards
by IZiosi's
The number of
1957 to 8 by 1966;
21 in
1957 to
grew at a rate
in
enterprise
foreign
13 by
in Argentina
of foreign
"denat-
industries
of nationally-owned
growth
pene-
industrial
U. S. capi-
with
the decade
in
investment
1959-1969.3
capital
sector,
a decline
indirect
control
clearly
which
appears
and influence
120 companies,
or controlled
by foreign
private)
capital
corporations,
of the national
using
of companies
control
the decline
reveal
the leading
Argentine
and direct
on ownership
foreign
2.
from
to the average
1960's.
growing
of manufacturing
100 companies.
25 fell
superior
Statistics
1.
top
Cepeda,
accounting
from
ally
leading
production
tal
the
to Ramil
areas
of the tendency
of 25 companies,
group
According
3-5
for
of the
among the
Evidence
1950's.
of the Argentine
ionalisation"
study
key dynamic
into
capital
the
since
force
and economic
account.
1971 data,
and that
private
N. A. C. L. A. 's study
showed that
to foreign
of
66 were owned'
of the remaining
10 were state-owned,
linked
by
54
2 were mixed
4
interests.
form(state-
Lou em resarios
1955-1969
Jorge Niosi,
y el estado ar entino
(Buenos Aires:
Editores,
Siglo XXI Argentina
1974), p. 215.
(Buenos
de una burguesfa
dependiente
Carlos Ramil Cepeda, Crisis
de la Rosa Blindada,
Ediciones
1972), p. 26.
Aires:
3.
(North American
N. A. C. L. A.
in the Hour of the Furnaces
4.
Ibid.,
p. 29.
-4National
technology,
40% devaluation,
local
generated
from
(valued
2,982
proved
9 of them being
both
of
top
1968 to
companies
of the multiby
were purchased
120 companies
oper-
of the
promotion
did not
links
always
economic
ties
operating
boycott
Ibid.,
bourgeoisie
p. 24.
with
were far
commercial
diversified.
However,
and "Socialist"
countries
instance,
to by-pass
the
The establish-
significance.
Cuba, for
in Argentina
years
enabled
the U. S. car
the official
U. S.
of Cuba.
World
have an anti-imperialist
ment of commercial
subsidiaries
Third
with
trade
1973-76
Seven important
1940's.
and foreign
late
the
market,
to buy up local
profits
in
measures
on profit
the domestic
to stimulate
were
1973 initiat-
restrictions
to use their
"national"
those
than
more limited
Illia's
trend
this
to resist
years.
corporations
Peronist
companies.
Illia
of an attempt
part
foreign
led
the
three
in just
collapsing
expatriations,
1.
among the
in
as national
companies
bourgeoisie
by the national
Attempts
only
1970,
technology
Argentine
1963-71,53
and purchases
new pesos)
in
advanced
Vasena's
in Argentina.
ating
ives
the
Krieger
to N. A. D. L. A. bankrupcies
million
new pesos)
to compete with
interests,
foreign
324.7
at
1.15 billion
Between
nationals.
According
for
capital
The pro-mono-
and sales.
of bankrupcies
a spate
and small-sized
on foreign
especially
government,
(valued
1,647
at
unable
purchases
by multinationals.
companies
increased
Ongania
of the
medium-
dependent
credits,
patents,
policies
poly
operating
enterprises,
its
now generally
capital,
Peronist
to improve
experience
its
demonstrated
position
vis--vis
was that
foreign
for
the
capital
-5during
a period
working
class
and other
popular
postponed
until
the national
being
tradiction
that,
ases in
team of
in
be seen,
1973-74
monopolistic
rebel
foreign
against
Left
Left
ment is
al
the questions
to be incorporated
is
geoisie
the
in
resides
and whether
as a class
to late
of the middle
leading
foreign
is
into
Given
1940's,
some major
capital
in
to reduce
its
of its
to
strength)
of the nationin
and
"golden
to expect
this
the advanced
general
the
no reason
by
develop-
capitalist
the weakening
participation
bour-
supported
of alliances
to emerge from
crisis
but
the national
economic
of the Peronist
of the bourgeoisie
there
In
businessmen.
or not
a system
interests
fraction.
greater
a phase of independent
nationalism
and consistent
there
of whether
fraction
of the Argentine
the decline
possibly,
or not
(though
to an analysis
in Argentina.
viable
still
bourgeoisie
strong
discussion
of this
The relevance
the
bourgeoisie
concerns,
incre-
the Peronist
in
non-monopolistic
capital
minimal
and petty
as a class
the national
cause
improve
in
of
had less
which
elite
figures
the fact
least
or at
of the workers
representative
operating
in
needed both
own weakness
the leading
lay
redistribution
were not
mainly
general,
bourgeoisie
income
project
development
independent
its
income distribution
with
Peronist
of the
were required
1973-76
to make up for
as will
sacrifices
sectors,
and minimal
accumulation
bourgeoisie
crisis,
the national
consumption
of capital
the
to promote
order
own position,
fact,
in
present
in
its
of economic
sector
years"
a
unless,
metropolis,
in
the Argentine
economy.
In courting
Peronist
Left
the national
was to look
bourgeoisie,
to its
real
a major
or imaginery
sector
of the
"national"
status
_6.
down its
bourgeois
while
playing
Youth
and Montoneros
accepted
including
the bourgeois
in
1973,
in
evident
their
of Socialism
postulation
on the
calls
latter
in
must proceed
this
Peronist
Left
position
to its
logical
of
to initially
were
foreign
lead
of
members,
data
lack
class
in
between
ingly
and loosely
intermediate
dealing
class
All
as "the
strata",
structure.
this
This
specifically
is
to lead.
too
important
this
class
"the
classes",
the
its
is
literature
total
lack
of the
this
group and
studies
of
intermediate
referred
middle
specific
of
a result
with
sociological
Nowhere in
the road
and theradicalisation
class.
discussing
would
and working
that
bourgeoisie
from
of theoretical
middle
without
learnt
Youth
down wages
along
often
their
of industry
greatly
appeal
and Peronist
reforms
having
revol-
potential
to hold
sectors
re-
that
They considered
strikes.
bourgeoisie
with
the bourgeoisie
class
overall
dealing
general.
only
nationalist
one is
designed
nationalist
it
project,
Taking
class.
the
the name
Left
the
reduced
of dynamic
nationalism,
of the infancy
a reflection
this
outlaw
statistics
of official
Pact
that
on the grounds
the Nontoneros
a Social
the petty
When examining
Socialism
conclusion,
to these
in
position
Peronist
to the working
sector
In fact,
in its
published
of stages,
and control
Socialism.
some of its
a series
Movement seeking
a Peronist
towards
for
and practically
ownership
class
the majoritarian
support
two years
for
their
demonstrated
only
being
only
Resistance
goal.
Peronists
struggle
radicalism
hegemony in
ultimate
of Peronism
composition
their
class
to sacrifice
an immediate
class
sectors,
as the
The Peronist
membership.
given
working
Moreover,
of nationalism.
ution
the
of bourgeois
part
were unwilling
nouncing
for
calls
class
to fleet-
sectors"
role
within
on Argentina
or "the
the
does
-7bourgeoisie
the petty
adequate
"proletarianisation"
the
about
receive
of this
attention
and glib
class
left
are
assertions
as articles
of
faith.
In analysing
the
between
iate
independent
in
traditional
role
Though differentiated,
they
a social
Members of this
proletarian.
not
constitute
wage labour
exploit
On the
of wage labour.
ation
capital
and exploited
working
class
workers.
class
or are not
for
which
Marx at
hand,
least
is
which
has argued
that
in
in
nor
they
do
the exploit-
employees
mainly
do not
clearly
that
bourgeois
neither
involved
while
this
and administrative
bourgeois,
primarily
they
)
etc.
- the
are not
other
by capital,
bourgeoisie
Poulantzas
class
traders,
or disappear
workers
of the economic
of the State.
together
(small
bourgeoisie
and service
workers
the expansion
with
especially
epoch,
to different-
office
sector
important
is
doomed to decline
is
capitalism,
or tertiary
it
petty
which
collar
white
form
part
of
of the
More work
could
fractions,
or old
),
etc.
craftsmen,
(commercial
bourgeoisie,
the petty
bourgeoisie
of Peronist
fraction
which
the
Left
1960's
during
1.
Classes
Nicos Poulantzas,
Verso, 1978), Part 3.
2.
See below,
backgrounds
organisations
involved
1970's.
and early
chapters 4,5
of Argentine
here
what data
for
was mainly
ion
but
in
discussion
there
strongly
in
2
is
of the
on the
class
suggests
that
Appendix
it
radicalisat-
Capitalism
old
be limited
will
petty-bourgeois
Contemporary
6
plus
and
guerrillas.
the unity
petty..
(London:
A on the social
is
-8bourgeois
component
students
representing,
even greater
is
bureaucratised
of
the
in
be remembered
bourgeois.
the working
They tend
letarianisation".
than
This,
the working
however,
erse class-.
certain
ially
is
often
not
applicable
is
entering
in
crisis
class
to all
into
does not
rem-
non-
bourgeoisie
or otherwise
them-
regard
are not
have a tremendous
fear
identical
"pro-
of
contempt
fractions
working
has
hope to become
interests
superior
displaying
circumstances,
when society
to feel
class,
Sectors
and they
class
to levels
from
productive
members generally
Their
standards
activity.
do become bourgeois
occasionally
of
that
its
-
aspirations
as already
mental
this
''it
of the new
conditions
but
strata
as a
capitalism,
standards
certain
petty
when crushed
Living
separating
must also
bourgeois,
to those
barrier
social
vertical
working-class
class
traditional
class
living
conflicts.
must be treat-
of the
"proletarianisation".
labour
productive
the
in
the
and ideas
in class
certain
fundamental
It
its
with
sectors
of the working
in
and non-
by the behaviour
strengths
degree
class,
"proletarianisation"
major
a decline
by privileged
experienced
ove the
that
concentration
bourgeoisie
may be reduced
relative
the ranks
to equate
a mistake
and their
true
may join
of capital
result
influenced
class
revolutionary
of
how-
of the
as an intermediate
greatly
of petty-bourgeois
While
care.
bourgeoisie
selves
is
bourgeoisie
bourgeoisie,
terms
with
element
bureaucratised
into
Moreover,
employees,
bourgeois
in
explicable
subdivisions
etc.
ed with
petty
sectors,
The notion
is
Even amongst
experienced,
of exploitation
new petty
a pre-petty
heterogeneity,
great
appear
in most cases,
magnitude.
there
ever,
here would
for
manual labour.
of this
highly
positions
alliances,
div-
under
espec-
movement appears
-9and inspires
strong
Employees
in
confidence
and self-employed
of a fairly
evidence
to the rest-of
relative
number of-state
State
from
and then
between
At a more general
level,
socio-economic
comparing
the
61,
have
period,
the
it
demise
"upper
"middle
the
Obviously,
seems
less
the
of
the
top
sector"
empirical
traditional
bankrupcies,
as has
been
of
in
Argentina
their
needs
to
the
bourgeoisie.
Ongania's-deflationary
seen
above,
rising
of this
trend.
of pettyN. A. C. L. A.,
between
share
and
doing
a very
the
lowest
here.
Peronist
The latter
policies,
1953-
this
in
suffered
a 1.2% cut
work
sectors
indications
1950's.
relation
petty
1955-66
(71-90)
sector"
in
the
early
income
(21-70f)
important
as a result
the
10% increased
middle
more
particularly
from
family
static
of "rationalisation"
as a result
of
only
the
whereas
a 5% cut.
though
that
shown
cut,
slight
distribution
as the
relatively
by the reversal
The
years.
period,
50-65% in
the railways.
decline
There
employees
of petty-bourgeois
1966-1970
especially
bourgeois
by between
like
1960.1
forty
1945-50
remained
be provided
enterprises,
state
the past
the
the radicalisation
may well
in
over
activities,
grew again
for
in
society.
something
population
grew by 45% in
1960's
in
the late
increase
population
economic
One reason
years.
in
its
extended
1950-55
the
employees
represented
Argentine
rapid
to transform
capacity
persons
its
20
and,
Left,
on
suffered
with
sharply.
1.
(Centro
de Investigaciones
O.
S.
Sociales)
C. I. C.
Los
en Ciencias
Composici6n social
izatives
orientaciones
or
asalariados.
(Buenos Aires:
C. I. C. S. O., n. d. ), p. 124.
2.
Ibid.
3.
N. A. C. L. A.,
p. 223.
op. cit.
p. 28.
10Radicalisation
the ban on party
the State
to turn
sectors
towards
the
force
and rebellion.
The provincial
being
sectors
of the
"Argentine
bourgeoisie,
ests
ly
individualism,
ations
1.
(at
significant
only
of protest
of 1969-72
with
saw
the support
in
of
1966-73
in
urban
sub-ensemble",
of a certain
type
he argues,
op cit.,
the
case,
pp.
and sectors
but
their
did
inter-
most of the
positions.
working-class
situation
guerrilla
warfare,
participation
of the
examined
pointing
content
at work and
in elitist
as it
small
was minimal.
of the
at a general
"petty-bour-
level,
is high-
radicalism.
of "reformist
287-299.
The
of petty-bourgeois
to be full
really
bourgeoisie.
be seen,
isolated
discussion
to the Argentine
Poulantzas,
their
this
of protest
workers
as will
adopt
working-class
Poulantzas'
ideological
in
whether
methods
Nor,
least
expression
in which
actions
a tendency,
in
- the
combative
sectors
rooted
market
found
relevant
led
as a form
of the petty
with
alliance
petty-bourgeois
Here,
geois
the streets
resisting
become identical.
not
on the labour
group
in
to militant
resorted
a loose
into
sectors)
This
and revolts
a mass "proletarianisation"
radicalised
Their
expropriated
participation
action
once again,
bourgeoisie
did
risings
petty
politically
parties.
direct
to
Revolution".
represented
entered
capital,
effected'by
attempting
- and towards
by students
However,
petty
The military,
and other
joined
was also
institutionalised
labour
mass opposition
workers
it
the. Radicals
through
sectors
1966.
denying
bourgeoisie,
petty
from
activity
consolidate
the
of petty-bourgeois
illusions"
It
displays
because
the
- 11 -
petty
bourgeoisie
form,
the structure
hidden
from
of the
While
it.
without
rather
than
labour
justice"
it
"a family
radicals
rather
than
with
renovate
This
of major
and in
type
ional
1.
general
society
motive.
they,
or their
it,
it
the
imagines
attitudes
the structure
leadership
rejuvenation"
p. 292.
of its
of the
were very
Peronist
in
thereby.
"does not
As
want to
of the Peronist
be seen,
in
faith
evidence
in
their
hope of
their
in
Left
Movement through
their
is
much in
of the State,
personnel,
can rise
component
As will
structures,
the State
that
can climb".
portrays
wants
Many petty-bour-
bourgeoisie
it
it
of England
and educational
progeny,
petty
accurately
even though
vision
assuming
is
radicalism
control".
the State
of the Montoneros.
to question
Ibid.,
seeks a
technocracy
petty-bourgeois
of the petty-bourgeois
sectors
the
that
theory
petty-bourgeois
inheriting
it
by the profit
of Orwell's
reminded
them completely,
by which
particular
failure
distri-
a more meritocratic
puts
ladders
the
division,
to hierarchy,
seek to democratise
Poulantzas-succinctly
break
of
Moreover,
attachment
One is
and feeling
neutral
income
globally.
be constrained
not
for
labour
desiring
comments that
by its
limited
geois
system
economic
means little
Poulantzas
to be reordered.
being
the idea
defends
it
radicals.
Finally,
generally
"rich",
demands to calls
labour,
will
often
to petty-bourgeois
remaining
the mental/manual
of mental
mental
"Social
the
the wage
mode of production
to the
its
challenging
questioning
re-evaluation
in which
hostile
in
mainly
exploitation
capitalist
limiting
wage differentials,
bution
its
experiences
a "generat-
the efficacy
12-
of urban
guerrilla
struggle
for
Socialism
been completed.
until
of short-term
self-interest,
in
than
a social
of the
of the
1970's
than
labour
did
in
in
not
that
alternative
to the
their
as a class
while
the
the radical-
with
these
around
stopping
Socialist
years
goals
demonstrated
economic
issues
of offering
short
They did
of Argentine
future
of the
minority
bourgeoisie.
petty
bearing
That
small
in
struggle
the economic
in a more unequivocal
and proselytizing
militant
and early
a key explanatory
class.
class
the fullest
from
treatment,
a fairly
only
regime,
to the latter
appear
which
a political
1960's
Apart
embrace Socialism
the military
Socialist
a clear
for
and capacity
the late
have assumed.
of the working
Broad sectors
a readiness
not
society
hands.
The economistic
the Argentine
exclusively
the
bourgeoisie,
petty
specialised
in mind.
terms
sectors
from
extensive
writers
to the fact
in
less
require
which
bourgeoisie
petty
in
objectively,
factor
ised
many radical
of this,
aspects
was far
term,
Left
revolution.
"Proletarianisation"
sense
Left
had
adopted
Peronist
the
Peronist
who genuinely
that
the
Reconstruction"
to individual
has to be said
it
postures,
rather
of "National
a stage
to postpone
preparedness
class, membership
working-class
participated
their
of petty-bourgeois
cadres
and in
warfare
"natural"
labour
Argentine
ideology
trait
which
movement over
phenomenon.
has characterised
recent
decades
a large
is
class
when left
of
by no means an
of the working
part
by Lenin
to its
as
own devices,
13
a spontaneous
to industrial
response
of the weakness
indicates
In Argentina,
trade
bureaucracy,
union
but
conquests
with
healthy
economic
classes
briefly
conditions
to
has pointed
there
was the
partly
class
which
in
left
the
be successful,
for
economic
to negotiate
to reconcile
to the early
the
Peronist
interests
when the
period
between
such cooperation
did
for
its
but
to tolerate
unions
simply
the
also
their
industrial
as the principal
regardless
itself
Ramos
Firstly,
politically
of non-working
party,
organisational
being
of ideological
have to be as broad
influence.
have never
role
conciliat-
Peralta
of the desertion
a vibrant
essential
of class
disappear.
continued
Trade unions
1955.
of labour
they
not
trade
after
the ideology
subsided,
of repression
instruments,
interests
reformist
leaders
of Peronism: to structure
government
the
of Peronism
reasons
inability
from
sectors
political
leaders
three
a product
Peronism
conditions
by labour
upheld
for
the labour
existed.
Once these
ion
goes back
and capital,
The "participationism"
of their
both
socialisation
of a strong
objectives.
the readiness
is
in
political
unions,
governments
of labour
the rise
aided
It
influence
of bourgeois
success
prepared
for
rarely
the Argentine
of
it
exploitation.
of left-wing
the
of
of
all
bastions
been revolutionary
to defend
and promote
differentiation.
and as legally-tolerated
To
as
1.
2.
Peralta
pp.
14
possible,
the narrow,
unlike
quite
Leninist
clandestine
revolutionary
party.
Secondly,
the
labour
failure
of Peronism
rise
Party's
fascist
the working
of its
Peralta
areas
workers
were better
of
the
ated
workers,
an important
of
the
being
1960's,
its
However,
stratum
paid
1.
Ibid.
both
the
in
workers
the
with
The Communist
contributed
heterogeneity
in dynamic
unskilled
other
of
industin
metal-
sectors
of pro-
of the skill
a question
of
he or she worked.
The well-remunera "labour
aristocracy"
"participationist"
trade
or not,
Union
this
relatively
became
bureaucracy
union
(U. O. M. ) not
Workers
surprisingly
be seen,
reformist
monolithically
car workers
under
of
By 1966,
became less
the Metal
as will
was never
Crdoban
policies,
base for
main axis.
skilled
considered
whether
with
to the growing
separating
in which
significance
as "peronazis"
workers
sector
the Socialist
it
and 1930's.
increased.
than
Wage differentials
productive
identifying
paid
worker
the
Left's
base.
Ramos points
of production
individual
in
1920's
declining
duction.
of the
working-class
class after
sectors
Liberals
of Peronist
characterisation
Finally,
the
Both
had misinterpreted
joining
movements
the decline
rial
Party
Communist
traditional
of the
to Peronism.
alternative
and economism in
of reformism
strength
and the
European
to
continued
to pose a real
Party
the
the
the
led
important
1966-73
military
labour
privileged
The well-
or economistic.
battles
regime
against
government
and again
in
fighting
- 15Peronist
to resist
Many of these
for
the
both
Peronist
is
aristocracy"
All
in
of
this
underpin
of
the
research
thesis
valid
conditionally
this
of
three
themes,
detailed
in
evidence
suggested.
theoretical
for
present
the
the
light
only
of
assumptions
referred
to
less
the
the
above
absence
merely
and fruitful
"labour
phenomenon.
latter
and
two,
of
areas
which
considered
contrary
been
are
empirical
assumptions
but
this
Argentine
with
the
in
worker
international
suggestive
have
high
privileged
militant,
period.
and support
situation,
elaboration
the
1973-76
was certainly
particularly
and
evidence
is-at
introduction,
existing
to this
an exception
more
than
can be exceedingly
The supportive
research.
In
these
need
urgent
being
not
car workers
Left
hit
the
connotations
in a wage freeze
harder
relatively
sectors
political
and non-Peronist
be argued,
As will
sector.
had overt
struggles
down wages in
to hold
attempts
evidence.
clarified,
for
future
some
CHAPTER I
JOHN WILLIAM COOKEAND EARLY PERONIST LEFT IDEOLOGY
stands
William
out
Cooke.
the
Lesser
theoretical
militants
like
Whereas in
ideology-,
is
approach
Cooke's
there
tation
Radical
along
1945.
Radical
1.
turks"
with
most
fell
possessed
See Chapter
which
a powerful
four
in
and Gustavo
debts
is
to Cooke.
Left
a biographical
currents,
considered
suitable
to Peronist
Left
nationalist
Jauretche
the deviations
mass base,
Six.
16
lacked
inherited
Orien-
Radical
de la
organisation
in
allegiance
intellectual
which
of Radical
de Orientacion
his
Firstly,
main phases.
the Force
transferred
but
by
years
of Peronist
elements
by Arturo
challenged
principles
into
the militant
forjistas
Cooke
role.
(Fuerza
Youth
founded
Left,
Movement (Movimiento
contribution
spent
- FAR),
Revolutionary
individual
John
of the Revolutionary
Such an approach
life
FORJA),
-
"young
leader
major
political
of the Argentine
national-popular
which
leading
Peronist
one
as ideological
youthful'years
Joven Argentina
of the
other
here.
political
were his
Olmedo,
both
but
outstanding
and his
ideology
and elaborator:
ideology,
October
17th
chapter
employed
due to Cooke's
inspiration
Armadas Revolucionarias
be examined
will
Left
most important
Enrique
of the
the next
of Peronist
ideologist
only
contributions
?
217),
-
17 de Octubre
principal
earliest,
Carlos
founder
origins
the
not
(Fuerzas
Armed Forces
Rearte,
as its
If
was certainly
the
1935, before
he
to Peronism
the
movement within
of party
of
leaders
a mass base.
many Radical
from
Peronism,
ideas,
in
-17-
leading
forjistas
many
Radical
Party
Radicals
were historically
towards
Peronism
the latter's
of
Cooke,
principles
into
the moderately
Radical
ideas,
analyses
these
years
the
1946-55
not
a Peronist
Socialist
in
is
1950's
by Enrique
but
some of the
staffing
converts,
to democratic
failed
and then
De Frente
review
stage,
Peronist
A small
Cooke's
Dickmann,
to win
that
joined
support
period
by some
during
but
the Peronist
for
in
what existed
led by Cooke,
from
of
to accept
activism
chiefly
splinter
This
beginning
years
as editor
influenced
still
but
Peronism,
to his
corresponded
so as to demonstrate
tendency.
led
Party,
only
implications.
was a militant
Left
to the
regard
government
a transitional
below
studied
period
the early
Peronist
had socialist
which
The movement of
with
development
Peronist
a fervent
already
and the
camp.
the first
through
own tendency
them a commitment
with
phase of Cooke's
influential
but
apparatus
the Peronist
under
their
redundant.
were to carry
The second
that
was important
political
including
as a deputy
to consider
Movement
ideas
socialist
there.
In
the third
Cooke remained
the
phase,
leading
that
of the
early
representative
Resistencia
of militant
years
Peronism.
He
1.
Jauretche,
FORJA
la decada
Editor,
1962).
Forjistas
2.
3.
"La Resistencia"
to the Peronist
resistance
movement and
refers
during the period between the 1955 military
coup and
struggles
the 1959 General Strike,
though some writers
use the term in
to the whole 1955-1973 period of Peronist
referring
opposition.
18became Peron's
and leader
direct
of the National
resistance
tory,
resistance
effective
bombings,
the
of clandestine
Cuban Revolution,
and its
ideas,
strategic
ditions.
Cooke's
Peronist
convergence
Argentine
Left
Since
briefly
will
and written
mentary
his
55,
of
examine
early
the
latter
lacked
of
Peronist
1968 death,
Cuban revolution
to Argentine
Marxism
earliest
a key Peronist
influence
con-
retaining
while
of the Peronist-
example
feature
his
life
his
Cooke's
leader
of the
the
with
will
works were,
in
the main,
then,
chapter
speeches
to his
lastly,
parliaof 1954-
editorials
Peron and,
strategy
this
political
refer
De Frente
characterisation
on revolutionary
his
analyse
latter
of the
correspondence
1970's
the
to Cuban-style
of 1946-51,
in which
that
engaged
was this
earliest
of the
cause
adapting
Treatment
works.
published
Though true
It
his
1959 until
interventions
and articles
which
in
a decade later.
ideological
individual
while
represented
Guevarist
lay
by the impact
reinforced
from
embraced the
conversion
affiliation
authority
warfare.
Cooke openly
which
the
but which
etc.,
there
Finally,
led
guerrilla
of urban
proponent
during
which
groups
independently.
later
and
more concilia-
and Cooke's
on walls,
operated
warfare,
in
- other,
clandestine
slogans
and often
to coordinate
movement.
the small
daubing
coordination
experience
labour
in Argentina
influence
by Perbn
endorsed
comandos,
sabotage,
Cooke's
be exaggerated
not
the
weak in
"delegate")
attempted
However,
activities.
had credentials
was generally
in
Command which
movement should
leaders
the
representative
official
resistance
(or
to the books
of Peronism,
were further
estimation
developed.
published
only
Cooke's
ideas
in
the
were
- 19 known to activists
before
tant
then
via
clandestine
to the
of the
sectors
and personal
publications
contact
development
ideological
of impor-
Left.
of Irish
nomad,
Jorge
a total
friendship
Conservatives
in
Eguren
for
ation
those
his
but
father's
in
Dr.
father,
1945,
closest
the rise
Juan Isaac
engaged in
Spruille
At the time
Nation-
Revolution".
another
of Pern within
a diplomatic
was Minister
and political
advisor
of the decisive
in
resisting
the
pressures
1.
Alberto
Opini6n
2.
de John, "
Eguren de Cooke, "Notas pars una biografia
Alicia
(15th-21st
September 1971),
9
Nuevo Hombre (Buenos Aires),
no.
p. 10.
Szpunberg,
Cultural
the
admir-
October
Cooke,
Braden,
the
Cooke's
as "Radical,
by Cooke as just
latter.
through
death,
great
began
against
and contradictory
changed with
attitude
fighting
politics
the US ambassador,
of the
early
a close
Cooke himself
his
and
John William's
at university
After
of a secret
in
Cooke's
Relations
against
full
struggling
his
described
For ista,
Popular,
and then
(FUA).
of his
and maintained
Balbin.
that
of bohemian
During
as a Radical
1930's
Federation
heritage
mixture
Radical
Ricardo
school
secondary
University
widow Alicia
the
Irish
politics".
Radical,
during
life
political
alist,
was ardently
leading
with
attributed
for
passion
family
his
upbringing,
Argentine
Cooke,
when he described
with
La Plata
in
It
origin.
brother,
personality
his
popular
" La
"El pensamiento vivo de un militante,
(Buenos Aires),
9th September 1973, p. 2.
-20-
of October
mobilisation
immediately
Cards
the
Congressmen
Congress
ication
by being
In a firmly
argued
national
acts
and material
counterpart
former".
of
clashed
with
Cooke's
member of the
he refused
being
Minister
in material
inequality
which
his
Congressional
to be quiescent.
yet
re-adopted,
his
dissidence,
latter
practical
were a
juridical
by
measures
For Cooke,
that
sophism:
Cooke
be defended
movements.
tends
Charter.
by inter-
the
only
ratif-
of the
equality
to outweigh
has
the
to be a man of principle,
to toe
prepared
the
party
line
a man
when it
convictions.
training
legal
Nations
through
liberation
other
because
Here,
at
mark in
out against
United
could
a sophism
integrity
great
which
and Foreign
made his
he declared,
is
It
as a deputy
be guaranteed
not
dangerous
"a
based
upon
were
of States.
In fact,
with
solidarity
agreements
equality
could
sovereignty,
President
the Argentine
its
explaining
to Argentine
challenge
the
speech
and charters.
he commented.
to Perbn demanded
to stand
and the
sovereignty
national
deputy
of Chapultepec
anti-imperialist
that
loyalty
He immediately
Peronist
the only
the Treaty
of
that
of Peronists.
on the part
servility
the notion
and rejected
predicted
age of 25.
He
on Martin
a few days",
1946 elections,
ensuing
detention
the
as a lawyer.
of Perbn's
on October
was announced
the response:
In
the importance
recognised
when it
1945,
him to play
enabled
Committee
In
1951,
the following
an important
Matters,
on Constitutional
he paid
year
again
for
his
stood
dissidence
out,
this
role
as a
but
by not
time
p. 2.
1.
Szpunberg,
2.
op.
cit.,
-21-
by opposing
as an antecedent
Pact
1973 Social
the
to
as the key
to
productivity
Eguren,
Cooke did
William
not
liamentary
life,
ptations.
He later
(Theatre)
Cooke the
ing
his
bridle
myself
that
of the
contract
his
out
of world
witness
trade
with
science
of the )Iovement,
ible.
Cooke himself
within
Peronism,
time
1.
Eguren,
op.
2.
Szpunberg,
3.
Ibid.
but
cit.
op.
living
up to its
became a figurehead
not
ism at that
De Frente
cit.
challenging
adopting
claim
of the
the political
a hard
line
seeing
that
economy,
"incorr-
self-styled
his
critique
signing
Oil
it
taking
after
political
Perbn's
Colon
he initiated
of Standard
to the
Per6n offered
Instead,
De Frente,
and opposed
branch
the Argentine
in
In it
reality".
bureaucracy
union
lectureship
it,
don't
"I
tem-
Evita
he rejected
par-
era as "as-
They went
of office,
John
seductive
of that
the world".
but
own publication,
leaving
at
and its
regime.
of obsequiousness".
of Buenos Aires
up a University
uptible
kind
dismayed
deputies
independence:
political
with
Cooke brought
term
of Democracia
editorship
the
were men of
second Peronist
the
During
would
they
to show that
Peronist
into
themselves
and heterogen-
limitations
its
spoke of the
to integrate
piring
he saw both
upon in-
For Alicia
a timid
to be particularly
appear
for
in
Peronists
emphasis
salvation.
Jacobin
"rearguard"
left
due to its
economic
creased
ous parliament"
by
later
seen
-
Congress
the Productivity
of a
of California.
con-
and political
to being
incorrupttendency
more militant
objectives
on how to defend
of Peronthe
22 -
government
first
for
Technical
but
for
Peronist'Party
in
Cooke found
a corrupt
his
aroused
Cooke's
of popular
Freute
force
which
idea
backed up by popular
essential
the idea
1.
2.
3.
since
and
could
be
not
basicas,
to win support
for
This
widow,
the coming
unidades
an attempt
for
of the
to his
to
this
experience
a friend
a military
mobilisations
popular
one writer,
was to organise
the Superior
of creating
bureau-
even before
arrest
the
coup.
defeat
would
technology
Interventor
which
the
as Secretary
for
structure
unions
called
Abraham Guill&n,
The basic
time
according
to Franco,
War veteran
the
not
There,
in
units,
mobilisation
according
plan,
a job
trade
Party
opposition
Resistance
Spanish
for
visiting
1955 military
September
Civil
Capital.
cracy,
is
was appointed
He searched
Peronist
strong
("It
and bureaucratic
intervention,
strategy
When offered
1955.
and instead
the Federal
changed overnight.
the base-level
person
he refused
Affairs,
politics")
military
grew.
of June 16th
bombardment
aerial
it
to
as opposition
militias,
reaching
through
and support.
of
him through
and collaborator
a clandestine
revolt
Council
on
urban
guerrilla
guerrilla
actions
Clandestinity
the Peronist
due to a firm
Party
veto
De
was
had rejected
from
even the
Ibid.
Here, "Interventor"
by the Peronist
means a trustee
appointed
to take over the running
leadership
The same
of a party branch.
to trustees
by the federal
term is used to refer
appointed
to
trustees
to
provincial
authorities
and
replace
sent
government
to replace
local union officials.
trade union leaderships
by national
6
The
National
1
Donald C. Hodges, Argentina
Revolution
and
-1
(USAs University
Resistance
of New Mexico Press, 1976 pp. 191-196.
23
"Peronist"
Despite
structure.
go behind
This
was also
to extend
seeking
between
distinction
a sharp
opposition.
co-existence
between
"1
Peronist
that
was opening
but
critically
national
problems".
the
"truce"
tember
period
favour
his
after
parties:
norms that
"While
they
they
adhere
" in
legality
must be fought".
2.
3.
Ibid.
1.
no.
78 (5th
September
for
stage
parties
the solution
own zig-zags
ended,
and violent
to legal
in mid-1955
in
norms,
in which
is
nos.
70 & 71 (11th
editorial.
partici-
of the great
of the June-SepCooke spoke in
according
rebellion,
editorial.
could
to the
relation
it
methods";
measures"
Violent
1955),
drew
peaceful
"by revolutionary
was officially
to constitutional
commitment
of the
and violent
end of the
Per6n's
time,
opposition
"drastic
that
is
the
meant the
Following
legal
with
as it
dimensions
Cooke called
announced
up in which
Cooke, at
De Frente
parties
constructively,
2
that
in
how to deal
this
but
by Peron,
be confused,
and social
were to be achieved
objectives
a new stage
pate,
Pern
by September,
not
should
political
the political
After
the
guerrilla
when adopted
the view
with
organise
practice
to
were prepared
1956.
After
concessions.
January
The editorials
Revolution".
"Peronist
in
came to fruition
Left,
Peronist
by the
today
and secretly
of Cooke to fight
readiness
command
leaders
in
exclusively,
of a dual
creation
subsequently
not
the
rejection,
of the
Little
strategy
though
this
the backs
contingents.
the
who feared
generals
but
showed
opposition
to these
however,
was
24
-
something
his
leave
else.
During
refuge
in
take
over
personally
military
After
the
the
golpe
leader
only
position
from
on October
in
Leloir
fined
in
for
wall
the face
a simulated
Cooke ended up in
imprisonment,
though
directing
sent
Command) in
to receive
in
the
forced
the
Cooke his
of the
by a police
Cooke continued
to lead
by circumstance
to delegate
Comando de Lucha.
full
recognition
Jost
writer
Plaza
in
in
and organise
the
Caracas
and arrested
task
Cooke
Maria
Rosa
While
his
courage
conby
up against
several
the South.
to Lagomarsino
from
to
Hotel.
when put
put
by
and tried
Significantly,
officer
prison
led
Cooke created
agent
travel.
being
took
the resistance
he demonstrated
After
Cooke was
a tendency
for
orders
commanding
execution.
"Doctor
Buenos Aires
luxurious
by radio,
While
the nationalist
spitting
was arrested
that
to
He was betrayed
the home of
".
itself
order
only
to
Buenos Aires.
wrote
me and the
20th,
was captured
whereas
Peron.
exile
to Peron
and install
resistance
of Greater
intransigence....
in
to Paraguay
directly
Peron from
(Struggle
Comando de Lucha
of the
'.plazas'
to accommodate
sought
travel
leadership
who contacted
of absolute
Leloir
the
Cooke appealed
coup,
the public
in
units
the September
prisons,
Despite
his
the resistance,
of practically
and Marcos.
Perlin
on November 2nd:
1.
2.
Comando Tactico
The Comando de Lucha became known as the
Command and, more commonly, as the Comando Aacional
Tactical
Command).
National
-25In
mine.
to direct
after
his
escape
from
release
leading
Jost
detention
Apart
eration
workers
union).
by the
accompanied
walked
of the
out
rejected
released,
and external
was also
in
hit
opposed
a breathing
space in
about
the nationalist
Politica.
3.
flew
He therefore
agreement
2.
Buenos Aires
3.
Arturo
Raigal,
Herald,
Frondizi,
1955).
the
his
to
Peronist
Associations
Cuadernos
5
y Politica
forces
to
dubious
Petrbleo
Per6n's
final
de Crisis
Petr6leo
1958
book,
gain
It
which would
the
from Fron-
for
support
movement.
to Caracas
Letter
from Perlin to Cooke of 2,11.56,
(March
(Buenos Aires),
5
1974), p.
no.
Cooke was
emissaries
to reorganise
which
courts
of the Resistance.
to a tactical
1.
Chilean
and developed
Peronist
contained
promises
Confed-
extradition,
at
the first
in Frondizi
illusions
he had no political
Labour
were reportedly
the
structures
Peronist
legalise
After
by repression
- ALN),
transmitter
seeking
Peronism
give
Rojo,
they
government
Cooke received
Ricardo
frequently
passes.
organisational
that
Chile
help,
the prison,
radio
up a clandestine
set
of
financial
by the Aramburu
attempts
elections.
using
prison
internal
dizi,
guard
chief
other
Alliance
General
the
of
five
former
Liberating
to outside
In addition
Cooke,
and after
of
General-Secretary
Andres
J.
Pedro
CGT)
and
-
Chile,
(Per6n's
the Nationalist
more personally
Arenas,
from
Antonio
Cmpora (er-President
(former
Espejo
out - Jorge
(head of
Kelly
there.
command to him".
struggle
to Punta
got
Hector
Patricio
the resistance
Peronists
advisor),
I delegate
case of my death,
the
(Buenos Aires:
Editorial
y
word
-26-
and in
on the matter
Per6n,
with
to set
general
During
to Argentina.
for
Peronist
1958,
meetings
as leader
to promote
worker
cadres
leadership
for
and detained
airport
general
the
into
and to consolidate
oil
period
Cooke constantly
and to provide
In November 1958,
workers'
on a prison
he went to
was arrested
peak in
the
issued
the
at
year.
"revolutionary"
to provide
present
proclamation
sought
a political
until
its
reached
1959,
but
strike
ship
The strike
leadership.
political
and hard-liners
of January
strike
Frondizi
proximity
trips
secret
of the Resistance,
struggles.
Resistencia'
When the
stated
labour
to support
with
to Montevideo
of its
advantage
along
structures.
role
Argentina
taking
the Pact
he flew
this,
there,
organisational
In his
After
staff
clandestine
to
and Frigerio.
Frondizi
up his
Argentina
February
by Cooke boldly
that:
in that it has broader and more transris political
"This strike
than
fixing
the
day.
working
rise
or
a
wage
a
of
motives
cendent
is being
Here the future
of the working class and the nation
1
fought for".
The strike
was political
because
went sale
of Frigorifico
Lisandro
government
but
persecution
politicians,
ers,
1.
the height
also
Leloir,
who joined
was in
internal
Bramuglia
together
being
this
seen as a
of his
influence
Not only
opposition
and Albrieu,
in a pincer
to the govern-
opposition
de Is Torre,
to imperialism
surrender
Cooke was at
it
in
did
from
the
labour
he suffer
government
the
line"
"soft
del frigorifico
(27th
8
no.
movement,
Lisandro
June 1974),
union
lead-
ouster.
de la Torre,
p. 30.
"
27
Alicia
Eguren
"The first
unofficially,
demanded by Frigerio
the Pact
"The image
1957 Per6n,
November
pursuing
two tendencies,
in
arrived
would
his
action.
However,
parallel
leadership
'mistake'
the middle
in
Council,
through
increasingly
ambivalent.
When Frigerio
1959 general
strike
ship
Communism, the
communique
ised
1.
op.
cit.
and Supervisory
congruent
Eguren,
tried
with
this
On that
'soft
occasion,
Cooke on his
Cooke's
two new
National
of Peronism
Council
interpretation.
and the
strategic
to present
explain-
the
recognising
clandestine
which
the Movement.
Command Delegation
Coordinating
(28.1.59)
the
on,
in
confusion
Peron created
making
Resistencia
the
to pass it
and congratulated
of 1958,
between
to Bramuglia
rank-and-file.
the Superior
organs,
and Supervisory
Coordinating
the
In
of balancing
policy
create
to a
of individuals.
was implicitly
dishearten
for
apologised
of
that
them as a challenge
refused
would
the Leader
thus
and would
Perlin
purge:
my eyes in
message addressed
The latter
hands.
that
appear
seeing
a pendular
such a tape
that
to Perbn
line',
of
a "crypto-
Stalinist
before
until
persecution
of him being
a question
a taped
sent
Cooke's
than
rather
policy
revolutionary
It
compared the
appeared
head on,
ing
period".
the
head,
although
to the first
etc.,
invariably
of Trotsky
John's
(was)
the accusations
a "trotskyist",
that,
the Pact
She, furthermore
old.
the Movement,
communist",
of
and Frondizi;
was a year
Cooke Within
clause
later
leader-
Command
the January
allied
issued
with
a
Cooke real-
of Frondizi's
- 28integrationist
ion....
for
But there
those
will
The trade
legal
the
Resistance,
ly
Throughout
Conintes
ressive
who briefly
operated
was also
involved
in
in
the
and Argentina
People's
Masetti's
EGP) of
in Salta.
operated
Persecution
time.
was quite
found
close
1.
natural
a coherent
personal
the
Tucumn in
late
but
were not
under
the
creation
of guerrilla
Army (Ej6rcito
guerrilla
forced
in Argentina
overall
friendship
Cuban Revolution
which
Left-Guevarist
Peronist
his
his
haven should
framework
with
Guevara.
and its
in
the
at
Cooke's
He
Cuba
upon Ricardo
del
Pueblo
Peronists
and
dates
from
convergence
exile
in
this
1960 and it
There, Cooke's
ideas
and he developed
He became totally
revolutionary
Cuban
camps in
Guerrillero
Cuban Marxism
rep-
leadership.
training
be Cuba.
its
the Uturuncos,
personal
Cooke into
the Movement.
society
came under
included
sufficient-
to resolve
warfare
1960's
Guerrilla
that
1959,
of the
triumphant
initiative,
guerrilla
The
unleashed
by the recently
in
a Guevarist
1963-4,
government
rural
early
not
base in
to guerrilla
the Peronist
influence,
political
as the
looked
Argentine
The first
and heroism
political
a solid
Influenced
plan.,
within
contradictions
large.
Cooke with
he increasingly
Revolution,
the militancy
and
Albrieu
Strike.
of
conciliation
while
the General
after
1959,
seeking
silent
remained
shortly
"hard-line"
to provide
strong
tendencies
despite
tall
with
dismissal
Cooke's
the government".
with
Perlin
triumphed.
activity
organised
involved
and political
union
will
also
to get
who wish
there
policies:
strategy
identified
and was soon
de la resistencia
y del peronismo
(Buenos Aires),
" En Lucha
supplement
-29both
there
active
Cuban aid
Movement (Movimiento
of Cooke's
foQuista
erences
with
Perbn's
overall
his
Perlin
Cooke's
definition
appear
he were not
Taking
Perlin would
capable
up an offer
to Cuba, making
written
for
dispute
with
foquismo
he never
repeated
it
the
.2
acknowledge
he never
in
to its
ultimate
latter
his
the Latin
diff-
challenged
to fight
to Per6n to make
a key role
Cooke repeatedly
Fidel
The strength
explicitly
appeals
to show that
play
of leading
by Castro,
MRP)
in
1964,
1
Moreover,
movements.
him to openly
led
viewed
return.
leader's
of
Peronista
over
completely
the revolution,
even
conclusion.
urged Peron
to transfer
base of
his
residence
1.
2.
to
the Revolutionary
with
in his
However,
1962.
leadership
a revolutionary
latter
convictions
in
starting
1960's
the early
CP's during
American
into
explaining
generally
He therefore
liberation
the
influenced
then
until
Communist Party,
the Argentine
probably
Cuba was in
Revolucionario
national
with
of
critique
Castro,
for
Peronists,
to left-wing
in
of fascism.
as a variant
seen as solidarity
role
of Peronism,
the nature
Argentina
Peronist
his
most important
Cooke's
for
the
infiltrated
counterrevolutionaries
against
man in
and militia
of Escambray.
Perhaps
outside
instructor
as revolutionary
revolutionary
- 30-
operations.
Cooke was only
a state
of neige
to this
last
Peronismo
in
able
to return
October
1963.
his
1
de Estado,
golpe
y el
Most of his
in Argentina,
period
to Argentina
represented
ideology
to emerge in
combined
his
unity
theoretical
between
theory
a revolutionary
1966-67,
Cooke led
tions.
and attempted
to work within
tional
Tacuara
stages
the Peronist
prototype
Tacuara
the Peronist
to
Movement,
Cooke always
Movement
Luis
politico-military
organisations
and
his
revolutionary
war
own organisation,
Peronista
its
ARP)
-
revolutionary
can be seen,
(Moviemento
Nell
In
in Argentina,
organ-
by member organisa-
and prolonged
warfare,
He sought
the Tricontinental
Revolucionaria
MNRT)
Jost
of
-
first
Peronist
activity.
committees
developing
below,
analysed
methodology.
elected
Cooke created
(Acci6n
Nationalist
1.
them.
of revolutionary
Revolutionary
Revolucionario
delegations
of armed struggle
Action
However,
El
of the
of a revolutionary
tendency.
the unity
belong
1966 coup,
political
he was unanimously
to implement
Revolutionary
of the
These works,
with
of
book being
and a revolutionary
the Argentine
the. theses
he promoted
Peronist
theory
head of the
As
works
of a revolutionary
contributions
after
published
and practice,
isation,
OLAS Conferences,
tasks.
articulation
the early
the lifting
most influential
an analysis
after
along
and agitawith
Nacionalista
to work for
the
as a
Moreover,
the unity
of
and non-Peronist
Cooke,
(Buenos Aires:
Ediciones
Accibn Revolucionaria
Peronmovimiento),
Also published
ista,
1966).
under the name Peronismo y Revoluci6n
(Buenos Aires:
Granica Editor,
1971).
All quotations
from this
work cite the former text as the reference
and use its pagination.
31
-
Left.
revolutionary
of Cooke came in
The'death
began to get
guerrilla
groups
left-wing
Peronism
His
major
works
his
death
although
his
By 1973,
some of his
the best
selling
fighting
like
of an incurable
on 19th September
"It
does not
go forward
matter;
and will
His
to
quirk
the
before
those
these
win".
comrades
have fallen
alive.
of Perbn in
wish was to die
personal
he died
in bed
he
and materialist,
his
of history,
but
skin
and
Cooke died
group
guerrilla
Cooke commented:
the undismayed
end,
after
while
and donated
will
tendency.
Ideologically,
Instead
atheist
germs of
years
influence
1968,
Shortly
in his
By a strange
bank.
only
Torres.
As a confirmed
ceremony
eyes to a transplant
was captured.
his
book league.
cancer.
any religious
rejected
than
three
were available.
articles
was greater
Peronist
the
revolutionary
least
at
Cooke's
and before
a powerful
until
the important
before
a year
ground
into
published
influence
posthumous
the
off
crystallized
were not
1968,
the guerrilla
will
Cooke's
Peronist,
- with
libros
great
independence,
upholding
political
" La Opinion
1.
"Los
2.
vivo
no.
the
1946-51
Peronism
Cultural,
period
the 3 "Banners"
sovereignty
For Cooke,
conviction.
peronistas,
during
interventions
parliamentary
of the
and social
had taken
August
19th
over
1973.
(Es
luchan,
los
Ya
"
Tiempo
en
que
September 1973, pp. 10-12.
13,20th
_..
}
.,
32
from a degenerate
banners
these
logical
reforming,
influence
strict
Nevertheless,
as a democrat,
of economic
this
in
present
general
the
as part
revisionist
questions.
emerges from
this
the
Constitution.
of Cooke
period
is
influence,
a valid
one,
in his
especially
many of the
to Marxism
conversion
and the
and popular
school.
liberal
to the
Peronist
historical
were already
Movement in
line
interpretation
The popular
as an alternative
presented
later
defending
period.
early
Historically,
in
Indeed
speeches
firmly
and anti-imperialist
Cooke's
bases for
theoretical
parliamentary
norms embodied
of Marxist
a degree
here
finds
treatment
reformer
social
the Yrigoyenist
and constitutionalist,
while
from
in his
to the democratic
adherence
one also
lawyer
them to their
Apart
one finds
Peronism,
of the
them into
Movement.
anti-imperialist
of Cooke's
roots
the
transforming
conclusions,
Radicalism
upheld
of history
interpretation
by
was
of the
oligarchy:
its own or foreign
interests,
"Which only represents
covering
'democratic'
this with the cloak of historical
and 'civilising'
that national
"We believe
dogmas"....
can
economic liberation
destruction
those
through
the
falsely
be
of
achieved
only
dogmas".
historical
fabricated
The revisionist
popular
stance,
"the
eulogised
heroes.
1.
focussed
caudIllos
Thus Cooke,
identification
viewed
school
with
history
from
and national
on popular
who represent
though
not
an idealised
national
Rosista
and romantic
struggles
sentiments"
shared
,
"We defend
and
1
as their
the revisionists'
Rosas because we
(Argentina:
de
Diario
Sesiones
Cmara
Cooke, parliamentary
speech,
Future references
to Cooke's
1949, IV: 3139.
de Diputados).
the
Diario
in
de Sesiones,
interventions,
recorded
as
parliamentary
to
"DS",
limited
be
year, volume and page(s).
will
-33-
the
in his
that
consider
country,
in
condensed
the
Due to his
identification
ical
and to his
familial
orientations
of my political
referred
to the
Radical
ialist,
him for
democracy
political
Radicalism
for
based on respect
Cooke's
to his
liberal-democratic
arguments
stood
which
for
rather
out in
provided
purely
favour
in
than being
for
the
"disused"
upon
emphasis
enist
of asylum
rights
1.
2.
DS, 1946,
3.
4.
11: 293-
for
to free
of Fascist
parties
ideological
and Marxist
it
or it
exists
Moreover,
by opposing
1949,
were seen as
terms.
in
of
shades of political
individual
of political
"a threat
time,
all
eEsential
As evidence
either
class
Speaking
this
at
of the
parliament
democratic
present
indivisible:
posed in
reasons.
expression
"the
of man".
views
the exclusion
ideological
the free
defended
political
Peronist
the first
a bar as "intolerable"...
Defending
so many
as an anti-imper-
him from
dignity
is
to
"The
asylum
right
activist
4
does not,.
The democratic
rights
universal,
in
from Yrigc
human personality
Christian
the
up
make
bases which
legality
Cooke staunchly
In parliament,
regime
and
legislators.
Peronist
arian
much of his
was to differentiate
and this
Capital
Cooke owed a
bogged down, in
getting
and constitutional
of
histor-
"who inspires
"limitations"
derived
he clearly
1853,
of
constitution
background,
activity".
leader's
opinion
the revisionist
with
to Yrigoyen,
ways the
early
masses of the
political
debt
intellectual
considerable
federal
great
Interior:
current
the democratic
moment he represented
Cooke
legislation
from
activity
he referred
to such
expression".
ideas
alike
as
34beneficial
the
for
and the
Right
extreme
because
people
nationalism
they
monsters",
Conservative
Communists
our best
the
the
Argentine
1
"the
amongst
line
of democratic
our
fauna
strange
Socialist,
defeated
of the
opinions
root
"That
Communist,
be best
could
opposition,
take
tradition".
as he described
that
can never
with
conflict
is
which
Cooke maintained
country,
Radical
through
of
and-
clean
elections
methods:
and constitutional
"We think
that only one way is open for the integral
realisation
the way of legislative
revolution,
realisation
of the national
instruments
by means of juridical
which the Constitution
for".
3
provides
This
should
prepared
its
with
face
did
it
not
always
but
he did not
forms
to play
means being
the
was
Peronism
democratic
game.
in
silence
occasional
the
used against
in reconciling
succeed
always
opposition
of opposition,
afford
force
repressive
the
while
do so and Cooke's
of extra-constitutional
shows that
ition
could
support
mass popular
Of course,
to legal
itself
full
its
using
Cooke argued,
opposition,
to restrict
from
the State
prevent
violent
against
the
not
oppos-
theory
with
practice.
In contrast
faire
economics.
in its
was a liberal
"myth"
"political
1.
D5,1949,
V: 4233.
2.
DS,
1951,
IV: 2382.
3.
Ds,
1946,1:
views
is
very
the
that
relative
to laissez-
the realisation
capitalist
the
demo-
of political
liberalism,
denied
undermining
liberty
299.
phase,
with
Cooke argued
and freedom.
equality
in practice
The latter
monopolistic
and liberal
opposed to economic
Cooke maintained,
ideals,
liberal
while
Radical
cracy,
ially
to his
of
system,
the liberal
'equality'
espec-
values
of opportunies'
of economic
inequality,
because
rtaing
the
of
class
in
-35is
economics
the ruling
here between
this
a contradiction
belief
Planning
to partially
counteract
capitalism.
Though he did
for
called
the
"social
function
State
monopoly
process
in
general
ing
small
ing
"the
economic
ensure
"Free
industrialists
nationalisation
sectors
1.
DS,
order
to
of the
which
of
Cooke
des-
upholding
the
in
favour
lay
general
possible
and traders
was only
as the
and for
con3umers"
deemed necessary
parameters
rais-
number of independent
in
was defended,
or
(area
this
way,
of national
of protection
and desirable
service
the
to the monopolistic
and,
and
of develop-
through
well-being
distribution
form
tendencies.
Cooke supported
themselves
"best
of monopoly
capitalist
counterposing
greatest
anti-
the
of
monopolistic
domination.
"attain
forms
the opposition
as reflecting
and individualised
competition"
within
an excellent
cognizance
to curb
compete between
which
his
the different
standards",
a more equitable
income".
with
through
"intervention
by Cooke in
demonstrated
to monopoly
living
existence
entities
machinery",
dis-
as such,
and dignity
and practising
attempts
can be viewed
law in
the people's
order
which
industrialists
anti-monopoly
idea
consequences
war on capital
capitalist
to the monopolies
terms
instrument
was proposed
legislative
hostility
as the
practical
concentration,
Marxist
constitutionalism
of capitalist
Yet his
of this
1946,
of
latter
declare
not
interventionism
speech
as the
was advocated
the State"
of
liberal
of human personality
"mechanisms
of
later
early
the anti-liberal
the defence
troying
politics".
and Cooke's
resolved
only
the former.
placed
in
class
in
of)
for
small
while
the basic
production
36..
1
needs non-competition".
the State
which
free
enterprise
He was acutely
by the
Cooke felt
and to
decent
guarantee
that
the alternative
leave
ion
Engels,
of capitalism,
In his
of the
solution
Hilferding
accepting
in
Soviet
Union
on
the
system,
ideals
people.
praised
practice,
of socialisation
in
yet
mind,
to economic
history
on economic
their
on the
analyses
Plan
in
1947,
not
is
that
questions
development
but
It
clear
he had
and tenden-
their
conclusions.
Cooke opined
in relat-
thats
he
inevitably
to Marxism?
relation
and Lenin
Economic
on the Ist
speech
Cooke in
interventions
parliamentary
read Marx,
cies
capitalist
liberal
model
for
standards
the
which
restrictions
totalitarianism.
entailed
from
the
living
was one in
project
combat monopolistic
fundamental
' With
system.
way in
Cooke's
words,
to
negated
that
other
was to intervene
aware of the
liberals,
defended
In
came Cooke's
understanding
of some basic
features
capitalism:
that
"Marx demonstrated,
and in my judgement he was correct,
(... ) the problem of cycles is inherent
in the essence of the
system" 3 "Marx was wrong on many things but not
capitalist
in his presentation
of the problem of the concentration
of
in the capitalist
is inherent
Crisis
system and so
capital.
becomes imperialism.
The
Sooner or later,
is war.
capitalism
the
hand,
brings,
the
for
on
one
colonisation
markets
struggle
the
between
on
other,
peoples
and,
war
weak
of economically
the great powers for the first
place in the producer markets
4
raw
materials".
of
1.
2.
DS, 1946,
3.
4.
D5, 1950,
XI: 232-239.
1: 614-621.
-37Here
the Influence
therefore,
even in
Marxist
brought
increase
ers".
ists,
multitude
leftism
While
of class
international
macy of what is
Cooke argued
stood
in
terms
to politics.
to economic
nised
that
what
were not
short
in
the Argentine
of two principles:
some excesses
when in
is
social
equality,
"they
he
of the
by the
Communist
affirm
in
national,
the
suprelater
order
More inconsistency
problems
State
-
of contradictions.
favour
situation
of nationalism
could
the predominance
and the
factors;
over national
4
ultra-left-
character
internationalism
where
factors
ideas
early
rejects
wage-earn-
or rather
over
system
dependent
towards
of
to
become imperialisms".
quotation
in
vanguard,
international
of wealth
advance"
struggle
by the
to a capitalist
it
with
degree
a considerable
economically
carries
Cooke,
crucial.
hostility
solutions:
a "major
seeking
due to their
Cooke's
Marxist
also
"exercised
proletariat
his
of
was also
accepted
"accumulation
the
great
the ideas
rejected
Party",
years
early
But he rejected
because
power".
these
about
of the
Imperialism
and demonstrated
analysis
which
of Lenin's
primacy
and planning
but
else-
be under-
of international
of economics
was to be seen in
intervention
only
The, above
Cooke's
in relation
solution
- when he recog-
thatt
State cannot, by means
"the bourgeoisie
capitalist
and liberal
interventionism,
of
amount
minimum
which preserves
of a simple
its essential
some restrictions
realise
an economic
structure,
is the very essence of the capitalist
disequilibrium
freedom:
logical
is
its
imperialism
consequence and the monoposystem;
the
logical
the
lies
consequence
of
process of the
also
are
5
of production".
concentration
1.
Ibid.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Ds, 1950,
1: 614-621.
-38This
in doubt
places
but
in
these
due to
the adequacy
democratic
of his
the strength
interests
of the Soviet
dictory
was possible
make in
we could
isation
of the contemporary
colony
Nation
and Imperialism.
social
reform.
his
later
Cooke's
especially
The next
which
Peronist
the review
ation
1.
that
his
radical
in
which
is'of
of the
1955'image
DS, 1951,
days.
a "deepening"
was attributed
the picture
militant
IV: 2382.
dichotomy
the
for
in
Cooke,
the
counterposing
favour
in his
present
of
thought
politics,
capitalism.
Cooke's
"good
ideological
which
but
later
no sign
by sectors
a reading
orthodox
radically
Revolution,
emerges from
fairly
1954-5,
had not
society"
of the
development
in
' published
to him 18 years
of the government,
and organ-
and revolutionary
De Frente
his
an extremely
defence
of
in
Rather,
Left.
struggle
indication
Congressional
alter-
revolution
structure
was rejected
were already
of monopoly
vision
that
struggle
editorials
of Cooke advocating
something
His
available
revealed
changed since
here
analysis
by his
was provided
to class
conversion
socialist
only
The basic
was therefore
Class
the
and contra-
of
by Stalinist
uneasy
no viable
within
power".
Peronists,
the other
with
century
world;
the imperialist
against
along
for
20th
this
Cooke's
that
form
movements to the
time:
that
at
feeling
was the
in which
a period
was offended
Behind
solutions
practical
only
revolutionary
power.
great
there
position,
native
that
international
to subordinate
efforts
as the
nationalism
ardent
socialist
in
convictions
Union
Soviet
his
Moreover,
socialism.
solutions,
years
early
of any capitalist-based
of the
of
Peronist.
of mass mobilisopportunism
of
- 39 Peronist
other
own ideological
dictatorship
the
rises
society"
was still
a social
the
as "combating,
Instead,
Position'
not
a totally
different
involved
latter
not
not
privileged
vance
the political
structure"
2.
3.
a new injustice,
class
under
Peronism
command positions
social
national
political
force
peaceful
develop-
as
the
with
State,
"The Nation
the defence
workers
to reform
In fact,
for
the
to
the State
though
the first
is
of the
labour
time
" De Frente,
de los precios
Cooke, "El equilibrio
y salarios,
(18th
4.
March
1954),
2
p.
no.
" ibid.
de los trabajadores,
Cooke, "Capitalizaci6n
no. 48
(7th February
1955), editorial.
(2nd
60
"
ibid.
May 1955),
Cooke, "Patria
no.
y proletariado,
editorial.
'3rd
but
of capitalism
was argued,
of
and socialism.
for
it
injustices
capitalism
"The
Argentine
-
equilibrium.
by the trans-
instrument:
as was demonstrated,
classes",
Cooke
was explicitly
"the
form
superstructure
economy by a
old
enable
for
turn
union
the
from
role
was
capitalist
and enlightened
interventionist
in
exemplified
class".
equidistant
wage
collectivism
a bourgeois
became an important
1.
with
the
while
1954 that
which
into
both
composing
as employee.
economy",
of a crudely
as an inevitable
to create
as well
Socialist
system,
in
argument
economy".
as a reformed
viewed
of labour
"social
classes
productivity
of the working
a major
necessarily
to Cooke's
the proletariat
of
the various
employer
replacement
It
rejecting
socially-progressive
capitalism".
of
of the
idea
"progressive
rejected
Position",
of the breweries
as the
a "3rd
from Cooke's
was clear
fer
than
between
equilibrium
This
should
propagated
behaviour,
of capital
Nation.
to his
contrast
development.
The "good
seeking
in
leaders
under
40-
Per6n,
its
ments
and other
ex-Radicals
than
numerous
Revolution
rejected
Argentine
stood
for
patrimony
of natural
agency,
support
for
of foreign
things,
but
Cooke's
differentiation
expansionism
revolution:
present
of its
Russian
epigones
between
which
he called
leaders".
Stalinism.
No longer
deal
for
Cooke did
legislation.
this
time
was
He argued
that
conception
at the hands of
Marxism.
Cooke, "Paneslavismo,
comunismo e imperialismo
(22nd
November 1954), pp. 18-21.
37
ibid.
no.
as
firms.
car
2.
so long
government
the Marx-Engels
Ibid.
State
oppose the
not
and Marxism.
1.
to
oil
and for
development
Marxism
national
the State
of foreign
of
as a threat
here
role
as totalitarian
towards
for
provided
"Genuine
Oil
deposits.
to do with
had nothing
He
oil
the entry
advance
US.
of national
40 and respected
rejected
the
against
Cooke
conferen-
Standard
general,
he favoured
an important
ialism,
continental
with
in Argentine
Article
with
the
unity
capital
dealings
though
in
the
neither
sources,
capital
national
was compatible
of world
more
to a rejection
nationalism".
US-promoted
of the
critic
synthesis,
simply
American
However,
YPF, to perform
Soviet
in
Latin
energy
sovereignty.
Among other
govern-
were always
was extended
40 of the Constitution,
Article
participation
July....
14th
the exploitation
regarding
national
Position'
"In
participation
Upholding
it
the
nor
out as a vociferous
California
'3rd
affiliations:
instead
calling
Peronist
politicians
professional
this
US and Soviet
Russian
ces,
the
and within
were workers.
Internationally,
of both
indirect
rojo,
"
and actions
-41While
Frente
strongly
University
ranged
from
sion")
and the
jockeys
of a Latin
which
the National
ratas!
" -a
much of its
in
bureaucracy,
ism,
there
ated".
as well
to
"together
with
to this
workers".
was that
Some labour
"E1 sabotaje
editorial
1.
Cooke,
1955),
2.
"El futuro
Cooke,
(11th July 1955),
leaders
of
favour
of
pars
alimentar
to
access
the State
patriot-
the bureaucracy,
De Frente
to the
lost
no.
ibid.
wrath.
of the
critique
trade
union
too quickly
or due
"fingering"
prin-
contact
destino
de la CGT, "
pp. 4-5.
in
determined
happened
" ibid.
Still
that
within
of
quickly
develop-
political
rats
according.
papelero,
in
Bureaucracy".
by elements
some leaders
del
later
Cooke argued
everything
leaders
of choosing
the fact
2
because
perver-
the way in
have easier
"the
"Whether
(a "moral
students.
were targets
enormous size,
General
issues
campaign
and sabotage
(the
union
"cultura
rats
a number of opportunist
Parasitism
the mistake
ciple,
preoccupations,
thrive
bureaucracy:
of
rodential
as its
Parallel
critique
unsuccess-
and against
to Cooke's
relation
that
such as the
campaigned
run:
material
More important
pursuing
boxing
to the fact
reference
review
(and is)
was
Library
campaigning
of usury
De Frente
of professional
anisatioil"
Other
American
De
students
the vice
shortage,
orthodoxy,
students
as lecturers.
"hi
the
the housing
lack
policies,
CGU)
the
upon
-
dogmatists
party
was a mildly
to impose an official
attempt
Confederation
of mediocre
It
many Peronist
criticised
government
Peronist
from
radically
which
ful
departing
not
the
by the spoils
45 (17th
no.
with
70
January
of
- 42-
saw this
on the
position
Six
above.
the military
further
criticism"
the regime.
The editor
but
now from
His review
"empty
the
denying
Despite
that
attempts
desirable
the less
the
with
hard-liners
was closed
the arrest
It
down.
of a left-wing
than
rarely
more radical
took
because
it
leaders
used it
people"
After
of editor
Peron's
for
of the
the military.
within
reported
which
enemies
their
rhetoric
hardly
own opportunistic
1.
2.
Ibid.
system-
of
forces,
always
the
Cooke,
last
appearing
many other
no. 81
one of
De Frente
Peronism
purposes.
ready
Cooke to the
endeared
often
" ibid.
for
criticism
and ideologically,
while
"fauna
"We believe
of militant
orthodoxy,
econ-
like
85 editions,
Politically
seriously
the
while
statements
John William
organ
to defend
by reiterating
the
the reactionary
from
to
portrayed
and freedom,
practice.
objective
of Peronism,
aspects
can be expected
nothing
to ally
to appear
of
the illegalisation
against
liberalisms"
in
sovereignty
popular
had never
chastised
Cooke
of decadent
formulae
line
to judge
continued
democracy
preaching
monsters"for
of political
and fought
to appear
of opposition
authority
In particular,
Movement.
the Peronist
traditional
'De Frente
that
-golpe
a standpoint
the moral
claimed
independence
atically
so much as
were however
the
maintaining
on the basis
government
invoking
Cooke
years
and not
September
of the review
numbers
of
these
individuals
impending
intervention,
"constructive
military
in
system.
Cooke's
after
members, but
as a phenomenon of self-seeking
a bureaucratic
cussed
their
to represent
and failed
office
rather
it
was
radical
Peronist
As in the
case
43
of Evita'a
plan
lay
in
mainly
his
Peronism
(though
his
thwart
that
coup.
was in
Cooke's
former's
In
post-Cuban.
in
which
indicated
radicalising
the
that
his
of joint
great
impact
the regular
or electoral
1.
looking
one:
from
in Cooke's
life,
struggle
with
the
and
of being
direct-
especially
"soft-liners",
which
pre-
Cuba in a manner
revolutionary
This
The
for
his
the impossand then
Cooke
demonstrated
invincible..
up to 1959,
Cooke urged
to an insurrectional
"Intransigence
leader.
to Peron's
reflecting
his
the
time
sections:
general
struggle,
possibly
was a long
the authority
to Guevarism.
of the Resistance
political
In the period
Peronism,
in
mainly
conversion
experience
experience
practical
ibility
he wrote
it
with
with
and in
1955 that
after
two distinct
Cooke wrote
could
and
to con-
reform
parameters)
Perbn
differences
into
neatly
social
class
though
violent
achievements
social
with
commander, obedient
the latter
ives;
falls
his
for
working
became patent,
the former,
Resistencia
existing
the mobilised
desire
correspondence
first
radicalism
Correspondencia
the
only
a military
It
before
and within
gradually
recognition
his
time
golpistas.
revolutionary
produced
in
this
at
the
to confront
armed contingents
only
militancy
to mobilise
readiness
1955 lay
in
Cooke's
militias,
for
militancy
tinue
workers'
to create
reaction,
his
for
an intransigent
solution
maintains
rather
and increases
line
than a
for
of ista
our power
Cooke, Correspondencia
Juan Domingo Peron and John William
(Buenos
Aires:
Granica Editor,
2d.
2 vols.
Peron-Cooke,
ed.
to letters
in this collection
Future references
1973).
contained
date
letter
to
"CPC",
be
limited
when available,
of
volume
will
and page.
-44transactions
while
initiate
revolutionary ry dynamic
ynamis
of Yrigoyenism
gained
the road
In
of persecution,
Cooke wrote
it
tending
of the danger
other
for
not
'comandos
wing,
hoping
that
During
himself
these
of Peronism,
were not
adequate
to that
as "the
time
"the
but
commandos with
of exaggerating
to try
1.
Mc,
1: 230.
2.
CPC, August
3.
4.
1957,1:
266.
14524.
internal
Cooke described
3
the true
disunited
forces".
comm-
devotees
of
and uncoordinated,
4
and to link
trade
that
apparatus,
The clandestine
fighters,
defects
He saw that
of Per6n but
the political
the
clandes-
the right-
the
resolve
but
intransigents.
combativity.
their
the
against
the return
totally
deal
leaders
behind
organisation".
for
to recover
the
Resistencia-,
idea:
to combat these
the struggle
28th
of the
authentic
defect
as leader
of
dynamic
he was equally
for
weight
would
particularly
level
(Peronism),
of a negotiated
leaders,
union
fighting
However,
his
of the
a single
were militantly
organisations
having
years
the workers
the
early
case for
purified
solutions
threw
in favour
of Peronism
contradictions
insurrection
a popular
denial
moderates
provide
trade
and militant
Party
He therefore
the masses.
the Radical
the
the
reminiscent
governmental
"The misfortune
of
would
which
the
to the
by the
presented
parties
tine
a mystique
was highly
strengthened
1957, referring
that
and destroy
before
aware that
the insurrectional
towards
aware
with
to create
This
century,
to the Peronists
rights
insurrectionalism.
allowed
of the
of political
of the Movement".
at the turn
office.
to annihilation
unions,
up the
to organise
-45the
popular
While
politicians.
and failed
the
to develop
political
a brake
of struggle
people
of
of orders,
often
Cooke from
being
protestations
a lack
this
Cooke recognised
wrong - an appeal
in
line
("The
Cooke's
"misinterpreting"
pene-
view
him,
that
1.
2.
3.
CPC, August
4.
1957,1:
own personal
responsible
greater
assertion
of his
the
political
they
1959,11:
were not
148.
272.
I: 35.
line,
the
and played
leaders
he got
the disfor
while
still
Naturally,
the insurrectional
emphasised
4)
other
authority.
for
freedom".
on,
between
authority,
and strategic
of doctrinal
Cooke's
early
Peronism,
affecting
the better"
prevented
partly
we are
that
his
number
of balancing
policy
supporting
Perbn himself
to Cooke,
more violent
mistaken
corruption
which
to Per6n,
liberty
"a certain
letters
his
of the
seem to reveal,
pendular
the doctrinal
of
clarification
allowing
part
of Per6n.
voice
of affairs
disease
the
Pern,
single
to maintain
for
and factionalism,
for
state
in order
Thus while
firmer
as
of being
from
of the movement,
wings
strong,
unity
act
of unity
contradictory,
of Perbn's
of understanding
cure
lack
to speak as the
able
became too
the
(being)
oligarchy,
of authorisation
against
different
the
letters
with
would
"instead
by way of which
road
the
of the problem
proliferation
of
against
Party,
that
Peronism".
Part
the
jungle"
were strong,
the Justicialist
and "the
mechanism"
there
"soft-liners"
oligarchic
forns,
revolutionary
"a giant
remained
organisation
where the
wing,
an instrument
trates
Peronist
along
with
other
aspect
of the
_46_
pendular
strategy
electoral
and military
Of course,
Cooke's
standable,
for
in
the
basis
and the
to Per6n,
appeals
Perbn's
of Cooke's
Cooke wrote
on the situation,
coup solutions
exclusive
the Resistance
which
depending
which,
though
threat
possibly
to
of insurrection.
naive,
are under-
endorsement
could
looked
also
only
and structured
way
on
strategy.
that:
"A revolution
requires
a revolutionary
party,
revolutionary
leaders
myth, on the one hand, and the
and a revolutionary
"We have the revolutionary
leader
occasion on the other"...
Peron.
Through unification
myth:
and revolutionary
and
the revolutionary
force.
organisational
work we are creating
Afterwards
take advantage of the occasion".
I
we will
Cooke viewed
the insurrection
but
to take
of
Cooke at
in
the signing
this
advantage
time,
of the pact
Frondizistas.
"blank
vote"
negotiated
I.
with
apparently
with
the
the Frondizi
November
tactic,
1957,11:
In 1957,
Jauretche
arose
9-10.
by his
the
it
could
the
since
Frondizi
not
role
not maintain
political
immediate
He therefore
to gain
felt
courted
successful
of a positive
initially
while
emphasis
Radicals,
for
that
that
1958 elections,
would
he felt
some kind
a date
process
contradicted
be repeated,
was not
alternative
but as a delaying
CPC114th
for
when it
situation
Frondizi.
with
not
fix
not
of it.
and broke
1957 could
of the
and extension
could
the
against
the revolutionary
accelerate
was required
insurrectional
ment
could
the unity
strategy
of
restoration
organisation
an emphasis
the
for
the revolutionary,
and by recognising
be able
war"
The revolutionary
of 1946-55.
gains
movement fighting
as a revolutionary
in a "prolonged
system
for
Peronism
that
an agreean
-47deal
electoral
Perbnism
with
Radical
was possible,
disunity
would
prevail.
refused
for
Perk
there
in
Peronist
if
votes;
to Perlin
appealed
but
his
goal
to transplant
historical
but
leftisms
contrary
and geographical
"soft-line",
the
Cuba for
reservations.
point
of departure
first
successful
bastion
the unity
for
Latin
of world
to
for
of praise
who want
His
by
militant
ouster
letters
Cuba, praise
`Resistencia`
American
"those
afforded
in Havana.
He
"loyalists",
with
after
strat-
leader
to Pertn
without
any
revolutionaries,
offering
the
in
adjacent
to the
the
continent
imperialism.
Cooke's self-designated
of Peronism
same as
of the Movement.
leaders
conditions".
former
won
to the possibilities
revolution
socialist
had Frondizi
and he criticized
to
alternative
an insurrectional
promoting
became socialist-orientated
only
from
Justicialist
off
on a tactic-
to pose as a popular
1
It shows that while
of Cooke.
the political
remained
Frondizi,
the Radical
with
decision
Frondizi
defended
to replace
for
voting
reasoning
time
was something
of the leader's
Peronist
this
at
Pact and
To Cooke, it
enabling
alternative.
that
Balbin
thereby
in power,
it.
acceptance
way of dealing
Frondizi
egy,
his
recognition
Peronism:
without
but
tacit
was also
for
responsibility
to decide,
basis,
al
sole
to the Perrin-Frondizi
signatory
the
I.
CPC, 30th
2.
mission
leadership
Fidelista
September
1962,11:
1957,1:
in
271.
255-
the nature
a close
-48-
ideological
and practical
While
regime.
leadership
ations
for
Perbn's
praising
Cooke strongly
the
decried
own personal
against
that,
in
of the
Cuban process,
of the Movement's
Framini
Against
Cooke argued
communist,
grasp
like
the revolutionary
with
position
anti-communist
Even militants
in Argentina.
being
of Peronism
alignment
those
the Argentine
Cuba
context:
persecuted
as a communist
of
and therefore
not
The fact
guise
implies
but
independence
not
by Soviet
former
gave up his
Soviet
Peronism,
other
aid
changes in
internal
that
equidistance";
influenced
the
vis-A-vis
Union
to the
allegiance
was politically
national
1.
CPC224th
July
2.
CPC, 18th
October
3.
Ibid.
p. 276.
that
two blocs
but
1961,11:
183-
1962,11:
274.
and
- capitalism
following
"two
of the
the death
than
leaders
the
"Tercerismo
and communism Cooke,
imperialisms"
rather
in
cloaked
concept:
not neutrality.
movements at a time
liberation
nature
world.
to
"true"
independence
the Soviet
expansion
its
effects
of the social
solidarity
Cooke to redefine
led
was being
the adverse
all
declaring
openly
hostility
Peronist
Tercerismo`
of
was not
movements of the
that
Peronism
stance.
was suffering
the valuable
gaining
liberation
national
threat,
but
movements,
communist
a suicidal
of Stalin,
thesis,
economically
was isolated
when "the
now
arguing
motivated.
from
new forms
being
coincide
did
call
not
for
disassociation
For
of
Cooke,
socialist
world",
to become communist
Peronism
of national
ility
of the
that
with
of the world
but
of the
dominated
Cooke claimed.
for
rather
He
a clear
anti-communism.
learnt
from
indivisib-
liberation:
and social
Peronism,
utionary
the
liberation
as belonging
was regarded
potential,
they
of each country
liberation
as identical,
assume its
own national
of Peronism
Castroism,
with
for
qualification,
not
characteristics
of Peronism
of how Peronism
could
the
early
the future
change in
movement.
1.
CPC, 24th
July
2.
Ibid.
203.
3.
CPC, 15th
4.
p.
1961,11:
June 1962,11:
199.
1962,11:
262.
is
1960's
into
physiognomy:
of the continental
to pretend that
as it is to deny
Cooke's
a national
possessed
not
identific-
in
varia-
bourgeoisie
to be found
but
as
the
since
the national
withstanding
identification
in
behind
reality
however,
than
revol-
viewed
were not
would
movement with
Cooke's
an anti-capitalist
in
the
vision
50
Cooke's
Movement in
letters
were therefore
accordance
base.
mass working-class
thought
in
thing
like
Yesterday's
camp:
"the
of
continental
ism against
times,
by some-
the enemy
police
revolutionary
the
who still
were now in
allies
by its
given
leaders
"behind
were
the
restructuring
potential,
the Peronist
1945 alliance
years".
sixteen
with
revolutionary
For Cooke,
of the
terms
its
with
concerned
imperial-
with
had turned
bourgeoisie
the
against
back
its
on Peronisms
"as it always does in semi-colonial
countries
the pioneering,
enterprising
and progressive
but rather
centres,
a class which
capitalist
to imperialism".
subjected
and culturally
Due to this
of the
reestablishment
the raison
renouncing
However,
there
leadership
but
alliance.
After
and decidedly
that
multi-class
classes
command.
of Peronism
remained
the
possible,
that
the
would mean
"anti-imperialism
-
and social
line
fronts
- workers,
peasants,
And however
July
they
1961,11:
1.
CPC, 24th
2.
could
but
intellectuals,
begin,
they
191-195.
II: 213.
Thus,
with
petty
will
bourgeois
a more revolutionary
possible,
act,
of
in a multi-class
the Movement,
in some form.
was no longer
conciliation
class
he urged
for
a degree
position
national
that
Cuban Revolution,
polyclassism
Cooke's
rejecting
to include
anti-capitalist
national
in
always
alliances,
hoping
still
Peronist
class
were that
alliance,
d'etre
class
regarding
accepting
old
Cooke concluded
revolution".
ambiguity
forces,
of class
realignment
because it is not
class of the
is economically
while
still
while
stating
he argued
that
"now
the revolutionary
bourgeoisie
end in Socialism"
in
2
This
_51_
assumed that
the
would
accept
thing
which
to
this
diverse
historical
experience
classes
Cooke realised
in
in not
naive
tine
the victory
that
a direct
not
by the
Parallel
his
for
call
to Cooke's
the basis
"lessons"
he was certainly
America,
of the Argen-
sectors
from
movement,. ox at
of the Peronist
reformulation
Feeling
that
alliance
came
had
Peronism
and anti-imperialism
the Movement.
for
Though
wing.
an anti-imperialist
reform
of capitalism,
policy
of Latin
reformulation.
a policy
culmin-
classes
as much social
achieved
amental
support
again
in which
emulation
learnt
The key
had also
never
one led
that
some-
unlikely.
process
of the revolutionary
the rest
for
seeing
bourgeoisie
and would
Cuban revolutionary
the
in
highly
is
suggests
lay
Peronism
within
deemed revolutionary,
classes
paradox
ultimately
ated
deemed non-revolutionary
classes
as was possible
as the
socialisation
on
fund-
he wrote:
the final
1
"childish",
of national
for
this
capital,
This
European-style
not
the
open for
his
complementing
did
of total
description
the door
Cooke left
the Movement.
Western
1.
sentence
and in his
mean that
mixed economy,
but
socialisation
survival
acceptance
of some sectors
of'polyclassism
Cooke envisaged
rather
as
some kind
one in which
small
of
and
52capital
medium national
in
economy in which
a socialist
ive forces
the
in ideology
turn
problem
cardinal
basic
as being
the bureaucracy,
leadership
undermine
its
direct
the
doctrinal
the
idea
For
line
the
that
that
he did
would
do so.
to Peron.
that
the
of those
(Fidel-Perbn,
less
publicly
arguments
yet
it
coincides
in
general
was a barrier
that
if
felt
the
commun"the
unrecog-
that
the
2
our principles"
terms,
to
Peronism
was an orthodoxy
with
being
Cooke claimed
was
Per6n.
revolution,
to the bureaucrats,
criticising
the
who coined
a single
slogan
Ist
and
be the manifesto
1.
CPC, 24th
July
2.
CPC, 11th
September
3.
1961,11:
the illus-
'Fidel-Pern,
corazbn'
His political
heart).
He stayed
equivocal.
of
of
ions
a clarification
among his
but rather
to
of the
a reassertion
Peronism
and social
"orthodoxy"
"will,
2nd Declaration
By never
mean that
maintained,
of Havana "totally
Declaration
not
orthodoxy",
Cooke's
He attempted
opposition
Peronist
most rigorous
nisable
In
and at best
the national
through
to carry
left-
pragmatic
Argentina.
Paramount
was in
bureaucracy
the
to Per6n for
the Movement.
of
with-
product-
and the
the Movement.
relationship
Cooke argued
example,
changes in
by appealing
authority
leader-mass
alliance
of
operating
would
Peronist
required
reformist
hands,
sector.
of the
restructuring
in private
the State
the private
and control
Both
be left
would
in Madrid
196.
1960,11:
222.
170-
and turned
una cola
actions,
though,
down Castro's
were far
offer
of
53
Cuba, never
in
residence
the move.
The example
of Per6n experiencing
revolutionary
the
first
camp"
ideal
Madrid
Castro's
himself
a role
playing
in developing
as a fundamental
one foot
for
necessary
not
that
but also
in
only
Cooke relied
than
to
is"
as much as it
4
forms";
ment of a perfected
you begin
3
America";
"a
national
proposes
form
of the
old
he called
liberation
the
to Peron for
clandestine
on Perlin
to
of
to Argenif
you put
to replace
and he appealed
return
"My General,
direction:
theory,
restructuring
a revolutionary
will
of Latin
this
in
step
in Argentina,
socialist
organs
His
revolutionary
with
de
had
Spain
to Franco's
the Movement.
extreme
in
of the Puerta
"prisoner".
a reluctant
changes
cribe
there
Eisenhower
freedom
a German concentration
from
to action",
"guide
tina
in
as if
different,
possibility
conversion,
prisoner
is
the
favour
Cuba.
While
with
was hardly
though
was closer,
society
- "It
in
of Per6n going
fact
nat
unrealistic.
residence)
in
shows that
if
Peron
yet
Cooke,
ten arguments
shift,
totally
there
For
and planned
1-
in Peking
that
(Per6n's
directed
of Sihanouk
was not
belief
place.
Hierro"
to Cooke's
an ideological
centre
was Cooke's
replying
' comandos
system
of the IMiovement.
This
reliance
the Movement is
upon definitions
from
even clearer
October
1962,11:
1.
CPC, 18th
2.
3.
4.
Cooke's
267-9-
Ir: 239.
1964,11:
and actions
297.
222.
of Perlin
insistence
upon
to transform
'yerticalismo
of
-54(a
vertical
of command descending
chain
in
personalism
to be at his
Per6n's
from
that
he thought that
flattery,
through
America;
ist
workers
without
Perlin
The latter
the
to Per6n,
was always
in
that
alternative
tion
from
Having
letters
then
Left,
in
however,
definition
revolutionary
differences
Perlin
with
in July
him,
class
while
1961 declared
and documents,
successive
down their
playing
his
then having
full
to gain
with
Peronist
only
impotence.
a real
forced
fundamental
agreement
criticised
Yet the
was isola-
political
attempts
illusions
workers'
Perlin,
The danger
discussion,
and consequential
from
and loyalty
hegemony.
under
with
of the admission
with
to strengthen
the period
after
those
-
independence.
his
and
identification
to undermine
leader,
cohesiveness.
Left
escape payment
they
the
not
political
complete
the working
By 1962,
could
or*synthetic
of real
a revolutionary
for
they
its
the Peronist
through
Peron-
militant
as their
lose
the same
at
of Latin
Liberator
rapidly
coming
revolution-
ego of Perlin
Castro
Cooke
in
some role
that
to
of Perlin,
horses
than
for
that
on several
of the fact
problem
firstly
Per6n's
rather
loyalty
that
seeing
losing
thus
least
at
this
"left-turn"
to the revolutionary
upon Perlin
class,
some kind
fee:
play
a recognition
orientations
working
would
of more
Behind
supposed
and
the democratic
reasons:
he was gambling
was a perennial
socialist
1960's
secondly,
portraying
looked
that
the
to appeal
and thirdly,
is
fundamental
Leader
that
Cooke wanted
This
for
as a Peronist.
developments;
revolutionary
-time,
perhaps
in
the
designation
below..
were three
did
the
than
most "orthodox"
leadership
for
Per6n as leader)
by Per6n rather
leaders
of leaders
election
He called
the Movement.
"representative"
from
Per6n's
to admit
nature.
latest
behaviour
in
-55the
1962 elections,
Cooke in
ences with
Per6n for
than
areas
their
the
October
first
1962 explicitly
time.
of agreement,
These,
he claimed,
differ-
mentioned
were fewer
a question
timing:
of
"Essentially,
what is at *stake is a problem of timing,
of how to
act upon the action
guidelines
you have drawn up for the MoveYou see the need for gradual
development
towards
ment.
positions
which build up our strength
and will
enhance the
battles
final
the oligarchy.
I consider
that that
against
decisive
improvement in our strategic
position
requires
of us
it
neither
combinations
complicated
nor long-term
policies:
is within
decisive
decisions
our reach and drastic,
and a few
time and
categoric
measures by you are enough to eliminate
dealings".
It
was also
Peron in Madrid
Argentina,
ary
Cooke was in
"concrete
and immediate"
In other
Cooke's
words,
was nearer
on basic
ectionary
pose his
al
it
that
to its
consequences".
confirmed,
Per6n
with
Per6n
fullest
2
in his
writings,
sided
with
1.
2.
1962,11:
final
but
victory
Per6n's
insurr-
a basic
rather
tried
own ideas:
but
yours
rather
and organisation-
presidency
when it
he
Peron should
admit
methodological
the Left
263-
from
contradict
as Peron's
In fact,
only
explicitly
ideological,
that
of an immediate
not
does not
my reasoning
of the
due to his
felt
therefore
in favour
development
as a logical
new views
believe
extends
difference
tactics
revolution-
was that
he,
that
links,
that
in
argument
but
issues,
that
had a grasp
insurrection.
revolutionary
Cooke did
Still
struggle.
ideological
"I
and legal
the
with
was claimed,
contact
for
being
developments
all
and his
to Argentina
proximity
it
possibilities
relegate
permanent
world
the argument
could
whereas
location,
of
seen as a question
suited
ultimately
his
purpose;
to
_56_
his
final
definition
political
one judges
of his
apparent
his
isational
or Isabelist
them this
was an inter-bureaucratic
a tactical
basis,
legal
next
period
seeing
ideas
argued
between
1
For
1965-6.
group
a revolutionary
electoral
activity
regarded
on
as an
in preparation
apparatus
for
true
after
gaining
legal-
upon
that
opposite
apparatus
that
those
vided
for
"the
a small
guerrilla
than
about
warfare
power.
modern revolutionary
Guevara's
of Marighela
CPC, 18th
October
1962,11:
his
and for
286.
is
of Perlin
less
expert
the
confront-
army without
to an urban
way to confront
were far
and Debray:
struggle
'foguismo
as the best
His writings
the guerrilla
army with
Cooke adapted
armed State
1.
group,
being
who dismantled
After
arms".
in
Frondizi.
from
ation
of
neither
with
Cooke,
the Vandorist
either
the exact
of
and organHis
dispute
for
the clandestine
of illegality,
having
disallowed
for
periods
to strengthen
opportunity
Peronist
words,
polyclassism,
tendency.
wrangle,
true
the theoretical
to favour
whom
than
rather
the will
alternative.
Leader.
Peronist
at
refused
the internal
in
sectors
representing
Cooke's
Action,
to the
actions
of the revolutionary
Revolutionary
sectors
The same is
accept
development
Peronist
ity
to verbally
efforts
to his
disappears.
ambiguity
to those
of treachery
accused
Perbn according
he continued
while
practice
the
Left
the
militaristic,
setting,
problem
of
however,
insurrectional
strategy
them to play
an acceleratory
pro-
-57in
role
Cooke,
of
the
revolutionary
there
was to be the
1
power".
between
towards
dated
the
ists
his
views
his
two aspects
thinking
strategic
developed
in an overall
Latin
of other
the
seizure
on the key
basic
strategy
American
for
process,
orienpre-
theor-
guerrilla
by a decade.
It
of his
was not
produced
a totally
a clear
political
factor
were never
indeed,
the
February
crucial
that
present
Latin
the
it
and political
America
Left,
socialism,
Left
of national
1.
CPC, January
2.
Ibid.
3.
CPC, 21st
p.
of the
further
with
analysis.
a practical
it
provided
this
being
had always
mavements.
1966,11:
February
1966,11:
defeat
for
opposed or at
which
least
of
Cooke,
was so
that
revolution
imperialism
367.
them -
"feelings
Correspondencia,
did
an
dated
Perlin.
of key importance
341.
letters
on John William
a new line
343-
Cooke's
his
Not only
never
being
surrounding
with
this
still
Correspondencia,
solidarity"
have
I recommend,
However,
strategy.
Cooke reaffirming
ended with
merits
traditional
endent
of the
item
above examination
the Peronist
with
cloud
that
the latter
of ambiguity
published
the
in
Perlin,
with
of the
last
The influence
manner".
the futility
unfortunately,
manner to
Left
free
1966,
different
the Peronist
in
friendship
evident
break
Cooke realised
"My arguments,
antithetical
totally
21st,
personal
in a very
in
indispensable
1966 that
Perlin:
with
you proceed
times
and at
alism
January
until
correspondence
no effect;
for
the
the
end of
of
fully
mass struggle
combining
at the
"mobilisation
relationship
tation
but
process,
reconciled
in Argentina
remained
Portantiero
but also,
nationwhere
indep-
writes,
itable
ism".
the fusion
process:
I
It
was also
the
for
support
Peronist
bureaucracy
enabled
the Peronist
claiming
to remain
In his
Comandante
Apuntes
sobre
of the Andes",
recently
killed
of the Bolivian
failure
that
which
believe
that
modification
we live
praxis
of
Cooke admitted
not
prepared
theories.
factors,.
that
the
the
which
to conclude
prisingly,
since
espousing
different
the revolution
is
at
guerrilla
one victory
preceded
strategies
being
prevent
this
defeats.
defeat,
the
he was
guerrilla
He could
claim
sur-
those
could
successful
in Latin
point
de Cooke, "
Reportaje
a John William
cubana:
(8th
September 1961),
22
no.
pp.
(Buenos Aires),
'Che', " Compromiso
y la revolucin
(Buenos Aires),
(October
1973).
3
no.
Though
'foguismo'
"El Peronismo
Cooke, " Che
el
it,
whereas
2.
sobre
and the
"Introducci6n
Juan Carlos Portantiero,
a un inedito
Pasado y Presente,
Pp. 369-372.
op. cit.
Cooke, "Apuntes
"We
on praxis
1.
3.
mature
the theory)
and rejecting
strategies
of their
depends
for
"we are
conditions"....
the practice
to no such example
which
the defeat
had at least
theories
was unshaken
that
the reasons
in
theses
military
present
"our
as an exemplary
Cooke writing
therefore,
Implicitly,
as too for
it
Cooke eulogised
in Bolivia,
explosion
conditions
"orthodoxy".
the objective
can accelerate
(revolutionary)
the
of
still
while
with
'foco',
an epoch in
in
Though the
orientations
Che
el
Guevara's
with
of
the revolutionary
of
within
social-
Guevarist
to adopt
Identification
and in
that
with
Argentina.
dislike
its
unfinished
"New Man".
convinced
hidden
of an inev-
inside
Left
by commenting
Left
for
refuge
Peronist
had not
Per6n himself,
by the
a political
synthesis
nationalism
of revolutionary
embryonic
regime,
and prefiguring
perfect
8-9.
-59America.
Guevarist
theory
guerrilla
Argentina,
the
with
of
country,
same basic
late
idea
through
the struggle.
that
and recognised
in
feeling
to that
ideal".
This
large
numbers
ification
snit-,
of the
initiating
armed struggle,
as a concrete
'foquismo
possibility
far
more than
mass struggle
with
class
class
feeling
of moral
Cooke argued,
oppressors
Peaceful
violence,
revolutionary
was not
violence
or the violence
El Peronismo
y el
against
of radical
op.
the
cit.
right
is
which
desirable
a regime
in
them-
prepared
alternative,
the violence
a dichotomy
oppressed,
the literature
golpe.....,
but
just-
the affirm-
The real
or non-violence,
of the
is
violence,
though
threats.
Cooke's
asserting
reactionary
victory
"We
but
war,
which
means of struggle,
of achieving
if
was vital
humanist,
patently
of man, against
Cooke,
superiority
use revolutionary
against
literature:
and
by the revolutionary
men united
to wage a revolutionary
was also
were incapable
to use violence
of heroic
of people
of the hero
writings
superiority
of violence
negation".
Cooke's
in
of the humanity
selves,
1.
the
could
consciousness
of armed struggle
the working
new world
ation
the
finds
of moral
belong
its
coordination
Yet
actions
Cooke's
However,
character
Argentina.
One also
of
their
emphasised
urban
number of people
fighters
guerrilla
and thus
Cuevara's,
a small
to
mechanically
the predominantly
the collective
raise
would
applied
that
struggle,
Cooke argued,
join
that
was present
and would
Only
nasses.
to
adapted
a revolutionary
repercussions
was not
Catholic
P. 108.
of
which
circles.
-60In
the
face
of repression,
gentlemen
apostles
in
sacrifice
reordering
and bravado
killed
for
the Left
ditions.
Bolshevik
type
the
including
consideration
Cooke's
its
and triumph
3
of
absence
with
being
the background
why he never
would
is
that
develop
own revolutionary
of international
Cuba being
appears
one of his
its
methodology.
revolutionary
the
one Latin
reform-
revolutionary
con-
method,
belief.
to have considered
nationalist
That
form
is
models,
American
Pera
assumptions
of socialism,
why there
save the
Cooke, La luchs
(Buenos Aires:
2.
Ibid.
3.
Ibid.
Vittorio
Codovilla
P. 105.
was General-Secretary
Argentine
Communist Party (PC1) for four decades.
is
no
Cuban,
success
1.
por la liberacibn
Granica Editor,
Vittorio
or timid
to this
own national
or
This
for
warfare
"objective"
a matter
warfare
to be defeated
much happier".
is
just
to guerrilla
"Better
the
after
of strategy
writings,
the guerrilla
in
there
itself
to be correct
"a free
order:
morality
Finally,
in
personal
to attract
it
'Resistencia
each region
social
found
qualities
by Cooke himself:
was that
tends
by an alleged
Guerrilla
a superior
of society.
In particular,
ism justified
in
like
Cooke lay
in his
and country,
a new revolutionary
both
with
Codovilla.
native
which
was voiced
for
for
- socialism
and which
The moral
be the basis
an economic
icism
for
for
fighter
guerrilla
people
and dying
land".
would
revolution
of
behave
not
Cooke reminded
gentlemen",
the
of
to his
fighting
a free
fighter
superiority
dedication
selfless
man in
not
could
of pacifism.
The moral
his
revolutionaries
story.
2d ed.
nacional,
1973.
P. 74.
P. 32.
of the
-61
Though Cooke only
for
useful
Argentina,
specified
which
country
differences
between
the
his
they
strategic
of grafting
example,
seeking
than
mass workers'
devising
conditions,
a strategy
and which
bearing
while
providing
a sure
national
in
for
-
homeland - rather
for
suitable
with
Argentine
experiences
the former
only
of the international
experien-
Castro
in
they
-
were not
their
This
important
of
the road
argument
the advocacy
and their
rejection
objective
conditions
about
that
Two basic
of broad
objective
of revolutionary
it
were not
of this
National
the
were discussed:
fronts
and the
Cooke disagreed
conditions.
present.
against
anti-imperialist
struggle
for
the party
against
rather
held
elements
for
but
-
to socialism
developed
(PCA) written
directed
specifically
enough for
on the formation
were further
strategy
Communist Party
was not
Communist Parties.
views
perennial
with
1961.
conception
American
on revolutionary
of the Argentine
a critique
general
ideas
the
was a
conditions
in his
conditions,
as to which
guideline
the
national
It
drew on international
secondarily
in mind those
place
was primarily
which
that
'foguismo
taking
his
of development
to Argentine
Argentine
onto
his
in
between
struggles
at least
for
Cooke argued
regard
conceptions
compatibility
discuss,
and levels
with
he never
were suitable
even though
question
he ever
structure.
Thus,
Cuban model as
as a prototype,
Cuban strategy
had to be qualified
specificities,
important
in social
it
seeing
Nor did
two countries.
Cuban "lessons"
that
of the
were not.
of the
guidelines
than
rather
elements
and which
writings,
sense
Democratic
on the basis
both
Front"
that
the
62-
The popular
an "alliance
the worst
with
as the usufruct
serve
whims".
who only
Nothing
PCA still
as a "single,
capital.
they
In
also
this
sense,
were termed
who would
linked
to imperialism
but
it
then,
even the
1.
Cooke,
"Aportes
2.
Cooke,
E1 Peronismo
3.
Cooke,
"Aportes
timid
a la
golpe...,
critica...,
for
ties
of the
PCA.
cit.
P. 386.
op.
cit.
p. 98.
cit.
pp.
foreign
forces",
objective
op.
op.
class
with
"democratic
with
with
or a bourgeois
liberation
due to economic
"
the
coinciding
bourgeoisie,
proposals
In a
and social
term also
with
not
of the bourgeoisie:
the national
an alliance
a la critica...,
y el
could
PCA strategies.
in
oppose social
liberation
revol-
and social
or the dictatorship
only
that
consistently
the bourgeoisie
side-track
the only
national
the short
could
"on condition
only
is
undertaking
gone as
most that
of the national
national
"the
the
which
of private
not
since
and in
would not
which
but
sacrif-
structure
as was implied
government
interests
had achieved
process",
of the proletariat
of the country,
of the day,
Cooke viewed
Since
the alternative
a workers'
reasons
the
and socialise
order
the process,
struggle,
manner,
government
the bourgeoisie
process
indivisible
liberation
objective
from
bourgeoisie
of the
class".
liberation
be expected
the basic
modifying
leads
revolutionary
either
progressive
which
the revolutionary
proletariat
dictatorship
with
the lucre
Peronism
under
only
politicians
as having
could
the. working
would
to be on the
in
Leninist
feasible,
considered
participate
the
Cooke could
if
which,
from
tasks,
Sectors
the
for
the- party
property".
lead
front
of bourgeois
be done without
could
isolating
by Cooke as
Basically,
as they
ution
forces",
to "privatise
wanted
ices".
the
desired
class,
far
front
as
enemies
63..
Moreover,
vote
could
not
held
parties,
the real
of revolutionary
ions
for
will
which
lack
it
the fighting
express
in
a situation
was electoralist
Cooke the
that
in
especially
the political
the
Cooke argued
present.
than
rather
on the basis
activity
were not
the people,
of
Countering
power.
for
while
its
the objective
own
condit-
that:
"opportunities
to seize power do not fall
from the sky but
have to be created;
rather
on
and to focus one's efforts
is to conspire
the creation
elections
against
of insurrect(already)".
ional
don't
these
if
conditions,
exist
The PCA confused
in
appear
a wholly
cation.
"conditions"
prospects
with
completed'form
difference
of success,
nothing
could
be initiated,
never
- whereas
and a sit-
situation
immediate
lacking
though
struggle,
"Conditions
missing"
between a revolutionary
insurrectionary
which
"opportunities"
with
blurred
a distinction
in
PCA formulae.
Instead
on the basis
of determined
and emphasised
him,
imitating
of
for
conditions
factors
is
to increase
force,
it
a way out,
the PCA in
more,
goal
that
for
from
their
eulogised
its
achieved
Cooke's
strategy:
bourgeois.
realisation".
within
in the revolutionary
insurrectional
the vanguard
offer
existing
1.
Ibid.
p. 380.
2.
Ibid.
conditions,
subjective
struggle
them,
to give
to discover
eyes,
existed
cohesion
democratic
is
other
and "the
role
revolution
Furthertheir
between
contradiction
and the methods
Classical
bourgeois
tasks
Argentine
structures,
but
of
to the popular
of divorcing
an insoluble
extreme
for
-
process
"There
inactivity
of revolutionary
could
only
not
offered
be
as part
of a
64
permanent
beyond
revolution
them.
undertake
those
tasks
there
was a sector
which
Like
the
bourgeoisie
whose interests
imperialism,
but whereas
this
support
only
the
consistently
support
in
those
they
had to
in
class,
the PCA
bourgeoisie
would
hegemonised,
they
which
of
position
In one sense,
the national
front
an anti-imperialist
to
their
the
whereas
the anti-imperialist
limitations
of
regarding
the
regarding
class.
Later
of the national
that
alliances
should
With
strategy.
the
old
there
of free
cession
about
in
its
It
order.
agonal
but
measures,
was an all
or nothing
vital.
subvert
situation
Again
1.
Cooke,
La lucha
2.
Cooke,
El Peronismo
revolutionary
though,
vor....,
y el
Cooke's
op.
cit.
golp e...,
struggle
practical
p.
the existing
since
class
was not
118.
it
was
social
the Pent-
forces
only
conclusion
p.
necess-
even if
which,
103.
op. cit.
The con-
he argued,
Cooke ("Either
for
feeling
he argued,
would,
government,
would
Cooke felt
democracy.
bourgeois
and therefore
polarised,
to stable
liberation
permanent",
of a Peronist
governmental
military
is
circum-
national
regime,
conditions
by the praetorians
elections
timid
them in exceptional
to a general
objective
be no return
with
arguing
struggle,
situation
arily
the liberation
subordinated
the onset
arguments
could
in
be forged
only
1967,
bourgeoisie
as a mere tactic
stances,
that
in
on, writing
role
ible
that
go
of
to the working
force.
that
also
that
conclusion
had to be subordinate
considering
but
antagonistic
Cooke argued
anti-imperialist
sector,
front
were objectively
"progressive"
the anti-imperialist
the
would
were
permisswas a call
65 to arms which
ignored
alternative
because
of the
failure
of the revolutionary
in
Latin
success
Left
the
end of his
the
explaining
with
the workers
the
remained
of weakness",
of positive
that
Argentine
to the regime
internCooke
up,
prosperity,
post-war
had
government
the anti-imperialist
as if
1
on-imperial-
broke
the Peronist
problem
in reality,
whereas,
only
In such circum-
as a class.
an amalgam of diverse
forces,
of irreconcilable
an alliance
became a
interests,
class
policies.
the
he accused
the
phenomena into
ean experiences.
but
In
ones.
upon the
existed"
early
as "a bourgeois-democratic
same sin
fit
but rather
struggle;
front,
original
In characterising
terms,
defeat
country's
loyal
as external
of the
of Argentina's
the
and emphasised
was no longer
1945 still
of
of the Peronist
analysis
(class-based)
Movement.
class
"posing
"the
incapable
formulae
alternative
stress
disappearance
polyclassist'front
source
partly
of the historical
Cooke's
causes
external
intensifying
this,
Cooke's
clasista
of the Peronist
this
stances,
who espoused
life,
1955 debacle,
due to the
ignored
because
contradictions
argued,
strategies,
America.
Towards
al
revolutionary
For while
Peronist
3 'Cooke
revolution",
traditional
Left
in
the
trying
to
on the basis
was "bourgeois
democratic"
(Buenos Aires:
general
committed
of - namely,
schemas articulated
Perbnism
at least
phase,
of Europin
the
1.
Cooke, A untes
Editor,
1973),
2.
3.
Cooke,
"Aportes
para la militancia
p. 100.
a la
critica...,
"
op.
cit.
Schapire
P. 385.
that
sense
it
imperialist
period
it
interests,
basic
neglected
this
mistake
the
bourgeois
20th:
was not
step
in
writers
was to
final
terms
for
crucial
it
had taken
revolution
the next
was a bourgeois
it
In
evaluating
Peronist
history
have
the line
that
taken
"deepen"
years
that
was not
in
place
revol-
by the
of vital
importance
the
century
19th
1960's
whether
or mid-
revolution.
of the Peronist
Whereas many
clear.
quite
the only
the nature
moreover,
however,
Peronism
for
solution
the revolution
realised
revolution;
of strategy,
is
a long
over
between
against
bourgeois-democratic
the socialist
was still
some measures
of capitalism
of the. "classical"
reform.
The difference
Left
that
tasks
such as land
took
which
the pre-existence
the claim
negated
ution
force
was a national
of the regime
in
1955
Cooke in his
class,
permitted
no such
solution:
for me are
"all
the posthumous laments about workers militias
the
Because
fantasies.
just
arm
working
one
cannot
speculative
class in order to defend your regime and the next day tell
fine,
my son, hand back the arms and go and produce
workers:
1
value for the bosses".
surplus
In
described
of
the Peronist
Movement as "the
status
bourgeois
institutions".
thus
quo,
elections,
governmental
measures
could
1.
Cooke,
Apuntes...,
op.
2.
Cooke,
El Peronismo
y el
not
general
crisis
the social
represents
within
Cooke
1966,
of the
the framework
Peronism
would
it
in
, written
expression
be satisfied
It
the regime
since
since
system,
existing
free
y el
the Argentine
classes
Golpe de Estado
El Peronismo
which
opposed the
itself
institutionalise
of the
and allow
upset
the social
cit.
p. 102.
gol pe...,
op.
order.
cit.
The seizure
p. 54.
of
_67_
power by Onganfa removed
between
the
thecontending
battle
for
ise
itself
forces,
power,
yet
between
was a stalemate
but
with
the intermediate
creating
the
two forces:
sufficient
material
enough to submit
to overthrow
it".
The basic
tionary
but
It
to check
was able
"Regime",
not
but
it.
plant
adequately
it
leaving
"a regime
to stabil-
and destroy
lacked
to his
every
friend
"Peronism
attempted
methods with
Salvador
Allende,
but not
is
and myopic
strategem
there
revolu-
tasks",
revolutionary
in
and a mass
harassment
a "boneless
the revolutionary
As he wrote
unable
power to survive
for
it
situation
out,
to constant
organised
inorganicity
revolutionary
it
legality
as Cooke pointed
problem
not
an all-or-nothing
paradoxically,
movement powerful
of bourgeois
ground
its
giant".
by the
to sup-
which
Peronism
was
structured:
"as a truly
party for the seizure
of power; it is
revolutionary
on many fronts
which fights
a movement of popular rebellion
and
bureaucracy
which, though led by a reformist
and collaborating
potential
ever ready to compromise, has a revolutionary
which
is being constantly
3
refined".
The problem
olutionary
social
reality,
Cooke's
based
on his
which
that
1.
Cooke, Apuntes...,
2.
Cooke, La lucha
3.
Cooke, "Carta
pp. 46-49.
4.
Cooke, Apuntes...,
5.
Cooke,
La lucha
these
that
conviction
view
its
conditions
since
por...,
a Salvador
op.
por...,
op.
p.
cit.
op.
without
count-
limitations
of a determined
5
could
was a multiclass
be overcome was
movement,
it
29.
pp.
"
73 & 54.
Cuadernos
p. 33.
Cit.
to one of rev-
had serious
limitations
limitations
cit.
Allende,
enough;
composition".
Peronism
op. cit.
not
Peronism
seen as "the
force,
as a revolutionary
of rebellion
is
can be no victory".
there
er-attack
"Resistance
since
offensive,
a state
p. 47.
de Crisis,
op.
cit.
_68-
the
be immune to
not
could
inconsistency
In other
the bourgeois
to society.
The major
of
sky but
the Movement.
of the
part
and
the
from
fall
regime
It
bases"
of
reactive,
reformist
pressures
from
balancing
activities
ers
that
maintain
indeed
exists".
of
the Movement.
leadership
below
in
order
motivated
confidence
3
to
Cooke,
Apuntes...,
op.
Perlin
2.
Cooke,
El Peronismo
y el
who had
the Movement"
was
(electoralism
the
which
from
surge
this
the
pragmatic,
to
the
hence
its
-
credibility
the power-hold-
convince
status
that
that
danger
P. 34.
golpe...,
op.
not
weakness
composition,
through
Nevertheless,
did
which
'polyclassist'
which
its
the enemy.
and serve
class
(as it
be reduced
Cit.
theory,
individuals
of
structure
the social
due to
the Movement
of
not
1.
to the Movement
and strategies
to maintain
applied
could
impulses
2
nature,
of revolutionary
due to its
values
Peron-
potential.
of the
was a reflection
sharing
off
be dismissed
also
to betray
of leadership
we are no danger
the
it
latter
the revolutionary
sterilises
popular
order
its
in writing
not
not
to a series
The bureaucracy,
system,
golpiam).
the
Leftists)
it
He exposed
For Cooke,
the Movement in
infiltrated
but
revolutionary
of activity
Peronist
was by other
its
struggle.
multi-class
to the development
obstacle
by the bureaucracy.
Rather
lay
and forms
organisation
who,
as a whole
leadership;
of its
class
Left
words,
nature
class
due to its
revolutionary
analysis
itself.
the
of
of the non-Peronist
ism as potentially
dialectical
the dynamic
cit.
p. 32.
Apuntes...,
Cooke,
3.
op. cit.
p. 37.
leadership
Here Cooke was mainly dealing
with the political
than the trade union bureaucracy.
ism in Argentina,
rather
of Peron-
_69-
Cooke wrote
At most,
bureaucracy
gaining
would
position,
truce
negotiations".
early
years
duros.
liners
duros
superficial
actions,
sought
to change
They did
not
to develop
duros,
voiced
Cooke's
who claimed
Peronism
utionary
mantle,
lack
but
1.
This
nor
is
his
of vital
conception
and moreover
a crude
seek
of the
criticism
of the Peronist
sectors
who reduced
in
general
with
the
Ibid.,
p.
arguing
it
a product
that
the
importance
left
of revolfoguismo
methodology
of the fact
that
the people
bureaucratic
bureaucrats'
limits
and theoretical
35.
of the
CoolaTs explanation
of a revolutionary
the Movement,
ties
yet
they
which
div-
from
ing,
of those
to mere foouismo,
Occasionally,
their
through
de Per6n,
El Retorno
the orthodoxy
belies
it
since
by Cooke in his
the neo-
voluntaristic
to the workers
organisation.
revolutionary
amass
theory
a revolutionary
present
as
of forces
balance
the
revolutionary
from
their
tremendismo,
divorced
violent
their
through
bureaucracy
Peronist
hard-
themselves
distinguished
only
the
the
with
between
between
antinomy
the
as the solu-
was not
but
in
since
himself
strategy
and blandos,
bar-
power -
way politically
alternative
The duro-blando
duros
the
-
for
insurrectional
the real
the
a strong
policy
Then he identified
hard-liners'
and reformism.
to gain
order
and soft-liners,
politics
during
rearguard
tion;
orced
of a. revolutionary
of the Resistencia.
seeing
in
not
as part
la Militancia,
para
struggle
the
Apuntes
use violent
"those
his
in
of the
many leaders
they
phenomenon
were due to
understand-
'polyclassism'
of
had closer
class
misrepresented.
-70However,
Cooke felt
class
did
this
that
for
the
while
class
Peronism
with
(rural
as its
workers,
bourgeoisie
not
being
policy
except
dependent
on imperialism,
existing
from
social
PCA, both
tasks
they
will
order"
in
with
would
stages
of popular
to which
1.
Cooke,
2.
Cooke,
social
a progressive
had only
benefit
social
La lucha
Por...,
for
cit.
it
role
tasks
cit.
This
by the
and its
because
to play
of the initial
as a class
as the
p. 25.
op.
the
Cooke left
mobil-
indivisible
3
were included
op.
is
advocated
transitional
advanced.
which
nationalism".
the anti-imperialist
revolution
the
class),
of changing
is, to lead
class;
classes
the industrial
of
class
to that
class
a short-term
from
of the revolution,
simultaneous
front
Front,
"national"
task
no bourgeois
sectors
only
is
Liberation
liberation
national
'dictator-
can be no nationalistic
of the working
and "since
type
they
the
since
ideological
Front".
the part
the revolutionary
there
regard
power.
bourgeois
behind
revolution,
a different
clearly
force
the leadership
under
social
bourgeoisie
petty
the
of
for
to the working
of a National
students,
the national
ises
idea
it
Liberation
composed socially
axis,
the hegemonic
latter
the
Cooke promoted
Instead,
of the
just
rendered
"To reduce
utopian:
the defeat
be to ensure
would
country
a concep-
Clasismo
for
class
of the
state
formula
Revolution.
the working
of
economic
the proletariat'
of
3.
isolation
based on working-
strategy
workers'
of the Argentine
success
'polyclassism.
of
rejection
revolutionary
-a
and seeking
the
reasons
to an outright
clasismo
struggle
tion
lead
not
cit.
P. 38.
is
-71-
of whether
a speedy
transition
or whether
a period
of co-existence
necessary,
but
between
the
example
recognising
very
little
tion
which
the
in
long
sooner
would
they
run:
or later
Peronist'polyclassism'was
tactically
he accepted
ity
would
classes
as was clear
sectors,
he felt
the
in
that
three
the
all
while
them
offered
a revolu-
Cooke,
a real-
"national"
What he did
revolution.
the
from
for
reality
not
accept
domination
and ideological
some role
play
tend
them.
an existing
since
and thus
asked to join
were being
devour
solutions
Cooke strategy,
bourgeoisie,
national
be
would
intermediate
unstable
the
Thus,
other.
of the
limitations
the
that
inherently
are
forms
capitalist
with
in Argentina
was possible
of Cuba suggests
and capitalism
socialism
to go either
to socialism
questions
R1
he posed in
de Perlin':
Retorno
Opposing
ity
bourgeois
ideology
Cooke advocated
of a genuinelpolyclassist'ideology,
ideology
and refuting
the possibilrevolutionary
as:
Again,
1.
Cooke,
the
problem
La lucha
lay
por....,
in
getting
op.
cit.
those
bourgeois
p. 56.
sectors
to
- 72
theory
revolutionary
accept
that
which
implied.
dilemma between
1
escapism",
in his
element
in
to attain
the proletariat
However,
Cooke's
a future
envisaged
army is
appear
not
but
struggle
working
class
tionary
party,
Apuntes
revolutionary
Movement for
an important
play
they
this
"Aportes
the
into
kind
their
a la critics...,
2.
op.
cit.
of it,
the revolu-
"for
without
attitude
op. cit.
p.
the
of the rank-and-file
revolution,
of
Class
by Cooke in his
to be possible.
"
i. e.
a synthesis".
potential
dis-
not
the
The non-Peronist
sectarian
of cooperation
Cooke,
out
Left".
the
in
role
will
independently
Peronist
something
progression,
was recognised
not
had to drop
1.
3.
and Peronism
develop
they
"The revolu-,
such a development;
would
vanguard
is
for
which
Is Militancia,
but
into
process:
a dialectical
itself
the basis
of the Movement,
Peronists,
develop
banners
by integrating
para
could
its
through
and left-wing
Left
would
a dialectical
around
but
provided
were
change were
Rather,
static.
within
in his
with
of the class
would not
were not
Peronism
through
grouped
by negating
is
composition
conceptions
in which
by substitution
the
the
hegemony.
different
qualitatively
tionary
as if
evade
the rtontoneros
1973,
for
Front
and weakest
acceptance
calling
while
the front,
hegemonising
dealt
adequately
In
"to
the bourgeoisie
with
fashion:
similar
of the Front
composition
Peronism.
revolutionary
was never
that
schema and it
alliances
or compromise
dilemma
this
hegemony of the
Elsewhere,
revolution
yet
op.
91.
P. 379.
cit.
becoming
towards
the
73
Cooke's
his
life.
In 1964,
Peron as the
cracy
ing
great
but
occupations,
immediate
as a tactical
rather
'La Revoluci6n
By 1967,
,
of
the
bureau-
he was returnby
the workers
recognised
however,
factory
that
Cooke finally
came to
at
proletariat"
time
his
of formulations
ship";
it
class
It
was of crucial
in
somewhat belatedvery
"revolutionary
in which
of Per6n,
offer
that
importance,
much alive
the worker
due to a superleader-
of political
to rectify
of Per6n,
for
spring
the consciousness
alongside
to the methodology
period
capacity
Cooke could
of new myths
only
be "supplanted
not
or due to the
that
the
importance
the latter.
Ibid.
and "the
could
because
symbolised
imbedded
1.
but
It
symbolic
leadership
iority
ing
of Per6n.
Due to this
was happy".
of ignorance
out
side
of the Argentine
that
not
limitations,
that
Cooke realised
ly,
Per6n's
recognising
publicly
of
the
of armed struggle.
the worksituation
compatible
example,
an
one of his
in
of Peron:
judgement
make a class
that
which
Peronismo
y el
that
to restrain
attitude
years
was interpreted
example,
was impossible.
insurrection
writings,
for
last
game of presenting
old
statement
he was coming
that
as meaning
his
the
and arguing
"Perbn's
"pacification",
the aim of
Cooke not
leader
him.
in
changed
playing
revolutionary
was misinterpreting
with
last
of Peron also
evaluation
that
Moreover,
74the
old
of Peronism
symbols
to the
so as to correspond
his
ed under
the
leadership
justice,
social
forms
banners
in
was that
process"
synthesis.
It
and its
final
there
to express
ceased
movement;
synthesis,
strength
possessed
both
the Peronism
Peronism
it
nor
be re-
would
into
alter-
1973-6
in
prestige
has evolved
towards
a new
the numerical
attained
Movement in
destiny
soon to speak of
to be replaced
reached
by the old
At best
through
"to
evolution
too
and
initial
ceased
case it
perhaps
towards
popular
revolutionary
it
if
which
outcome.
eyes of workers,
but
still
Peronism,
orthodox
in
of
of the
view
dialectical
destinies:
and popular
is
initiat-
today
the
final
either
was "a
sovereignty,
to develop
Cooke's
disappear
would
or through
governments,
the
there
the banners
with
and integrating
retaining
movement,
but
native
beginning
by another
theses,
1945,
up to date
the process
and political
demands"
end of Peronism
between
October
and popular
new revolutionary
the
For Cooke,
national
express
placed
but
it
the hour.
of
is
which
a synthesising
of Peronism
and brought
independence
process
of struggle
be redefined
continuity
on 17th
economic
revolutionary
other
tasks
historical
and necessary
clear
could
1973.
CONCLUSION
political
thought
developed
to militant
Peronism
and from
Cooke's
Radicalism
Marxism.
He articulated
Peronism
revolutionary
his
thought
1.
Ibid.
2.
Cooke,
and political
pp.
always
activity.
His
throughout
his
y el
golpe...,
from
Peronism
to Cuban-moulded
theoretical
expression
maintained
limitations
a unity
op.
cit.
p. 72.
of
between
were the
92-94.
El Peronismo
life,
- 75 limitations
of a whole
with
This
Movement.
the
in
to Per6n,
least
that
sition,
yet
for
tionary
nal
in
in
of
early
main point
class.
remained
compo-
it
"the
they
served
revoluinter-
for
of his
time
a favourable
as a warning
to
in mind that
His
nationalist.
liberation,
even after
he
On one occas-
revolution.
social
was
would be resolved
must be borne
national
it
aware of the
of a bourgeois
from
indivisibility
acceptance,
in
He had
all
the precedent
but also
was that
development
his
Cuba provided
Moreover,
staying
came to Peronism:
for
multiclass
yet
contradictions,
of departure
was its
movement to group
class.
bourgeoisies.
was
ideas
independence.
'polyclassism.
of
when it
them,
between
these
limitation
the moment,
society,
background.
American
Cooke's
the working
and popular
of the working
and personal
ion,
classes"
resolution
requirement
a national
favour
was a basic
of Yrigoyenism
one weakness
up their
damaged their
seriously
faced
a bourgeois-led
in
them to dress
required
fundamental
and for
contradictions
Latin
with
the
case,
the workers
which
example,
staying
tactically
written
right
for
Cooke's
In
compromise
for
Peronists
of revolutionary
alongside
of Peronism,
Movement,
at
vital
apparel
Loyalty
the
generation
that:
"the anti-imperialist
struggle
revolu- which we said is social
for
tion at the same time - is 'communism' or 'castrocommunism'
that
Castroism,
does
Peronism,
not
understand
regime
which
a
forms taken by a
Caama:Kism, etc.,
Brizolism,
are the national
dimensions".
2
process of Latin American and universal
single
Socialism
for
processes
being
1.
Cooke,
La lucha
2.
Cooke,
El Peronismo
interrelated.
por....,
y el
op.
for
of liberation
cit.
golpe...,
Latin
Yet conceptually,
p. 53.
op.
cit.
p.
111.
America,
both
he always
76
with
started
Argentine
the problematic
posing
analyses
Argentina
and Cuba.
with
behave
in
reason
for
from
his
to Marxism,
After
geoisie.
liberation
could
of itself
national
underlies
Cooke's
and secondary
confusion
Moreover,
the
light
only
acceptance
with
class
'revolutionary
methods
that
guerrilla
impregnate
view
lead
a national
the national
one.
for
his
conversion
and it
process,
Nation-
Such a contra-
hegemonic
whether
bour-
struggle
of the
old view
or not,
for
this
which
is
of Peronist'polyclassism;
analysis,
and making
class
the
of
bour-
of the
words, despite
his
he took
route
a worker-led
ones might
from Cooke's
urban
feel
(i. e. antagonistic)
(non-antagonistic)
of successive
could
the fundamental
the liberation
tactical
and ambiguity
in
they
behind
some part,
fundamental
between
left
being
in
"Cubanised"
slightly
of sectors
In other
quite
starting
analysis
role
liberation.
suggests
bourgeoisie
not
fundamental
nationalist
potentialities
a subordinate
contradiction
the
did
how classes
with
he did
and social
in
especially
Marxist,
is
through
bourgeois
but
Imperialism
tinction
the
to victory,
Cooke never
Marxist
at Peronism
that
play
his
rather
and this
felt
to Marxism,
diction
but
1959, he never
process
national
of
and nationalist
progressive
emerged from
of polyclassism.
because
and partly
the
a classical
structures
he looked
because
in
movements,
unlike
struggle
acceptance
Peronism
geoisie
of class
an anti-imperialist
Partly
glasses
liberation
Hence Cooke,
an analysis
conclusions
socialist
national
of practical
begin
his
semi-colony;
liberation
of national
the
A
dis-
a clear
contradictions
area
of
theory.
Cooke's
view
in Latin
failures.
that
armed struggle
America,
especially
Cooke argued
revolutionary
that
is
in
the
?7
I
theory",
yet
Cooke's
of a combined
Guerrilla
in practice.
strated
expressed
their
ordinate
Cooke maintained
that
can only
be demonstrated
he never
applied
of his
failures
could
dicate
his
triumph
not
that
the
It
to break
through
strategy.
the near
It
alternative
the
criticism
insurrectional
The influence
critics
from
for
foquista'
and debate,
'foco
Cooke,
"Aportes
a la crftica...,
2.
Cooke,
La luchs
tor....,
" op.
op* cit.
p.
that
not
do that.
even
vinthe
More-
could
only
revolutionaries
by Cooke around
Peronist
Left
but
by a successful
106.
be
engaged in armed
erected
cit.
of
since
only
could
strategy.
1.
1959,
Only
them.
Perlin
in
Success would
non-guerrilla
defences
in
correct
would
those
but
faith
He argued
invalidate
practice
impregnable
meant that
hard
very
His
Che's Bolivian
to criticise
right
struggle
2 (sic),
maxim.
factors.
not
in
strategy
was thereore
struggle.
his
prove
would
action.
of the Uturuncos
1963-64,
in
to this
1968 in Argentina.
of
and failure
of an alternative
earned
his
group
to sub-
of struggle,
struggle"
failures
Army in
despite
of revolutionary
be due to contingent
always
Cooke declared
over,
by the
mass
to be demon-
guerrilla
revolutionary
theories
two forms
of success
Guerrilla
through
with
have tended,
"possibility
criterion
People's
Masetti's
the
was unshaken
has yet
for
the
and furthermore,
strategy
to recruitment
mass activity
armed struggle
the
to postpone
armed actions
organisations,
to coordinate
wish
the
involved,
upon coordinating
the feasibility
struggle,
their
of the activists
emphasis
tended
has in fact
warfare
development
theoretical
despite
guerrilla
tendency
P. 383.
of
not
be
78
Peronism,
Revolutionary
reviews,
stream
Left,
Peronist
for
Left
though,
with
Cooke's
the
only
analysis
the
triumphing
a mare independent
undertaken
The "alternativista"
tendency
its strategy,
"alternativismo"
to Chapter Four.
system
by sectors
that
were hard
Despite
his
the
of
prospects
were poor,
which
of Peronism
leading
lirait-
by many sectors
Peronist
revolutionary
to ortho-
closer
must be said
and abroad.
played
towards
being
it
and all-embracing
He therefore
still
remained
in Peron,
illusions
Marxist-orientated
Left
though
the main-
whereas
The revolutionary
formula
opposition
consistent
the Peronist
Montoneros,
1960's,
'De Frente',
foquismo.
revolutionary
Movement.
a process
by the
of workers'
a fairly
developed
1.
during
he was in
mine while
second
through
a more clearly
the strength
led
adopted
attributed
Peronist
was to shine
and the
"Militancia'
given
to under-
limitations,
to provide
of ideas,
the Left
the only
to emerge inside
theoretical
role
and socialist
of the Peronist
the
in moving
alternative,
Left
today.
TT
npAP'r
Though attention
theorist,
olutionary
and leading
strategist
gical
influences
ation
Nevertheless,
it
and their
ents
Left",
is
and,
be examined
of how these
Left
cannot
Oh the
contrary,
to discern
is
the
subject
of
(3rd
tercermundista
of course,
the writings
separately
and then
strands
the
as rev-
ideoloto the
be reduced
such influences
in
has left
nature
possible
analysis
the radical
Catholicism
fore
whose hybrid
ideas
of
eration
formative
cadre,
Cooke,
to John William
a loose
only
inspirwere
confed-
many an academic
puzzled.
influential
curr,
principal
this
The "National
chapter.
World-orientated)
wing of
be followed
will
there-
discussion
by a final
Paternity
claimed
predated
slogan,
Arregui,
context
"National
of the term
"For
however,
and its
Socialist
a New National
was the first
of dependent
Arregui
countries,
Party
(Izquierda
Left"
Nacional)
was
1
but in fact his 1957 usage was
origins
of the National
and Latin
American
to define
"National
as referring
to April
least
go back at
Revolution
Left".
Left;
coined
Hernndez
in
the
to:
to a concrete
theory applied
"general
case, which
national
the
of
contents
national-defensive
and revolutionary
analyses
(seen
Marxism
light
the
history
in
the economy,
of
and culture
de la Conciencia
Plus Ultra,
1973),
1.
La Formaci6n
Juan Josh Hernndez Arregui,
3d ed. (Buenos Aires:
Editorial
Nacional,
p. 475, footnote.
2.
II
De la
El Socialismo
Jorge Enea Spilimbergo,
en la Argentina
(Buenos Aires:
2d ed.
la Iz uierda Nacional.
Iz uierda Ci eaa
Ediciones
Octubre,
1974),
p. 101.
80
-
into account
reality,
as a method of interpreting
and taking
the peculiarities
primarily
of each country)
and development
with the
and which combines such a theoretical
analysis
imperialism,
practical
struggle
of the masses against
at nationAmerican and World levels,
I
al, Latin
and in that order".
As a tendency
operating
the National
ment,
used the
and publicly
Ramos's
Abelardo
2-
FIP)
current
but
includes
Front
exclusively.
It
although
to
tendencies
socialist
socialist
centre
Rejecting
the
or party
idea
its
or not,
is
olution
must be primarily
than
rather
in
al
trends
to
socialism'
general.
"lessons"
which
each country,
component
groups
of other
socialist
of Argentine
rev-
society
and internation-
of different
'national
of the National
countries
fundamental
espouse Marxism
internationally
sections
as
to it.
Left's
of the Argentine
the idea
though
understood
an international
the National
and strategy
upholds
presents
themselves
subordinate
of capitalism
It
Popular
and political
socialism",
argue
Jorge
internationalist,
verbally
and which
also
an ideological
"international
which
like
-
de la Izguierda
upon analyses
for
is
Move-
have consciously
which
definition
(Frente
heterogenous
the theory
that
parties
of an International,
whether
proposition,
least
at
as an alternative
those
those
Left
the Peronist
and outside
term as a political
Popular
not
which,
itself
Left
within
in
an attempt
the Argentine
roads
Left
to learn
revolutionary
model.
These definitions
Arregui,
unite
an otherwise
diverse
group
of
1.
Hernndez
2.
Party
The genealogy of the FIP goes back through the Socialist
(Partido
National
Left
de is Izquierda
Nacional
the
Socialists
of
PSIN),
founded
Party
National
in
Socialist
the
1962,
the
of
and
(PSRN),
Revolution
created by Dickmann in 1954, to a small TrotRamos and Ernesto Sbato, formed
group which included
skyist
the 1930's.
during
See "La Izquierda,
sus grupos y tendencias",
op. cit.
op.
cit.,
p. 475.
81
-
Juan Jost
Cooke,
Rodolfo
imbergo,
of their
ity
Arregui,
Puiggros,
Esteban
traversed
Party
Radical
Most,
however,
of it
part
or not,
and all
former
made by their
if
Left,
and early
though
it
It
provided
in
faith
ing
a critique
consciousness
1.
but
which
referred
lacks
In fact,
of the
1930's
to the
A tendency within
of C6rdoba.
often
of Peronism
More-
of fascism.
influence
made the very
collectively
the
to re-orientate
de la Conciencia
since
first
it
by a profound
of humanity"
a love
the
became a
of
was
of the
Argentine
Left
which
Radical
and
lack-
has national
cr so the author's
overstated
fascist
1960.
country
consciousness"
was considerably
"the
in
Left,
of the
love
of the people",
"national
dominant
appeared
nationalism
and right-wing
consciousness
claimed.
nationalists
author
destiny
the rational
national
prologue
"inspired
or
emerged,
and arguably
Left
they
whether
helped
and-thus
Communist
traditional
1970's
the
they
others,
La Formaci6n
influential
the
most
of
one
1960's
from
as a form
a stronger
towards
parties,
Arregui's
Hernndez
than
thinkable
Left
the
not
it
had their
of Radicalism
the characterisation
who viewed
Left
Left
of a Peronist
light
Ramos
Arregui
when Peronism
conceptions
rejecting
parties,
Peronist
on the recent
idea
old
though
over,
their
who revised
The divers-
lines
road
viewing
lonely
the
Spil-
backgrounds:
political
origins,
and Puiggros
to Peronism.
Party
Rivera.
John William
Ramos, Jorge
in
baptisms
being
read
Abelardo
Jorge
their
reflects
had Trotskyist
respectively
all
Hernandez
works
and Rivera
political
theoreticians,
influences
of the
though
-
Argentine
the
on these
(UCR) based in
the
city
82
nationalists
theless
from
emanating
their
asserted
failure
political
failed
because most
origin
or were middle-class
1930's,
and these
building
of its
class
for
popular
and Germany,
On the other
loading
hand,
Right
exponents
intellectuals
were either
ties
the early
prevented
evolving
explanation
for
economic
of the
regimes
from
nationalists
a political
In Hernndez
It
of oligarchic
participation.
his
he never-
was persuasive.
as bureaucrats
a mass popular
viding
Spain
of the nationalist
dependency
into
Italy,
Argontinity.
of the
reasons
France,
project
Arregui's
pro-
words,
"If Argentine
its national
image
nationalism
could not reconcile
system of the masses, it was because the realwith a political
idea which they proposed,
to
ization
of the national
carried
implied
the liquidation
its ultimate
consequences,
of the
1
as a class".
oligarchy
From the nationalist
along
Argentine
history
country.
throughout
conflict
constant
by their
supported
forces
erialist
oligarchic
1.
World
Argentine
led
its
worst
expressions,
heroes
off
their
pedestals
to offer
Hernndez
heroes
nationalist
Arregui,
op.
cit.,
between
such as Rosas,
to promote
and shattered
the
19 & 278-279.
oligarchy,
imp-
resisting
development
revisionism
liberal
pp.
to a
imperialist
the independent
historical
spread-
pointed
fundamentally
allies,
by caudillos
and attempting
force,
"barbarian"
school
history
imperialist
viewing
and civilising
the revisionist
internal
of Argentine
to a previously
In
of Argentina.
only
to it,
In opposition
for
was rejected
Rosa,
and popular
interpretation
modernising
of the Western
Arregui,
Maria
of national
Liberal
and others
as a progressive,
the benefits
such as Jost
"line"
The orthodox
by Mitre
written
powers
of a historical
caudillos.
penetration
ing
idea
the
resurrected
Hernndez
1930's,
nationalists
more conservative
with
of the
works
knocked
myths,
This
83
-
attempted
as in
the National
historians
history
to the
stuck
between
being
Perlin
for
in
Left
by its
vided
the
of the
subservience
the Argentine
Democracy;
parties,
Peronism
with
workers'
to oppose protectionism.
Socialist
Party
and often
better
Ibid.,
pp.
colleagues
quality
273-278.
It
by the
material
trade
goods than
that
(the
characteristics
as a war
of the
the allied
camp until
meant,
in
a protectionist
its
led
and this
by Justo
the short
policy
1943
victory
of fascism.
Party
interests
of.
instance,
of Russia,
invasion
was advocated
it
was pro-
and parties
the Nazi
because
Left
of the Socialist
Free
uncritical
has maintained
ideologies
immediate
was inherited
Peronist
of the specific
and partly
orientations
social-democratic
1.
Party
to enter
regime
military
was assured,
after
the
posing
of their
to the
influenced
Communist
and fascism
democracy
nationalist
ation
being
and Peronism.
development
Argentine
in Argentine
viewpoint
Left.
to foreign
divorced
than
rather
contribution
traditional
latter
Party
Socialist
Argentine
of
leader.
Left
of the
critique
list
such as Yrigoyen,
conflict
This
However,
the
extended
of the bed-rock
as part
of the nationalist
figures
terms.
class
as a national
ideas
and also
and imperialism
structures,
of Rosas.
of the fundamental
nation
respect
more popular
idea
of imperialism
problematic
support
this
to include
caudillos
still
in
to social
evaluation
the cruder
it
expressions,
conflict
Arregui's
discarded
1930's
better
In its
imperium-nation
Left
of the
national
they
the
case of Hern{ndez
the
though
history.
poor
The
to a preoccupin
turn
led
and his
term,
could
cheaper
offer,
it
84 -
this
yet
this
the
involved
to mother
the War in
during
by the traditional
it
"the
of
them.
democratic
ist
Party
jibe
at
in recent
years
ously
close
Here,
writers
dangerous
for
death
Left
the National
ions,
to charging
path
for
which
should
pointing
national
itself
is
be rejected.
forces
because
Left
occas-
opponents
true
to say that
Social
opposed national
role,
it
plane.
traditional
Left
has never
presented
with
is
also
true
have been
While
regard
anything
correctto the
more
1.
del Stalinismo
See Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Historia
en la Argentina
(Buenos Aires:
Editorial
Rancagua, 1974), pp. 145-184; and
El Peronismo: Sus Causas, 4th ed. (Buenos Aires:
Rodolfo Puiggrs,
Cepe, 1974), pp. 35-56.
Ediciones
2.
Hernndez
Arregui,
op.
cit.,
pp.
to
an anti-Argentine
have historically
on the international
the National
is
into
method of analysis,
of the
Arregui's
"foreign".
was
it
political
import,
one
a revolutionary
Social
on several
Left
failed
Though it
in Argentina
occasions
However,
make
of the Commun-
to employ a Marxist
a "foreign"
did
Hernndez
towards
to the weaknesses
question,
latter
Arregui
to perform
counter-revolutionary
ly
the
have often
that
that
concern
or rather
the behaviour
into
to
Party's
tame socialism
of the traditional
critique
Marxism
that
doctrine
a mummy".
such as Hernndez
such arguments
suggest
"Lenin
the Socialist
be sympathetic
will
them prone
in Argentina",
of conservatism
shield
due to its
provisioned.
rendered
increasingly
Moreover,
them,
a living
Left
power on
activities
war effort
Indeed,
and its
objectives
short-term
with
"anti-national".
of being
hand,
strike-breaking
order
the imperial
of
on the other
had encouraged
Russia,
Such behaviour
charges
the policy
sharing
question.
devotion
Party
-85-
than
a rudimentary
Democracy
and Stalinism
National
while
Left
ficial,
the
of
Argentine
its
olution
the
comes onto
position
is,
even for
would-be
of
that
the
early
which
hardly
is
Peronist
orientated
fell
for
Peron
the
trade
not
union
the
defending
committed
imagination
1.
demise,
Ibid.,,
to which,
in
the
stage
of revfor
of struggling
The importance
of this
legitimacy
on Peronism,
great
a basis
provides
for
revolution
Socialism,
then
that
Hernndez
of his
least
at
that
seeing
and plays
1955 defeat
national
but
to no more than
from
apart
Per6n's
links
Arregui's
the
while
treatment
with
labour
the weak,
the port
the nature
the old
the workers
the apologist
He maintained
resolutely
of those
errors
of
foreign-
anarchic,
city",
of Peronism.
independence
to be
propagating
base being
of
an apologia
by no means untypically,
Quite
movement of
that
was
Peron
to
readers.
to analyse
the weaknesses
such an analysis,
P. 395.
amounted
writer,
about
"errors",
By failing
to its
according
for
"Left".
"without
to explain
unable
a struggle
Left
destroyed,
origin
provincial
It
Governments
than
more "National"
since
postulate
of national-democratic
surprising
showed a National
myths,
of it
the stage
confers
Stalinism
lasts.
"stage"
It
it
and other
denounced
verbally
the day.
of
revolutionaries.
present
before
order
course,
Arregui
be a national-democratic
must first
of Social
nature
Hernbndez
analysis
the revolution,
of
there
their
strategic
must be completed
which
Socialism
because
central
stages
case,
Indeed,
same time,
accepting
theory
in general.
authors
the
at
of the non-revolutionary
critique
or rather
of Peronism
lack
which
of analysis,
contributed
helped
to
86
foster
illusions
least
progressive
the Left
ward for
It
but
harked
rather
a revolutionary
by no means provided
movement.
Thus Hernndez
formulae.
as a whole being
Peroniam
in
back to old
Arregui's
or at
way for-
a viable
Peronist
exhausted
position
that:
"the struggle
their
internal
of the masses against
and external
through the establishment
enemies can only be resolved
of
regimes,
with control
of exports
authoritarian
and the means
of propaganda,
with state support for the popular movement and
in this national
defence policy".
army participation
Even by 1970,
of the former
a renewal
footnote
5-line
his
of it!
Arregui
his
he retained
the idea
while
the
and a belief
in
least
the
of his
radicalism
Peronism
against
kept
of the Peronist
such a call
by a
qualified
lived
up to
not
of the
the
old
(at
Since
for
fact
capitulation
The limits
Overnight,
the Peronist
and were in
lasted)
army-people
2
a total
the early
revolution
leadership
in
socialist
signified
Left
the nation-imperialism
of resuscitating
Right
for
call
exactly
Peronist
of
stage
imperialism.
unity
secuted,
that
the
conceptions
army is
national
out
former
desirability
all
was only
supported
were seen in
dropped
dez Arregui
Arregui's
work,
alliance
"bourgeois-democratic"
("Carcagno's
alliance
that
major
Though Hernndez
contradiction,
"Army-People"
to the effect
expectations
1970's,
of his
in
Hernn-
Peronist
Left
already
and
were being
being
per-
to the Peromist
against
the
evil:
greater
disputes
"The ideological
conceptions
about the differing
of
Peronism - moving towards independent
capitalism
or towards
1.
Ibid.,
2.
Hernndez Arregui,
(September 1973),
I~
Peronismo y Socialismo
p. 5,
editorial.
(Buenos Aires),
no.
87
important,
though
important,
extremely
socialism
must be
temporarily
postponed because the mandate of the hour is not
dramatic
history
in this particular
to
moment of Argentine
over scholastic
words while the enemy is beating
quarrel
on
the door".
1
HernAndez
Arregui
"scholastic
(Peronism
y Socialismo
(Peronisri
Argentina
the
of both
However,
there
the
factors
are
same old
Peronism
with
axis
of anti-imperialist
armed with
Argentine
subordinate
against
this
guide
being
two major
national
itself
all
about
front
being
in
weaknesses
in
this
struggle.
Firstly,
bourgeoisie
to working-class
the evidence
movement,
force
of the
class
under
the
- theory,
is
totally
of power.
is
of
years,
and indeed
history
the
of creating
an
bour-
national
of the
leadership
Secondly,
of
the
abstract.
hegemony.
of Argentine
1955 loss
the
the idea
alliance
historically
elaboration
Communist Party
early
as a national
a revolutionary,
the
of
working-
schema which
recognised
and working
those
and for,
seen as crucial
libera-
than
anti-imperialist
schema of Puiggr6s's
classes
middle
written
revolution
of national
apparel,
to be more radical
liberation
and anti-imperialist
anti-oligarchic
geoisie,
having
that
assumption
of bourgeois-democratic
glance
a national
only
if
at first
theory'to
a revolutionary
latter,
y Liberaci6n
the basic
share
in nationalist
Puiggr6s
Arregui,
absence
Puiggr6s
same idea
hegemony in
course
Peronismo
from
review
to Peronismo
They appear
Hernandez
class
and Socialism)
of Rodolfo
under
to dress
tion.
as a war over
and Liberation).
The works
or,
by changing
words"
what he viewed
in
surrendered
The
to
the working
class
1.
board, "Aclarac16n
Hernandez Arregui
and editorial
sobre el cambio
(Buenos
" Peronismo y Liberaci6n
de nombre de nuestra revista,
(August
1
1974), p. 5.
Aires),
no.
2.
Puiggrs,
See in particular
El Proletariado
en is Revoluci6n
(Buenos Aires:
Nacional
Sudestada,
Editorial
1968), passim.
-88-
leading
whether
of the whole
mockery
implement
why they
socialist
is
fold
Peronism
for
is
How appropriate
revolutions
successfully
experiences.
The idea
In the
of production
out
are
Argentina
Most people
structures
exist
cratic
schemas is
only
1.
feudalism
as to
exists,
The idea
it
logical,
for
reform
countryside.
and not
as Laclau
and social
undermined
is
by the.
the predominant
bourgeois-democratic
in
interested
who are
can be
countries.
where capitalism
generations,
the struggle
international
national
bourgeois
stage,
various
separating
agrarian
in the
with
un-
Stalinism.
with
and distinct
he
credit,
would
of national
world,
of
of international
feudal
where
stages
To his
view
to a later
case of Argentina,
of place.
his
of temporally
Cuba, Angola
in
to
conception
members to recognise
by confronting
fatalistic
into
but
postponed
challenged
revolutions
make a
no arguments
Puiggr6s's
in the underdeveloped
place
being
socialism
not
immediately
to Argentina?
this
taking
liberation
in
not
that
of the handbooks
out
came straight
for
is
revolution
support
to merely
Would they
has offered
to underline
was one of
itself
by proceeding
Puiggr&s
policies?
necessary
also
the Argentine
to restrict
measures?
of stages
by Puiggr&s,
outlined
not.
should
It
theory
of alliance
be likely
would
and anti-imperialist
anti-oligarchic
class
class
the kind
yet
mode
schemas
the development
few would
claim
of
that
To employ bourgeois-demo-
necessarily
has correctly
politically
stated,
sensible,
othe
has explicitly
the Communist Party termThough Puiggr6s
rejected
(El
inology
Peronismo....,
this
associated
with
op. cit.,
question
have remained unchanged since
conceptions
p. 44), his underlying
the Communist Party.
leaving
89
-
of
the democratic
of feudalism
and to place
task
fundamental
remains
geoisie".
of historical
of the
national
specificities
and this
A modified
of the
Ramos.
approach
revolution
counterposed
support
though
they
expulsion
through
some progress
Socialists
this
road,
it
from
to support
it
falters.
to
the social
though
along
though
Thus,
in a modified
The problem
with
a critical
the national
workers'
it
approach
fully
party,
can still
is
and independent
revolution
and incor-
be achieved
bourgeoisie
that
(the
revolution
can only
national
For
Peronism.
revolution
agrarian
the stages
revolution,
for
by an independent
the Argentine
they
led
revolution
a socialist
of permanent
of the national
unity,
the stages
theory
support"
"civilization")
into
of the Indian
poration
national
of imperialism,
Abelardo
which
the tasks
the
in
by Jorge
group,
however,
of "critical
that
have argued
led
and Trotsky's
position
line
a political
of this
In practice
to it.
an intermediate
has occupied
ally
dismissed
of the
structures,
has appeared
tendency
ancestry
more on
weakness.
of stages
political
bour-
on an analysis
and economic
of analytical
the
out
has rested
than
social
theory
Left
of the National
literature
Argentine
source
version
Left
forces
national
to wipe
power in
of the National
The nationalism
the vindication
is
revolution
the
make
duty
of
until
position
has still
here
been present,
form.
this
line
of argument
is
that
" Latin
125.
due to the
takeover
1.
2.
Ramos's La Luchs
Revolucionario
See in particular
or un Partido
(Buenos Aires:
Plus Ultra,
Editorial
1964) and El Marxismo de
(Barcelona:
Editorial
Planeta,
Indias
19,63).
American
Review
go-
of much of the
the State
out
tion.
An older
tinction
is
is
there
between
are
of secondary
land
distribution
geoisie
latter
being
the national
Movement,
force
during
the final
the
Left
path
their
bourgeoisie,
despite
all
months of the
promoted
of vital
posed,
to
revenue
press-
the bour-
past
role
implications
1973-76
and
has regarded
It
is
order
and vituperative
the Argentine
mechanical
the limitations
has not
seen as represented
the
land-
these
when popular
over
of
of interest
conflicts
bourgeoisie
has demonstrated
provided
to be exhausted.
of Lenin
con-
or disagreements
a provider
existing
the
dis-
this
no tension
by the State.
against
citations
by the National
the Peronist
to the
are
between
is
bourgeois
to itself,
to unite
tends
there
means that
is
and business-owning
In moments of crisis,
of Stalinism,
denunciations
to support
it
revolu-
to the existence
antagonism
mean that
The national
imports.
frequent
interests
expropriation
and a threat
Despite
class
Rather,
or its
as a whole
their
and agrarian
importance.
industrial
are felt
tion
industrial
bourgeoisie
social
This
valid,
and national
businessmen
does not
this
and social
but no less
particular
with-
to when
were referring
the national
no fundamental
as complementary
oligarchy
ures
Due in
in practice
policy.
economic
finance
comes to
blurred.
Of course,
classes.
the
when it
numbers of land-owning
owners,
over
oligarchy
monopolies
of the economy.
sectors
Peronists
of
the mid-1950's,
since
the foreign
to
the
although
rather
significant
rivalry
dynamic
"indissolubility"
distinct,
ceptually
the
capital
against
revolutionary
objection
that
argument
the
in
ing
to proceed
intervening
they
by foreign
sector
it
is
industrial
Peronist
one.
decades,
with
of this
class
this
It
has
historically
and vacillations
of all
work-
by
which
no indicais
likely
were seen
-91Left
Popular
by calling,
not
of the probability
the defence
for
to the Right
itself
stationed
the face
in
only
for
Front
of democratic
extent
accordance
with
from a failure
being
with
the only
socialist
grouping
to
the labour
variant
of bonapartism
both
a historical
Engels
is also
Peronism
and his
Left
slightly
since
modified
Argentina's
most of its
administrations
time.
by the early
came to maintain
resolve
that
political
social
to carry
Nacional
However, his
that
in Argentina,
during
(September
1975),
1.
2.
3.
(November
Nacional,
41
For example, Ramos's call in Itauierda
no.
Government to implement "the
1975), p. 4, for the Peronist
(still)
to
it
October
1945",
referring
as
a
programme of 17th
"revolutionary
programme".
5th
ed.
to
the 1973-76
prompting
Irauterda
no.
been
measures.
39
as
of economic decline,
Aires),
of
out national-democratic
(Buenos
evaluation
in a period
be
and a con-
were formulated
Though verbally
1970's
problems
activity
bourgeoisie
theoreticians,
after
regime,
of the revolution
on the nature
ideas
and immediately
class.
the ben-
as an Argentine
and Trotsky,
in
must be
of the Peronist
of the national
representative
derive
movement through
in explaining
useful,
ditional
in
support
from the
to recognise
Ramos's characterisation
drawing
Left
As an offshoot
1930's,
to accrue
Peronism.
supporting
for
developments.
of the
groups
efits
but also
of the National
to modify
socio-economic
Trotskyist
credited
intervention,
of military
institutions
Left
Isabel.
tiny
of the Poroniat
(Buenos
Aires:
p.
Editorial
4.
- 92 -
This
Argentine
focus
ly
failure
is
society
to analyses
Puiggr6s
of pre-1955
history,
Hernndez
intellectual
against
imperialist
history
the full
stretch
to leading
representation
with
started
he dealt
with
an analysis
one nothing
the history
about
analysis,
of modern social,
adequate
analysis
Instead,
their
analyses
of the revisionist
ed the
old
between
oppressor
present
in a subordinate
the nation
with
social
from
classes
all
which
when he characterised
bourgeoisie
I.
Ramos,
too
role
often
compose it.
bourgeois
it
La Era.....,
Class
of the
op. cit.
of Marxist
upon an
structures.
being
political
distinction
has only
analysis
of these
three
for
and provisional
been
authors
to the
reference
Peronist
corresponding
for
the historical
to Lenin's
evoked without
as "an unstable
and proletariat.....
in
Left
Thus Puiggr6s,
nature
period,
and political
the writings
being
nor has
recommendations
dichotomy
nations.
in
1943-73
by reference
and oppressed
the ultimately
the
final
this
in history,
structures
of the Nation-Imperialism
idea
action.
political
and,
attributing
and forces
school
though
of the Resistencia.
economic
on strategy
advice
culture
has mainly
though
on the
volume
pen main-
work,
history,
of socio-economic
His
his
of national
figures
limited
was concerned
historical
The latter,
political
history.
labour
tells
example,
and Ramos's
level.
by the
Arregui
defence
in
of changes
has dedicated
of post-Independence
at a superstructural
has never
and the
deformations,
light
to be explained
partially
school.
with
operated
the
Left
chiefly
embracing
in
conceptions
least
at
the National
of
class
to revise
example,
drew back
State
1946-55
of
balance
to a transitional
between
93
1
stage".
idea
Another
was that
Patric
the
of
which
Latin
American
the North
American
erstwhile
mentor
America,
made in
by Debray,
replace
it
Marxist"
America
her
Peron after
in
the
1.
Puiggr6s,
2.
Ramos,
1949),
but
General
didn't
Strike
in
it".
is
centuries
of
in any-
argument,
put
and
was strictly
geography
about
The old
and new
which
in
by the Argentine
Isabel
working
of mid-1975.
Left
op. cit.,
Un Pais
(Buenos
op.
cit.,
pp.
was neatly
p. 87.
Aires:
an
of his
call
Ramos to support
led
passim.
Ramos, El Marxismo...,
America
Marxism"
Marxism
the National
Latina:
know anything
practice
El Proletariado....,
Am6rica
reply
which
intellectuals.
balkanisation
eradicate
to teach
try
this
Latin
of Latin
after
with
Ramos's
American
come together
can ever
cannot
the
States
that
unlikely
Latin-Americanize
government
3.
"to
has attempted
theory
United
nation,
they'd
in
rejected
beyond
When faced
American
that
Latin
states
the French
imagined
were both
highly
is
one simply
Latin
a
with
we never
class
that
of Ramos that
a Socialist
American
racist:
Left
It
Left
seem
con-
a strong
National
goes far
which
a confederation.
forward
but
for
1934.
more than
thing
view
Trotsky
the Latin
balkanisation
the view
is
open to challenge
2a
nation,
unconstituted
What is
Latin
too,
would
envisages
of developing
attracted
America
reasons,
which
Culturally
colossus.
has particularly
culture
project
left
as Manuel Ugarte.
such
and economic
have much in
countries
military
National
of Latin
nationalists
any liberation
American
by the
the unification
of
,
for
in
item
Left
Peronist
by previous
both
unity,
to be an essential
the
Grande
fronting
to
imparted
Editorial
Octubre,
-94-
summed up in a manifesto
ideological
by it".
ated
Secondary
In
1964.
the Marxist
to adopt
going
in
centre
by Hernndez
written
and subsidiary
he announced
it
"without
method
In practice
the
Left
the
weakness
of HernAndez
be nationalist
origins.
in
years,
recent
favourable
of that
Ongania
under
to the strong
Moreover,
any significant
the
even after
is
because
reminded
that
of
reserved
it
having
Thus most
past.
to the military
an appeal
is
has tied
have always
in
class
to a
turn
movement,
and Videla,
competitors
interests.
monopolic
to discover
however,
The reality,
both
rather
foreign
years
It
liberation
while
! rartinian
role.
projected
to be domin-
in
a "progressive"
Arregui's
This
Left
was
revisionism
bourgeoisie,
interests
the industrial
promoted
the
their
centre
to a historical
the National
Condor
Marxism
to the national
that
latter
of the
the army in
for
a place
to play
the
the
itself
contradiction.
politically
has ceased
latter
that
allowing
subordinate
for
this
role,
Arregui
it
to
San
of its
the Argentine
army
of the national
to be
bourgeoisie,
anti-imperialist
the
within
army.
influences,
Such ideological
1960's
years
and early
in
National
searching
Left
evaluation
fundamentals
for
the model
schemas derived
of the national
have remained
1.
Hernndez Arregui,
Ediciones
Aires:
2.
Ramos, Eiercito
1968),
passim.
to lead
tended
1970's
received
in
1946-55,
their
y Semicolonia
(Buenos Aires:
For
but
schemas which
thought
Nacionalismo
Liberacibn,
Corregidor,
1973),
p. 354.
critical
in
Editorial
the
positive
in
and impervious
3d ed.,
the
back 20
Peronists
revolution.
a more or less
movement of
static
the radical
of the Argentine
from
Left
by the Peronist
their
to
(Buenos
Sudestada,
95
the face
in
revision
Peronist
contribution
Left
was the
leadership
broad
sectors
however,
These criticisms,
Left
perspective
wards
the
challenging
"antinational"
National
Party
the
nearly
will
to
politics
and
the polarisation
the
after
Peronist
lies
in Argentina.
analysis
be essential
All cited
Nacional
themselves
its
the
be
could
if
only
historical
re-
of this
Left
party
historical
to the avoidance
Puiggr6s
were,
The latter
but
or
publications.
a strong
of the
of history.
how "national"
to original
school
perspective
the National
in
Liberal
also.
the national
the
some useful
in which
Party
Ramos, Spilimbergo,
1.
a lot
examining
the writers
all
it
dogmas of the
historical
contribution
future,
revisionism
committed
upon existing
the Socialist
historical
history
authors
A second area
positive
for
has produced
for
abandoning
without
Left
analyses
did
class
be used to dismiss
not
should
historical
of a social
date
to
-
search
working
class
shortly
completely
official
various
beginnings
developed
alliance
to be unidimensional,
tends
Though this
of
its
In particular,
work.
them unprepared
of a nation-
This
against
to
of 1973.
restoration
National
left
the Peronist
began to shatter
which
whether
left
society.
presented
nature
it
Moreover,
ideas.
bourgeoisie,
the Peronist
of
Left
of the revolutionary
of such an alliance
vaccinate
Marxist
idea
in Argentine
the National
which
the national
movement including
al
developments
of subsequent
failure
of past
and Hernfindez
of the Communist
aspects
of the Left
is
to be built
in
traditional
Left
The volumes
by
of the
mistakes.
Arregui
aspects
contain
el
Problema
96
critique
inability
to gain
Left
its
with
distance
ideological
pursued
an electoral
(only
enfranchised.
by 1914,
Province
devotion
democracy
0.99).
to the
Soviet
regime
the National
However,
ure
the
ideology
parties'
research.
the
bases
of
their
failure
but
Socialist
its
Party
condemned it
the majority
in
to politic-
of Buenos Aires
and thus
population
was naturalized
being
dis-
and for
2.371
Buenos
Communist Party,
a battle
between
the non-interventionist
to Per6n being
the
of
unnaturalized
Capital
stance
branded
of these
but
all
by its
parties
and their
for
parties
It
focus.
of
and his
a nazi
to examine
towards
have thought
would require
that
Left
fail-
specific
aspects
genuine
investigation
would be fundamental
the National
old Left's
has criticized
attitudes
such an analysis
One would
that
of the
understanding
limited
has failed
histories,
historical
Left
Left
those
of
and regimes
social
Left:
with
certainly
as "peronazis".
supporters
these
metropoli
traditional
which
the immigrant
led
as a satellite
largely
of the
coupled
military
post-1943
that
In the
view
and fascism
fact
the Federal
for
the figure
of the
example,
origin,
1.4% of
external
strategy
due to the
were of immigrant
workers
in
their
explaining
Left
The Argentine
for
century,
ineffectiveness
events
the Argentine
foundations
realities.
of this
Bernstein,
the
Depicting
power.
from national
years
early
Aires
which
reveals
al
Left
the old
of
into
to a discussion
have offered
in
this
1.
"European Immigrants
in Argentine
Oscar Cornblit,
Industry
and
(ed. ), The Politics
" in Claudio Veliz
Politics,
of Conformity
(21ew York:
Oxford University
Press, 1970)-, p. 232.
in Latin America
2.
historical
is Richard J.
The best example of a researched
analysis
(USA: InstParty of Argentina,
The Socialist
1890-1930
Walter,
The University
itute
of Latin American Studies,
of Texas at Austin,
1977).
of
97
respect
society
concentrated
facing
that
appears
to YriPovenismo
further
Left
National
for
the nascent
the Left
posture,
failing
through
would
to offer
for
Left
Left
confrontations
have gone no
expression
With
it
actually
It
is
would
has ignored,
between
than
through
dimension,
the labour
Left,
subordination
a "weak"
to Yrigoyen.
on the national-antinational
concentration
industrial
any alternative
the
to total
interests.
and national
arguably
to assume that
fallacious
enismo
bourgeoisie
industrial
only
stance.
traditional
of Yrigoyen
he represented
that
than maintaining
"criticisms"
Left
have
should
of the
have amounted
un-
National
an independent
the shoes
generally
the
and Communists
been in
Left
weak,
that
and from
would
attitude
All
with
Argentina,
century
was numerically.
"critically"
albeit
this
20th
early
the Socialists
that
come to grips
analyses
heterogenous.
In fact,
in
class
and culturally
Yrigoyen,
supported
have these
the Left
the working
has recommended is
it
Never
are assertions.
such a
was,
totally
pro-Yr
single-minded
are the
important
governments.
Despite
years,
the occasional
rose
strikes
133,000
in
1918 to 309,000
out,
when faced
class
defection
labour
rapidly
with
in
movement.
pro-labour
from
in
24,000
1919.1
from
pressures
Party,
Hundreds
of striking
Semana TrAgica
(Tragic
in
1916 to 136,000
Moreover,
the Right
the Radical
of Yrigoyen's
policies
workers
1917,
and the
Yrigoyeii
early
in
turned
threat
his
of middle-
back on the
were massacred
Week) of January
during
the
infamous
1.
Vittorio
Anteo,
2.
Codovilla,
Trabaios
1972), P. 96.
Escogidos
1919.
(Buenos Aires:
of
Moreover,
Editorial
98
the
Radical
"radical"
that
Governments
terms
in
the Radicals
livestock
that
during
during
rates
amental
Though they
of Radicalism
responsible
for
anti-popular
wing
Party
ist
of
Repetto
noire
the
Smith
has shown
favouring
Scobie
has pointed
lowest
levels
out
for
50
therefore
and
as the national
of his
method.
Left
party
caudillo
while
and
involves
abandon-
Personalisation
as the only
of their
true
national-
own tendency.
who collaborated
Left's
(a word
the British
the National
as
and cipayos
with
tendency
of
of the Social-
critiques
precursor
open
contradictions
the anti-national
presented
of the national
To reject
Yrigoyen
achievements
on the other
and which
least
is
to evade the
National
being
Indians
at
protectionism,
Marxist
infected
denoted
authorities
Party,
Party
such personalisation
professed
also
(betrayers
the Radical
representing
of Radicalism,
and Chioldi
originally
Argentina).
versus
and as ideological
the Party
that
by portraying
Manuel Ugarte
with
vendepatrias
2.
Peter
particularly
while
reached
have attempted
Left's
analyses
ist
trade
as the bete
the National
political
1.
period
the progressive
all
Alvear
painting
in
the Socialist
than
limitations
imperial
that
were not
strategy.
Congress
contention
of free
question
doubt.
which
into
the 1920's
Left
more "national"
antly
Justo,
1930 period
The National
ing
1916 to
development
their
introduced
producers
tariff
years.
to
of
of the
lackeys"
to personalise
3.
4.
Words first
used by Arturo Jauretche
of FORJA in the 1930's.
National
Left ideological
debt to FORJA was considerable.
is
Norberto
Galasso, Manuel
Universitaria
de Buenos
The
-99the history
that
of the Socialist
leaders'
party's
'National
the
A final
though
nature
made an ideological
its
critique
its
attempt
to unite
progressive
cloak
imperialist
centres
Argentine
that
which
served
al
to the
Left
his
of Great
national
attentions
In an attempt
to present
and socialist,
Ernesto
to discovering
of Perbn,
alists.
While
anti-Marxists,
Evita,
Jauretche,
acknowledging
Goldar
Corbiere,
Emilio
(Buenos Aires),
bases
that
has sustained
regular
1975-76.
the
Britain
an ideology
for
is
Nation-
at
materialism
Ortiz
the same
has devoted
example,
and other
nationalists
in
op.
prerequi-
many "bourgeois
articles
published
See also Walter,
the
ideology,
which
of dialectical
that
of
Argentina".
and socialism
many Argentine
to
to such an extent
revolutionary
Scalabrini
country
harnessing
Goldar,
as a
Progressive-
in
to as "British
nationalism
to it.
the superiority
tools
in
and for
of
allies.
as ideological
lies
has served
oligarchy,
has
and in
opposition
Constitution
oligarchic
of liberal
to marry
attempts
writings
1.
trade
Left
domination
in
the
as clear-
defined,
of the
the subordination
of an alternative
elaboration
successful.
time
local
referred
was often
country
in
not
generically
and socialism
that
of neo-colonial
to hide
is
implies.
Left,
of
of the
suggest
leaders
to the development
the
site
the National
embodied
and their
civilization
Socialist
of the dominant
such as free
ideas
Western
with
researches
literature
nationalism
sounding
Left
a defence
understanding
Corbiere's
as a form
how liberalism,
and poor
the old
contribution
of liberalism
explains
decades
Emilio
of
in which
area
in no way necessitates
reformism
as the National
an issue
This
timid
Question',
"anti-national"
cut
Party
in
nationhave been
nationalists"
Cuestionario
cit.
the
have in
fact
national
his
bridge
thought
national
between
nationalism
Goldar
presentable
prime
of dialectics
ar's
in
between
Indeed,
to establish
attempting
materialist,
utility
this
to build
order
Peronism
However,
is
in
found
pre-Marxists
in
the Peronist
Left
for
society
in
the armoury
in
only
bourgeois
as a whole
in
of
trying
Marxists
the
general
and
of Per6n.
More-
to reveal
Gold-
serve
his
Overall,
the argument
Peronism
that
of
empiricism.
to justify
order
the writings
that
is
a materialist
Argentine
to portray
seen as an attempt
the study
with
of materialism
in
Left,
no place
to Perbn being
references
of dialectics
to the Marxist
they
respect
equation
to traces
organization.
to make Per6n
over,
Inter-
Trotskyist").
towards
and socialism,
Pern on political
in
is
as the 4th
Left.
olutionary
that
an "unconscious
onterprise
Argentine
materialists"
Castro
once considered
whole
that
been "unconscious
1 (just
can be
work
nationalist
writers
of the majoritarian
was revolutionary
as
wing of
and could
of it
analysis
it
upholding
against
bourgeois
by Hernfindez
as a force
for
aspects
nationalism
filled
essentialism
("In
in
in
up the concept
intellectual
Arregui
liberation
Hernndez
synthesis,
of Marxist
this
as national
its
with
ideological
combat
and ultimately
the
ca
not
of
The
contradictions.
him to reject
Ideolb
and development,
origins
is
1960's.
and the
and expressions
analysis
told
the early
culture
The tension,
Ernesto Goldar,
La Descolonizaci6n
Pena Lillo
Editor,
1973), p. 14.
in
to be used in
analysis
Arregui
circles
explored
literature.
between
element
took
can be interpreted
foreign-influenced
antagonism,
1.
it
speaking,
also
discussed
became widely
Broadly
Marxist
Left
national
one but
(Buenos
multiple"),
Aires:
A.
-101to argue
of
different
that
the national
the
the
bourgeoisie,
the national
As argued
in
no way arrived
at a synthesis
al
Left
Rather,
writers.
between
antagonisms
of
this
school
temporary,
of
in
class
and,
nations
being
and
Nation-
and other
in
as
and socialism
to the
conceptions
at
an acceptance,
In the words
conciliation.
of'class
of this
that
capital
nationalism
works
conflict
the result
thought,
classes
foreign
against
above,
the
used this
the thesis
middle
and oppressed
oppressor
for
of support
can unite
classes".
conceptions
nationalized
proletariat
anti-national
have different
example,
basis
as a cultural
pivot,
Yet in
question.
"The industrial
for
classes,
of Hernandez
least
Arregui,
historical
in
is
"since
situations
specific
oppression
colonial
than internal
social
opposition,
class concilmore critical
iation
is a dialectical
of national
moment in the development
1
consciousness".
Left
oppressor
of the
ations
alliances
ial
come as a surprise
National
Isabel
might
Perbn,
Left
group,
between
of conflict
ignored
they
his
national
mergers,
Movement in
when supporting
that
Lenin
the
in
himself
1940's.
qualific-
temporary,
something
considered
who still
the Peronist
after
Lenin,
warned against
to Puiggr6s,
joining
of Lenin
from
and the
Communists
he strongly
world,
up the idea
Though Lenin
thesis.
between
nations
took
the
which
might
a disciple
Similarly,
the Government
had also
colon-
argued
of
that
Communists:
Quub es el
Arregui,
Plus Ultra,
1973),
Ser Nacional?,
3d ed. (Buenos Aires:
& 289-290.
PP. 19,288
1.
Hernndez
Editorial
2.
Draft
"Preliminary
Y. I. Lenin,
of Theses on the National
Questions, " Lenin on the National
Colonial
and Colonial
(Peking:
Languages Press, 1970),
Foreign
p. 27.
and
Questions
102 -
the ideological
were attractive
Left.
They presented
history,
Argentine
past
Peronist
than
those
radicals
of the Montonero
Peronist
cita
rather
Marxist
from
ating
as imported
al
er's
Left
Catholic
political
implacable
terrorism"
(Marx-citers
alienated
those
the fact
that
Puiggrbs
and Artists
Peronista
tendency
opposition
Peronist
the
and
Mont-
forces
forms
to justify
1.
2.
Ramos, La Era....,
of action
greater
Commission
p. 33.
opo cit.
pp.
ra-
formations'
considered
with
likely
repression.
on the National
eman-
the Nation-
was the
though
their
bonapartism
like
were charged
298-301.
being
Left
wedge between
Left
the
over
than Marxists),
concepts
for
writers
of the Peronist
sectors
A more critical
Left
influence
rather
who viewed
schemes.
and blanguism,
by conservative
party.
(Movimiento
its
criticise
Marxistas
of the Peronist
organisations)
Left
an indirect
only
exercised
nationalism,
leftist
became Peron-
Intellectuals
Movement's
the
a National
in
reflected
the
to be more influential
tended
who formed
in
in
who actually
Professionala,
terminblogy
had failed
of
Council.
Superior
than
view
participation
writers
is
group
of the
Left.
their
their
Peronist
a national
with
and Puiggrbs,
Secretary
zpx)
-
Left
The National
of the former
First
today
Peronist
for
Left,
of the evolving
like
The importance
onero
the youthful
like
Branch
sectors
justification
Movement.
ists,
is
to important
an explanation
and a socialist
of the National
weaknesses
form-
(guerrilla
"individual
to be used
Nevertheless,
and Colonial
103 -
Ramos's
read,
Left
Peronism
that
from a position
the impossibility
70,000
ed almost
soared
these
of
faced,
Left
time,
impact
than
on workers
Working-class
ideas
industrial
which
of
of
this
the
during
poll,
gainvote
though
confusion
many
when
Per6n on a Popular
for
given
banning
of
left
in
1962.
1.
Ramos, Revoluci6n
(Buenos
Aires:
ed.
2.
Ramos,
La Era...,
Moreover,
Contrarevoluci6n
Plus
Editorial
op.
cit.
pp.
the
priority
sense,
its
work
Force
Party
of the Socialist
the formation
upon intellectual
en la Argentina,
Ultra,
1973).
306-308.
from
apart
the Socialist
even after
was placed
than
No political
1940's.
and early
rhetoric
Orientation
by the Radical
in
party,
sectors.
Quite
In this
work.
the
made far
monopolies
Nacional.
was inevitable
played
1930's
forms,
foreign
with
Revolution
of the National
the latter
nominal
Conciencia
the National
Party
de la
the role
with
Youth
organisational
Its
and generic
was,
to intellectual
assigned
it
in which
and petty-bourgeois
conflict
Left,
of the National
the latter
party
on students
of La Formaci6n
to readings
its
in
such as it
nationalism,
and to experience--of
the
both
Left,
The National
less
the
of the strength
of voters'
to vote
for
called
ticket.
Front
from within
1973 presidential
an opportunity
with
to support
independently.
a result
undoubtedly
were
votes
this
the September
in
to 889,000
who wanted
when standing
votes
those
An indication
party.
by the
was supplied
party
The Popular
Peronism
of changing
of a new revolutionary
this
of many students.
independence
of critical
was widely
to a positive
a home for
by Ramos provided
led
formation
part
of Argentina
and contributed
circles,
on the
of Peronism
Front
history
readable
in university
especially
reevaluation
of
and highly
popular
5 vols.
5th
104
production
"nationalising"
the university
a consistent
to Peronism
during
conceptions
which
them for
pare
argued
minimally
tine
of the
analyses
to take
reformulated
Even by 1973,
society.
struggle
Socialism
of further
was capable
The lack
of National
illusion
Left
the
surrendering
that
analysis
the
early
demonstrating
could
that
they
to pre-
Left
based
Left
changes in Argen-
post-1955
that
considered
before
This
behaviour
inherit
were the
of
a stage
an independent
led
them to an over-
bourgeoisie,
belief
the
illusion
that
18 years
that
Failure
years.
they
failed
to un-
Peronism
reforms.
in his
to analyse
the ideological
As
the misplaced
to undermine
than
but
sectors
the national
of
least
at
Government.
way.
especially
without
get under
radical
did nothing
opposition
Left
could
adopting
young recruits
Governments
account
the National
Per6n and to
for
support
critical
into
of the anti-imperialism
estimation
Peronist
at
Peronist
of national-democratic
for
Left
1973-76
1946-55
movement,
1970's
of the National
the conceptions
than
much to attract
and early
the
of
been directed
rather
labour
on Peronist
bestowed
it
the
did
ideas
1960's
the realities
above,
upon their
the late
has thus
bourgeoisie
in
work
Its
decade.
Left
petty
towards
attitude
the present
years.
several
of the National
until
for
and proselytism
Per6n himself
for
encouraged
the Movement's
most active
had
by the National
of Perbn during
left-wing
of Peronist
his
these
years,
own purposes
the Peronist
leadership
Left
through
ten-
dency.
Though bitter
al
Left
helped
critics
of the Argentine
left
Communist Party,
a view
of the
the Nation-
- 105 -
revolutionary
Stalinism
clothed
geoisie
was still
even in
ature,
leadership
ine
in national
dress.
progressive
was propagated
of a national
alliance
Stalinism
itself
dichotomy
of historical
same - the
Left
(the
in
icipating
type.
revisionism,
struggle,
or accompanying
become well-known
a left-wing
ment in
left-wing
for
shield
its
the Peronist
role
view
that
may well
consider
of the interests
the
Left
not
one could
views
liter-
imag-
in a workerin
originated
the nation-imperialism
were the
implications
bourgeoisie
the present
in
in national
terms
Movement in
the belief
The National
to perform.
of the Argentine
shield
Argentina
these
bour-
working-class
bourgeoisie
strategy
which
National
for
for
or in
the
the national
all
called
had a progressive
still
in
national
Whether
of international
that
alliance,
case of Puiggr6s)
of anti-imperialist
stage
which
multi-class
of this
that
The idea
works
by a conservative
participation
dominated
it
process
Left
traditional
oligarchy;
the National
of the national
a future
Left
meant part-
Left
that
has
constituted
Socialist
move-
to have been a
bourgeoisie.
CATHOLIC RADICALISM
"Why do we sit in a locked room debating
whether the soul is
immortal
are mortal?
and wretchedness
when we know that poverty
in mortal
is living
"The Catholic
who is not a revolutionary
sin"
Camilo Torres Restrepo.
In a country
1.
where 9V
of the people
are baptised
"
lob -
the
of first
stage
Catholic
ideas
former
of the
conceptions
who formed
and social
them in
the direction
The spread
1950's,
though
Emmanuel Mounier,
it
Another
the
prophet
"before
up by Camilo
Torres
Such ideas
did
for
him with
This
without
the blessing
mindful
of the fact
that
America
and fearful
of the
1.
2.
Gerassi,
3.
Abbot
op. cit.,
Pierre,
a roof
pp.
quoted
one of
over
like
Pierre
his
after
who in
it.
1954 sustained
over his
3
head,
an idea
taken
politics.
impact
which
The latter,
lived
millions
(Buenos Aires:
the
philosopher
armed resistance
followers
p. 84.
way in
of a worker-priest
head",
13-14.
was
of the
the French
a roof
impoverished
op. Cit.,
It
got under
of the Vatican.
of its
y Cristianismo
produce
Elorrio.
of the
in Mugica,
she did
really
revolutionary
one-third
loss
and pointed
of
dialogue
and promotion
over
social
with
had supported
was Abbot
not however
would
those
young men,
action
the development
1962 to justify
in
these
conservatism
social
about
the
especially
For
of Juan Garcia
Marxist-Christian
for
provide
though
traditional
talking
Catholic
to Argentina
the
figures,
to a concern
there
and appealed
they
in
movement prior
during
that
the
in
role
Movement.
the persona
in
Left
radical
which' radicalised
revolutionary
of the Peronist
ideas
ideas
led
Church
the
formative
the Montoneros.
legitimised
of radical
that
surprising
was these
Catholic
that
Catholic
change,
in Europe
principally
not
an important
It
embryo of
bearers
principal
is
key Peronist
a phenomenon peculiar
course,
late
Left.
the
within
it
played
of several
problems
their
1960's
the original
new ideas
the
communion,
of the Peronist
evolution
in Latin
to the
Editorial
107
-
rival
itself
the lot
with
Moreover,
ly.
dialogue
in
of the poor
(1963),
terris
elements,
growing
Marxists
with
condemned as results
ians
were urged,
This
its
that
but
nations
violence
tyranny
was ruled
out
for
for
among its
"True
fear
of becoming
racism
"save where
the Vatican
Gerassi,
the
the words
is
of Vatican
and the
there
evils
is
a full
'Church
its
of Patriarch
Christian
progressio,
It
attacked
of the richer
selfishness
were to be vanquished
manifest
equality".
II.
long-standing
personal
rights
and danger-
Christ-
and exploiters.
oppressors
in
radicalism
of the Poor'.
"exploiters"
in
this
way for
To some,
17.
I.
Quoted in
2.
Camilo
Maximos IV, quoted in Dorothy Day (Preface),
Patriarch
(London:
Sheed & Ward, 1968) p.
Torres:
priest
and revolutionary
3.
Quoted in
Gerassi,
op. cit.,
op. cit.,
p.
it
men, to struggle
of Populorum
of the ideas
exclusively
"good
and exploitation
socialism
proclamation
of the existence
brethren,
Pacem
emanated from
which
fellow
on the
in
their
do damage to fundamental
would
which
struggles,
contained
sharing
motive,
equivocated
class
John XXIII,
Marxism
expression
1965:
synthesis
the profit
inequality,
in
later
in
injustice
greed
most radical
a just
involves
Two years
Poverty,
meant taking
the Council
to Rome.
previous-
of Catholics
of man's
this
message gained
life
John XXIII
even if
Maximos IV at
of both
way than
equality
more radical
as to say that
Council
were
for
a far
became acceptable
went so far
in
participation
of approval".
worthy
formalised
in
the papacies
under
of the
recognition
Marxism,
of atheistic
attraction
p. 45.
16.
- los
Populorum
proiressio
implied
that
repressive
political
regimes
but
maintain
the existence
violence
of the oppressed
long-standing
fest
interpretation
tionary
this
in
the unity
different
of Populorum
II
the
dotes
document
for
was "less
"evil"
its
in
ordinating
This
American
Mundo) in
in
of
1.
the Latin
of course,
Priests
this
in
revolu-
regimes.
Church,
vital
only
as different
people
into
Episcopate
op.
than
cit.,
to the proclamation
prior
the
practice
their
and sharing
political
by a Third
in highly
of the
ideas
Movement (Movimiento
heralded
1967,
experwith
de Sacer-
World
Bishops'
terms:
positive
capitalism
was firmly
which
man to
condemned
considerations.
received
who submitted
Quoted in Mugica,
"mani-
with
violence,
Church,
the poor
of. subjecting
to economic
American
variant,
became specifically
to Socialism
document rapidly
priests
the
however,
non-involvement
Argentina
only
World
characteristics
social
justifying
To others,
encyclical
amongst
however,
referred
alien"
this
of political
and
heterogeneous
foreshadowing
of the Third
which
dehumanise
factions.
vrogressio,
Para el Tercer
issue
on the
documents. by working
creation
which
to dictatorial
the Argentine
were active
The movement,
iences.
in
of
political
opposition
of a socially
and radical
Worker-priests
the
for
on the
vagueness
interpretations
conservative
Vatican
timid
a question
with
World.
Third
meant only
division
to generate
poverty,
a justification
served
the
tyranny"
Paradoxically,
put
in
just
was not
of systems
also
of widespread
providing
maintaining
tyranny
the support
a manifesto
in
to the Medellin
1968, which
p. 89.
of nearly
clearly
1,000
Latin
Conference
demarcated
the
- log "unjust
violence
This
oppressed".
by
tionalized
ally,
have
broad
through
swept
for
up to
a point
blaming
inatitu-
America's
the
against
ideological
("genr-
revolution
Marxism
criticized
as well
as
dignity
of
which
revolution
Church
on many young
the
of
Latin
an armed
Catholic
effect
radicalising
a profound
while
"militate
the
the
of
sectors
of
and
both
violence
entertained
who,
idea
1
Nevertheless,
just
structures
the
that
claiming
capitalism,
human person".
the
social
opposed
only
)edellfn
new injustices")
engenders
liberal
was
in
meeting
categorically
it
view
and unjust
violence
problems,
roots
grass
"the
from
oppressors"
hierarchs
Church
the
the
of
the
in
did
1960's
least
not
people,
in
Argentina.
Populorum
After
irate
poverty,
action?
".
Torres
in arguing
atory
though,
all
to follow
for
example
for
shared
Mugica's
stance
1.
Quoted in
Gerassi,
op.
2.
Torres,
ibid.,
individual
to this
is
not
("I
philanthropy
only
permitted
Few priests
into
takeover
of political
was that
it
of going
"the
question
to elim-
action
unanswered
of Camilo
but
is
oblig-
way of making
were prepared,
the mountains
to die
as a
no
In Argentina,
Carlos
4.
for
men".
all
Torres,
appeals
reply
matter
3.
political
who see in
love
his
for
"Revolution
the struggle
in
guerrilla
that
Christians
a greater
possible
left
the question
failed,
had called
traditional
and with
having
for
progressio
am prepared
to be killed
but
I am not
p. 49.
cit.,
" (3.8.65)
Front
(London),
to kill")
prepared
that
sustain
ideas'of
firmer
with
Marxist
ature,
views.
his
It
Torres
The duty
Cristianismo
1967.
It
reflected
ments.
of Christian
"The duty
that
of every
Y Revolucibn
their
in Mario
Peronista
literin
the
of Buenos Aires)
in
1965
Ongania's
their
to be a revolu-
for
Eduardo Firmenich,
(Buenos Aires),
for
the liberation
in
the
feature
the
who
from
poor
moveof the
"Nuestras Diferencias
(21st May 1974).
5
no.
2.
(Obituary),
Cristianismo
Elorrio"
Garcia
"Juan
(April
(Buenos Aires),
28
1971), p. 23.
no
3.
Torres,
p. 9.
force
of the bishops
concern
cit.,
the mess-
of bishops
and handful
priests
op.
is
in Sep-
to justify
became a decisive
and support
out
is
Nugica, quoted
" El
Politicas,
in Gerassi,
Cristianismo
attempt
Catholic
1.
quoted
Peronist
and to propagate
of every
rapidly
Marxists
with
which he brought
tercermundismo,
del Tercer
Cuban revolutionary
revolutionary
ideas,
Torres,
to estab-
order
revolutionary
The Boletin
his
by
contact
dialogue
evolution
and oppressed
in
fam-
class
with
and Revolution)
adhered
age of 21 in
world.
to expose
middle
and Camilo
(University
of his
was designed
on the basis
an upper
in
and Letters
(Christianity
radicalisation
did
armed struggle
Influenced
acquaintance
age of Camilo
tionary;
temporal
meeting
1966.
regime
through
Elorrio
seminary.
the
at
to Cuba, participation
of Philosophy
Council,
training
through
into
in
the
with
ideas
y Revoluci6n
tember
life
priesthood
links
and through
by Juan Garcia
come about
been born
2nd Vatican
the
a trip
Faculty
having
adult
he gave up his
lish
only
could
Elorrio,
began his
the
inspired
a minority
had to participate.
Garcia
ily,
but
revolution
priests
which
110 -
Y Revoluci6n
111 -
review,
providing
world.
Garcia
Left,
the
and thus
review
provided
Initials
a mouthpiece.
Camilista
interpretation,
Catholics
that
they
had to opt
be "at
That
of
times
from
apart
on the
was not
man.
theological
a matter
cler-
Left.
them a
to convince
sought
that
side-lines,
"the
command-
the revolution
hearts
are
the
of changing
man and in
Church,
radical
way of realizing
because'some
structures"
would
1
so callous".
social
2
order
but
and here,
of Guevara's
the influence
considerations,
y Revoluci6n
Church,
Catholic
a 'Church
become "the
Church
the
even though
solidarity"
communiqu&s
ideas
into
with
of Cristianismo
review
as the only
simply
end of the
on the political
stand
had to be "in
It
Catholic
Elorrio's
violent,
necessarily
revolution
changing
not
the
for
and Peronist
Garcia
through
of
armed organisations
the role
reflect
of the
revolution
ment of fraternity
at
meeting-place
could
for
appeared
contained,
Taking
they
which
the Marxist
with
the whole
as a journalistic
and laymen,
ics
it
which
pages to
the underground
all
like
opened its
also
the underdeveloped
in
of events
of those
within
which
Elorrio,
would,
to give
distribute
Cristianismo
1.
2.
"Alienacion
Rub&n R. Dri,
y Liberacion,
December 1970), pp. 59-64.
3.
Helder
in Mugica,
so as to convert
Cmara's
privileges
no.
" ibid.,
op. cit.,
it
words,
Somewhat naively,
and influential
and live
Church property
y Revolucin,
the
changes within
in Helder
up their
Garcia
p. 23.
Camara, quoted
radical
were requested
the State,
urged
deinstitutionalisation
its
of the Poor',
voice
leaders
position
seeking
also
I (September
no.
p. 90.
among the
1966)
26 (November-
In
poor.
1967,
Aramburu,
Garcia
Archbishop
Elorrio
112 -
a beautiful
wrote
of Tucumn, which
letter
to Monsenor
read:
did
Devoto,
to say,
the reverend
colleagues,
With
Dist&fano,
Angelini,
their
Meanwhile,
the Argentine
consecrated
the immaculate
In fact,
of
liberation'
with
behind
rallied
ence nor
Church hierarchy's
a 'theology
Cristianismo
understanding
response
rather
fact
cases
1969,
"protection
"prolonged
of
"lead
would
General
condemned
to
Ongania
and divine
invocation
of Mary".
of violence'
it.
of the rebels'
equation
Y Revoluc16n
inevitable
oppressive
the
heart
to the
as
Church hierarchy
and in
argued,
on November 31st
nation
the
-
in
Caggiano
palace,
Monsenores
such
as
-
Priests
his
to retain
and Nevares
"Terrorism",
totalitarianism".
decided
exceptions
Cafferata
Violence
activities.
dictatorships".
of
some notable
ideas
the radical
rejected
gentleman
Rather,
to institutionalized
than the denunciation
Those who
was unjust.
did
not
they
violence,
which
favour
political
viol-
it
as an
considered
sinful
they
'theology
yet
reserved
demanding
for
violence:
believing
"We Christians
that violence
is bad and sinful
continue
but our theological
leads us to clearly
distinguish
reflection
between two kinds of violence:
the primordial
and originating
power imposes on society
which an oppressive
violence
and which
is generally
expressed in the socio-economic
sphere, and derived
violence",
1.
Garcia Elorrio,
"Open Letter
to MGR. J. C. Aramburu, Archbishop
of
Tucumhn, " in Alain Gheerbrantt
The Rebel Church in Latin America
(Great Britain:
Penguin,
1974), pp. 311-314.
2.
28th
June 1969,
Ist
113 -
resorted
to by the
radicals
legitimised
poor
as a means of survival.
"liberating"
violence
Finally,
Cristianismo
y Revolucibn
iced
their
the
review,
military
lives
for
in
from
life
Referring
"the
which
death
to the deaths
while
review
claimed:
would
the promise
after
killed
people",
to prepare
.
short
of
in
the form
of heavenly
for
of Camilo
for
in
their
lives.
the future
fallen
whom they
fought.
were
(a
Paz
Catholic
Zamora
and
Torres
the Bolivian
sacrif-
a means of politicoclaim
solace,
the people
an eschatol-
of homages published
probability
all
with
Catholics
who heroically
young radicals
amongst
for
fighting
the young
of armed struggle
of militants
helped
apart
promised
the
sense,
just
stopping
provided
The glorification
struggle
Quite
while
In this
it.
advocating
ogical
National
Liberation
Army),
the
live
for ever in the rifle
"They will
of that anonymous guerrilla
everywhere in Latin America, in the rebel machete of
who fights
the peasants or in the avenging fire
2
of mining dynamite".
Moreover,
3
Justes,
is
being
that
an agent
in a sense legitimate,
indeed
life
there
as a result
no greater
what better
of violence
if
of love
giving
than
Les
and was
one's
For a Christian,
path.
one's
in Camus's
to sacrifice
life
for
other
was preached
armed struggle
by Father
personally,
Carlos
sustained
that:
2.
3.
Albert
1.
(England:
Penguin,
1970).
own
there
men - and
of atonement?.
dramatised
of undertaking
proof
form
brilliantly
114 -
"The Christian
this
being
may or may not be disposed to kill
information
for reasons of conscience,
or ideology
- or in other
to the violence
he suffers.
words to respond or not with violence
But what he must-always
remember is that he must be disposed to
die and that is very clear".
I
influence,
This
heroic
important
young
the magnetism
combined with
to participate
to make a tremendous
in
the
the
sacrifice,
level
a personal
at
idealised
of Guevara's
creation
offered
in persuading
rewards
personal
for
which
were spiritual.
Movement,
Garcia
Mugica's
Elorrio.
II
Vatican
For him,
Divino
Afflante
temporal
the
was largely
for
political
surrounding
group
by the ideas
to the Bible
increased
signified
of Christ's
of
interpretation
for
a return
Christians
the radical-
from his
derived
this
in
about
influenced
of departure
call
and reminded
world
reservations
though
1943, for
of
a key role
a key point
Church
Spiritu
his
Order
played
militancy,
Torres,
and Camilo
the Bible.
those
than
were greater
violence
also
though
of young Catholics,
isation
of
Priests
Mugica,
Carlos
attitude
in
the
in his
interest
to
society.
Christ's
For Mugica,
from
unjust
structures
social
but also
all
to the Catholic
ing
the dimension
nising
that
1.
man's
environment
his
capacity
Mugica,
op. cit.,
in
is
"the
a conditioning
as a man of God:
p. 32.
from himself
men according
that
liberation
of man, not
as sinful
possibility
divine
factor,
dimension".
only
man, for
of acquirRecog-
Mugica argued
in
115
-
man to material
ating
Basing
ever,
history
since
their
a human face
Church
to live
A vital
throw
of Peron,
to identify
and shared
property
all
"it
is
could
and the
Catholic
discovery
to both
conversion
in
explaining
including
their
the
with
a realisation
29-30.
2.
Ibid.,
pp.
51-52.
3.
Ibid.,
p. 84.
them to
Socialism
the only
lives,
the oligarchy
that
with
socialism
type
of
their
enabling
he get
This
viewpoint.
and Peronism
in
participation
this
to
of Mugica,
experience
that
closer
of the radical
convergence
the personal
coupled
pp.
as being
Christianity
the Church's
Ibid.,
to help
them".
creative
to
have no propensity
as demanding
at
1.
How-
of Christ.
of guilt
were
revolution".
necessary
oppress
lead
as a priest
role
Mugica argued
community,
the rich
element
feeling
that
and Peronism,
intense
references
roots,
individuals
saw his
concurrent
of 26.
in its
themselves
from
Union,
which
Mugica
the poor,
private
who call
voluntarily,
wealth
development
spiritual
to his
our country
and national
Soviet
society
the Bible,
Christian
had demonstrated
themselves
in
seen as subordin-
there
of the
rejected
on the original
in
Christians,
liberate
in
was rooted
goods,
himself
everyone
surrender
structures,
collectively.
possessions
"if
the existing
to how Christ
that
to
alternative
socialist
was an
and oppressive
forces.
jib
Perhaps
this
and those
sense
Peronism
Another
factor
fection
from
his
adopted
an exceedingly
to join
which
the
is
both
Pern's
socialismo
Mugica,
that
due to its
why rlugica
naive
social
welfare
enjoyed
embraces Christian
claims
explaining
attitude
people.
not
expect
per-
of men.
totally
wanted"
decided
creations
evolution
when they
here
Peronism,
dignity
of guilt
who shared
towards
his
about
uncritically,
under
values
government
while
also
and the
policies
it,
was viewed
in a specific
"only
doing
by Mugica
He
epoch".
Pern's
swallowing
sense of
promises
of
nacional:
"I believe
that the process towards 'national'
socialism,
with a
human face, which doesn't
seek to eliminate
ownership of consumer
began in Argentina
on 17th
goods but to give them to everybody,
October 1945". 1
did
Such an attitude
,
from a desire
rather
allegiance
as Peronism
not
stem from
to be with
any real
the people,
Any defects
least
to have socialist
of Peronism
by Mugica's
to be explained
that
with
regard
acceptance
of Peronism
analysis
a faith
in
the
a popular-based
but
people's
movement such
implications.
to socialist
of the stages
credentials
approach
were
to revolu-
tion:
that the first
for the liberation
"I think personally
struggle
of
dependency or liberation.
in this option:
our people is contained
there need not necessarily
liberation
In this national
struggle
It can be joined not only by workers and
be class struggle.
but also by national-minded
I believe
entrepreneurs.
students
there will
between entrethat later,
come the business
certainly,
In other words, a
in a second period.
preneurs and workers,
in which Christian
be a
values are fully
realised
society
will
2
without
entrepreneurs".
society
35 & 55.
1.
Ibid.,
pp.
2.
Ibid.,
p. 40.
117-
Christian
through
Finally,
primacy
of
? ugica,
despite
were presented,
the
begged to differ.
entrepreneurs
combined
course
the
all
of politics
the
over
Catholic
icing,
socialist
contact
with
In Mugica's
economics.
the primacy
with
in
youth
of religion
Per6n's
view
this
writings,
over
him
with
of
was
politics:
"I as a Christian
think
that although
there must be a disappearance
to sustain
the total
of classes,
equality
of men is to ignore the
For me, a Christian,
full
reality
of sin.
only come
will
equality
I think that this is where
when Christ
comes and not before.
Marxism and Marxists
They emphasise economic man
are mistaken.
political
man. That is why they find it hard to
and forget
Peronism which stresses
the political
understand
more than the
economic" 1
Before
icipants
in
examining
World
Priests'
Concatti
of Peronism
proletariat,
a "historic
being
struggle
dispensing
with
opci6n
being
with
Peronism".
Peronism
in
the present
This
discussion
examining
argument
that
is worth
Rolando
for
written
It
outlined
being
popular
is
in Argentina",
versus
anti-Peronism
there
Firstly,
to represent
the lines
within
dichotomy,
the Peronist
were "anti-Peronist
Peronisn
was supported
for
being
this
of class
Movement
factors
Secondly,
3rd
"The objective
involved
conflict
jest
the Mendozan
threefold.
country
part-
Concatti's
because
and what is
of class
statement
it
of the
the Peronism
with
Left,
support
history
fact".
Catholic
these
deserved
national
came to the
literature:
Movement.
what is
ideas
peronismo,
to Peronism,
that
equated
the ridiculous
por el
Priests
commitment
argued
Catholic
radical
region
the
of the
of Nuestra
explanation
role
of the Peronist
the building
how these
exactly
p. 36.
1.
Ibid.,
2.
in
118 -
more dynamic
allegedly
the bureaucratic
While
ness which
nature
needed criticism
bureaucratic
equally
to Peronism
adhesion
political
being
provided
level
reasons
as a "liberal-democratic
present
in
in life'
Though Peronism
its
all
Because Peronism
it
for
Clearly
Ibid.,
the
derived
tasks
in
step
these
defects
Priests
"a social
box'
but
'equal-
and political".
revolutionary
in
were relegated
capable
stage.
of change,
force:
most important
be reformed
exper-
....
of the earlier
movement,
objectively
that
process",
of an ideology,
ballot
cultural
all
from within
in
order
began with
of
the exper-
Peronist
democracy"
at the
and methods,
were
which
economic,
from
the evolutionary
the early
'equality
to the
not
was a view
teaches
"History
lack
was loyal
pp. 30-33.
Peronists,
a "militant
the proletariat",
for
its
was regarded
"Peron
and because
Peronism
for
by attributing
importance
not
aspects:
was criticised
organisation
project,
is
whose objective
though
No guidelines
supporting
revolution"
for
and
to date,
for
countries.
of struggling
stage
consciousness,
of consciousness
class"
on to characterise
going
that
was to be transcended.
an indispensable
is
Finally,
sound.
consciousness.
surprisingly,
maintained,
democracy
1.
these
level
of the
structures
of workers'
working
working-class
all
democracy
Concatti
ience
highest
as "the
liberal
equip
the opinion
by the Argentine
development
ience
ity
in
party.
the
as basically
level
a political
Party
and rectification,
Underlying
national
the Peronist
of
was grounded
than
regarded
reached
combativity
bureaucratic
on the existing
activity
Peronism
the
and less
a recognition
that
the
to
119
movement was largely
workers'
progressive
force
of Peronism
as a whole
For
though
their
of
in society
on a highly
endent
electoral
being
did
always
to illustrate
ary
of the
years
Firmenich,
Colegio
Nacional
Catholic
the
a branch
roles
in
than
Carlos
According
Christianity
1.
of Catholic
the school
for
and this
branch.
Left
was dephistory.
the sense
in
they
enjoyed,
stages,
in
which
as being
turn
en-
the limitations
adopted
Peronism
belief
to their
was crucial
become a revolutionary
ideas
instrument
Carlos
that
of
they
(Acci6n
Above all,
necess-
the
attended
together
Estudiantil
spiritual
is
AC),
-
the branch's
it
participated
Cat6lica
of the
In the early
of the Montoneros,
(Juventud
Youth
the ideology
was imparted.
Medina,
There
Action
in
by analysts
influence
founders
Student
Church
uted
future
Abal
de Buenos Aires.
Secondary
JEC),
other
all
they
inherited
of Peronism
Catholic
how the
Fernando
1960's,
Eduardo
but
exactly
the latter
nacional.
of radical
Left
Peronist
an interpretation
political
support
distinct
they
wanted
to socialismo
The importance
recent
the defects
the transition
in
unfolding
Peronism
that
saw this
as the most
class
were democratic
governments
Furthermore,
stage.
of Argentine
vision
conceptions
them to consider
of a former
However,
of the revolution
abled
developed
origins
vision
there
progressive.
Peronist
Catholic
and from
unrealistic
the early
by radical
Peronist,
Cat6lica
leading
playing
of the
advisor
in
Catholic
Nugica.
to Firmenich,
was impossible
defending
justice
it
without
and for
love
fighting
for
the poor,
against
al
us that
for
those
injustice".
Padre Carlos
persec1
Mugica, "
He
120 -
had also,
than
rather
arms but
rather
I
Montoneros
town dwellers
of Retiro,
him on a trip
to Tartagal,
the
and preach
with
poor
of Camilo
basic
In
problem
just
morally
he now rejected
cases
Mugica
So while
where it
os broke
with
cda Elorrio
1.
Mugica,
2.
Firmenich,
their
op.
pp.
"
op.
violence
when in
hand,
of
began to
violence,
in
except
and helped
organisation
Elorrio
viol-
the proto-Montoner-
of the Montoneros.
cit.
had
to institutionalised
and denounced
That
was
Tartagal,
the example
went underground
16 & 66.
"Mi Afecto....,
with
revolution"
solution
on the other
cit.,
only
im-
"the
Though Mugica
agreement.
Torres.
the
that
political
the formation
went with
to work
order
was political
response
a priest
The
practice.
to conclude
of whether
Church organisations,
towards
occurred
remained
have
as incompatible
as a legitimate
was employed
form
stepping-stone
action
solution
gun as the
warfare
into
be
might
however,
1966 in
the missioners
to reach
the machine
guerrilla
social
problem
but failed
to armed struggle
ence.
"the
they
that
to
of the Church.
Christ.
look
led
and its
debated
advocated
supposedly
death
call
was not
in February
was political
or not"
Fe,
this
Firmenich
of evangelical
Torres's
Mugica
Buenos Aires.
These experiences
pact
to put it
went with
Santa
it
followers
sword
rejected
that
the
the exploiters
he later
arguing
to his
towards
In fact,
passage,
by Christ
a warning
of the Biblical
persecuted.
future
this
Christ
of human dignity.
that
maintained
apparently,
Its
Gar-
was only
only
public
broke
121 -
by General
up a mass attended
Buenos Aires.
a defender
The intention
the military
of
struggle"
the
against
Other
Catholic
key early
Catholic
Jose Sabino
in
Catholic
the
Navarro
Secondary
reunited
with
one of their
while
occasion
said
Benitez
"were
them"
murdered
received
a 2-year
suspended
communiques
tlany other
the
1966-73 military
ation
of guerrilla
sugar mill
1.
Buenos Aires
2.
Ibid.,
World
Third
Evita's
Benitez
regime,
was later
abductors
for
sentence
the
in
Medina
took
the
to
as "an example
on the
did not
same
know how
and Father
the
They
of providing
Alberto
Carbone
typewriter
with
were written.
Priests
participated
though
few actually
groups.
Parish
closures
in Tucumn province
Herald,
Cat6lica
of Abal
accused
supplying
out
Mugica
which
these
started
the Nontonero
confessor)
by the nation,
Montonero
prevent
for
Aramburu.
...
hunts
police
centre
life
the deaths
after
youth
were momentarily
to the deceased
(formerly
at
Obrera
political
The Mantoneros
during
1970,
student
who both
(Juventud
of ex-President
a cassock
which
they
Gustavo Rossi
mentors
in
Integraiista
he referred
in which
Father
to understand
didn't
7th
of the
organisation
former
and executioners
service
youth"
and Jorge
Youth.
Student
funeral
and leader
place
took
Capuano Martinez
Catholic
"revolutionary
Vasena government"
whose radicalisation
were Emilio
Church as
and a call
Montoneros
Young Workers
kidnappers
regime
University
there;
Cathedral,
"Alsogaray-OnganIa-Krieger
organisations
Cbrdoba's
priests
1970.
in
the
struggles
in
assisted
participated
and also
in
in
against
the form-
the fight
to
the Cordobazo.
122 -
of their
An indication
transfer
of a radical
protest
they
they
refused
of Aramburu,
of the
questioning
Peronist
guerrilla
infant
the
it"
(Fuerzas
that
3
God",
the brutal
who confront
Finally,
radical
itancy
of printing
call
for
of-the
armed revolution
Torres
we must take
July
Church
...
in
the Revolutionthat:
FAR)
sustained
-
to cease suffering
Armed Forces
as "people
of the
the vanguard
people
behind
was a revolutionary"
the mil1970,
to
de Padua, Avellaneda,
of San Antonio
of
of love".
the violence
force
"love
of
out
themselves
the driving
"like
...
5
our brothers".
1969.
1.
Ibid.,
2.
3.
4.
5.
Raimundo Ongaro,
24th
Likewise
claim:
illiteracy,
"Christ
an everyday
of the Peronist
of egoism with
leader
is
poverty,
decided
the line
was also
for
were to
as Guevara said,
"present
violence
workers'
to the pulpit
Camilo
but
Catholicism
took
FAP)
described
who
-
by desire
violent
fight,
was also
Armadas Peronistas
not
hunger,
we have simply
would
in many of the
violence
Armadas Revolucionarias
they
This
is
repression".
chosen violence,
Fe.
calling
The Montoneros
rather,
Violence
exploitation,
and announced
(Fuerzas
communiques.
to the system.
instead
radical
to a 24-hour
to such violence.
gave rise
mortality,
for
Left
Armed Forces
ary
the
of
belonging
thing
which
led
actions
system
in
to support
refused.
The arguments
priest
though
success
strike
In general,
early
localized
quoted
in
y Revoluci6n,
"Comunicado
26
a los
no.
Sacerdotes
Herald,
7th
no.
del
January
25
Tercer
1970.
123 -
The Third
of the
years
early
political
the
sion
the
at
The latter
his
ed at
the
main
Mugica,
return
flight
job
the
Welfare
Social
dwellers
the
Lopez Rega,
violations,
it
in
of its
L6pez Rega.
the
an attempt
in
the villas
that
his
time,
a 'Church
and its
entourage
he took
a key
doing
battle
himself
resignto help
effective
His reward
was death
(AAA) directed
miseries,
them.
joined
at
by
the
on the
Around
his
funeral
burial.
while
the Argentine
order
Perbn's
Alliance
cell
in the
church
supported
to do anything
Anti-Communist
time
his
Presidency,
whom he worked.
with
of a prison
leader's
soon found
the assassination
of violence
into
at
and attended
Since
tion
though
people,
cort4ge
inside
had fully
Mugica
of the Ministry
the failure
shanty-town
4,000
a while
deprived
was thus
but
Ministry
Jost
minister
the
Montoneros
in
was suppressed
Under Cmpora's
from Madrid.
right-wing
over
of
Elorrio.
early
on for
soldiered
return
ation
of Buenos Aires.
district
in
with
for
revul-
probably,
and,
circumstances
Catholicism
to the imprisonment
May
he
left
down
in
1974
as
gunned
was
like,
in
the
of influence.
Carlos
Materdos
in mysterious
Militant
1971.
led
of Mugica
Ahumada, it
Cassiana
end of
lives
moral
probably,
quite
y Revolucin
Cristianismo
wife,
organ
looked
by a car
was killed
and,
Repression
the
and claimed
authority
violence.
escalating
priests
several
their
to accept
during
Church hierarchy
of the
on the part
pressure
in Argentina
Its
1970's.
repression,
rebels
Movement declined
Priests
World
still
occasionally
failed
human rights
criticizing
in its
a high
price
repudiato convert
for
their
124 -
In Latin
attempt.
imprisoned,
America
tortured,
theology
into
kidnapped
I
practice
as a whole,
or deported
and Argentina's
in
to put
trying
of this
share
toll
liberation
has been
substantial.
Nevertheless,
ers
the radical
of armed struggle
fluence
in
Left
ist
the
and non-violent
the
of young Catholics
science,
them with
Undoubtedly,
question
of the morality
but
tries
ution',
it
become part
1.
2.
also
overriding
Thirdly,
of
to provide
a naive
did
tend
of the
Garcia Elorrio,
pp.
op. cit.,
and strategy.
Left
with
"The Third
had said
to isolate
the conception
view
of
a 3rd World
World
is
and this
the
the
Left
industrial
'national
counrevol-
struggle.
the people's
struggles,
in
Peronism.
Again,
Garda
bishops,
and adopt
attitude
their
towards
standpoint
be-
view
the Peronist
of anti-imperialist
ignoring
militated
people
and uncritical
organisation
the
of how to
issue,
strengthened
the idea
it
through
with
discussion
single
situation.
Elorrio
and labour
a class
this
of con-
providing
of atonement
the Peronist
Garcia
Not only
left-wing
the
around
of revolutionary
of revolutionaries",
came predominant.
from
had revolved
Peron-
the level
at
preoccupation
the whole
in-
the
violence,
promise
Christian
of violence,
helped
towards
nationalists
and the
on the international
perspective
world
it
promot-
actual
were a decisive
revolutionary
due to its
problems
it
Secondly,
for
both
towards
a justification
sacrifice.
other
It
1960's.
Church,
militants,
of Catholic
orientation
during
of the
wing
" in
"
Gheerbrant,
to
favour
125 -
Elorrio:
"I had to fight
the people,
with the slaves,
as they fought,
not
(I
teacher,
had to be) "a genuine participant
as an elitist
with
them and not for them, in their
their
failings,
their
misery,
1
violence"
one might
- and,
disdain
in
for
add,
Finally,
and revolutionary
in
the
(Rafael
Catholics
element
was a crucial
but also
change.
Radical
not
towards
"militias"
role
a vital
played
a 'reverend
sports
Left.
father'
2
a number of priests.
contain
young
of socialism
of the Peronist
cadres
Council
to Christthose
directed
vague notions
thus
from
received
was central
only
Catholicism
of leading
Superior
Left
justice
social
influence
Peronism
and its
Iaccuzzi)
Lenin
of the Peronist
the lontonero
Even today
for
to a
praxis.
development
intellectual
led
Such an approach
which
towards
militants
theory
the active
In this
ianity.
illusions.
of revolutionary
Church
the radical
their
revolutionary
dialectic
the
in
ORTHODOXPERONISM
to the already
In addition
Peronist
the
ideological
strate
that
Left
incorporated
discussed
many ideas
them frequently
is
first
from
in
an attempt
of Peronistas.
to clarify
thought,
of ideological
currents
their
into
to demonBefore
and briefly
these
ideas,
1.
Idem,
Interview
2.
in
Montoneros
the
influence
confirmed
Catholic
was
Radical
upon
July 1978 when Montonero Army Comandante , Horacio Mendizbal,
had established
"army"
his
Vatican
that
the
a
inform
to
wrote
take
to
Adur
Padre
Jorge
had
charge of
appointed
and
chaplaincy
(August
5
Federal,
Estrella
Montonero,
no.
See Ejercito
it.
1978), passim.
with
John Gerassi,
Gerassi,
op.
cit.,
status
examin-
ing
necessary
their
pp.
41-42.
126 -
discuss
use of the
we lack
"grey
Peronism
whether
as its
Peronism's
as in
his
which
in
"Peronist
is
with
"the
forms
necessary
a system
Peronism
view
an overall
of ideology
or even attitudes,
ument that
late
to only
ideological.
series
1.
2.
ideologies
a part
In its
being
"a set
one accepts
of closely
related
most impoverished
of dogmas enshrined
in
the
to design-
Finally,
Left
it
in
writers
"Twenty
beliefs
Truths
def-
or ideas,
and his
of ideas
consisting
expressions
provid-
Plamenatz's
or community"
Justicialism
a new
ideology"
Yet if
then
equate
the world
offered
a "total
produced
can be "partial",
of reality,
of
theory.
of a group
characteristic
idea
would
ideology".
supporters
has not
speeches
his
used it
made by some'Peronist
revolutionary
of the world.
La Comunidad Organ-
most people
Peron at times
or
interchange-
Nor is
1949.
unhelpful
(Justicialista)
the mistake
with
whereas
Weltansschauung.
inition
of
totally
is
of his
in
is
there.
and "ideology"
piece
Congress
of beliefs,
of execution
to avoid
Neither
ing
a philosophical
ideology
identifying
is
there
deposited
own ideas
of the contents
today
and still
Clearly
generally
of its
Philosophy
Doctrine"
"doctrine"
ate
description
fact
is
called,
used "philosophy"
often
National
at the First
are
The
and ideology
characterisation
Peron himself
1
izada
ideas
time
the term.
of
thought
where political
Justicialismo
ably,
definition
a commonly-accepted
to have an ideology.
claim
of ideology
concept
area"
here.
can reasonably
which
argre-
can be considered
it
is
composed of a
of Justicialism".
3.
Peron,
4.
John Plamenatz,
p. 153.
op. cit.,
(Great Britain:
Ideolo
Macmillan,
1971),
pp.
15-18.
There
one finds
than
another
Peronist"
It
was also
people".
does what
and "In
asserted
the people
Stronger
principal
land,
that
"A Peronist
will
ing
Pern's
radical-sounding
role
played
by Eva PerSn.
the best
is
better
nothing
that
we have is
Government
is
status
of Justicialism,
which
there
this
to ideological
claims
Banners"
a Peronist
the
one which
want".
components
"Three
as "For
such claims
127 -
its
be examined
"Third
in
this
of the
rhetoric
the
Position"
1960's
and its
before
chapter,
two
analys-
and finally
the
Per6n
the
Before
be pointed
matist
the
and said
prefer
by the political,
he encountered
that
Peron's
to Mussolini
options
as "the
"follow
in
his
fascism
versus
and economic
which
they
greatest
footsteps
must
mistakes",
1.
Far a iiontonero
of the "Twenty
summary and analysis
(Buenos
Descamisado
Aires),
El
icialism",
nos.
see
2.
Pern,
Aires:
His
situations
offered.
man of this
but
also
cenavoid
3.
Peron, quoted
de la Politica
4.
Truths of Just21-25,1973.
Per6n
Hoy
Nadra
Aver
1971-1943
in
Fernando
Y
quoted
Pol mica, 1972), p. 57.
Editorial
(Buenos
la Primacia
El Peronismo
Cimarron,
1974), p. 58.
Eva Peron (Great Britain:
Fontana/
of
more by opportunism,
his
political
it
words,
to be more empirical".
social
he would
Rather
the democracy
with
commented "I
1940's,
were guided
actions
early
he was no ideologue.
that
out
at Per6n's
early
which
looking
128-
in
the
non-pejorative
of
his
ideas
were only
Perlin
"English
to
the
oligarchy
the
whereas
of
and,
for
in
colony"
course,
the
neo-colonialism".
both
to
the
"Third
instead
Position"
Rosas,
Junta,
was behind
his
becoming
being
Yrigoyen
liberation
was presented
referred
interests
forces
political
His
systems,
Ist
Such a rationale
independence.
The former
to imperialist
included
to be communism or capitalism,
ceased
tive
linked
sectors
denoted
"The ideologies
that
line".
as an
conflicts
1
in
revisionists
independence
national
and a Hispanic
which
himself,
national
genuine
claim
line
and many
to power.
coming
which
line,
by any ideolocy
of the historical
her formal
and other
latter
than
after
perspective
following
"an Anglo-Saxon
tween
enunciated
the
adopted
Argentina
seeing
of the word,
sense
or
as an alternaand imper-
exploitative
ialistic.
the
Internationally,
the
to be "as distinct
the
as from
other".
Though Perlin
claimed
consortium
great
without
from
Position"
imperialisms",
one of
the dominant
In practice,
truces",
of foreign
there
imperialisms
Peronist
to have attacked
foreign
by bowing
"the
and purported
of
policy
that
lost
time
its
to US pressures.
international
exploitation"
were in fact
to
national
the
"two
of the
existence
"Third
...
"without
capitalism
of
quarter
and
"truces"
to decline
in
1.
Peron,
quoted
2.
3.
Peron,
Aires:
4.
Peron,
quoted
the early
1950's,
in Feinmann,
in Feinmann,
when concessions
op.
op.
cit.,
cit.,
p.
p.
11.
Peron tal
p. 225.
115.
(Buenos
como es
129 -
Moreover,
companies.
ing
that
major
the
he won the
if
that
claration
future
Position"
powers - Perbn's
world
that
"Third
both
would form
linked
"Third
and harmony.
Justicialism
and communist
systems,
had eliminated
would
September
took
purporting
or would eliminate
the form
was clothed
in humanist
arguments
of the Treaty
in March
States
class
which
of class
from
both
a new social
Peron's
conciliation
capitalist
system which
For Perbns
struggle.
"social
problems have never been resolved
capital
and labour but through harmony.
propose ... agreement between them, both
which emanate from
authority
and justice
This
in
de-
1950.1
to offer
the
two
promising
front"
1947 signing
independence
claimed
"western
of American
in
the
with
in Korea
Position"
side
of the
part
Argentina
US intervention
At home the
Argentina
reveal-
from
to the Organisation
of which
for
support
January
communism; the
war against
instances
elections,
Argentina
diplomatic
several
through struggle
between
And that is why we
under the tutelage
of
the State".
2
tolerated&
"neither
the exploitation
of man in the name of capital
nor in
We want man, while retaining
the name of the State.
his freedom, to be a human being,
principal
and end in himself
and not
of capital
an instrument
of the appetites
or of the State"....
"Peronism is humanism in action".
3
This
it
"the
1.
2.
3.
could
"humanism"
be "humanised"
workers
will
was applied
to
capital
as a means of arriving
progressively
acquire
direct
in Per6n's
argument
at a single
ownership
class
of the
that
of men:
capital
Nadra,
op. cit.,
pp. 79-81.
Peron (28.6.44),
Pena, El Peronismo,
quoted in Milciades
(Buenos Aires:
de Documentos Para la Historia
Ediciones
1973), P. 99.
Peron, Doctrina
Peronista,
2d ed.
Gemes, 1973y-, pp. 69 & 241.
(Buenos Aires:
Ediciones
Seleccibn
Fichas,
Miacacha
130 -
goods
that'only
and gradual"
the workforce
"solutions
cause we are
it
of course
the relative
prosperity,
upon that
ialism.
prosperity
Perbn's
belief
in
the
tinued
Argentine
with
and then
textile
factors
workers,
of the former
tions
The failure
by the railwaymen,
Pern,
quoted
2.
Per6n,
Doctrine...,
3.
Per6n,
far
calls
fear
op.
in Nadra,
his
war,
in
idea
and
hopes for
her
enabling
reserves
the early
con-
combined
1950's
sugar workers,
harmony,
class
struggle
p.
op. cit.,
cit.,
op. cit.,
p.
55.
p. 79.
one finds
and social
144.
clear
once
through
harmony.
of class
in Feinmann,
selection"
bank workers,
and others
class
relative
1.
quoted
workers
by the Nazi
to materialise
decline
of Justic-
exchange
economic
alliance
was premised
merits
Influenced
of this
but
of economic
was achieved
on another
years
early
strategy
of foreign
huge stocks
metal
of a bourgeois
both
of biological
ascendancy
in producing
Per6n's
that
be-
to assume that
of the Peronist
the strikes
Behind
economic
as "a process
the combatants.
other
the
to
to offer
fatherland",
naive
rather
financial
to accumulate
supplying
from
the escalation
again
true
harmony which
class
of the
classes
while
benefited
whole long-term
seeing
ity
Moreover,
Perbn claimed
and exceedingly
by the
to be so "slow
out
the wellbeing
in
received
trialists
benefits
turned
pro-
appears
the workers,
be fallacious
would
the material
benefit
interested
only
it
the evolutionary
As a bonapartist,
1946-55!
equally
but
In fact,
one brewery
between
which
were in
cess will
that
of production,
indica-
revolution:
131 -
"If
we don't
ent
make a peaceful
1
revolution".
labour
was not
base for
Left
imperative
Perbn
avoid
a resurgence
to "give
in
3O
intentions
friend
of sleeping
time
benefits
also
lose
a solid
to
mass
by a fear
of the
he considered
everything
it
2
later".
to a
durability:
of his
secret
but
the workers).
to those
of
make a viol-
material
communism",
than
rather
will
to construct
development
(champion
was no obrerista
of important
by a desire
motivated
a programme of national
"to
His concession
only
the people
revolution,
of an independent
spectre
into
class
conciliation
1950's.
be formed
labour
resisted
to prevent
a military
to repeatedly
justify
the
his
Perlin
that
Though in
refusal
to resist
with
integrato preach
him in
the early
workers'
1955 revolt.
like
entrepreneurs
deserted
suggestions
all
resisted
the
with
leaders
continued
industrial
had myopically
He staunchly
movement against
Party.
Laborista
when they
cost
many of the
even after
he promoted
whose interests
as the
class,
to their
Peronist
the official
matter
working
Cipriano
tion
different
was an entirely
later
the claim
militias
to mobilise
years
that
the
he was
it
was
1.
Peron, quoted
ismo Nacional
SocialPeronismo
in Conrado Eggers Lan, Iz uierda
(Buenos Aires:
Bsqueda, 1972), p. 107.
Ediciones
2.
Peron,
in Nadra,
3.
Rosas,
4.
quoted
in Barnes,
op.
op.
cit.,
cit.,
p.
57.
p. S.
quoted
"Party and State in Peronist
See Walter Little,
Review,
American Historical
55, " Hispanic
vol.
(November 1973), PP- 644-662.
Argentina,
53, no. 4
1945-
- 132 -
to avert
bloodshed,
thought,
"think
arsenals
over
in
while
what would
to
of Justicialism
and Social
Justice
main orientations
of Peronist
policy,
the Peronist
of
sectors
to be acceptable
vague
industry,
even if
of a judicious
lined
these
that
turn
had gained
FORJA leader
"economic
Arturo
Moreover,
ward internationally
llels
of their
in
by other
countries.
by the Chinese
principles
combinations
similar
in
conceding
should
and they
and Hays, de la
in
Torre.
that
be the indispensable
will
2
for
at the
concerned
The 3 Banners,
(Three
be underhad been
the mid-1930's
of principles
writers
to appeal
of the new
The 3 Banners
in
the
sufficiently
sides
It
Ugarte
justice
independence".
of-political
justice.
had sustained
and social
emancipation
counterparts
tion
Jauretche
designed
showed reluctance
Yrigoyen,
the
Econ-
symbolised
from
inspiration
which
to both
were unoriginal.
principles
scared
Sovereignty,
dose of social
the
"
were similarly
attractive
raised
- slogans
some entrepreneurs
the merits
them...
- Political
alliance.
and indeed
Perbn released
if
to grasp
ready
omic Independence
to all
a tired
have happened
the workers
Paraguay
example,
find
close
Principles
of
the People)
in
1905.3
nationalist
leader
Sun Yat-sen
of nationalism,
people's
democracy
and people's
forsituapara-
outlined
Though his
livelihood
1.
2.
Jauretche,
p. 307.
3.
La Formaci6n
...,
op. cit.,
133
-
identical
not
are
in
vagueness
fact
their
them with
as a justification
Pragmatist
and the
political
is
Moracha
did
is
not
take
nacional
depatria,
1.
Rivera,
took
its
op.
cit.,
after
in Peron's
referring
p. 35.
from
in
when left
to in-
of the Escuela
Superior
prosper
free
Nor was it
did,
to be inculcated
Peronist
discuss-
ideology
as being
the Patio
Capitana,
it
of
intellectual
(editor
Barrios"
metamorphosis,
to Cooke, it
he was still
as a
interest
as doctrines
Evita
Rivera
political
place
than
to dismiss
his
letters
not
by
de Is.
of the official
was certainly
exceeding-
shallow.
immediately
place
in his
ially
ideas
of Ambrico
alleged
rather
could
emerging
unfair
as Enrique
to say that
true
than
and exceedingly
Peron's
in-
while
propounded
he
viewed
-
partial
and left-wings
banners,
policies
as a military
attitude,
slightly
Democracia),
paper
which
Muchachos Peronistas,
no more thanoLos
the fascist
Justicialist
his
for
publishing
minds rather
Though it
in
them to legitimise
official
consciousness
people's
today
reflection
of Justicialism
as he was,
like
by Per6n's
engendered
ideas
development
mediocrities
Peronista
the
political
own interpretations.
generally
tellectual
both
deliberate
to diverse
finds
invoke
their
shared
appeal
still
regimes
forward
ideological
their
in Argentina
These then
genuine
ly
their
they
respect
the Chinese
of
Similarly,
to action.
ion.
this
Peron,
into
both
that
scribing
guide
to maximise
in
success
behaviour.
the
of
of Justicialism,
an endeavour
Their
currents.
the
to those
took
his
displacement
tactics
in
than
a decade before
pronouncements.
to Justicialism
'left
so-called
While
1955.
previously,
talk
By 1958,
as a "social
turn',
it
espec-
of socialismo
in
Los Ven-
revolution"
135
-
20 years
misunderstood
World
Third
"the
previously,
World
Third
is
Of course
of the Third
"Third
this
bears
World",
liberation
Soviet
to lean,
tend
the general
was just
a position
of equidistance
or
powers, 'in
two great
themselves
the
at
or lesser
that
the first
tage
Castro
Fidel
of left-wing
the latter'.
sympathies
s death
for
between
them
Movement,
in
accordance
with
a bloodless
"Justicialism
-
form,
in
Another
towards
as to claim
1940's,
America!
countries,
backing
of Latin
his
in
the
durable.
particularly
transition,
Soviet
had, he received
towards
from
policies.
to balance
tried
that
support
international
extents,
have seriously
Socialism".
receive
of the underdeveloped
governments
of the world,
an indispensable
fact
Soviet
with
and humanistic
national
of a
from adopting
which
evolution
idea
far
the very
ploy
eulogy
to take
advan-
of Guevara after
in Bolivia:
figure
by the Latin Ameri"Today, the most extraordinary
offered
His death-rends
has fallen
as a hero in struggle.
can revolution
He is an example of conduct,
of disinterestedness,
my soul.
of
' 5
the spirit
of sacrifice,
of renouncement...
The irony
is
that
Guevara in his
youth
1.
Per6n, Letter
pp.
op. cit.,
to HernAndez Arregui
187 & 292.
2.
Perlin,
quoted
in Nadra,
op* cit.,
3.
Perlin,
quoted
in Eggers
Lan,
4.
Nadra,
op.
5.
Pern,
quoted
cit.,
had considered
(10.12.69),
p. 25.
op* cit.,
p. 44.
p. 85.
in Mugicay
op.
cit.,
pay".
main
to greater
Governments
powers.
and indeed
precursors
Most of the
one looks
if
which
"We
to reality.
Moreover,
World,
price
Position"....
resemblance
the
from
the
little
movements,
independence
they
view
the Third
now in
of the
p. 38.
Perlin
a dictator.
in Pav6n Pereyra,
136
-
Nacional
Socialismo
preted
and by the
respecting
to cite,
interpretation,
he said
Per6n's
that
during
were also
(1968)
Perlin
in which
Italy
"all
eliminated
and traditions.
as supportive
evidence
to a passage
that
argued
momentary
the world".
in
The
their
for
which
he had encountered
to Italy,
in
the Allied
possibilities
"the
To back this
to
road
Luna in
to Felix
of
and popular
conditions
to appear
to refer
able
brother
socialization
1969 statement
1937 trip
his
nacional
socialismo
they
January
to be inter-
as a "national
of economic
national
specific
Left
it
a blood
socialism",
Peronist
as a system
understood
first
vague for
was sufficiently
up,
Pueblos
of Germany and
nacional
of a socialismo
hand,
On the other
statements
"the
that
his..
ialism
Velasco's
for
the French
students
is
solution
to liberate
was that
The truth
his
was Socialist,
on social
recognised
nobody
at
the
Peron's
only
reply
if
the time
one points
considered
promoted
social
"Socialist",
if
I.
2.
3.
Per6n,
La Hora...,
4.
Peron,
in
op.
cit.,
p.
"it
one examines
(Buenos Aires:
7th
July
which
of a governall
pivots
regime,
174.
Herald,
was de-
can be immed-
as an example
In fact,
justice.
freed
why Justic-
was because
it
his
declaration
exactly
Justicialist
early
quoted
to state
of such a definition
to the
Chile,
nacional
use of socialismo
was that
sympathetic
in
country
When obliged
The inadequacy
justice".
iately
ment which
to Peron's
point
to China,
liberately
could
relating
support
public
the Left
1970.
the
p. 46.
Editor-
- 137 -
ways in which
ing
theme that
examples
nacional
socinlismo
emerges is
preached
Quite
he was to include
regimes,
"like
monarchies"....
a Socialist
Mitterand
term with
countries
his
Party
blanket
"a
great
-
only
unify-
to fascist
a monarchy
there
Socialist
"socialist
their
Wilson),
though
with
the
was also
movement"
2
whereas
in
still
which
"Socialist"
which
fall
interviews
into
kinds
three
in which
Firstly,
Per6n appeared
which
definitions
of political
in
1969,
repeat
Perlin
as to
were soon
made by their
there
to confess
he would not
Left
Peronist
of such imprecision
as a result
categories.
paper Arriba
Falangist
arose
integrity
away by other
that
again.
were numerous
his
leader,
press
when interviewed
1955 events
million
year,
Interviewed
by the
commented:
people,
1.
Peron,
quoted
in
2.
Peron,
La Hora...,
3.
Peron, quoted
July 1970.
in
when he declared
"I would
more clearly,
if
Pavn Pereyra,
cit.,
cit.,
p.
op.
to kill
needed".
pp.
post-
the necessary
215-216.
158.
Herald,
23rd April
Prensa
had he foreseen
that:
have decided
or even a million,
op.
in
non-resistance
half
the
camp.
swept
Latina
It
or not.
reference
term,
as
with
(under
at present
Within
Democratic
Any doubts
Peron's
England
in France
"national"
the Nordic
government".
German Social
use of the
it
practised
capitalism
where
the
they
whether
to countries
from his
apart
the regimes
all
justice,
social
that
by Peron,
was employed
-138-
ful
Peronist
al
rejuvenation
his
devotees
window
every
cadres
into
Left
Peronist
their
that
this
did
day"
but
rather
leading
just
50".
youth
the
guerrilla
outlined
his
formations"
and "special
isations
formations"
The "special
received
"youth"
the wonderful
the minds
in
of many Peroninter-
war,
as elements
which
war',
both
as including
in
in
surface
here
only
supported
"gradual
preponderance
tactical
independence
1.
Perlin,
La Hora...,
2.
Per6n,
in
quoted
as the violent
by Peron but
struggle
pp.
171-172.
Herald,
op. cit.,
develops"
1971,
dated
an "integral
but praise
and eulogised
and,
back
organstrategy".
of
to a
attracted
of revolutionary
nothing
was
up our banners
take
to victory".
of the Resistance,
years
early
of
that
of
due to
to play
were greatly
or later,
warfare.
conception
contin-
the alienation
authorisation
young
are
most importantly
and perhaps
as urban
there
sooner
them forward
was Per6n's
Leftists,
had a role
carry
Thirdly,
Perlin
"for
of age,
best
of
of the
out
the historical
Per6n avoided
still
he hoped he could
that
will
they
person
we hope,
preted
that
of generationmore zestful
of the
promotion
same time,
to the
an old
so as to safeguard
At the
Nevertheless,
a gradual
positions
a question
paean "throwing
not
by saying
elders
out
to the youth-
out
a kind
generacional,
He pointed
Movement.
of his
experience,
not
to
of
Perbn held
which
frasvasamiento
of the movement.
uity
ist
there
Secondly,
also
demonfaith
promised
and given
of direction
from
16th February
1972.
total
139
1
Madrid.
Most of the
letters
Peronist
guerrilla
from
of congratulation
late
communication
it
ment until
in
falls",
you in
with
their
ranks".
made up for
nacional.
Not only
but
those
who do not,
words,
and ideological
being
doxy is
combat".
Peron's
2.
3.
4.
in
for
Luis
Lozada's
definition
in
to work
change of
difference
this
rather,
warfare'
In other
ideas.
and
so much a political
this
question,
attitude
"The only
statement:
ortho-
of urban
definition
who realised
that
guerrilla
warfare
was nothing
was thus
Left,
of the sort
strat-
a reform-
their
immortal
such
define
'revolutionary
as a methodological
to
between
revolution;
how revolutionary
earlier
on their
difference
between
who undertake
of revolutionary
promotion
a revolutionary
minority
those
question
synthesised
that
violent
no matter
the meaning
the
govern-
a year
system
between
legitimacy
confer
guerrillas,
an inevitably
through
system
the
it
the
guerrillas,
seen as a revolutionary
was not
and a revolutionary
within
did
"hit
to really
reluctance
one such
can be proud
people
Perbn's
was also
peacefully
1.
it
...
to
Armed Forces
"the
personal
received
intention
their
comrades"
3
received
The Montoneros
the Peronist
whereas
Perrin.
1971 supporting
organisations
viewed
the
while
felt
v Revoluc16n,
that
Peron's
29
no.
as
no.
25
1971,
140
tactical
advantage
the
until
written
1973,
The majority,
late
1960'a
for
pursued
On one occasion,
strategy
pendular
left,
to urge
to maintain
if
felt
that
was in-
it
In
struggle.
line
1955,
since
of his
this
Move-
of the
tendencies
the unity
movement and
temporar-
involved
enough to pre-
became strong
the other
no
before
revolutionary
tactically
with
opposition
guerrilla
and bourgeois
though
experience
in
Movement illustrated,
possible,
to Pern's
of Peronism
a consistent
one tendency
with
a threat
sent
if
it
sought
Peroniet
or non-Peronist
Peronist
He had always
siding
period
the bureaucratic
supported
even broaden
ily
post-55.
a non-revolutionary
as the Revolutionary
ment.
1970's
be taken
should
who in
by the Peronist
either
method of struggle
or early
of the
analyses
ently
their
of.
conceivable
fact,
towards
attitude
plans.
Peron,
in
a very
cynical
way,
laid
bare his
to an interviewer:
I wanted to include
the Justicialist
"Within
score,
all the
that
led
An
this
different
was
experience
example
of
melodies.
thing was for there to
"The important
by Vendor and Framini"
...
between the
the Movement coexistence
be within
and cooperation
but with me at the
two currents,
only in appearance,
counterposed
Father.
I assigned to Vendor the
top in the role of the Eternal
leadership
evolutionary
and conservative
of the negotiating,
the only ones which the regime would tolerate;
while
currents,
the revolutionary,
the leadership
Framini
aggressof
assumed
...
Both helped to bring
the system.
ive wing, permanently
attacking
to the role assigned to them in the strategy
together,
according
the
Command,
the
Superior
shades and currents
which conall
of
to our labourto give a national
tributed
content
and Christian
them to clash,
When the dynamic of events forced
ing masses.
taking
they had to do it without
care not
making too much noise,
Anyway, they had
injuries
to cause irreparable
or resentments.
1
in me an arbiter
and moderator par excellence".
Unfortunately,
which
harass
1.
time
this
interview
and pressurise
Peron,
only
quoted
in
the military
Pav6n Pereyra,
gained
broad
used his
"special
government
op* cit.,
circulation
into
in
formations"
allowing
p. 271.
1973,
by
to
his
return.
141
-
In fact,
for
"good
soldier",
weeks before
power in
seized
festo,
one finds
in his
towards
Argentine
national
through
population"
based,
reconstruction
Germany being
presented
the revolution,
never
in
became a problem
objectives
claiming
were his
period
less
quoted
in Nadra,
Other
progressed.
govern-
to socialismo
nacional
p. 84.
4.
& 132.
19,43
(Buenos
Aires),
Plana
Primera
in
Peron, Interview
1971, quoted in Nadra, op, cit.,
p. 15.
5.
Peron,
op. cit.,
communism
the, Lanusse
3.
La Hora...,
West
of Pern's
Tiempo de Tragedia,
Perlin, quoted in Andrew Graham-Yooll,
(Buenos
Ediciones
Aires:
Argentina
Revolucin
la
de
lo
a
Flor,
1972), p. 30.
op* cit.,
cit.,
the
involve
with
that
2.
op,
pacify
as a fireman
Peron,
La Hora...,
This
1971 in which
1.
Peron,
of
heading
would
indicators
with
rule
us united
in
supporters
references
expounding
find
Plana
frequent
of military
2000 will
"The
support.
which
"made sure
policies
to negotiate
preparedness
became 'Continentalism',
"The year
his
our country".
increasingly
1966-73
bourgeois
to potential
that
for
on hard work,
partly,
to Primera
the statements
himself
like
as a country
solution"
several
as an example.
cited
least
at
lasted
The government
sectors
himself
a "national
statements
of Argentina
Perbn presenting
with
an abyss,
when Onganla,
and "reactionary".
be more at home in
portrait
There
which
has ended.
to bourgeois
appeals
attitude
alongside
to see.
not
an attitude
intentions
real
as "gorila"
the world
which would
1966,
Pueblos
over
clear
and see"
was characterised
La Hora dehn
his
begins",
peoples
"wait
initial
of the bourgeoisie
reign
of
the regime
in
Moreover,
the
his
example,
of Pern's
indications
were other
Left
the Peronist
which
was,
there
Cronode Is
pp.
p.
119.
7th
September
-142-
demanded a high
level
utionary
take
stead
Jimenez's
in
refuge
Venezuela,
Franco's
Peronist
in
rooted
Benitez
lack
their
of anti-Peronist
Peron
the Nicaragua
Republic
in the
and Francisco
of its
the
governments.
post-1955
these
regimes
reasons,
was massively
that
that
3 (After
but
and this
to analysing
be surprising,
those
in Pavn Pereyra,
Peron,
2.
3.
Per6n,
quoted
Peronist
op.
p.
who will
through
not
against
for
economic
factor
are
in
obvious
it
their
diffi-
level
but
could
be
op.
cit.,
it
194.
in Pavbn Pereyra,
de
of opposition
cit.,
In this
; "Detrs
a revolt
if
exper-
myths.
at a collective
who swallowed
1.
quoted
motivations
unpopular
come those
was a major
There
do not
cognitive
mainly
As
within".
movement which,
Per6n was
"they
saying
through
of
in power.
from
me will
pro-Peron
in
came to Peronism
youths
and demerits
labour
faith
whose frequent
the Spanish
recite
activists
of Peronist
attached
not
merits
was the
naive
the
executioners,
strengthening
an evaluation
that
of Peronism
governments
make me good).
proven
and in-
Marcos Perez
or after
justifiably
could
los
Their
experience
before
were a factor
mi vendrn
would
from within.
ience
measures
to suggest
naive.
of personal
slightly
culties
Stroessner,
Dominican
commented of Aramburu's
succinctly
was that
wish
were innately
belief
to view as revol-
of hospitality
offer
of Alfredo
Trujillo's
left
know Peronism
to
Left
Spain.
By naivety,
sense,
Peronist
amigo de ideales"),
viejo
Rafael
the
Castro's
the Paraguay
Somoza ("mi
of Anastasio
the
for
of naivety
p. 327.
de
143
-
illusions
greatest
ly
participated
of
guilt
in
in
hostility
past
organisations
anti-Peronist
their
about
a revolutionary
towards
the
popular
of feelings
movement.
Evita
"Se siente,
se eiente,
Evita
est& presente.
Evita presente,
en cada combatiente.
Si Evita viviera
seria Montonera"
Montonera,
Evita
from
Left chant.
a Peronist
Evita
Left
was not
as a battle
Historia
any other
"traitors"
Peronist
Left
that
within
1.
2.
for
her
cited
content
hatred
a tremendous
traditional
the Movement.
political
Evita
were alive
today,
intellect
del
Peronismo,
was unashamedly
emotive
perhaps
and worship
for
attraction
opponents
her actual
"if
two highly
of the rich
more than
Evita's
expressed:.
those
than
of Peron.
but
for
also
figure
for
in no way justified
she would
the
works,
the Left
of Peronism
record
as
of revolutionary
source
was to serve
though
In her Historia
dain
the
out at
ed the
claim
held
rhetoric
hit
only
their
of the poor,
love
Her radical
not
but
author
Her contribution
Peronismo
del
preaching
Left
on the Peronist
influence
and a plentiful
standard
The Peronist
phraseology.
of
to offer.
for
a myth,
an ideological
strictly
she
attackthe
the
be a Montonero".
appeal
"Here
to emotion
and dis-
we don't
need many
Pinedo,
Jorge
Consi
Lucba
in
Montonera",
"Evita
reproduced
as
Argentino.
1955-1973 (Buenos
Popular en el Proceso Revoluclonario
Freeland,
1974), p. 110. Translation:
"We can feel
Aires-, Editorial
Evita is present in each
that Evita is with us, Evita is among us.
today, she would be a Montonero".
If Evita were alive
fighter.
(Buenos
Presidencia
Aires:
de la
del
Peronismo
Historia
Eva Pern,
1953); La Raz&n de mi Vida
Naci6n, Subsecretar
a de Informaciones,
(Buenos Aires:
Relevo, 1973).
Editorial
-144-
but
heart
with
than
why Peron
not
"to
Perrin with
love
Evita
language,
in,
of his
the merits
to the
in
encuentro
someone to lead
out having
thing
until
Though the
is
the
to their
remained
view
leader,
was an essentially
1.
Eva Peron,
2.
Eva Peron,
a person
to
"the
marthe
and
to believe
be judged
on
alludes
that
one is
conductor,
theory
advance
in history
revolutionary
op.
cit.,
to achieve
theory
the people
de Crisis,
p.
129.
want")
of the people
gave rise
the conductor-pueblo
formula.
any-
them.
Cuadernos
with-
that
Left
what
of the
to direct
leader
providential
to
the al-
the famous
arrives
"does
what
around
The encuentro
Goldar,
Though it
revolves
cannot
commitment
in Milciades
quoted
(Buenos Aires:
This
people
the
Perdn's
Argentine
quoted
the
the nerve,
have adorned
so romanticised
writings
by the Peronist
in
work.
conductor
of faith.
an article
inherited
(the
in Evita's
whereas
a historical
tale.
the
between
reciprocal
emphasis
leader
them".
leader,
relationship
purportedly
the whole
great
was
such religious
a political
are
"the
to which
according
With
of Perlin
meeting
most magical
these
a fairy
is
with
fact
in
is not
presented
did
this
actions.
of Peronism,
origins
fact
than
but
and moreover,
which
as to
she wrote,
soul,
Peron as a god,
presented
political
The Historia
virtues
by humanity.
rather
"the
people"
and highest
offered
genii
to have faith
in,
he is
for
argument
her descamisados
a Peronist,
for
of the Argentine
of the best
the
of all
thing
the
more with
no rational
ones soul"
all
reality
epitome
emotional
his
learnt
of the masses,
support
him.
to love
the uncritical
from building
her
is
She offered
the intellect".
deserved
prevent
Justicialism
because
many hearts
intellects
It
pp.
and
to the
symbiosis
depended on the
107-108.
1974),
p. 31.
- 145 -
idea
of a "dialogue"
a dialogue
in
ogue"
The idea
reality
does not
on numerable
Evita
the
the
in
Peronist
Left
encouraged
faith
on May Ist
1974 that
the
in
he had no respect
Evita's
want".
independent
condemnation
of Marxism
ignored
by the
Peronist
workers
of the world
Left.
to unite
"dial-
was
the
theory
by
any nearer.
It
it
pre-
helped
on revolutionary
steer
organisation
of Per6n.
in
the
Marx received
but
for
of this
"dialogue"
views
truly
any forms
and indeed
for
Leninist
away from
left
Peronist
people
leader
the
1951 when
the revolution
on the
Plaza
not,
to stand
Acceptance
bring
not
and dependency
to
pared
did
certainly
than
in August
in
that
-
more often
coming elections.
mass following,
least
not
occasions,
and his
consideration
a. "monologue",
constituted
Vice-Presidency
through
serious
merit
demonstrated
turned
the leader
made operative
supposedly
de Mayo.
between
existing
his
ideas
in
his
for
praise
general
call
to the
were rejected
as:
humane sentiments
to the profoundly
"contrary
of the people"...
"He denies religious
sentiment
of God"...
and the existence
Marxism is materialist
"Moreover,
and. this also makes it unbecause it
"On the other hand, it is unpopular
popular"...
human right
the so profoundly
to property".
2
suppresses
Though few members of the Peronist
and most saw Marxism
supporting
a political
property.
The Left
their
"a useful
congruous
taining
as only
era,
that
which
they
as Marxists
themselves
it
method of anlaysis",
implied
the
limitations
were as revolutionary
at
objection
were the
See below,
p.
2.
Eva Perlin,
quoted
in Milciades
Pena,
pp.
by main-
limitations
as was possible
op. cit.,
same time
of private
in
290.
1.
was in-
the
elimination
this
to circumnavigate
and Peron's
Evita's
that
described
as a revolutionary'while
project
attempted
Left
110-1t1.
of
the
early
146Peronist
Such an ardent
period.
attire
The Peronist
a plebeian
though
and revolutionary
himself.
harmony
"the
fundamental
of the
"to
between
the
tury,
"the
balance
privileged
are
privilege
happy with
under
scale.
Her radicalism
over
the
Peronist
her
role
in
Left.
the issue
For though
in
their
is
she didn't
family.
to
It
surrender
subordination
was worthy
needed
not
the
strong,
of place
Evita
was a natural
herself
out
thing,
of love"
of women's movements
of them.
company which
only
for
a home-life
system
could
ideas
be
could
on the
Union.
defender
she claimed,
offer
of
by
for
in Argentina
collectively,
alone,
cen-
the
role
of
herself,
she urged
due
organisation
a women "to
to a man while,
"to
that
as progressive
the Mothers'
she argued,
the
with
a bour-
the past
especially
gras a great
it
been overstated
political
many of her
in
being
that
can be regarded
condition,
social
presented
no revolutionary
of women, their
the enfranchisement
of class
in which
century
Evita
idea
Evita
over
reveal
Furthermore,
than
she argued
privileged
by another
but
and replace
that
of
to the workers'
of course
true
is
such statements
attack.
her-time
this
by the
must be restored
the workers",
was not
it
the
Here,
disappear
and labour",
of the workers
exploitation
both
in relation
struggle
While
Movement,
no more radical
imperialisms".
make class
capital
fact
one finds
of Justicialism
dream internationally.
geois
cause
"two
has offered.
Peronist
early
she was in
origin
revolutionary
of the
wing
objective
as being
cooperation
history
In La Raz6n de mi Vida,
movement"
to
was to present
Peron
that
reformists
Left
be used to bestow
could
as he
women
and to be a wife
- 147 "profession".
ist
Left
and facilitated
of
future,
ions,
it
life,
short
however,
of Evita's
rhetoric
with
coherent
if
a loss
the
agricultural
economic
the
changes
enemy within
within
than
the landed
within
1.
Eva Peron,
La Raz6n de...,
2.
Eva Peron,
quoted
in
land
and "the
Goldar,
op.
op.
the
only
be
not
to a belief
did not
that
the
represent
a.
restoration
had signif-
of income
from
the
eliminated
Evita
more afraid
pp.
p.
turned
her
guns
of the oligarchy
She warned against
17th".
Peronist
Cit.,
that
words pertained
oligarchic
dead,
cit.,
occas-
expropriations.
oligarchs'for
on October
through-
out
had not
it
the
carried
Though Peronism
sector,
"I'm
for
dead,
could
really
the Movement...
our cause"
by the
through
but
Peronism
1955 coup.
political
ideas
revolutionary
That
to the industrial
on the
Pilots
social
through
of oligarchic
Having
"the
future
cen-
of revolutionary
had already
was to be demonstrated
prominence
ied
Evita's
in progress.
was already
political
sense,
this
blend
uneasy
the
On other
was already
and this
1945,
the
in
a promise
and deep-felt.
oligarchy
Peronism
that
one considered
revolution
was only
social
For
writings.
In this
revolution
October
on 17th
reformist
a revolution.
the
die
genuine
that
she maintained
this
Peron-
the Jacobin.
bloodshed,
undoubtedly
oligarchs,
was certainly
paradox
that
impassioned
her to the
endeared
or without
of man, will
of the
her hatred
really
"With
be underlined
and her
oligarchy
of
growth
exploiters
should
though
her
out
It
the
which
to the oligarchs:
oligarchs,
2
tury".
death
the
against
injustice
of social
She preached
race
diatribes
was Evita's
condemnations
leaders
who develop
to
148personal
circles
For me they
truth,
is
a lot
on Per6n's
were helped
the
reader
"vanity,
in
graphic
In this
release
Eva Perlin,
Evita
life
"serve
1945 workers'
did
indeed
a part
performed
in
historical
these
events,
by labour
leaders
developed
mobilisation
research
it
was far
since
her writings
are full
de Crisis,
rallying
resulted
a
the work-
than
important
Reyes.
up with
3 At the
that
of
of her husband.
Ibid.,
3.
pp.
claimed.
less
2.
cit.,
dis-
if
Eva Pern,
op.
not
deification
of nauseating
a saintly
she presented
1.
p.
Cuadernos
which
such as Cipriano
by'a
Evita
In her Historia,
yet
the
mit fatherland
my people,
gone round
She
a modest heroine
In particular,
play
death.
her
her writings.
the
to
fills
woman" yet
from imprisonment.
ers
Per6n,
be
not
same time,
own van-
of way, but
sort
which
was that
her
17th October
the
account
the role
a "humble
even before
party
Peron's
his
some justification
and ambition"
humility
tb receive
for
but
Yet in
to serve
the Fundacibn
could
alone
life
and Perbn".
credit
with
charity,
egoism
false
as only
was supposed
interested
could
idols".
station
the people
a paternalistic
pride,
of that
covers
whose whole
figure
clay
ambition.
salary.
herself
presented
in
oligarchs,
serve
her
Her wardrobe
herself.
Moreover,
under
Through
herself.
of people
helped
also
He does not
I
excessive
official
to Evita
and their
egoism
They are
as "the
an oligarch.
pride,
applied
their
such statements
himself
ity,
(serving)
16-18.
W.
(Buenos
Eva
149
The latter
among the
clouds
the masses,
blind
self-image
plebeian
taking
yet
the jewels
the whole
tury",
from
right
was to gain
and "like
from
adulation
based upon
a reaction
since
bureaucratic
of
Spain,
receiving
the
funds
years
of Evita
in
her
"one day"
Party.
Eva Perlin,
4.
Tim Rice,
quoted
Lyrics
climber
as a
fgscist
visiting
from Franco
and
her death
and after
many facets
of
Peronist
Left.
were dismissed
Indeed,
so strong
hid
Stories
did
Evita
lies
to discuss
on the basis
about
as malicious
the merits
of empirical
and
evidence.
Simbolos y H6roes en
in Pedro Geltman, "Mitos,
Crdenas et al, El Peronismo,
op. Cit.,
p. 134.
3.
of
at mass events.
the later
a Peronist
social
Catholic
the
cen-
servant
up as a revolutionary,
of Isabel
the Pundacibn
inherit
of an ever-expanding
herself
salutes
am
this
and selfless
Grand Cross
or "in
greatest
the acquisition
yet
from
as "the
"I
you....
in Barnes,
of the rock
and glamor-
to her descamisados,
for
career
She adopted
was always
up by Evita
from
it
it
by the Radical
weakspots
but
involved
and politics
recent
the oligarchs
the falangist
pocketing
explaining
the proletariat,
reciprocating
life
weakly
yet
empire.
banner
to dress
hypocritical.
now.
loved
collection",
not
Per6n
2.
and sure
incarnate"
than
rather
was totally
writing
and jewels,
ous minks
1.
as an "ideal
of course,
and devotion
faith
Much of Evita's
in
high
judgement.
critical
spread
The aim,
who flies
condor
to God",
and close
a god to Argentines".
her
as a "giant
was portrayed
ope cit.,
opera
p.
Evita,
126.
1976.
the Whin
-150-
left,
The Peronist
close
for
pro-Nazi
It
of Buenos Aires
author
the
of
the Peronist
from
the
and junior
unions.
the
for
did
which
arrive,
the plan
was shelved.
utionary
image,
justifiably
Nevertheless,
though,
from
The Montonero
so.
"the
the defence
a basically
defend
icies
of what?
of income
ination
of
seems highly
distribution,
capitalism.
doubtful
It
but
of the
5,000
the episode
helped
the militia
for
structure,
rather
all
from
its
plan
progressive
with
is
pol-
of the militia
that
un-
quite
the information
available,
1.
it
put
probable
before
would
than a system
the direction
but
45
.
her revol-
build
we have,
information
action
the Dutch
with
were distributed
by the Cubans",
the
into
proletarian
in
militia
was
was also
Furthermore,
that
Its
1952.
Left
one hundred
the scanty
In Argentina,
capitalist
the Peronist
of her militia
about
sung by
happily
only
the
was also
a Peronist
army officers
provisioning
out
of Isabel
rhetoric.
of creating
in
Left
parentage.
had for
Evita
by Pern
Family
pistols
idea
vetoed
a plan
its
quasi-revolutionary
radical-sounding
trade
whenever
Royal
attraction
a result
1950's,
early
which
for
Ivan
of recognised
Peronist
Ivanissevich
the
and Dr.
figure,
the
Evita's
rather
the administration
that
a thought
of her
latter
song,
without
The magnetic
due to her
Cooke but
to drive
during
fact
the
is
Peronist
Youth
simply
the
that
ironic
sympathies,
Pern.
not
highly
is
the University
of
like
that
elements
Ivanissevich.
to accept
refused
simply
were not
associates
right-wing
example,
(Buenos
151
-
young
NCO's would
have kept
worth
emphasising
that,
tation
it
the
to her
attributed
ving
for
credit
thoroughly
a banner
certainly
Left
would
were,
in
from
economic
1946-
of the feminine
heroine.
a banner
paving
have found
future
much in
and deserthus
became a
common with
up as
by implication
pre-
Movement as more
illusions.
"I
will
armed struggle
the
for
the most
with
governments
at the
problems
Evita
vote,
be
cancer
thousands
while
but
of
believing
thats
"Eva Pern embodied more than anyone the energy and motor of
"The
the proletarian
rebellion
which Peronism signified"...
is projected
in the numerous armed
true image of Evita...
1
bear
her
name".
which
comandos
The three
gredients
1.
"Si
no.
ideological
of mainstream
Evita Viviera
30 (September
currents
Peronist
Left
- i. e.
is
mechan-
of the
acceptance
of serious
onset
youths
it
interpre-
a defence
was purely
entails
1952.
struggle,
be millions...
not
it
revolutionary
Peronist
they
and I will
return
promotion
of Peronist
than
radical
scheme,
Though in
years.
her
early
undeserving
the
sented
the
with
the golden
of
Again,
one put
of Evita's
death
timely
government,
golden
leadership.
as revolutionary.
strength
age of 33 coincided
on its
grip
as revolutionary
governments
Finally,
Peronist
even if
on the militias
possible
55 Peronists
a firm
of the
y Revolucibn,
- 152-
tendency
movimientista
to
a lesser
did
extent
is
cy which
Cooke though
historical
loose
but
ideological
postures
those
which
divided
while
looking
All
three
to
related
tradiction"
involved
the
old
the
main beneficiaries
However,
tion"
after
1930's
the
popular
the rise
and 1940's
dynamic
historical
that
for
the national
it
of the national
(by
1.
The
than
is
worth-
to two works
referring
that
conviction
dilemma
This
had deeply
over
ver-
make-up
interests
contradicin
the
penetrated
conflict
experience
had
showed
anti-imperialist
to the opposition
of
were
Britain.
with
"principal
Peronist
conditionally
had passed
social
relations
of Argentine
The 1946-55
was only
as "Oligarchy
bourgeoisie
capital
con-
of imperialism
to the
the
which
"principal
and commercial
industrial
view
the
expressed
remained
foreign
outlook
was that
dependent
country's
nationalists
sectors.
it
section
historical
when landed
industrial
roots
of the
briefly
Argentina,
agro-export
influences,
more important
concluding
and socially
Such a dichotomy
sus People".
was only
unity
of formative
a revisionist
shared
domestically
the nation,
this
in
the Argentine
in
ideological
and
themselves.
shared
their
provided
through
Left
currents
was closely
versus
diversity
that
at
though
them,
of
tercermundismo
united
which
by the Peronist
produced
to enable
coherent
their
the diversity
despite
nevertheless,
Peronism
Movimientista
revisionism.
tenden-
The latter
chapter.
revolutionary
between
Only
chapters.
alternativista
substantive
of Peronism,
evaluations
was sufficiently
"
of the final
positive
later
in
the smaller
by the Marxist-mediated
there
their
be analysed
will
influence
they
the subject
by their
which
camp)
-153-
and that
(hence
its
the
contradiction
lack
In all
the
tain
its
this
hegemonic
it
within
position
as the Argentine
national
ing
its
"social
for
capacity
of the socialismo
reverse
side
refusal
to examine
and learn
national
and social
liberation
"Third
World"
important
Finally,
three
all
the view
with,
through
unfold
historically
than
the
The limitations
ed that
Left.
Left
Since,
tendency
national
national
can be easily
be seen,
as will
lay
in
the petty
was far
bourgeoisie
works,
and
from view
one.
inevitably
world
those
an acceptance
in
though
order
anti-imperialist
were attempts
nationalism,
but
identified
than
idea
in
the
be emphasis-
to the Peronist
of the main Peronist
of a multi-class
one largely
to the
to reconcile
must also
strength
the
bourgeoisie,
alliances,
it
stronger.
especially
attractive
most of the
more appealing
was a far
nationalism
was tremendously
Moreover,
of multi-class
of other
or were compatible
leading
into
was a
continental
to obscure
upon,
The
currents
this
with
of multi-class
nationalism
alliance
proletariat.
tasks.
experiences
the underdeveloped
socialism,
period,
this
disagree-
tended
agreed
of Peronism
above cited
influence
post-1955
movement while
inevitable.
In many of'the
two.
in
of stages,
a series
either
revolutions
Each viewed
National,
examples
to re-
Movement.
the international
cases
of
were diff-
progressive
of many of these
nacional
revolutionary
there
or socialist
struggles.
influences
that
the Peronist
liberation",
from
evaluation
though
was sufficiently
liberation
in all
perspectives
successful
antagonistic
to a positive
force,
as a progressive
Peronism
over
was not
led
antinomy
as to whether
of opinion
oligarchy
reform).
cases,
bourgeoisie
national
erences
of agrarian
three
the
with
decline
the historical
based on the
of the
redundancy
-154Argentina,
through
a vibrant
the national
than
having
of the
al
those
certain
Catholic
oppressive
being
chosen
and resorted
rather
than
ing
man also,
Lastly,
they
the
Peronist
be seen from
Juan Pablo
1.
life
for
general
the highly
Franco
It
in
role
was natur-
the
of love
The two
of revolutionary
panorama,
however,
of the early
too,
system
and
than
freely
fellow
there
Peronist
men
the revolubut
of chang-
and personal
of the heroic
a common glorification
cause.
one's
influences
a structural
the popular
rather
for
a social
case of
some important
to institutionalised
For both
at both
evaluation
others.
were here
upon people
of changing
operating
were to share
Left's
forced
of the enemy.
this
there
as a response
viewed
than
justification
a similar
a question
this
Within
was now
to out of feelings
just
his
sacrificing
more persuas-
such behaviour
an important
played
influences
something
hatred
was not
by
of the national
of thought
and groups
However,
offered
violence,
tion
that
suggested
hegemonised
and schools
only
persuasion.
currents
this
violence,
writers
Guevarist
with
ideological
which
radicalism
of Catholic
parallels
a "progressive"
individuals
upon certain
that
the experience
passed
past.
Obviously,
fluential
in
analyses
had actually
countries,
phase of development
For many,
behaved
economic
a thing
American
anti-imperialist
bourgeoisie.
bourgeoisie
ive
many Latin
unlike
level.
militant
as can
influential
and Fernando
in
-155-
of
orthodox
of
politics.
Peronism,
determinism,
economic
the
window with
it
Moreover,
politics".
ed impossible
to explain
terms
explanation
banner
the
political
great
strategic
the
"true
historic
"the
mean that
working
the process".
masses"
not
so easily
in
"did
not
has always
Feinmann,
op.
said,
cit.,
pp.
that
power"
practised
& 196.
some new
of
he never
the
hegemonic
baton
Peronism
politics,
not
con-
at the
of the
lost
For his
property
did
and is
and "government
possible".
when he
meaningless
of contradictions.
it
46,51
"hegemonised
of the
our
origins".
However,
conductor's
capitalist
the art
the notion
to suppress
things,
do absurd
is
full
around
synthesis
class
was and is
allegation
"popular
to explain
failure
has-the
the
at
views"
its
since
class".
class
look
"because
most profound
Peronism
possible
was not
nacional
Feinmann's
explanation
Peronism
only
"the
it
erected
of opponents'
today
class
failed
interests,
socialismo
the working
that
up to 1955 represented
period
bourgeois
of the working
and in fact
is
should
defence
is
was render-
to even discuss
of the process"
interests
to claim
that
analysts
refusal
has animated
instances
"hegemony"
all
Poronism
A third
rather
he argued,
start,
the
ducting
but
which
project
argued
was that
argument
from
to a negation
be confined
of Justicialismo
4th
by his
represented
ultimately
cannot
"only
own categories.
was provided
Feinmann's
1.
of its
thesis
Peronism
that
of
(factor)
of Peronism
criticism
Peronism"
Feinmann's
defined
any fundamental
out
descriptive
are merely
the explanatory
since
of
Marxism
flew
analysis
classes
social
the assertion
with
Movement in
Perlin
...
us,
sociological
primacy
by equating
and all
"for
of the
case on an assertion
concepts
that
"straw
A-Marxist
with
his
rested
power
only
was that
which,
Likewise,
as
according
- 156to Feinmann,
our history
confuse
Perbn
to say that
imposed
hand,
did
if
the
latter
Nacional
"equivalent
way between
al
By backdating
the
never
Peronism
pected
stages
However,
to achieve
approach
was in
imperialist
upon a strict
Ibid.,
posture
division
is
serving
since
nacional
that
the
fact
more in
also
at
argued
in his
between
pp. 79,91,110,179,185
capitalism
the
time
then? "
to the
rejected
bourgeoisie"
was
of early
and clearly
version
ez--
of the
work.
consistent
anti-
whole argument
and imperialism.
& 218.
choice
"historic-
years
limitations
his
anti-capitalist",
third
"Why '3rd'
the
"every
that
the
Here,
explicitly
1973, a modified
implicit
Feinmann
expressed
"national
he explained
the
nor with
of recent
Feinmann
Per6n's
by asserting
above,
rather
though
the
with
distorted
regime,
and claimed
Peronism
Finally,
1.
Peronist
in fact
the revolution".
of socialismo
terms
in
for
the talk
national.
govern-
and Socialismo
Justicialismo
but
on a new meaning
of stages
to the early
conciliation,
took
of the early
theory
class
road
and autonomous
revisionism"
must
"objectively
examined
and socialism,
capitalism
a national
practice
Position",
to do with
"had nothing
it
it
was dismissed
were
Feinmann
concepts",
"Third
of the
own definition
that
to demonstrate
attempt
are
workers
On the other
both
opposition
strike
have
surely
changes,
lacked
had
interests".
In his
of
the striking
that
would
structural
workers'
the form
anti-worker
prevent
of the railway
ment in
claim
fact
was "to
However,
of forces".
"balance
Workers'
the Peronist
nonsensical
by the
film".
there
1946-55,
Movement.
mony in
that
in
surely
or Eisenstein
a western
with
should
relied
For his
- 157-
premise
of the
erialist
politically
"in
geois
sectors
of the alliance.
Alvarez,
on the other
would
represent
the
given
the
early
His
argument
Peronism
into
ism's
stage
was that
been swallowed
Socialism.
However,
bourgeois
and military
Apart
capitalist
imperialist
movement hegemonised
"creating
as Blas
ties
his
rot
"3rd
originally
Position",
this
deemed
being
By
him terminated.
bourgeoisie
enabling
by the working
had
reducing
penetration,
its
conversPeron-
class.
whose ultimate
has commented,
completely
of the bour-
of our country".
to socialist
Alberti
a Per6n in
the
and thus
constituency
did
national
economic
argu-
previous
had for
stage
one to
any "consistent
the State",
Perbn as a revolutionary
ed by presenting
Peronism
and
leads
on the part
development
from a bourgeois
convertibility
image of Fidel
since
proletarian
a socialist
of Alvarez
the
unity
only
to adopt
occupied
with
for
This
suicide
rather
of capitalist
up through
to its
but
Peronism
Feinmann's
that
the anti-imp-
supported
with
felt
collaboration
however,
1970's,
line
social
hand,
nacional
by "class
characterised
"correct
surely
socialismo
in
in
criterion
be expected
involve
ment,
the
political").
can possibly
for,
which
nation,
a subject
posture"
him to include
sectors
organisation
ion
led
of politics
primacy
this
Perbn's
own image"
or at least
in
the
Castro.
from
reliance
pp. 79,194
on the notion
of a revolutionary
Per6n,
& 229.
1.
Ibid.,
2.
- 158Alvarez
that
maintaining
"the
only
permanent
working
class
existence
of an early
capitalist
Peronist
Movement.
one would
need to demonstrate
benefited
the workers
that
the
product
expand
the
domestic
and that
as a class
market.
Likewise,
become socialist
by the early
1970's
pronouncements
"Stages"
ist
were also
there
was "major
transformation
period
ist
of Argentine
and the
transition
ownership
of Socialism".
construction
as those
as far
quite
those
maintained
prior
1.
as merely
years
that
to but
Ibid.,
p.
"the
also
55.
indispensable
Peronism
had
citing
in
years
of government
and in
For him,
of the
specific
Franco's
system
national
fantasies
for
the
1940's,
towards
such a state
of capital-
not
than
of the
go
seeing
he depicted
consciousness
to the formation
the
the
forms
did
rather
back in
of a people's
Peron-
Peronist
the early
exercise
towards
of the
presentation
formation
were not
base and
that
by the workers".
However,
transitional
however,
the dissolution
hegemony as existing
working-class
the
society
towards
of the
gains
to demonstrate
that
in
to have
a mass political
requires
"hege-
overwhelmingly
working-class
in Franco's
present
participation
of
sector
policies
if
of Pern.
He maintained
transformation.
assertion
largest
need to create
of Peron's
solely
Peronist
for
the
hegemony to be proven,
For working-class
The argu-
one explain
the
the
from
logic,
hegemony appears
were by far
the workers
that
Again
stage?
class".
how could
For Alvarez,
by the working
by
(Peronism)
that
is
element
was hegemonic,
really
transformation
social
the test
withstand
for
capacity
1945 until
the
Peronism's
explained
of affairs
is
not
of a consciousness
and
only
of
159
-
the hegemonic
If
the
ests
the
but
-
Peronism
writers
to that
for
books
assertion
Cordobazo
Yet
today,
in mind,
with
so much fantasy
which
manner appears
illusions
thousands
which
alternative
chapters
the
divers-
social
than
during
of opposition
Peronist
It
1970's
felt
that
in
helped
to Peronism
is
one of the
such as
events
was near.
the way in
and systematic
however,
had in Perlin
to prevent-the
like
be remembered that
hindsight,
These,
Their
as an
Per6n,
Liberation"
such a serious
bizarre.
viewed
when, with
"the
were the
and his
emergence
Move-
of a
themes developed
on Movimientismo.
75 & 83.
Franco,
2.
in ibid.,
pp.
what
which
Movement.
that
should
1.
quoted
inter-
in working-
illusions
were convinced
of movimientistas
they
not the
their
of more historical
less
reflected
regarding
times.
was presented
as little
comprised
they
many people
the benefit
the
which
due to its
of the
the early
in
were written
consciousness"?
own definitions
18 years
to the strategy
the
in
probability
subordination
Movement,
these
real
Per6n's
accepted
In all
up and develop-
sector.
objection
his
dominant
had become.
unions
general
ideology
as a whole - impossible
of its
these
their
surely
"people's
forces
social
taken
an idea
Yet what is
the
class
the
then
on.
to all
alliance
that
All
later
refers
Movement,
of
ity
I. aclau
"people"
Peronist
of the workers",
necessity
ed by Ernesto
" in Politics
Books, 1977),
and
pp.
CHAPTER III
THE FIRST 'TENDENCIA REVOLUCIONARIA'
has in recent
out
been applied,
to refer
ed in
1964 with
ical
change,
a left-wing
towards
orientation
back to the
several
was reach-
Movement
social
ideology;
a revolutionary
permeated
which
to the
in
was revolutionary
radical
a revolutionary
embodied in
was not
the term
Peronist
It
for
and groped
it
ERP).
-
has also
collateral
the Revolutionary
and polit-
it
party
it
with-
and it
dates
whose gestation
after
Peronista
Left,
and their
to apply
apposite
Left
of
Revolucionario
that
equally
Peronista
the creation
espoused
dency in
is
Peronist
early
of the Resistencia
it
it
1960's,
to the Montoneros
within
two phenomena:
of the Peronist
the late
since
tendency
to denote
the whole
the period
However,
years
that
to
more specifically,
nowadays forgotten
(Movimiento
been employed
years
in
organisations.
(revolutionary
Revolucionaria
was
of the broader
sectors
the
later
Its
did
a loud
find
the former
political
conceptions
echo in
ated
but
with
ive
also
offered
youth,
secondary
ermore,
possessing
utionary
Nationalist
Tacuara
MNRT).
-
left
an armed expression
student
in
Movement (Movimiento
Though these
organisations
16o-
the strength
gained
was an influential
fully
were not
In this
produce
ideology.
to come, being
and university
never
tendency.
helped
it
Peronist
an embryo of things
school
the later
Cooke,
of more recent
elaboration
period
tendency,
revolutionary
of the latter.
runner
1958-66
foreelabor-
way, along
the early,
tentat-
Structurally,
it
composed of trade
organisations
the form
lacked
and, furth-
of the Tacuara
Revolucionario
union,
Revol-
Nacionalista
the organic
161
-
and degree
cohesiveness
dency,
this
they
were sufficiently
in
was reflected
as the
organ
through
tendency
union
is
of
the former,
the
alliance
ests
of
the
union
smaller
The rise
many salary-earners,
ist
governments
the
rural
general,
sector.
social
the reasons
tenand
Compan"ero
of the Movement,
revolutionary
this
between
revolutionaries
behaved
as it
did.
tendency
in
the case
decline,
the
the polit-
the latter
case,
of the rise
was a result
failed
it
and re-
In
from
exclusion
trade
radicalisation,
of socio-economic
which
of the
section
for
government,
bureaucracy
to represent
the
of
inter-
unions.
of the first
of declining
ground
a reformist
with
the revolutionary
with
trade
a powerful
1958-62
of the weekly
was a product
of Frondizi's
system
Peronist
radicalism
a tendency,
mainly
to differentiate
and to explain
experience
place
When examining
important
Montonero
P.eronism.
tactically
itself
movement.
therefore
ical
took
later
to be considered
recognition
mutual
the Revolutionary
allied
formists
their
of the
unity
united
of revolutionary
Radicalisation
but
of conceptual
living
Peronist
for
standards
a product-of
Left
economic
and economic
the devaluation
to effect
conditions
a transfer
favoured
policies
for
policies
workers
a back-
of post-Peronof income
towards
owners of capital
in
became grim:
below that of
"In 1963 GNP again dropped by 5 to a figure
1958.
Private
consumption was also down by 10% in comparison with 1958,
terms
it
Again
15%.
the
per
in
approached
capita
workers
and
and as before this helped to uphold their
were most affected,
below 1958, and
In 1963 real wages were 15PI'bf
loyalties.
Peronist
unemployment,
which was mainly marked in textiles
and
1.
first
Compafiero, a weekly paper edited by Mario Valotta,
appeared
organ of the MRP in August
on 7th July 1963 and became the official
1964.
162 -
metallurgical
production,
The cost
ant five years.
by 4O.
" I
In response
strike
year
action
which
witnessed
Torre.
especially
following
the
through
hours
devaluation",
decline
to economic
federation
(CGT) launched
the
Taken in
radical
ivists
isolation,
alternative
were radicalised
omic crises
of the Peronist
to blossom
trends
help
Firstly,
into
such events
hours
were
number of
Further
services.
this
Labour
which
four
Conin-
million
However,
1.
2.
Peralta
Ramos, op.
cit.,
out
that
and the
process
labour
actecon-
and led
conjunctural,
oligarchy
must be pointed
of Peronist
the persistent
a mass revolutionary
it
than
rather
to imperialism
Movement.
a minority
To them,
period.
capitalism
to explain
suggest
Yet only
politics.
in
might
to be structural
appeared
same year,
working
by almost
it
workers.
for
of the
of Struggle)
workplaces
"rev-
dimensions
(Plan
Plan
de
Lucha
a
.
of some 11,000
occupation
insurrectional
came in
as the
5% of the average
over
industry
Lisandro
history
some 73 million
representing
resistance
Frigorffico
In September
of that
to the decision
opposition
labour
per month in
1959. * January
to denationalise
Buenos Aires.
in
"great
in
strike
to militant
resorted
peak in
strike
strikes,
worked
volved
general
strike
general
workers
a periodic
administration
attained,
lost
situation,
reached
That
olutionary"
this
a powerful
of the Frondizi
de la
to
reached
of living
as a
tendency
again
economic
was truncated.
resistance
to the
(ed.
),
"
in
Rock
Peronism,
Argentina
of
(London: Duckworth,
1975), p. 205.
p.
166.
failed
163
-
of post-1955
plans
in
combativity
it
in
was reasserted
before
1960's
did
the offensive
days lost
through
Peronist
first
Left
1955 (5 million
in
battles
major
268,000
in
but
of
the
1962).
left
resting
already
not
in
for
just
decline
after
6 million
over
being
of the
here
upswing
the
the
after
on the sufferance
that
ended in
defeat.
unionists
was futile.
seen under
direct
the fact
and only
all
began to feel
sindical,
the
opposition
1946-55
was in
These defeats,
that
these
the powerful
Peronist
to rank-and-file
of a temporarily
of
and black-listing,
victimisation
It
was not
practically
the burocracia
the phenomenon of
appeared,
which
and life
1957,
by a dramatic
unemployment,
bureaucracy
year
demoralised.
many workers
opposition
1970's
1959 but
of that
initiatives
participation
the mid-
by the number of
in
in
in
of allowing
figures
days lost
million
here,
by even greater
followed
these
was followed
seen in
the militancy
labour
1959,
it
and early
of gestation
3.6 million
before
decline
be illustrated
the years
over
in
(1.5
1959
1960's
a highly
greatly
1956,
it
late
can best
during
11 million
Capital),
Federal
After
off
rise
have sugg-
analyses
of the advisability
tendency.
days in
of the
pattern
strikes
fell
opposition
the military
This
return.
Left
1963-64.
much to persuade
Per6n's
labour
period,
by a gradual
characterised
by irregularity.
was characterised
1955-59
combative
was not
as many Peronist
and strength,
Rather,
ested.
governments
defeated
in
union
intransigent
that
conditions
trade
union
governments,
sentiment
but
rerather
164-
movement.
though
Secondly,
years
of history
on the stage
appearance
term upturn
in
the economy,
Consumption
levels
(39.1%
in
grew
as opposed
41.1% in
1966).
increasing
The Illia
internal
structured,
than
al,
the workers'
Peronism
was thus
of the domestic
to
1965;
of
a policy
power of
In
market.
other
of some activin
of the workers
militancy
Support
for
undermined
of GNP
Peronist
improved.
situation
share
industrialists
of the radicalisation
by the economistic
and encouraged
the
purchasing
and middle-order
on the health
as a result
partially
pursued
the
raising
small
no sooner
39.1% in
of 1963-66
through
were affected.
as a percentage
1964;
its
of a short-
36.9% in
government
to benefit
depended
whose prospects
in
as workers
to capital,
1963;
consumption
workers,
ists
37.2% in
1962;
so far
wages rose
and real
in
1964,
the start
with
the
preceded
Movement in August
coincided
least
at
hardship
economic
Peronist
of the Revolutionary
creation
words,
of severe
gener-
revolutionary
the
within
system
strengthened.
Moreover,
at
least
iod
though
in
clarity
1964, in
by economic
the
sharp
Plan de Lucha,
the powerful
feeble
Return
ations
Per6n's
return.
Left's
post-mortem
report
Ibid.,
2.
Peralta
need.
contrast
produced
Here,
Cit.,
This
150.
by its
little
in
fully
failure
this
per-
particular
the relative
economistic
leaders
throughout
between
on the miserable
p.
was-seen
of strikes
one cannot
passim.
Ramos, op.
strike
majority
an entirely
Campaign which
for
1.
1959 general
the vast
as political,
were motivated
the
strengths
campaign,
and the
the
Peroniet
of the latter,
which
of
165
it
ascribed
to
solely
the failure
Had there
struggle,
as opposed
to mount a massive
of the bureaucracy
to provide
support
for
a revolutionary
to a wage claim,
the
Left
Campaign of its
Return
Peronist
been able
surely
would
a lead.
the bureau-
own, sidestepping
cracy.
this
In
workers
union
iences,
does not
from
or to be more accurate,
paradox
vanguard
of this
ically
militant
issues
without
changes in
means unique
labour
political
decline
daily
struggles
political
becomes easier
Of course,
in
rev-
and exper-
experien-
of these
by a con-
to understand
the
and period-
over
workers,
economic
translated
the paradox
providing
that
workers'
to do battle
consciousness.
tended
vanguard
of a well-organized
case of most
was thus
organisation
one accepts
between
the
to Argentina,
Economic
in
that
whose leaders
generalization
existence
only
of the
If
were.
movement prepared
being,
political
revolutionary
it
exhibited
unions
interaction
then
the
period:
this
the
national
emerge from
and theoretical
there
most
on the basis
structured
from an external
rather
here
Peronist
organs
of activists,
as having
key factor
was fundamentally
consciousness
but
scious
2A
what political
group
be described
terms,
to
counterpose
olutionary
Leninist
a smallish
movement.
to dominate
from
apart
consciousness".
Peronism
post-1955
labour
in
could,
"trade
to
period,
is
the classic
into
by no
example.
1.
Congress of
For example, the resolution
approved by the National
Youth Rank-andMovement and Peronist
Peronist
the Revolutionary
(6th-7th
in Companero, no. 77.
February
1965), published
File
(2nd fortnight
1965), p. 3.
of February
2.
for fight"...
the conviction
of the need for combining in unions,
to prevail
the employers,
ing against
upon the
and for trying
etc. " - Lenin,
government to pass laws necessary for the workers,
What is to be Done? op. cit.,
p. 80.
166
_
revolutionary
tendency
new radicals
were also
59 Resistencia
idual
by their
termed
anti-Peronists
the
and militant
union
fatal,
proved
provide
in
for
a rapid
erships
ing
were back in
labour's
against
This
it
emerge though
in
its
quest
for
feeling
1.
union
tasks
hands,
economic
decline.
meant that
late
struggle,
1950's,
new political
but
they
axis
Command to
of resistance
fought
movement which
task
its
succCommando
control.
and direct
mainly
strength
The
action.
and weakness:
concentrated
initiatives
if
could
would be rivalled
power of leading
in
lead-
upon fight-
organisation
such an organisation
young Peronists
but
a new political
by the entrenched
The defeats
factors
National
of the Movement.
Peronist
leadership
was to advance.
trade
also
By the
bureaucrats.
was both
a vacuum in which
created
this
accept-
reconquest
the political
these
from military
propaganda
of the Resistance
basis
limited
also
in
as auxiliaries
of sabotage,
operations
union
enabled
acted
had
years
When resistance
The principal
labour
Rev-
of a generally
1959 strike,
of the unions
the recovery
times
at
engaged in
it
years
essfully
trade
leadership.
1955-
of indiv-
these
struggles,
of the Peronist
1
the
"Liberating
were full
uncertainty.
the January
the efforts
despite
some makeshift
those
units
a peak in
reached
during
the
the absence
struggles
following
The
of activists.
experiences
1955 coup)
a minority
of resistance
acts
influenced
only
influenced
period.
(as
olution"
but
particular
the
Peronist
labour
were
Movement
their
response
was not
solely
political.
of
- 167 Military
or politico-military
Peronist
development
of the
had ideological
primitive
in
lessons
to by the Tacuara
Justicialist
Secondary
Estudiantes
Secundarios
of
the relative
in
the
the
freedom
unions,
ensive
could
structures
forms
advantage
seriously
challenge
were necessary
for
toral
for
elections,
Professional
labour
movement)
ation"
of
Left.
(Juven-
advantage
politically
the
after
the reconquest
with
that
militants
of
def-
New organ-
In return
Intransigent
Frondizi's
Associations
took
organise
and begin
of the Frondizi
the experience
on the incipient
the Peronists
under
de
Youth
offered
of
such as the
In general,
Peroniat
the
these
to
power.
marked impact
support
take
if
forms
groups
no longer
isational
to
in
Nationalist
University
were achieved,
was a feeling
up
exper-
Justicialista
The latter
respectively.
Resistencia
the
of
aims
there
(Agrupacibn
Frondizi
under
allowed
and universities
schools
immediate
JUP).
-
taking
of struggle
semi-legal
the
Peronist
AJES)
and
-
Peronistas
Universitarias
tudes
in
particular.
Youth,
Grouping
Students'
This
guerrilla
by new organisations
and
as methodological
Revolutionary
by the Peronist
in
as well
was not
armed struggle
Though resorted
years.
ideas
began to study
and left-wing
countries,
other
for
by
mainly
period.
implications,
young militants
to,
as a continuation
of the Resistance
as methodological
guerrillerismo,
iences
struggle
commando activities
as well
looked
was also
organisation
were conceded
(providing
until
for
for
amnesty,
a national
However,
their
decisive
(UCRI) in
Radicals
a general
government
the
the
elec1958
a new Lax of
reorganisation
promised
had a
of the
"normalis-
of the
- 168 -
Peroniat
Party
tracts
Lisandro
ico
foreign
eight
with
individual
terrorism
introduced
first
tion
del
people
In
action
generated,
military
provided
labour
in
as an upsurge
and
pressures
1960,
the
CONINTES (CON-
for
military
jurisdic-
to Berisso,
and led
the intervenci6n
by Frondizi,
position,
Jostled
between
Frondizi
was obliged,
in
"betray"
the Peronist
Movement.
Peronist
demands without
by becoming
him.
ousting
Peronist
La Plata
and
of unions
and
Left
ing
romance with
foreign
foreign
for
major
role
which
he resorted
investors
demanded.
stability
could
also
not
to him was
other
with
were viewed
of the
(developmentalist)
in
capital
Despite
development
not
the early
be ensured
hitting
on the other
reasons
by the
for
incip-
counter-revolutionto its
and as related
those
project
develop-
a result
the
"stability"
concessions
by placating
industrialists
involved
The repression
plans.
solely
but
and
capital.
to was therefore
pressures
not without
policies
pressures,
placate
opposition
the military
bourgeoisie
desarrollista
Frondizi's
popular
demonstration
industrial
of the
ary
repressive
an unenviable
do enough to satisfy
not
provide
as a clear
to both
office,
He could
he was in
and Peronist
military
puppet,
and thus
though
to retain
order
being
Prondizi's
nature
contending
a military
bound to increase
least
This
zones,
betrayed
felt
Peronists
ient
as well
in
Frigorff-
powerful
bowed to military
of terrorism
accused
of the
con-
of strikers.
arrests
hand,
the face
and then,
Plan.
EStado)
declared
Ensenada being
1959.
nation-
by signing
1958,
and by denationalising
companies
of Seige
on his
reneged
and during
1959, Frondizi
in
a State
INTerna
over
in
the latter
which
moci6n
oil
de la Torre
resistance
Frondizi
made before
of intent
statements
alist
In addition,
1962.
until
to
the labour
of military
foreign
which
labour,
that
movement,
at
main
- 169due to the
backers,
in
policy
the
fiercely
while
overpowering,
combination
but
in
reflection
isations,
taking
ground
armed groups,
hostile
the early
united
Peronism
legalise
tions
it
committing
the unforgivable
sanctioned
Peronist
finally
Frondizi
tions,
his
Capital
Jujuy
but
where they
successfully
won in
4 provinces
Peronists
trade
where militant
Through
tary
Per6n's
realized
backed
Andr6s
election
results
that
prediction
1
we lose
everything".
gain
power by legal
means in
1962,
ists
felt
were left
with
if
for
we win,
that
they
intended
the
many leaders
to
this
1.
Per6n, quoted
(Buenos Aires:
stance
challenge
should
and deposing
we lose,
in
of that
direct
direct
participation
1962 elec-
and official
of Buenos Aires
governor.
the miliAnd
we win nothing.
then proscribed
but
elec-
When
Frondizi,
their
not be mistaken
in Fb1ix
Editorial
province-,
was elected
no option
in
one includes
Democrat)
a Christian
movement.
the Federal
(5 if
in
function
the
plus
of 4 provinces
Framini
labour
of winning.
for
action,
to their
a conversion
to re-
attempt
action
denied
the
remained
to participate
10 provinces
"If
organ-
and under-
the
in
sin
Frustrated
to concede legal
it
the decisive
plus
unionist
the
annulling
in
surface
Peronism
participation
won control
neo-Peronists
because
and allow
was successful
own party
unviable
were created.
force
to
Due to
Frondizi's
proved
both
-
a dual
national
dura.
concessions,
majoritarian
He was unable
without
Left
failed
eventually
and reasonably
ultimately
political
its
government,
to repression,
a response
project
on his
Peronist
of his
pursued
linea
combative
and repression
advantage
Frondizi's
its
pressures
-conflicting
Frondizi
to domesticate
attempting
repressing
of assimilation
gained
the economy.
of
state
to Peronism,
relation
leadership
poor
was just
Movement.
them participation,
of the
170-
to revolutionary
leadership
to lead,
in
rise
in
factor
to terms
the
with
Both
ation.
demoralisation
of the
leaders)
increased
the political
union
leaders,
and stark
class
classical
not
mean a total
its
subordination
Growing
towards
shake-up
in
associated
current
long
cratic
at
least
Peronist
trousers)
tendency
its
in
challenge
the slogan
at which
was coined.
increasingly
leaders,
governments,
within
instead
to trade
action,
between
the
did
mean
making
them down.
"soft"
and "hard"
the January
lines
by the
were affected
(the
did
into
governments
to bring
Metalworkers'
with
and the
tendency
led
1959 strike
Peronist
of
labour
to a
grouping),
militants
influence
was to openly
Congress,
got
for
color-
return
acting".
seeking
Although
political
1959 defeats
industrial
62 Organisations
the Peronist
and to promotion
Vandor
demands.
moderating
to come
prepared
strategies
while
though
Peronism,
developed
subscribed
of pressurising
than
was the
which
complete
weight
of militant
rather
Left
its
the
confrontation
to a strategy
conflict
followed
or help
direction.
whatever
of "negotiate
abandonment
concessions,
partial
the
tactic
day,
lead,
the Peronist
of
union
Vandorist
that
i.
e. those
-
which
CGT in
however
movements of currents
of the
government
the
"normalisation"
emergence
or "integrationism"
"participationism"
to
the
and labour
the Peronist
in
number of activists
a significant
A further
did
It
strategies.
the
Union
leader
CGT leadership.
the authority
Augusto
sought
1960's
a place
the institutional
of a return
later,
Two years
(Now we've
Ya tenemos iantalones'largos
As the
Vandor,
for
progressed,
the labour
order
of
this
movement,
established
Peronism
bureauor
by non-
and Per6n to
-171I
power.
In order
it
should
cases
the union
had assassinated
they
after
and often
for
concessions
and it
bureaucrats,
corrupt
their
seem that
would
it
leftism"
of Vandorism
1.
2.
3.
in
before
the
typical
" though
his
a few days
privileged
rather
their
than
Even for
most workers.
fairly
reputations
posts
the return
over
time,
of Perlin
the minority
of mili-
of the formerly
combat-
became sullied.
To some extent,
"reflex
for
Jos6 Rucci,
becoming
after
to retain
such concessions
bureaucrats
leaders
order
were in many
by the Montoneros,
Moreover,
union
members in
it.
bureaucrat,
recognised
him.
for
today's
-
1960's
1950's.
of the
belatedly
of the
imprisonment
militant
was only
record
early
Secretary
"yesterday's
of
late
and suffered
activist
to be General
example
the bureaucrats
the
of
militants
why opposition
be remembered that
Resistencia
later
to understand
the advent
i.
e. a response
the Peronist
of the Peronist
and reaction
Movement.
Per6n's
Left
was an example
to the growing
initial
of
threat
patronage
of
left-wing
tendencies
Some non-Peronist
gave this trend their
critPalabra Obrera, of Trotskyist
ical
orientation,
support.
saw it as
independence.
Though this
political
a move towards working-class
it was seen by many Peronists
support was "critical",
as left-wing
Vandor
Left's
and yet another example of the classical
of
approval
,
See Ernesto Gonzfilez,
to Perbn.
hostility
op. cit.,
p. 107.
"Ante la muerte de Jose Rucci, " El Descamisado, no. 20 (2nd October
he was not a bad type. He
1973), pp. 2-3: "Rucci was a good lad...
The same editorial
had his history
of resistance,
of prison".
also
to the militant
records
of Vandor and Coria during the
referred
they had arrived
"They were loyal,
Resistencia
in the
years:
the union rank-andand they represented
unions through elections
by pre-Montoneros
Vendor was assassinated
in 1969 and Rucci
file".
El Descamisado was the Montonand Coria by Montoneros in 1973-4.
ero weekly of 1973-4.
discussion
For further
see Daniel James, "The
of this notion,
Left,
Peronist
1955-1975, " Journal
of Latin American Studies,
(1976),
8.
2
no.
pp. 273-296.
vol.
-172-
his
left-wing
threat
was certainly
to establish
that
to discover
for
account
the rise
he did
least
in
of the Left;
growth
form
embryonic
explanations
itical
exclusion
"Reflex
these
became dominant,
fight
conscientiously
the small
workers,
which
small
unions
union
struggle
dominated
lead
Pharmaceutical
Union.
the
Due to
by the
in his
Workers,
The younger
the mid-
20's
in the
cold,
demands led
bureaucracy
that
batallions,
and Ricardo
leaders
were less
hardship,
in
pol-
the case
political
leader
such young
failed
of
leaders
of
of trade
leadership
elected
to
to.
the Metal-
the
a radical
at
Merely
which
like
limitations
Workers
sindical
the interests
the
when elected
and as
to late-1950'x,
at
arose,
Cases in point
also
conflict
out
the fact
to recognise
both
basic
big
chall-
it
As the burocracia
dominant
the Federation
Di Pasquale,
with
suddenly
unions.
members'
How-
Vandor's
such as economic
were left
their
were well-placed
and organisation.
Left
Per6n-Vandor
the smaller
were ignored
unions
latter
who emerged in
interests.
their
the
leaders
confrontations
to represent
the
tactical
important.
for
support-
to counter
and militants
inspiration
militants
than
Perbn's
appears
leading
those
was soon
became troublesome.
factors
and international
leftism"
into
birth
of its
the
did
nor
Left
to satisfactorily
was momentarily
however
before
the
rather
fails
Left,
to the Left
resort
causal
leaders
the Peronist
create
but
tendency.
to the Left
drop from
aided
leftism"
of the revolutionary
adhesion
not
Per6n",
was manipulative
"reflex
by Vandor's
stimulated
action
without
patronage
however,
and opportunistic
ever,
a "Peronism
this
By itself,
ive.
a reflex
of
Construction
by the demoralisation
and
173
-
Date on the
limited
that
fellow
Nationalist
largely
of
hit
both
Touth,
(Confederaci6n
and early
between
1960's
workers
of devaluation
student
to
organisation
was
the Peroniden-
and petty-bourgeois
1
policies.
in
General
the
with
Revolutionary
due to a growing
organisation,
Universitaria
which
Tacuara
his
along
youths
and early
possibly
privation
that
so
relating
members,
economic
is
- CGU),
The reappear-
the form
of the
University
2
a small
may also
influx
Confederindicate
of petty-bour-
by the late
1960's
1970's.
Whether
changes in class
ideas
of left-wing
emergence
their
Left
statements
a member of the
successor
General
a trickle
recruits,
to. have
Peronist
Youth
the Peronist
geois
1950's
university
University
Peronist
tended
governments,
early
an interview
by the effects
ance of a Peronist
that
in
interest
socio-economic
sectors,
ation
hand,
composed of petty-bourgeois
the late
the
of
and suffered
Movement revealed
Movement in
tity
class
On the other
workers.
Peronist
early
Peronist
Several
were working
majority,
though
to make definitive
impossible
is
it
the
of
composition
class
to rdicalisation.
class
ist
was limited.
of which
experience
in
impressions
idealised
rather
in
set
which
cynicism
took
drawn towards
of the historical
Communist Party
within
place
in
Peronism
failure
composition
Peronism
this
or not,
Movement.
because
of its
and crisis
contributed
it
was no accident
Radical-minded
proletarian
of the
through
al Movimiento Revolucionario
(8th
63
September 1964),
no.
to the emergence
its
recruits
constituency
traditional
support
Nacionalista
p. 4.
that
Left.
for
the
were
and because
The
the
1955
Tacuara, "
1.
"Reportaje
Compafiero,
2.
174-
tegration,
at its
initiated
was an influx
there
Left.
the
that
the Socialist
coup whereas
military
traditional
nationalist
nationalist
movement with
Per6n's
many of Perbn's
years,
for
in
1962
in
party
and in
enabling
is
no indication
in
Latin
the
American
Left
reasons
In the early
the Left,
Left
were being
direct
value
There
of any
used by Per6n
Per6n's
line.
at face
were accepted
momentar-
Peronists.
Peronist
back into
Grande
Peronist
albeit
and orthodox
they
1960's,
quasi-
by the youthful
experience
cognitive
of
power.
Lastly,
jected.
and encouragement
of a revolutionary
that
were
rhetoric
programme of Huerta
as a
the Resistencia
"1
of the first
cadres
Left
contained
goal....
as legitimate
the Vandorists
pronouncements
revolutionary
Peronism
of its
to bring
an attempt
tendency,
part
During
strengthened
the literature
in
on the
building
the
to Peronism
of the Peronist
of resistance.
the
enormously
them to appear
ily,
awareness
for
calling
This
1963.
the basic
left-wing
1960's
and early
how reactionary
and directives
the
towards
base.
Cuban example.
being
in approving
he went further
1950's
just
emergence
as mass forms
as well
guerrilla
the
statements
Revolution
"Social
about
in
evolved
a mass popular
and the
encouragement
the late
realised
organisations
factors
in
who rapidly
was in
of nationalists
group
Two final
it
below,
a phase of disin-
Moreover,
1958 Congress.
of young nationalists
As argued
a small
has entered
Party
Though its
stated
in
Cuban revolutionaries'
with
a new revolutionary
impact
the first
was not
chapter,
in
victory
immediately
it
did
1959 provided
model to be acclaimed
felt
gradually
within
CPC,
2.
See Appendix
B on 'Early
Radical
Peronist
Programmest.
or re-
Peronism,
acquire
11: 383-
1.
the
Peronist
for
175
The Cuban experience
sympathisers.
the new Peronist
from a struggle
divorced
which
for
success
Left
others,
instead
that
eration
As in
its
especially
island
trade
contingents,
of
of the Peronist
labour
their
placed
influenced
strongest
other
to predomin-
adapted
by part
the
the
Foouismo,
union
be
had to be
case of Cooke,
more readily
possessed
no longer
could
was adopted
on mass struggles,
persuading
anti-imperialism
the
strategy.
conditions,
Argentina
that
in
role
struggle
the Caribbean
from
emanated
Argentine
while
emphasis
Socialism;
an armed guerrilla
urban
antly
for
to be meaningful.
anti-capitalist
influence
the national
that
radicals
a vital
played
by the
considLatin
movement in
America.
All
these
of
Left
Peronist
original
factors
tendency,
of the
more overtly
came together
Movement.
Analysis
tendency
below
before
trade
in
as expressed
of their
an explanation
Movement,
through
were factors
union
of the first
allies
failure
is
in
who conPeronist
Peronist
Youth
Comrafero,
the
of Vandorism
the Revolutionary
organization,
Nationalist
Revolutionary
decline
economic
reformist
of
the ascendancy
only
to
the Left
with
of that
as a whole
though
the radicalisation
in
a part
response
a militant
ditionally
and Tacuara
played
of the
be presented
will
offered.
Little
tud
Peronista
analysts,
into
1.
JP).
-
largely
a mass youth
Early
lads".
is publicly
Peronist
It
has attracted
due to its
failure
movement.
Moreover,
Youth
chant:
"Here
scant
they
from
attention
to grow from
hard
data
are,
Youth (Juven-
Peronist
political
a band of activists
is
unavailable
these
are
they,
- no
Perbn's
176
-
internal
their
the
Gustavo
sent
leading
decided
as the official
themselves
bestowed
the
upon itself
Peronist
youths
corner
to stone
the offices
together
placing
in
line.
ential
election
leader's
stance,
of that
a positive
combative
to 24.7% in
protest
sectors
the previous
year
to a small
group
of
and occasion-
their
first
than
campaign
to the
for
JP, doubting
for
newspapers.
vote
and attracted
Command of Corr-
"Central
developments
a conditional
rather
had
which
political
1958,
campaigned
order-bearers,
Movement.
Buenos Aires
relation
the
and re-
a group
with
1957
or on a central
camp in
year,
activities
referred
in
a bar
in
of establishment
the dissident
the end of
of the Peronist
Caride
demythicized,
JP in
of Caride
of
at
their
name of the
the latest
them in
existence
previously,
street
1.
This,
thumb sketches
JP memoirs
section
like
cadres
and communiqu6s
political
coordinate
grandiose
and Esmeralda".
ientes
to
letters
about
that
to disentangle.
came into
youth
together
general,
are hard
Youth
leading
All
graves.
and committed
fact
Peronist
The first
gard
their
with
and details
gone with
JP papers,
in
militants
which
other
to
an analysis
ally
Caride
and Carlos
Rearte
its
to the frequency
have unfortunately
JP experience
first
in marked contrast
were arrested;
editors
seem to exist;
or membership
activities
were infrequent,
publications
which
of its
records
the
a blank
vote
This
intransigent
a mere abstention,
in
integrity
vote.
9.5% of the
Peronist
official
Frondizi
ironically
total
was shared
vote,
was official
by
as opposed
Peronist
177
for
policy
Peronist
Youth
slogans,
tracks.
More significant,
strikes
in
ation
unions,
The first
the
unions,
and Naval
to his
young supporters
Their
tencia.
ated
in
true
that
appeared
Perlin,
from
communication
Only in
a letter
account
in Tucumn,
of it
1.
Dario Canton,
(Buenos Aires:
2.
Caride,
the Youth
in
over
as their
small
some
reward.
Youth Execu-
was created.
and including
Vegetable
in
suit
the
of Di Pasquale's
size
Oil
Workers'
lending
material
to the authority
it
1960 did
in which
government,
provided
"acted
its
first
gave recognition
them on their
role
grossly
by Caride.
written
it
was operating,
the
of
the disorganisation
given
practice,
in which
Elecciones
artidos
Siglo XXI Argentina
cit.
contacts,
was subordinate
insignificant
the Prondizi
"during
valuable
Buenos Aires
followed
and congratulated
was not
role
the partisan
op.
conditions
branch".
as an independent
but
Council,
Superior
control
Youth
the Peronist
particip-
Peronist
Workers',
unions,
1960's.
early
In theory,
Peronist
Telephone
Workers'
was their
by their
such as
on railway
on the premises
Union,
the
petards
facilities
and Greater
Woodworkers',
the
in
acquired
distinguished
Construction
assistance
the
Workers'
generally
Shoemakers',
to reaffirm
JP were held
the Capital
for
small-scale,
they
which
of the
Pharmaceutical
Committee
Other
still
into
activities
and exploding
plenaries
militant
tive
through
recruits
young worker
though
themselves
small-scale
leaflets
activities
integrated
through
distributing
painting
elections.
rapidly
activists
of the Resistencia
tasks
general
Convention
the Constituent
It
in
the Resisexagger-
is
probably
guerrilla
combatants",
politicos
Editores,
but
the claim
en la Argentina
1973) p. 73.
that
- 178"worked
Youth
the
Such
tasy.
as its
participated
Peronista),
given
Peronist
in
(Uniion
in
following
ity
in
literature
as
Andinos)
seems
the
part
took
fact
to as comandos,
tasks
their
even though
in nature,
(guerrilla
operativos
guns from
This
hailed
as the prototype
action,
a decade later,
Gustavo
Rearte.
were coninteados
ation
Peronist
the
In all,
1960-63
Youth.
period
to
else-
Guerrillas"
as a guerr-
acted
in
"in
led
Torre,
to
the
be
reliabil-
1958,
we also
by Borro",
which
some 30 members,
as a result
illustrates
than
military
armed
in Argentina,
operativos
of
was later
which
Hector
of or during
of
and
the execution
weakened the
the numerical
to its
Spina
took
the leadership,
including
seriously
addition
were referred
small-scale
base at
kind
of similar
this
rather
seizure
air
of its
Jorge
That
units
engaged in
immediate
only
- i. e. arrested
CONINTES Plan.
of Frondizi's
in
its
Envar El Kadri,
including
JP leaders
that
political
military
of a multitude
but
Andino
themselves
organisational
such as the
the first
possibly
Mendozan
(Ej6rcito
confidence
de la
occasionally
of the Ezeiza
1960.
place
Youth
operations)
a guardpost
have
statement
were primarily
they
the
fan-
of
1959.1
Peronist
the
is
that
Andean
considered
Nor
Lisandro
of
January
in
place
by
boosted
occupation
youths
realm
referred
of
to
never
the
Army"
"Union
the
Che.
el
of
account
in
Mendozan
a few
claim
organisation,
chimerical
footsteps
the
Caride's
of
took
Left
to
Andean
"Peronist
that
if
even
the
the
with
that
de Guerrilleros
force,
illa
on a par
in
belongs
apparatus"
is
an allegation
JP comrades
where
urban
organis-
weakness
of the first
Buenos Aires
stronghold,
1.
Ibid.
2.
law student
Jorge
in this period,
Envar El Kadri was a university
became
later
journalist,
Rearte
Rulli
a
and
who
veterinary
student
a
Peronist
impoverished
from
leader.
Caride
trade
an
came
union
a
boy
the
family
at
age of 15.
messenger
a
post-office
and was
179
-
had branches
C6rdoba,
in
Santa
Fe,
to take
the
which
full
leaders,
slogan,
cruitment
the
until
quent
a Peronist
came after
in
Youth-General
attacked
The level
tant
determinant
of State
even in years
then
of relative
was resolved
incident,
spent
repression
disunity,
political
after
the
Carideo
allegedly
the next
four
prevented
liberalisation.
1962 elections
for
convicted
on the basis
years
to
had been
rising
the
of
in prison.
was an impor-
however,
substantial
was the
growth
Though a first
by the expulsion
nal
crisis
1.
to one source,
in this
the Federal
Police
period
for
brigades
Youth.
persecution
of the Peronist
special
Comisario
Inspector
Romeo Pepino,
was the man
commander,
de
in 1962.
See "Soy peronista
Caride
como se es hincha
de Boca, " a homage to Gustavo Rearte,
El Descamisado
no.
July
1973),
p. 9.
According
1961 as
meeting
time
in
His arrest
military
at any particular
of JP fortunes.
political
organisation's
the
with
as a common delin-
Confederation
Tacuara.
polit-
were released,
of security.
1956 Peronist
of the
testimonies,
It
the Executive
University
sixth
her attackers'
the
campaign with
prisoners
in charge
placed
the
Arms! "
had joined
mark the
killing
intermediate-level
Caride
anniversary
and re-
jailed
Secretary,
Organisational
canvassing
former
by the authorities.
was
into
Box or with
Youth
political
and other
does not
but
of Carideo
exception
legal
enthusiastically
the Ballot
success,
force
Caride
itself
"Through
for
the Peronist
1962 elections
the non-coninteado
by Carlos
launched
the
of
offered
occasion
directed
ical
advantage
Nevertheless,
cruitment.
arily
Tucumn, La Roja
cannot
f key
members,
ies
it
1960's,
Corrientes,
in most places.
of activists
unable
Chaco,
interof a
had
Their
to arrest
Gardel
o
8 (10th
ISO-
"participationist"
iately
National
an intended
which
by a more obscure
followed
The first
Peronist
of the
only
reorganisation,
the Peroniet
Peronista
JRP)
led
-
Movement (Movimiento
de la
Lima,
Brito
Youth,
far
was immed-
Revolutionary
by Gustavo
from
crisis.
producing
a second fracture
produced
Juventud
this
more damaging
and certainly
JP into
the
Revolucionaria
Youth
Congress
national
broke
by Alberto
led
sector
Youth
Rearte,
Peronista
(Juventud
Peronist
and the
MJP)
led
-
by Envar
El Kadri.
the
Although
in
JRP was to
mation
on this
of these
El Kadri's
than
grew there
to the
Prior
in
JP leader,
having
Justicialist
and theoreticians,
1.
Confusion
over
that
even after
that
suggest
only
does appear
the
issues
there
because
because
1963 split,
the
1P had not
Roberto
Viglino,
the
of infor-
the Left's
provided
the split,
or possibly
an interview
to have been
at stake
is
continued
to
for
the
sympathy
combined radical
become bourgeois,
liberation
of liberalism
"our
group.
For example,
contradictions.
national
clouded
the MJP on
raids.
recruitment
leaders
Compafiiero,
the Left
inside
battle
be a Left-Right
JRP line
fact
by the
strengthened
are
though
events,
split
accurately
Unfortunately,
disputes,
and related
this
in
stake
at
JP offspring
of the MJP.
the Left
interpretation
larger
names of the
the
obscurity,
issues
specific
and talk
struggle
calls
and lack
statements
trade
revolution",
dismissal
of differentiation
Brito
Lima, as leader'of
the fascist
de Organizaci6n
0),
de
later
was
-C
Left in the
on the Peronist
attacks
of political
a Buenos Aires
of capitalist
a "total
of ideas",
for
been free
of
about
union
trade
leadership
crisis,
with
the Left
between
Provincial
union
of the
the decline
loyalty
to
as talkers
Cuban and
Organizational
Command (Comando
for terrorist
responsible
1973-76 period.
-181I
Venezuelan
"liberation"
ion,,
there
experiences.
revolutionary
ism,
outlined
some sections
leadership,
pursuing
socialist
Northern
Zone Peronist
created
line
ever
is
it
clear
It
cribed
the abortive
Peronist
Youth
the coup-making
On one occasion,
attacks
existence
plans
of Peronist
(Centro
held,
was being
on churches
of a communist
1.
Companero,
2.
"Una Estrategia
1963).
no.
3,
"threat"
(21st
However,
members before
the
and Caride,
leanings.
ibid.,
with
the Centre
de Is Resistencia
"The Great
some JP assistance
in an attempt
no.
COR).
-
Mission
(9th
of
organised
to demonstrate
in
16
several
associated
to the authorities,
"
to
June 1963).
Revolucionaria,
which1963,
organisation
in November 1960,
called
centres
Move-
"the
had socialist
all
de Operaciones
and religious
not
officers
when a religious'festival
to be
also
2
called
united.
Ifiguez
Rulli
including
Operations
of Resistance
clearly
coup of General
activists,
for
nominally
but
Peronists,
as militant
which
and workers,
Youth
party
Capital,
Strategy"
that
appear
would
Buenos Aires"
remain
and still
Up until
in
of Peronist
of the
a workers'
enemies but
external
i.
e. a
of Peron-
there
that
building
JP for
of CompaFero.
strategy
a Congress
hold
which
the line
independently
to eventually
only
the
rank-and-file
organisations
point
confus-
within
alternativista
oppose not
leadership
for
"A Revolutionary
Youth's
de Base,
to
order
support
proletarian
A case in
ends.
national
ment's
a view
with
the Orpanizaci6n
in
base-level
to develop
Peronist
for
based on the
strategy
seeking
a clear
such ideological
broad
Despite
October
the
- 182 -
the
latter
the
anti-Marxism
provided
to Perlin
least
of at
the falle
after
of the event,
igators
report
which
guard
Socialist
Party
Cuban Embassy in
Intelligence
Services'
What is
of interest
charges
through
confuse
Mallese,
Felipe
first
its
a machine
denied
Communist Party
Elias
"the
Seman,
Di Pasquale
from
was concocted
Delinquents".
to
responded
any joint
doctrinal
the
activities
invention
as a police
doubt
Mallese,
in his
He remained
for
of the Regional
Police
union
friendship
designed
integrity
to
of their
Gasc6n shootings.
who thus
born in
post
of San Martin
Vallese
Alberto
died
the JP metropolitan
members.
with
followed
which
won concessions
close
police,
martyr.
operator
few months.
2.
in
a member of
by the
1.
the report
the persecution
was during
It
of his
they
Youth
Van-
with
invest-
network
the Maoist
the list
was
produced
subversive
of
leaders".
with
Police
Cooke, Jorge
probability,
a communiqu6 in which
Youth
John William
that
is
and dismissed
Marxists
that
here
Peronist
were killed,
Norma Kennedy,
Montevideo,
the
indication
1962.
an incredible
Peronist
In all
Another
members,
celebrities.
of July
two policmen
to discover
and other
with
of the first
sectors
in which
the right-wing
State
salvation.
linked
members,
for
Gascbn shootout
purported
which
the
look
would
after
Youth
four
years
His abduction
in August
Rearte,
nine
the Peronist
provided
delegate
for
was kid-
executive,
1958 as
just
after
and during
that
a
time
by the Mobile
Brigades
a result
sought
by police
for
the
days of unsophisticated
"La Historia
de un Peronista,
" El Descamisado, no.
ruary 1974), pp. 4-7. About Caride.
La Raz6n (Buenos Aires),
19th and 22nd July 1962.
40 (19th
Feb-
183
..
became an important
but
interrogation,
took
kidnapping
have revealed
trade
place,
the Metalworkers'
that
The traditional
theory
of the
on the
first
JP, but
common sympathy
stance
to that
Guevarist
section
Che, a periodical
World
and Third
Walsh,
Left,
who saw it
to the Left
1.
2.
was also
orientation,
on the part
for
by sectors
the first
1972,
when the
pedigree
in an
mobilise
speaking
opened its
This
the
probably
Party
the
to links
(Partido
PSV, of both
both
youth
as a national
of
of the
Party.
Guevarist
Rodolfo
like
a positive
be-
Socialista
Socialist
pages to Peronists
of the former
sectors
referred
old Argentine
represented
time
between
mark
1960's, based on
which
for
made its
obviously
There
Socialist
of the
characteristic
the early
in
from
a splinter
unofficially
fact
in
and red,
Gasc6n report
of the
Left
some convergence
"New Left"
ment of Peronism
yankee
PSV),
-
did
Cuban Revolution.
the
for
tween JP militants
de Vanguardia
there
Peronist
of Peronism,
anti-Marxism
two imperialisms,
and the
Peronism
Union
in
established
life.
to save Vallese's
attempt
of impeccable
writers
Youth
bureucracy
union
Peronist
the
general.
the
that
claim
for
symbol
reassess-
traditional
movement,
and a shift
of Peronism.
)
("To
"In this period
"
la muerte...,
Caride
wrote that,
op cit.
Vallese,
the Youth lost one of its best cadres, Felipe
a comrade
fought
the
delegate
his
in
against
metalworkers'
capacity
as
who
(Metalworkers'
Union).
That
UOM
that led the
bureacratic
sectors
to secure his reappearance,
nor defend
was why the UOM did nothing
today
him when the police
although
accused him of being a communist,
That the UOM did in fact
they seek to use his name as a banner".
in Rodolfo Ortega Pena & Eduardo
try to help Vallese
is revealed
(Buenos
Sistema
Aires:
Proceso
Felipe
Vallese:
L. Duhalde,
al
(1965)
first
In
fact
the
Sudestada,
Editorial
1967), p. 37.
edition
by the UOM.
of this book was published
Rodolfo Walsh, Left Peronist
journalist
and author of Operaci6n
1972), about the 1956
de la Flor,
Masacre (Buenos Aires:
Ediciones
executions
of Peronist
rebels,
was kidnapped on 25th March 1977
junta.
to the military
after
writing
an open letter
184Left-Right
Rearte's
of
antagonisms
MJP appear,
In May 1964,
CompaHero published
cial
Kadri
for
trying
El Kadri
friends
his
Rearte,
delegates
Another
plenary
edition
as an attempt
representative,
policy
and to attack
meeting,
Iturbe
time
this
allegedly
a more moderate
Student
League,
force,
also
the Peronist
Grouping,
the
Peronist
Revolutionary
"La Juventud
Comyanero,
El Kadri),
Comyanero,
Brito
backing
Students
their
(Envar
in Buenos Aires
ary
declared
care
A second attempt
dissidence.
provincial
loyality
with
It
failed.
University
the Tacuara
Capital
provincial
in Rosario
with
at
which
Peronista
de Santa Fe Denuncia
(26th
48
May 1964).
no.
Command
failed
due to
a similar
sham
leader
to convert
by the
the JP into
Peronist
the Justicialist
Nationalist
leadership
a Falsos
SecondMovement,
Buenos Aires,
the
of the MJP.
National
was repudiated
and Greater
and
the rigged
Peronist
right-wing
9th July
to
leaders
organising
Youth,
Fe,
his
to get a conciliatory
attempts
Revolutionary
the
loyalty
of his
Lima in an attempt
Youth,
of the
interpreted
by Vandor,
Elcadre"
him of be-
Santa
their
as national
orthodoxy".
with
rebellion
declared
and Ibarra,
"Elmar
approved
who disagreed
sections,
Spina
a "stupid
authority,
Vandor.
with
Command of El
to accept
a powerful
of the
the National
those
all
with
provincial
other
left-wingers,
Rosario
faced
excluding
while
presumably
accused
and then,
commands against
a communique from
sectors
to have aided
account,
denounced
Gustavo
El Kadri
while
to get
had apparently
Marxists
ing
1.
Movent,
to the Left's
according
1963, with
Peronist
the Revolutionary
the JP in
split
the JP
who in
turn
of Rearte,
Dirigentes,
"
185
Spina
and Salvide,
Certainly
then,
Ibarra,
sisted
the
after
MJP) split
for
struggle
year
national
the
control
over
would
seem that
the
weight
aid
which
but
banner
organisation
but
faction
gained
being
from
winning
complete
Here it
by 1964,
a minority
by the material
was qualified
trade
pro-Vendor
a maj-
outlook.
was in
dispute
Left-Right
to establish
political
faction
(JRP-
Left-Right
the Left
per-
partisan
by a further
unable
its
and unify
the El Kadri
the
followed
differences
drawn from
that
suggests
was immediately
control
though
1964.1
to their
of activists
ority
in January
corrobation,
that
of
political
1963 split.
requires
sources,
elected
union
and political
leaders.
Much less
Youth
University
that
its
the university
of the Peronist
organisations
sister
ing
known about
is
its
anticipated
Youth
later
and secondary
in
this
The Peronist
period.
pro-Montonero
student
in declar-
egivalent
was to brings
mission
halls
"to the lecture
of the Liberal,
oligarchic
and ci aa
University,
presence - i. e. a national
a combative Peronist
The raison
d'etre
presence.
revolutionary
of such
and
in a
struggle
a presence is the need to link the student
of the working people".
manner to the struggle
concrete
By June 1964,
essed
groups
group
in
Fairly
the
in
five
Congress
Students
of the University
received
in
messages of solidarity
Grouping,
"La JP no se presta
(14th April
1964).
a National
held
organisation
faculties
the University
new groups
Secondary
1.
when the
al
the Peronist
juego
de los
in
it
of Buenos Aires,
possa
seven
other
from
Student
traidores,
Congress,
Moreover,
cities.
the Justicialist
League and the
" ibid.,
no.
42
186
-
Apart
shared
to Pern's
their
from
Left
the
they
which
sufficient
dominance
to establish
student
and secondary
versity
flict
which
evokes
strategy
detect
also
of individual
possibility
militants
they
1.
shift
thought
the early
military
expecting
between
during
refusal
but
these
ideas
the vagueness,
the
early
coup.
early
one can
1960's.
and
out the
General
years,
Gradually,
of military
(19th
(2nd
May
June 1964).
47
&
1964)
49
no.
must
on
strikes
even after
the
con-
organisations.
of clear
in
it
there
since
JP by no means ruled
a Peronist
by the repeated
of the uni-
of factional
insurrections,
restoration,
occasions
especially
despite
of popular
tend-
achieve
available,
the kind
thinking
strategic
terms
On several
became disillusioned
Ibid.,
in
in
could
affairs
not
the absence
However,
terrorism,
were mobilised,
overlap
confusion,
no surprise.
of a Peronist
Youth,
membership
political
an important
Though it
acts
the
is
organisations
the way in
of like-minded
the internal
about
the Peronist
debilitated
line
Movement went
if
be surprising
would
Montonero
federation
Peronist
"betray-
a crisis
a solid
Information
goal.
later
the
in
Grande,
JP in
the
with.
no one political
the Revolutionary
organisat-
denounced
declarations
united
seem that
would
students'
They also
joint
were unified
such unity:
this
attaining
from
apart
prevented
though
groups,
it
and "popular"
organically
were never
Here again,
differences
but,
organisations
similar
ency.
devotion
JP's
a "national"
and secondary
return
operation,
programmes for
the university
by the bureaucracy
als"
Movement.
specific
both
system,
education
ions
Nationalist
Revolutionary
Tacuara
Valle's
JP
however,
officers
to
- 187to their
accede
had not
time
ibilities
ive
come for
yet
of Tartagal,
A combination
in Salta,
in JP strategic
became central
about
firmed
by the military
the viability
between
lationship
defined
never
this
than
abortan
2nd Regi-
erences
within
the
leading
cadres
in
guerrilla
with
the Tacuara
able
support
whom there
in
the
Revolutionary
JP's
was the
Youth
which
monolithically
historical
the role
Several
Peronist
Northern
of weapons.
then,
left-wing
but
rather
1.
Personal interview
14th October 1976.
which
with
was not
many of its
a former
since
heterogeneity,
nor a powerful
importance
Youth
they
of
came to urban
was cooperation
had consider-
Buenos Aires,
and with
a picture
1958 but
which,
of a
due
political
own
diff-
political
what emerges is
crippling
the year
of their
a guerrilla
Movement which
covering
exchange
was
in
armed actions,
Nationalist
evidence
however,
especially
The nearest
period.
re-
and partly
Zone I,
occasional
and its
to repression
due to the
from isolated
partly
1960-63
apart
the
The specific
organisation
warfare,
the emphasis,
of launching
1962 when
results.
the idea
armed actions
after
though
materialized,
group
especially
return
of the election
years
considered
never
thinking,
armed operations
these
in
also
militants
its
the
after
of the
over
the
coup poss-
got no further
and small
of an electoral
veto
it
about
youths,
of mass mobilisations
doubts
not
Illusions
by most Peronist
shed,
that
excuse
base in Rosario.
ment's
but
"revolution".
of Iniguez
occupation
the
were eventually
effort
then
for
requests
force.
What gave
autonomous
were to play
in
years
and after
- 188-
1964 as driving
Peronist
later
his
for
behind
forces
Left
to give
forge
icipate
in
a loose
the first
Peronist
was to suffer
the general
in
ist
Youth
however,
to play
and this
time
the Peronist
on to create
went
largely
tendency,
(FAP),
and Gustavo
Youth
reflecPeron-
again
1960's
and
and El Kadri
Salvide
Rearte
on the Peronist
based initially
the late
Caride
chapters,
Armed Forces
Party,
Aut&ntico
the MontoneroS'.
in
part-
left,
roles
JP
When the
first
of the
grew spectacularly
later
Left.
Peronist
militants
important
be seen in
As will
1970's.
early
in
were,
itself
asserted
Several
fragmentation.
political
and thus
the Peronist
1964,
of the
the
enabling
Peronist
after
demise
mid-1960's
hand,
alliance,
of the
Movement declined
Revolutionary
ted
and combative
mass organisation
Movement and
a helping
the Left
left-wing
Peronist
In 1963-4,
organisations.
own purposes,
to help
the Revolutionary
re-emerged
his
created
Revolutionary
own
Youth.
Tacuara
a fundamental
MNRT), played
Peronist
est
also
not
only
because
phases
guerrilla
because
it
through
its
of an important
1. "MNRT:
Aires),
Nacionalista
formative
role
organisations.
spawned the first
political
social
the Tacuara
splinter,
Movement (Movimiento
Nationalist
recent
left-wing
and its
Revolucionario
Tacuara
the
of the more
emergence
The parent
Argentine
fragmentation
process:
Violencia
Revolucionaria,
(19th
6
July 1973),
no.
in
Revolutionary
it
Tacuara
urban
is
of interbut
guerrilla,
reflected
the
early
Militancia
(Buenos
189
Peronism
sectors
towards
It
be stressed
must
dozen
activists
early
history
tended
The-early
in
Tacuara
composition.
is
isations
the
nationalism
the
French
to
the
shift
in
beois
youth
in
the
have
of most
Maurras,
of
1930's
to people
during
the
of
the
would
oligarchic
develop-
1950's
organ-
the
topic
Whereas
and
owed far
to have
displaced
more
been. a
petty-bour-
more lowly
generally
social
by Mussolini
appear
plus
its
in
two periods.
influenced
from
Sensa-
studied
the
of
of
nationalist
seriously
that
subject
ideological
was primarily
there
the
and changes
bases
class
be ex-
to
journalists.
of
1930's
on the
mark
Tupamaros.
ignore
nationalism
Moreover,
composition
social
by
origin
1950's.
history,
school
of
nfindez
Arregui,
family
to
Yrigoyen's
the
many of
Radicals
the
foreign
in
1916.2
among the
it
of
petty
bourgeoisie
however,
the
-
2.
Hernndez
La Formacin...,
op.
cit.,
to Her-
linked
by
to
power
1.
Arregui,
were
political
have
activities,
revisionist
According
decade
this
not
the
produced
inspiration.
They would
and anti-striker
from
though
nationalists
Conservatives
oligarchic
support
1930's,
owed much to
anti-Communist
attracted
1930's
Falange.
Nationalism
their
the
part
a few
was even
has been
to
the
writers-who
Charles
monarchist
Spanish
the late
the
tended
on the
between
make their
Uruguayan
1950's
since
data
available,
of
the
on the
period
to
were
onwards.
involved
only
late
the
1960's
and early
initially
to
Plata
nationalism
differentiated
have
the
of
Though
not
Left
of
1950's
they
especially
Argentine
1
process
de la
Rio
magazines
ments
this
Peronist
much misinterpretation,
tionalist
late
nevertheless,
the
the
across
the
that
but,
of
from
pp.
had they
classical
in
not
mass
- 190base of fascism.
social
for
of aristocratic
merits
The major
characteristics
the past,
an emphasis
national-
upon hierarchy
and virulent
elites,
political
of their
and the
anti-Communism
and anti-Semitism.
By the
and was still
traits
historical
Argentine
orary
genealogy
in
splits
the early
ents
the
1955 coup.
headed with
national
knives
around
1953.
1.
overthrow,
its
to contempTacuara's
in
of political
the orientations
Legion
Peron
pars-military
Civics)
(Alianza
spearfor
under Peron,
Nacionalistas
p. 225.
de la
the struggle
of inactivity
activity.
of the
used by LINES
nationalist
of Tacuara
organisation
supported,
Catholic
(Legion
during
Stud-
Secundarios
some years
with
by the Secondary
de Estudiantes
through
changes
parent
and referred
dispute
by some of its
a series
Youth Alliance
As a right-wing
ed the Church in
his
Nacionalista
had initially
but
was provided
independence.
but
Organisationally,
to profound
of the Nationalist
which
some constants,
was an attempt
1930's,
the past
publications
occasional
ideological
sectors.
(Uni6n
Nacionalista),
Juventud
of course
problems.
led
with
Union
and then
1930's
after
1950's
UNES).
early
were
back to the
1960's
link
Nationalist
There
dominant
and anti-Semitism,
and its
most dynamic
Tacuara's
of its
ideas
stretched
some of its
of
terms
of the late
society
also
in
revisionism
to reformulate
promoters
nationalism
composition.
of the nationalism
ure
in
both
changing,
and social
especially
for
Argentine
1950's
Feelings
it
support-
in a small
of triumph
(Buenos Aires:
way
-191-
which
when Lonardi
arose
when Lonardi
betrayal
replaced
was in
turn
by Aramburu
replaced
Lonardi
now felt
compelled
Tacuara
for
purpose.
After
this
its
foundation,
far
from being
in November 1955.
as a national
bearer,
of
for
standard-
its
IINES rapidly
parent
disintegrated.
tacuaristas,
The original
ed oligarchs,
come from
Catholic
Uriburu,
the
of bourgeois
Ezcurra's
the Tacuara
that
descendant
was a proud
of the right-wing
leader
father
the better
was only
the
were reasonably
years
as much motivated
of their
more,
parents
militancy.
by family
having
they
policy,
While
nationalists
was also
government
been active
of the
different.
battle
1930's,
views,
In general,
Tacuara
"good families",
from
nationalism,
later
the
may
members in
6n or Alianza.
the Le
being
In fact,
political
during
latter
years
some
1
Further-
of the
1946-
university
unimaginative
anti-Peronist.
was a shift
It
in
the
professor
students
was
Ezcurra
1930.
as by family
were staunchly
there
well-off
Catholicism
55 Peronist
1.
son's
history
due to his
his
composition
Alberto
coup of
a revisionist
have stimulated
anti-Peronist,
social
leader,
to have
appear
nationalist
in education
posts
early
of their
of land-
progeny
and petty-bourgeois
Misinterpretation
families.
largely
by the sensationalists,
as was suggested
a combination
the nazi
down the
at least
was often
at
social
scale
leadership
incoherent,
compared to the
level,
the ideology
composed of a series
of
Ibid.,
con los j6venes
p. 226; Rogelio Garcia Lupo, "Dialogo
(Buenos Aires:
" in his In Rebel16n de los Generales
fascistas,
interview
Proceso Ediciones,
1962), p. 72; and personal
with former
MNRT member, op. cit.
-192-
slogans
Franco,
Down With
The Bolshies,
the major
though,
ed,
of Jose Antonio
ings
Primo de Rivera;
These synthesisideological
baggage:
Falange,
lay
the influence,
State
such ideas
of the Francoist
Rosa;
Long Live
of the Spanish
ideas
Behind
Rosas,
"1
Tacuara
early
the
revisionism
of Josh Maria
historically,
to the Jews!
of the
and anti-Semitism.
anti-Communism
Long Live
the Ring,
Death
fragments
historical
Catholicism,
Christ
anti-Communist
Meinvielle,
"spiritual
Tacuara's
of Julio
writings
and anti-Semitic
2
They felt
to Spain than
cultural
a stronger
attachment
advisor".
Nazi
Germany or Fascist
Moreover,
thing
seen as totally
like
Argentina
Chief
where
factor
in
the
posed in
parties,
for
during
of falangismo.
to
(in
of
along
for
with
Despite
the Argentine
numerical
had shown
terms)
of capitalist
the moral
of the
early
unions
was an important
the experience
the
after
official
decadence
was a characteristic
Gerassi,
growth
nacional
The latter,
country
State.
in a corporate
Above all,
"the
some-
Tacuara
of strong
Tacuara
influenced
which
movement based
Sindicalismo
opposition
democracy".
and liberal
which
unions.
the
advocates,
of a national
on the trade
ical
appeal
role
imperialism,
of a dependent
the idea
nacional,
of the State
tutelage
the viability
Tacuara,
of its
of fascist
had to be anti-imperialist.
nationalism
ideas
heritage.
colonial
to the problematic
a fundamental
playing
the anti-Peronism
the
genuine
were instances
of sindicalismo
unions
under
alien
due to Argentina's
Italy
to
goal
of
structures
"complicit"
and social
Resistencia
largely
politchaos
years.
1.
Navarro
2.
(Buenos
Julio
Meinvielle,
El Audio en el misterio
de la historic
Aires:
Ediciones
Teoria,
1959; El comunismo en la revoluc16n
anti(Buenos
Aires:
Ediciones
Teoria,
1961).
cristiana
op. cit.,
p. 226.
- 193Tacuara's
ideology
early
Position"
"Third
of Justicialism,
was a greater
class
in
was not
emphasis
totally
fact
though
on a State
at
incompatible
least
there
superficially
the
with
than
rather
on
conciliation:
"In the face of liberal
indifference
and the Marxist
negation,
Tacuara defends the National
Syndicalist
State,
which will
(and)
the
liberal
be an authentic
State based
replace
regime
1
on the unions"
had a vague notion
Tacuara
Left,
the
it
and that
1930's
basis,,
they
was still
appealed
that
Fearing
changing.
to potential
had changed
society
lurch
an atheistic
on an "It's
supporters
the
since
to
them or us"
that:
arguing
America is in a revolutionary
"Latin
process of an eminently
Either
character.
social
we give this revolution
our nationhave the reactionary
stamp or it will
al and Catholic
stamp
2
of Communism".
Their
them as "Nazis",
products
Jewish
anti-Semitism
opposed
of
already
survived
Peron's
Catholic
nationalists.
Equally
it,
as did
the
This
Per6n in
present
in Argentine
break
was its
stimulated
with
romantic
violence
as a brand
and struggle
with
a similar
elements
and went in
2.
Ibid.
" Che,
and
which
the
in attracting
the values
They stressed
and
the anti-Communism
than ideology
1.
The
of nazism
appeal.
were
the mid-1940's.
nationalism,
the
more important
to dismiss
European-inspired
Communist Party
the regime.
or perhaps
sacrifice,
as being
as well
romance with
subsequent
to Tacuara
courage,
ideas
community-almost
characterisation
youth
these
yet
of the nationalists'
so fervently
and anti-Communism
anti-Semitism
for
no.
direct
15
of
action,
- 194-
Maltese
iation
their
Cross in
the military
Partly
and in
family
due to their
It
persecution.
more than
photographing
detainees
One story
of
the late
that
was said
for
stations
Tacuara
the early
anti-Communism,
for
leading
and arranged
Baxter
promised
to organise
but with
Ezcurra
the
destruction
free,
Baxter
press,
six
months since
ing
of the location
of clandestine
Tacuara
became widely
Frondizi
Arturo
party
alist
stantial
Together
with
1.
in
combative
1958, yet"they
Personal
then
former
relationship
another
Chief
of Police
In return
for
bluff
centres!
1958 with
print-
to
Tacuara
allied
for
he
knew
noth1
the
ascendancy
of a new Catholic
moved over
themselves
this,
had to go underground
of Peronism,
soon found
interview-with
police
leader.
The idea
leaders
sectors
police
of a Communist Party
known in
the time
of nationalist
in
to see the
CP printing
to the presidency.
at
virulent
from
was arrested,
own promises
was floated
sector
vote
only
immunity
Tacuara-police
special
of the Tacuara
ing
his
to their
policemen
went personally
the release
for
interference.
police
remained
tells
feasts
open-air
of dismissal.
the
reveals
which
1950's
fear
1955 and
great
and that
Care of
cemetery.
and partly
members rarely
24 hours
init-
without
enjoyed
the
wore
secret
arms since
at a country
respectability
social
for
combined with
Delta
the Paran
small
carried
were held
discussion,
and folkloric
had possessed
exercises,
always
in uniforms
of the Chacarita
operations
Training
them.
with
and dressed
they
engaged in
The tacuaristas
way.
recesses
and police,
Ezcurra
lapels
in dark
ceremonies
around
in a big
and ceremonies
uniforms
nationwhen a sub-
the Frondizi
advocated
of
camp.
a blank
cit.
- 195for
religious
religious
recognition
the qualifications
and,
spearheaded
the
was in
way that
this
of hundreds
its
success
won, the
Church
ordered
years
which
followed
More important
attempts
nationalism
Catholic
authoritarian,
which
an authentic
with
national
wing Tacuara
Peronist
1.
splinter,
labour
from
Tacuara
the
Peronism.
faction
remained
Nell,
began to promote
later
disappointed
the
the
of the
with
faction
"discovering"
union
leader
were the
reactionary,
the other
with
the
Whereas the
mass trade
the idea
links
in
of activists.
organisa-
of Tacuara
Greatly
was
had been
with
experience.
of
battle
which appeared
influenced
Jose Luis
by Catholic
educational
foreign-inspired,
rhetoric
Peronism,
achievements.
anti-Peronist
nationalist
It
development
to come to terms
more secular
of it.
than hundreds
rather
subsequent
and largely
Argentine
group reappraised
the
de Derecho - SUD),
a tap,
splinters
dozens
contained
for
period
to withdraw
Like
The Tacuara
off.
"free
organisations,
temporarily
Universitario
obeyed.
promptly
this
devotees
student
and
the Frondizi
in favour
As soon as the
was short-lived.
on and then
in
(Sindicato
and against
promoted
zenith
over
institutions
student
and battles
growth
its
reached
and two-thirds
turned
its
for
defended
Catholic
grew from
controversy
religious
Tacuara
other
with
Tacuara
Law Union
the University
Catholic
mobilisations
of students,
Tacuara
priests.
tion
street
In the battles
conferred,
along
the
in
reasons,
of private
they
line
education"
political
institutions.
educational
governmental
but
than
rather
of working
base and
left-
in the
the Peronist
For details
the controversy
"Laica
of
education,
over
see
(January
Todo es Historia,
80
1974), pp. 9-23, though
no.
not deal with the role of Tacuara.
latter
Youth.
o Libre, "
it does
196
Contact
the Youth,
with
June
1956 military
istas
sympathetic
El Kadri,
with
workers,
between
of Tacuara
the
(UOCRA).
technical
Resistencia
nacional
towards
and Baxter
(in
nacional
hegemonic
a decade later).
in
- and also
established
conCoria's
with
weaponry
exchanges
and examples
actions
to the workers'
struggles
out
stood
drift
towards
the workers'
by supporting
due to its
the
of
slogan
Peronism
movement but
acceptable
implied,
this
which
being
general
strike,
with
socialismo
Peronist
and right-wing
January
compatibility
to left-
in
seen publicly
unions,
much the
both
was acceptable
inevitable
the
to the right-wing
palatable
organisations
the
like
militants
the
naval
-
unions
a few joint
given
tacuar-
period.
sindicalismo
Youth,
Peronist
when those
were occasional
being
support
The orientation
was mildly
trade
There
Tacuara
of the
were also
and shoemakers
woodworkers
Union
Construction
1950's
Relations
more militant,
often
time
Rearte.
and Gustavo
the smaller,
the late
grew in
revolt,
at the
established
to Peronism
Rulli
struction
first
Youth
to the Right
Peronism
was
being
as anti-
Catholic.
Left-Right
Growing
Tacuara.
the
These appear
organisation
of their
parents
or night
to finance
1.
school
their
rapidly
of petty-bourgeois
had risen
socially
these
but
standards
under
new tacuaristas
had to work during
studies.
Peronist
the Peronist
were still
the day,
of
into
by the recruitment
by the rising
eroded
the unity
destroyed
of youths
living
good number of
tensions
cost
students
usually
parentage.
Many
governments
but
of living.
at university
as employees,
Navarro Gerassi,
op. cit.,
p. 228;
Personal interview
with former MT
Appendix A.
197
A few members of the
of the renovated
the pressures
but
definition,
political
old
guard,
Ezcurra,
notably
rank-and-file
1960 to form
the Restorationist.
Restauradora
GNR).
-
the
broke
Korilitas
Guard (Guardia
Nationalist
They accused
to
responded
leftward-moving
away in
Nacionalista
Tacuara
of having
over bys
been taken
1(and
that)
Trotskyism
"Fidelism,
reasserted
and Atheism"
"ultra-hierarchy
is necessary
in order to distinguish
qualitTacuara has always been a movement of the extreme
ies....
of nationality
right,
a defender of the purity
and continuer
in 1852 by the fall
of the line interrupted
of Rsas".
was in
Ezcurra
around
tendencies
who reflect
conservatives
1930, "
tions
continued
tants
in
to pose a physical
As Joe Baxter,
creasingly
commented,
Tacuara
trunk
miento
further
Calabrb.
move which
1.
Navarro
2.
Horacio
Aires),
3.
Baxter
than
complete
in
found
a law student
mili-
liberation
then
was created
integration
still
into
themselves
of English
cost
had protected
us the
indescent,
loss
of
us turned
of the original
the disintegration
the ultra-reactionaries
Gerassi,
organisa-
previously
MNA)
-
Less extreme
who until
step
came around
Nueva Argentina
here
and union
immunity
the latter
of national
right-wing
to left-wing
the police
whereas
persecuted.
against
ceased to be important
violent
threat
inherited
by the tacuaristas,
3A
them as "reactionaries,
followed.
which
protection.
which
but
the years
possessed
when he dismissed
a way correct
Movement (Movi-
of the Catholic
the Peronist
Movement,
Right,
a
resisted.
ibid.
(Buenos
198-
ure
the ideology
defined
Ezcurra
of Tacuara
the
after
GNR's depart-
as:
"Christian,
in that it affirms
the primacy of the spiritual
and
Nationalist,
in that it
permanent values in man and society;
the Nation as the-supreme
due
unit;
posits
social
and Socialist,
to its socio-economic,
anti-capitalist,
revolutionary
and
1
conceptions".
communitarian
Due to
Ezcurra
anti-capitalism,
of Marxism.
religious
and in
convictions
spite
could
however,
Others,
than
rather
sis
of his
the- strength
did
Marxism,
adopt
philosophy
as a method of analy-
so ideological
as a philosophy,
of his
unity
denied
was still
to Tacuara.
factor
tacuaristas,
an important
and practice
of armed struggle,
employed
methods
action
and there
period
1960,
were also
broken
up by 200 Tacuara
Centre
in
Buenos Aires.
and targets
a state
from
direct
struggles
and this
A former
Ezcurra,
youths
Violent
their
in
1950's.
clubs
who invaded
methods
to organised
meetings.
Guevara's
mother
exercised
was violently
even after
political
conceptions
guerrilla
Sciences
motivamoved
began to evolve
activity,
an ideological
combative
revolutionary
as well
influence.
quoted
in Garcia
Lupo,
op. cit.,
"We read
p. 77.
that
In November
persisted
undoubtedly
during
elements
theory
direct
and schools
on left-wing
was the
of the violent
the late
by
of the newer
extraction
radicalisation.
Jewish
As Tacuara's
began to avidly
methodological
into
attacks
changed.
of flux
action
tacuaristas
1.
by Tacuara
due to be addressed
a meeting
into
in
social
a continuation
plastic
tions
humbler
the relatively
from
Apart
everything
as
- 199-
did
ideology
1
ism".
duct
not
liberation
were national
tacuaristas,
though
these
of
study
national
clusion
that
they
Tacuara
Peronism
sky's
national
on a world
content.
influential
upon the
was indicated
In general,
by their
however,
of the
the
relationship
revolution,
and then
evolution
was contact
to the
con-
Vinas.
La Formaci6n
Another
through
de la Conciencia
struggles,
Revolution
of
de Liber-
latter
group,
though
the books
lists
it
appears
2
in-
histor-
mainly
reading
of
Nacional,
was particularly
of the Russian
the
geria-
writers
appraisal
Movement (Movimiento
Partly
and social
between
of the
splinter-products
Liberation
the tacuaristas
such as those
Ortiz.
time
a leftwing
with
a more positive
with
nationalist
related
of Raul
influence.
Even in
groups,
Ismael
MLN)
of
-
Arregui's
History
and their
Left
tendencies
Previously,
works
practical
leftward
this
Hernndez
fluential.
Scalabrini
in
of popular
again
which
two.
and social
Tacuara.
the
how to con-
were indivisible.
Party,
influence
often
to an examination
led
National
young
and
aOin Nacional
ical
between
factor
Socialist
that
at
immaturity
political
liberation
A further
the
their
experiences
between
struggles,
and romantic-
was learning
attraction
to differentiate
failure
of infantilism
struggle,
tric
the prime
a guerrilla
scale
matter.
political
the
-
OAS
even
stuff
-
and clandestine
was subversive
which
reflection
the early
1.
Personal
2.
Hernndez
in
1960's,
interview,
Arregui,
of a time-lag
the practical
Baxter
op. cit.
op. cit.
between
activity
and others
cognition
of the
of such ideas
organisation.
engaged in anti-Semitic
200-
activities,
Edgardo
anti-Semitic,
ence,
but
Hussein
uneasy marriage
and Baxter
Pueyrredon,
to revive
attempts
Ministry
share
the spoils
was very
"to
small
Social
tionism
In
it.
and political
Strike'
ed,
the leadership
Salas,
anti-Zionism
only
came to an end in
ope cit.
dropped
Errecalte
for
Ezcurra
Tacuara,
Collins
did
the Nation"!
to the
rulers,
in
time,
Tacuara
were defined
the
Moreover,
Int-
an attempt
failure
influences
as the
forgetting
of the
insurrec'Revolution-
1960's
early
visibly
to
membership
Movement could
and conveniently
the
by Errecalte
`
the
KURT.
Peronist
of
1959 with
to
to
opportunistic
as much as international
reality
occur
went personally
joining
not
later
linked
despite
By this
of victory.
Nationalist
out of activity,
the Peronist
strategies
with
disintegrated,
1966,
in
Revolutionary
The official
of January.
of
break
organisation
violent
influ-
between
and Right
the definitive
and requirements
ary
1.
the Tacuara
and glory
General
doning
created
gradually
the guerrilla
motivated
Left
be very
were
They developed
into
evolved
between
to congratulate
erior
ideological
to Per6n.
line
then
name of Ezcurra,
Errecalte
dividing
the priesthood.
into
be ordained
and
anti-Semitism
the
Soloski
when he finally
later
two years
until
their
Jewish
until
blurred.
a time
the
Ernesto
of fascist
result
the representative
and though
Sarmiento
such attacks.
as
when they
them.
.a
the Jewish opposition
due to
with
Triki,
was for
no longer
rather
links
to attack
order
were wounded in
Trilnik
still
strong
in
came out
schoolboys
the Colegio
outside
such as waiting
progress-
be seen aban-
the programme of
as
-201-
Huerta
drift
this
cracy,
for
Guerrilla
Grande.
towards
of Marxism
and in
society,
not
that
writers
have described
tionary
wing
Youth
token
to its
on the moulding
impact
appears
Baxter
the mid-1960's,
recent
revolutionary
up in
the People's
within
1.
Garcia
2.
Personal
Lupo,
Left,
in
op.
interview
cit.,
with
interest
Left.
here,
Though Jose
to in all
referred
("Joe
Baxter's
group",
leader
Nell.
international
travels
Nell
the
importance
actual
in
roles
joining
shaping
the Montoneros
Army (ERP).
late
the
1950's
It
which
urged
during
the MNRT.
of the more
and Baxter
was Nell
p. 73.
former
within
due
the scanty
much publicised
his
("Joe")
a good public
Revolutionary
Tacuara
the Peronist
with
from being
important
Yet both
as
reputation
from
than
rather
to fight",
of prime
organisation
his
gained
relations
is
1957,
and political
operational
that
in
of the
as the leader
)
the real
etc.
of
was there-
Movement.
latter
is
which
of the Revolutionary
part
1965,
the Peronist
Tacuara
who joined
Baxter,
tendency
Command of the
the history
is
and along
In
of
towards
came to form
and Rearte.
It
who wanted
gravitated
organisations
sister
commentaries
It
the MT,
on the National
seat
of living
cost
sectors.
Peronists
"young
Movement of Villal6n
It
Luis
the
of Frondizi's
changes in Argentine
spiralling
and its
Peronist
the
rationale
or unreadiness
substantial
and petty-bourgeois
workers
surprising
the inability
about
to halt
particular
both
was affecting
fore
to bring
bourgeoisie
bureau-
ideological
seemed to demonstrate
which
the national
had. also
There
such a strategy.
became the
rapidly
to
antidote
of the Vandorist
neo-Peronism
and elements
government
action
ending
a positive
the
202-
battle
theoretically
ed the
alienation
In
1963,
meeting
with
Philosophy
from
integration
to break
of event
}N
the working-
with
On leaving
up.
liberated.
We are
starting
and we are
out
in
throwing
off
of
Tacuara
the meeting,
feel
in a
the Faculty
the parent
which
of Berlin
maintain-
and Vifias's
the kind
"Now we feel
of)
foguismo,
advocating
real
and Letters,
a reporter,
ences
tendency
movement,
practice.
have attempted
would
nnvement in
class
Peronism
towards
orientation
Baxter
(the
all
defeated
told
in
influ-
the Battle
on a new road".
that:
realise
the
the clearest
organisation
Tacuara,
published
in Compaiiero in
of falandista
ation
Peronist
later
ured
society
traces.
Left
ments with
Imperialism"
antagonism
between
was viewed
as of cardinal
spread
view
to
a cordon
1.
Baxter,
1964,
of Peron as a revolutionary,
quoted
in Salas,
with
there
cit.
therein
prefigin
contradiction
Liberation
the working
the
class
seen as the
unable
to play
Move-
the Movement
within
op.
the elimin-
of Semi-Colony";
process;
around
demonstrated
of the National
importance;
to emerge
Revolucionario
contained
Liberation
"National
-
the bureaucracy
established
which
the fundamental
confrontation
of the revolutionary
vanguard
e al Movimiento"N.
Many postulates
stances:
definitions
and ideological
political
his
which
true
was
widerole
due
203
-
supposedly
foauistA
tain
violence.
privileges
and with
destroy
will
them",
No faith
tionary
it
Their
more complex.
privileged
in
fear
they
rearguard
of the National
partially
successful
according
to the AMNRT
schema,
by workers
but
ture
the MT
governments
"objective"
did
however,
ist
a programme geared
2.
3.
superficial
development.
1.
in
sentiment
As with
al Movimiento
Compaero, no. 52 (23rd
"
to
labour
level,
op.
cit.
This
the
would,
was not
analysis
and experience
By only
struc-
of most
of post-1955
The weakspot
in
the
examining
the
strength
to arti-
social
later,
N. Revolucionario
June 1964).
to a
and limitation
composition
as the dynamic
and viewed
"vacillating
economy or class
the immediate
the Montoneros
"Reportaje
"Reportaje...,
the
class,
much
the
sections
suitable
forces.
one.
into
the
yet
if
political
an analysis
of the working
interests
At a fairly
the struggle
was a crucial
was, however,
to rise
offensive,
of political
by the Frondizi
struggle".
of Argentine
through
whose non-revolu-
be no more than
of economistic
and desire
cultural
join
classes"
accurately
analysis,
culate
imperialist
and revolutionaries
quite
classes
their
Liberation
based
"middle
could
we
bourgeoisie,
of the people
meant that
strata.
of the people
of the
role
to the
they main-
violence
violence
stated.
the national
as a response
cowardly
creative
was argued,
The future
government.
the
and there
justified
"With
an N11RTmanifesto
was placed
character,
being
1
of official
their
the masses;
violence
with
strategy,
existence
from
him off
cutting
the
of the Peron-
key to its
principal
internal
future
204-
conflict
life
Peronism
olutionary
"to
the extent
reformist,
the wake of
of the
they
own organisation,
hoped,
the
"the
other
What bestowed
clasismo
blind
is
sociologists;
Written
in
the year
and strikes)
strengthen
ment,
would
the political
as well
is
and his
reality
as produce
mass workers'
either
authority
force
Ibid.
2.
Principally
Rank-and-File
the Peronist
Armed Forces
Peronism",
"Revolutionary
ogy of the alternativista
chapter.
leaders
Regime".
was its
tentative
Peronism,
combin-
leader:
"Peron
material
for
Revolution".
(mainly
factory
leaders
steeled
into
Peronist
in
occupline
or
Move-
the campaign.
(Peronismo de Base
PB)
and
Armadas Peronistas
FAP).
R, refers
to the ideolwith a capital
organisations
analysed in the final
Peronism
(Fuerzas
of
of the Revolutionary
new workers'
1.
this
message is
vacillating
they
leadership
class
he analysis
actions
their
be,
Colonial
revolutionary
the impressive
assumed that
ations
is
nor
con-
attain
would
Capitalist
of Revolutionary
nor of marble,
Perlin
It
yet
had to build
on the working
faith
the
not
exercises
the system
with
traditions
the worst
made of bronze
not
hasty
in
from
of vanguard
of compromise
they
in
independent
groups.
could
Peronists.
and the
disappear
"the
alternativista
the proletariat
marginated
the attribute
lack
was,
ed with
by which
forces
termed
of the Movement:
be resolved
bureaucracy
- would
the workers
by revolutionary
aided
social
that
to Rev-
closer
own revolutionary
current
by later
class"
possibilities
would
- the
organisation,
understood
instrument
"objective"
of Peronism
structures
existing
its
given
"participationist"
of the working
its
contradiction
is
class
The limitations
Implicitly,
this
that
alternative
bureaucracy
the working
neo-Peronist
the
has exhausted
which
class".
in arguing
that
organisation".
trol
front
the
working
and
-
between
confrontation
of a historical
expression
of
as "the
was viewed
205 -
For this,
the keynote
their
leaders
thing
which
was Pern's
saying,
at their
head or with
more recent
revolutionary
march with
I
leaders",
interpreted
some-
more liter-
ally.
Designating
their
ist
the revolutionary
activity
the unity
emphasised
action
of theory
the Peron-
of
and practices
own background
in which
milieu
of insurrectionism,
J RT meant organising
(People's
guard
Army),
the masses,
of
especially
the
of
force.
a guerrilla
which
plus
revolutionary
putting
of armed activities
the aforementioned
theory
into
The Eibrcito
practice
del
1962 denial
of objective
of Peronist
for
through
the
armed van-
conditions"
political
victory
defeat
Pueblo
the product
revolution-
2-
a democratic
process.
MNRT combatants
rather
than
integrated
attitude
towards
nativists,
position
revolutionary
as just
saw themselves
They emphasised
and thus
seeking
ist
leadership),
at times
1.
"Reportaje...,
" op.
an embryo of this
their
Though they
only
statements
a somewhat ambiguous
generally
the worker
to organise
that
but adopted
it
Ibid.
adopted
base of Peronism
independently
suggested
an alteras truly
of the Peron-
a movimientista
cit.
Clasismo refers
to the politics
of those Peronist
tendencies
left-wing
which emphasized working-class
organisation
and struggle.
2.
Army
and non-Peronist
revolutionary
206
(viewing
orientation
tionary
the Peronist
Thus,
though
need for
into
crept
their
Jorge
del
Ricardo
Pueblo
illa,
led
demonstration
by people
of
with
ignored
without
and this
workers
in
1963.
This
avowedly
Cuba (like
was destroyed
as by the
in
Gendarmerfa.
were killed
in
that
of Peronist
would
possessing
was a sure
factor
in
basis
their
Cuba, Algeria
-2
To avoid
their
of support
inhospdied
guerrillas
combine
guerr-
and Dvila)
the fate
however,
armed
among the
d6bcle.
impressed
and Egypt,
by the
3
but
"marvell-
their
failure
1.
Ibid.
2.
in Argentine,
" chapter 7
On Masetti
and the EGP, see "Guerrillas
(New
York: Grove Press, 1968), pp.
Friend
Rojo,
My
Che
Ricardo
of
by Rodolfo Walsh to Masetti's
book,
147-162; and the introduction
(Buenos
lloran
Aires:
los
Editorial
Jorge
Los ue luchan
ue
1969), pp. 7-18.
Alvarez,
3.
"Reportaje...,
" op.
cit.
of
activities
a political
ineff-
Guevarist
In practice,
workers.
own teachings:
its
totally
Masetti
Several
by
Guerrillero
as much by the
an avalanche.
they
isolated,
a small,
Hermes Pena),
Internationally,
ous experiences"
occasionally
time
operations
attitudes
terrain
organisation
and the
struggles
point
Guerrilla
established
the
latter
of the
Province
in Salta
and four
starvation
structures).
the revolutionary
for achievvehicle
The People's
Army is its armed vanit,
is based on it and is supplied
by
the, action
and seek to replace
of the
the revolutionary
be
process will
People's
Masetti's
Salta
as a revolu-
literature:
(like
by
Cubans
and
itable
official
movimientista
organisation,
EGP),
which
-
ectual_foco
entirety
"The"Peronist
Movement is
Liberation.
ing National
guard: it develops out of
this
it.
Those who forget
of
masses as protagonists
defeated".
1
A recent
its
its
through
working
base-level
Movement in
the
-207to
differentiate
national
erent
underlying
through
ogical
time
terms
rants,
yet
apparent
contradiction
Peronist
workers
their
with
their
with
from
was mainly
but
clearly
3rd World,
and for
for
the
the
Programme of Huerta
1962 though
never
ramme, despite
the
from
tion,
1.
economy,
the
fell
Ibid.
campaigned
radical
state
oligarchy
short
Grande adopted
calls
the nationalisation
compensation
total
the
liberation
leadership.
the
baurgeo-
only
solution
control
by
represented
late
in
the prog-
of key sectors
and workers'.
socialisation.
fail-
was never
In fact,
expropriation
the
revolu-
practical
was considered
for
without
of advocating
in
social
by the 62 Organisations
trade,
that
struggles
by the national
by its
of foreign
in
from
for
control
integ-
of support
this
the former
organisation.
and social
Argentina
and
of liberation,
was apparent
Socialism"
"Economic
articulated.
In
liberation
of national
than
gesture
about
hegemonised
strategies
the problematic
"leftist"
instrument
of national
of developmentalist
isle,
the latter
of international
In Argentina,
Movimientistas
of the Movement's
convictions
study
fully
homogeneity.
own revolutionary
their
organisation
political
common with
an ideol-
was never
Peronist
being
of the
between
in by Perbn's
taken
were still
referred
It
division
to be
personality
of the potentialities
analysis
than
rather
to achieve
had more in
the Revolutionary
above,
political
Left
Peronist
they
their
regarding
its
and their
was a thing
status
diff-
very
immaturity
political
members failed
Alternativistas,
for
downfall,
later
of the
their
armed struggle
question.
of its
of these
significance
revolutionary
practising
and its
clarified
indicated
that
and political
the
the political
processes
assumption
acquired
at
between
of
of land
of exp orta-
- 208-
light
on the
the liberal
of
and all
the bourgeoisie,
ialism"
1963,
capitalist
the
the
given
"treason
to the
capitulated
Revolucionaria,
Given
outlook.
system,
which
Violencia
1964,
organisation's
crisis"
July
for
the
of frondizi-ism
and imper-
oligarchy
(electoral)
"shameful
"total
fraud"
of
that:
"the Peronist
never have access to power by peaceful
masses will
means because the privileged
sectors
are not suicidal
and know
Movement in power means the
perfectly
well that the Peronist
NATIONAL REVOLUTION which will
finish
them off".
The battle
of
small
against
the regime
encounters,
in all
Again,
the stated
gotten
by the vacillating
1
in
designed
arily
labour's
trade
forms
union
genuine
ity
Whether
of armed struggle
preparatory
stage
foco
pioneered
by Nell
common with
in
have attempted
once they
had
of the guerrilla,
one
speculate.
note
of the urban
that
who favoured
there
a role
was opposition
of just
providing
struggle.
maintained
fraternal
"NNRT:
prim-
participation
the
in
and
NNRT
operations,
had nothing
for-
and
Movement,
Their
was no organised
or not
Grande,
mass struggles
Peronist
foouismo.
pure
by Per6n.
mobilisation
for
support
thousands
as ordered
popular
Revolutionary
1.
through
and there
of activity
times"
all
through
of verbal
spite
passed through
The idea
one should
in
removed from
struggles.
successfully
impose
leadership,
to accumulate
marriage
can only
but
and at
the short-lived
was little
activity
parts
armed struggle",
participation
Violencia
relations
with
Revolucionaria,
to'the
to this
strategy
technical
aid
ideas
the tendency)
" op.
was adopted,
cit.
from
though
a minor-
to workers
of Gustavo Rearte
'of at least
in
(who
developing
-209-
Peronism
before
tured
as an urban
which
the
finance
Guard,
since
was to equip
urban
not
appear
ted,
this
used.
burst
nerves.
chances
three
months of careful
their
on its
time
The banknotes
of European
day.
usual
fire
was only
which
the start
of the
that
the
it.
of
payroll
operation
with
problems
truck
were killed
encountered
sent
currency.
did
attemp-
ambulance
to Josh Luis
were therefore
hard
acquiring
was again
a hired
attributed
of
went into
1963,. forcibly
two civilians
the press
29th,
terms
the proto-guerrillas
July
the
and was
the choice
least
by the working
to find
was call-
in
which
Union Hospital,
in
after
as it
target
as its
preparation,
on August
as the. first
celebrated
armed actions
accepted
they
of organisation
Undeterred,
in which
1963,
Rosaura,
Bancario
only
of expropriations;
2,000,000.
Operaci6n
action
of machine-gun
This
into
purposes,
successfully,
14 million
of being
plans
in
what is
Nation-
mundane leafleting
a series
mistakes
their
for
an ambulance
for
from
early
a further
to put their
attempted
through
By selecting
After
due to persist-
effective
enhanced
apart
of the Policlinico
ly
task,
operation.
guerrilla
a qualitative
target.
with
struc-
of comandos of
the Restorationist
split
themselves
to provide
Argentine
their
raid
400,000
tined
least
view
in Argentina
organisation
was the
of Revolu-
The majority
such as their
seized
force,
ideas
controversies.
Lacking
activities,
the
armed warfare.
Comando de Propaganda
ideological
alist
initiating
guerrilla
for
support
prevailed
ent
political
being
by a
Nell's
by the NINRT.
to a variety
Some of
210-
these
by their
required
for
did
emissaries
nightclub,
the
Argentine
arrest
assisted
involved
Much of
the
in
by the police.
a long
from
escape
time
of the
By the standards
there
that
vealed
ed from
the
example,
only
the takings.
in
a share
cadres,
ristolero,
Mix
Arcngel
then
collapse
ambition
in
ational
1.
up early
in
was a thoroughly
professional
Its
amateurish.
shadow of criminal
learnt
organisation,
to join
Posse,
due to the
for
of the move-
to an MNRT friend
the information
Moreover,
deriv-
activity,
Gustavo
to the MNRT.
re-
aftermath
lack
in
re-
of armed
engaged a'professional
them in
the
for
operation
had "criminal
a
re-
The inexperience
of the)
Miloro,
it
of 2m. pesos.
but
it
with
of its
cords"
of the
expertise
fee
linked
Tacuara,
a sympathiser
ment of payroll
for
a slight
was still
original
time,
of the
purchased
Nell
except
prison,
totally
of today,
by those
operation;
in
rapid
of the MNRT.
(Law Courts).
the Tribunales
the downfall
equipment
by
alerted
to an identification
and to
exchanged
a Paris-
in
eventually
pesos
reportedly
Interpol,
circulation
the operation
were recovered
turn
led
of one money-changer
militants
the
noticed
police,
, im.
paid
activities
"Brigitte"!
by a certain
precautions
basis,
on a contractual
in pleasure-seeking
of the booty
part
ian
the Operaci6n
in
of security
life.
in
the kind
take
exactly
station
participating
invested
not
aiming
infrastructure
the
stupidity
and
some
of
RT in Argentina.
for
others
haul
14m.
peso
a
was poorly
of
at a time
developed
the
led
to the
sin
of over-
whem their
and their
political
25th
organissupport
March 1964
-211-
base restricted
to a small
(plus
students
invade
the Malvinas
their
New Argentina
thing
group,
was visiting
Argentina.
identification
with
carried
illustrates
that
its
future
urban
though
and sometimes
It
is
important
Rubbn Daniel
he got
after
Rodriguez
country
who never
included
Egypt,
Switzerland,
China.
The tour
inevitable
displayed
eulogising
ideas,
to exercise
guerrilla
of
Nell,
Rosaura),
Jorge
of
and
-
Cataldo
an
for
to the activities
Operaci6n
Spain,
Italy,
Czechoslovakia,
Caffati
usual
but
dexterity
for
went on a world
Angola,
Cuba, North
Vietnam
in
instruction
an audience
when meeting
the
Algeria,
3 months of military
to Madrid
in
visits
pilgrimage
Mussolini
of Villal6n
to Brazil,
included
his
one foot
the aid
and with
which
Its
upon subsequent
in
Andres
put
of prison.
out
Baxter,
and Jorge
not
and Uruguay
were also
settled,
to draw attention
(who wasn't
spectrum.
in Argentina
operation.
influence
direct
the invasion
1964 did
in April
bank raids
often
rump during
support
example as an inspiration
its
on the Policlinico
modelled
were mainland
of the political
side
behind
those
latter
left
It
actions
organisations.
Tacuara
other
some-
a Peronist
shared
there
that
embryonic,
an indirect
the
was on the
Cabo's
splinter,
organisation
it
Though
at a time
Though Cabo's
influence.
were actually
tour
incident
to
plans
in
out
The collapse
end to
it
carried
had future
Tacuara
another
Instit-
commando attack.
a surprise
by capture,
of an international
operations
through
Islands
the action
for
and
of the National
practitioner
responsible
was thwarted
plan
medical
one senior
of Neuropsychiatry)
ute
The employees
number of activists.
with
Peron.
Baxter.
tack
Congo,
the
and
Hanoi
and
The
He began by
when he
212-
that
realised
At
the
Baxter
MNRT-in-exile,
Nell
There,
the Argentines
of fafil
formative
Sendic,
influence
Another
influence
Guillen,
a trip
paid
1962,
and his
de la
Guerrilla
been in
Urbana,
the unity
used Montevideo
over,
they
their
brief
in
romance with
War veteran
Abraham
in
Buenos Aires
debt
to
shared
mass action
with
in
and Estrategia
in a "combined"
by more raids
This
1967.
People's
their
after
into
military
an operation
including
quite
operation
proficiency
with
led
that
1966 when
persecu-
to a shootout,
of Nell
on 15th
MNRT.
and assistance
He reportedly
perishing
More-
in an air
Baxter
to
the
particcrash
interview
former
before
Youth,
golpe.
until-December
Sallustro
the Ongania
to pro-
organisation
place
Peronist
of the
and arrests,
Revolutionary
in
that
investigations
went on to contribute
2.
Guill6n
as a meeting
participated
Police
followed
1.
warfare.
owed a substantial
which
ipated
1965-66
Tupa-
an important
de Is Violencia
struggle
from discussion,
Apart
July
period.
strategy.
tion.
in
and Rodriguez,
guerrilla
Baxter
with
Teoria
In them,
guerrilla
Civil
the
the fledgling
with
of urban
days.
old
organise
Cataldo
contact
written
Nell,
contact
Spanish
books on strategy,
to help
the interim
conception
on the Tupas,
of integrating
moting
train
the
since
with
came into
helped
Tupa-MNRT discussions.
idea
there
to, China in
on their
had already
politically
moved to Montevideo
having
also
maros
had "evolved"
-213-
Orly
at
for
in
the
the
raid,
on the
Montoneros
split-off
taking
his
own life
that
influentially
vene
their
lack
of total
link
cementing
borne
as the major
that
He recalled
period.
monto",
of Marxist
ist.
that
meaning
analysis,
According
make pragmatic
time.
Baxter
former
colleague,
with
his
-
ship
to any particular
romanticism
the
that
time
Nell
Nell
as
is
regard
pro-
to
ready
was always
situation
him with
theory,
with
to use elements
were generally
was characterised
revolutionary
early
confirmation
) RT militant
objective
provided
always
was Marxist.
Further
orientations
political
compromises
tic"
self-definition
his
This
methodology.
by members in the
he was occasionally
although
to his
at
even at
of
historians.
that
indicative
read
Arregui,
of a former
by the recollections
vided
is
revolutionary
literature
revisionist
disillusioned,
politically
back in
by their
Hernndez
included
which
(Loyal-
the Leales
joining
organisations
unity
was provided
influence,
cadres
political
to
1974.
different
three
by the disparate
out
1960's,
in
in-
of the working
alternative
before
sentence
and helped
have a politico-military
the leading
his
and political
he joined,
which
1970's
in September
serving
a military
"independent
was to also
in
after
both
Armed Forces
the early
in
early
The fact
well
Nell
Caffati,
exercised
of the
conception
Josh Luis
class".
aged 32.1
the Peronist
over
mature
is
1973,
Policlinico
fluence
ists)
July
popul-
prepared
to
at any given
as a "political
roman-
an ephemeral
relation-
his
ultimate
even though
1.
Oberdan Sallustro,
General Manager of Fiat-Concord,
was kidnapped
(ERP)
in March 1972 and killed
Army
Revolutionary
by the People's
had
the
the
the following
payprohibited
government
after
month,
ment of a ransom by the company.
2.
Personal
interview,
ope cit.
214
-
Tacuara
Argentina,
influence
Movement,
a tendency
the Catholic
of
ically
(1973-74)
cemisado
organisation
invasion
(Concentraci6n
Concentration
Catholic
was to a great
whose ideologsr
its
maintained
to engage in violent
odological
these
outlines
are
far
alternativista
The basic
divisions
bat
with
itself,
those
urging
Other
1974.
Gustavo
(the
Catholic
independence
the
More important
14.
Catholic
University
echoed by Tacuara
extent
such as
through
organisations
and the
National
Montoneros,
the age of
front
closer
CNU)
before
-
Ramus, passed
at
Youth
influence
which,
Youth)
never-
and freedom
both
close,
of action
politically
Peronist
their
and those
motivation
between
strategically,
role
for
united
ideology.
their
to go
Yet
to be denied.
to Marxism,
more preoccupied
those
meth-
and ideologically,
importance
attitudes
a greater
politico-military
linguistically
for
an auxiliary
later
of a revolutionary
too
exercised
upon the
sufficiently
literature
ideological
and,
University
Universitaria
sketch
to recent
those
Malvinas
the
as
Giovenco, stuck
semi-fascist
Action
beyond an outline
Rightist
activity.
political
organisations.
at the hands
Catholic
Alejandro
organisational
As an organisation,
than
the
El Des-
paper
death
Operation',
1960's
Student
Catholic
Youth,
theless,
the early
were the
though
Working
in
Tacuara
mainstream
here
up in
Fernando
his
National
himself
blowing
accidentally
the
ideas
member until
Another
old
of their
Cabo never
was christened,
Right.
as editor
'Condor
the
the New
came via
nationalist
Coming from
1977.
produced
which
Montoneros.
to his
and as a leading
in January
of the military
leader
the Montoneros
in
also
preaching
organisation
between
with
focuismo
in relation
comand
to
215 -
struggles.
workers'
The strongest
ist
leadership
of
in
resolve
sults.
This
this
alternativismo,
suggested.
conceptions
were never
steps
Long Live
King,
to
Rosas,
in
for
further
yet
elaborated,
progressing
Long Live
Franco,
to the Left
shifts
re-
revolutionary
Left
who
intelligently
their
than
naive
bases
and mili-
action
only
more influential
of the Peronist
ground
force,
the young
as an almost
Peronist
was certainly
fully
development
of ideological
lot
brute
annulment
led
1963,
with
of the
were far
fopuismo
Their
the
"against
methodological
the MT
with
can be effective".
Both in
in
maxim,
turn
was regarded
contradictions,
to Per6n's
It
galvanise
Peronist
internal
force
applied
would
which
in
proscription
foQuismo.
of Peron-
and consequential
results
tarily
subscribed
1950's
reformism,
solution
magical
late
legal
of
the failure
as a background,
towards
election
Peronists
the
in
insurrectionalism
commitment
Resistencia
the
With
struggle.
unitary
analysts
both
important
represented
Its
leaders
"Long Live
covered
Christ
the Bolshies,
Down with
have
and their
and amateurish,
Left.
from
tentative
the,
Death
Grande,
and laid
some of the
on the part
of later
Revolutionary
Peronists.
COMPANERO
".....
for
1.
2.
mouthpiece
Liberation"
of Revolutionary
Peronism
in
the battle
quoted in "Violencia
M. R. P. Congress resolution,
1964).
Per6n,
" op.
cit.
Companiero, no.
59
Revolucionaria,
1964,
(11th
August
- 216 -
Compafiero,
dency,
made its
dizi's
former
secretary,
though
rarely
credited
stated
for
first
through
were later
its
Jaime
Peronist
editorial
ideas
Rearte.
the
of
more specifically
of
of the
of the
left-wing
this
first
Valotta,
Fron-
importance,
be under-
cannot
were propounded
the
voiced
It
time.
which
views
of
reflected
as
such as Armando
of young activists
Study
to any understanding
Mario
Left,
Compafero
of Peronism
conceptions
and Gustavo
central
columns
ten-
revolutionary
theoretical
sectors
the
as moulded
well
Its
editor.
early
in
appearance
as its
of the
weekly
paper
revolutionary
of the Revolutionary
is
therefore
tendency
and
Peronist
Move-
ment.
The starting
supporters
for
must be its
experiences
any evaluation
interpretation
of background
developed
journalists
the weekly's
the political
for
point
their
of the Peronist
ideas
political
through
events
analysis
of
Movement:
"Concrete
with its succession
of victories
action,
and defeats
the
is
latter
the
the
principal
school
of
great
mainly
There, in practice,
the revolutionary
liberation
movements.
then enriched
through
line
of Peronism was forged,
afterwards
that
through
theoretical
experience
of
and
exploranalysis
2
ation".
Certain
of the
tions
ing
a national
due to
conclusions
"internal
1946-55
Peronist
liberation
governments.
but
process
contradictions
within
of
the practical
limita-
as being
the popular
to
complete it
3
Despite
forces".
unable
1.
2.
3.
"Peronismo
y Revoluci6n,
" ibid.,
no.
71 (3rd
No. 17
November 1964),
(16th
October
p.
1963),
I.
p. I.
217
the
labour,
growing
Movement in
worker-bourgeois
the early
view,
taken
that
many bourgeois
port
the
focused
dox"
Peironists
not
had deserted
but
Indeed,
also
the
However,
early
revolutionary,
intransigent
the
itical
postures
compromise
again
in
his
with
an attempt
to maintain
through
Comran`ero maintained
Movement had exhausted
Ibid.
myth which
analysis
from fulfilling
cutting
the Left
their
to total
the unity
his
him off
one-sidedly
than his
confrontation
of his
from
stressed
overall
the
and then
polother,
back
power
acrobatics.
that
the hegemonic
liberation
bourgeois
potential
of
of Per6n as a social
bourgeois
of the
the class
of Evita
1955 rather
component
Peronist
Per6n"
the presentation
in
early
interpretation
valid
For alongside
illusion,
the
of bureaucrats
of Perlin
course.
zig-zagging
from
this
To maintain
in
"revolutionary
the death
after
by a circle
mission
revolutionary
the masses.
by the
decade appeared
prevented
this
as "ortho-
of the Movement. as
economy declined
to satisfy
the weekly.
way into
Peronist
to sup-
of history
subversion,
was contaminated
its
found
limitations
as the
Peronist
of the
fall
Peronist
have
then
of this
on the
also
did
1.
in recognition
become impossible
classes
social
was partly
on oligarchic-imperialist
solely
did,
did
it
1950's,
and it
the
initiat-
could
measures
of
inside
progressive
revolutionary
1955 defeat,
the
movement.
multi-class
condition
coup.
In explaining
thus
further
paralysing
only
sectors
1955 military
and the
conflict
1950's,
In Comnanero's
ives.
to industrialisation
regard
made with
advances
in
sectors
the early
of the
1950's.
218-
In order
for
bourgeoisie,
development
classes,
their
the Left
Peronism,
"the
big
the
tions
the
a blank
was an inter-bourgeois
to the problems
faced
but
dependent
and financial
this
ones,
Sectors
programme of Huerta
and
of the former.
industrial
commercial,
enemy camp.
classes
the
bloc
of
the
of revolu-
Grande,
class
working
Compaaero urged
cause it
in
epitomised
national
between
buffeted
when in power.
argued,
com-
Illia
1963-66
an independent
ended up as allies
policies
oil
government,
oligarchy-imperialism
could,
classes
the
bour-
the
Frondizi
by the
were both
power,
vacillating
1958-62
represented
class,
sense they
explaining
for
of
of office.
they
in
as reflected
by the
considered
contending
the working
other
term
In office
policy.
forces
tionary
capital
on the basis
to the national
pointed
government
In this
it
represented
considered
middle
Frondizi's
revolutionary
to be reorganised
foreign
with
made during
promises
major
ties
closer
it
Moreover,
leadership.
working-class
geoisie's
for
called
its
or recover
but
On the
bourgeoisie"
vote
in
contest
by the
the
1963 elections
which
popular
could
not
precisely
provide
besolu-
movement:
to the oligarchic
"the lame bourgeoisie
is no threat
structures
it only aspires
to become a
urgently;
which must be destroyed
(of
junior
in
the
national
partner
wealth with impershare-out
Its sole motive in seeking popular support is to use
ialism).
the people's
it as a bargaining
only to sacrifice
counter,
later
interests
on if that becomes
and those of the nation
their
2
necessary in order to safeguard
own interests".
It
was in
1.
"Falsa
2.
Ibid.
this
rejection
of bourgeois
no.
1 (7th
allies
and in
June 1963),
the view
p. 1.
that
only
219
-
the working
could
class
liberation
leading
process,
promised
foreign
with
provide
a front
character,
though
the
ship
were never
made explicit.
was characterised
great
majority
of the working
ially
revolutionary
tures
of the Movement".
continued
onto
Martian
in
led
the Left
leg
of the non-revolutionary
for
to call
they
opportunist
Only
that
insisted
in
this
way will
that
a purge
"old
line
struc-
the presence
with
of
elements,
but again
the
later
"must
occupy
be an authentic
In line
trade
16 (9th
"Reorganizaci6n
p. 1.
2.
to an overcoming of contradictions,
Superaci6n
refers
leading
to a synthesis.
tion of contradictions
3.
"Peronismo
y Revoluci6n,
no.
left
union
it
cleansby cadres
with
this
Keneracional,
by the
old
leaders....
revolutionary
1.
the
was
terms,
replacement
the places
the analogy
trasvasamiento
of
of
common with
a thorough
of the Movement.
slogan
presented
In practical
and their
the
has much in
the leadership,
of
than
rather
The idea
conflicts,
level
wing
defect
potential.
development,
the Youth
politicians
being
was not
of the
of this
overcoming
the revolutionary
of the
and political
argued
made explicit
expression
structure
paper
(revolutionary)
not
drawn from
Valotta's
of dialectical
notion
leader-
potential
the bureaucratization
Peronist
of internal
a higher
left-
of workers'
"political
this
leadership,
of the Movement's
stifling
a superaci6n
oping
the
envisaged
its
com-
bureaucracy
movement but
not
the
However,
movement.
to emerge due to
a conciliatory
as the
class"
and a revolutionary
had failed
implications
in
sectors
all
Compnfiero demonstrated
socialist
Peronism
leadership
and unwavering
incorporating
that
capital,
wing
realised
strong
movement".
October
1963),
to a resolu-
-220-
Thus the
tionary
vanguard
At times,
movimientista
analyses,
deficiencies
minded
the
pointing-an
bourgeois
of
made of the
Left
enemy"
over
in
the
time
of why, if
as it
they
it
"only
get weaker
same time,
to
contributors,
acknowledged
immaturity
of the
by
apparatus
the Left
if
only
had
the rev-
no analysis
was
for
why support
claimed,
mistakenly
the
conquest
deduced
the
"Dos Batallas
p. 1.
2.
2.
"Interesado
p. 1.
that
consciousness,
of power through
" ibid.,
Confusionismo,
"
no.
" ibid.,
their
positions
their
workplaces
had attained
will
(18th
34
no
December 1963),
no.
of the
a revolution
ibid.,
24 (5th
it
class
Move-
the weekly
the service
occupying
the working
Peronist
but
to maintain
the workers
that
Fundamentales,
1.
Seeing
political
of the
were no revolutionaries,
no explanation
revolutionary
that
at
a number of years.
1964,
its
undermined,
leaders
ment in Argentina
would
of a clear-
bureaucracy,
of the
the
all
of privilege
times
"the
was to be
for
greater.
Certainly,
provided
forces
strength
was not
at the
At the
strength.
the
"domination
The bureaucracy
wing grew in
olutionary
the absence
reflected
the
become
of later
scapegoat
other
at
finger
mentality"
"Only
credit,
if
the revolu-
and would
the level
the
has allowed
the bureaucracy
and that
line"
revolutionary
elements
Movement:
accusing
of
strength
to
la burocracia
to their
into
descamisados.
descended
analyses
leadership
However,
than
and his
making
and consistent
rather
Pern
was to develop
the bureaucracy,
replace
of the Peronist
survive".
that
Compafero
the Left
of
would
which
nexus between
dynamic
the
task
self-assigned
32 (4th
enable
February
it
1964),
p. 1.
February
1964),
"
221 -
to end with
true
that
dragged
their
is
and misery"
oppression
was holding
the bureaucracy
only
little
in
1964-the
cracy,
under
admittedly
intended
its
from
pressure
and in
finale,
directed
as
suspend-
it
the rank-and-file,
Plan
the
de Lucha before
Plan
the
ing
doing
in
return
projected
it
while
of Peronism
Per6n's
to achieve
as possible
leaders
that
not,
However,
back.
the workers
to hold
than
more often
and,
and political
union
in refusing
feet
drew up
which
the impressive
occupa-
tions.
The Left
tial
Peronism
coup-mongers,
military
as a revolutionary
a US-backed
through
tina
would
by his
expect
fellow
supposed
and the
consisted
Per6n would
devised
corrupted
by Frigerio,
sectors
of examples
their
settle
of the
of Vandorist
" op.
1.
"Dos Batallas...,
2.
Movement,
the Frigerio
however,
with
accounts
Frondizi,
trade
workers'
government
him;
Vandor
as promised
group,
with
Vandor.
bureaucracy.
to Per6n
the
paper,
Illia
Aramburu,
union
treason
the
back to Argen-
be brought
then
the Peronist
to inherit
then
down the
bring
by
to destroy
to secure
not
conspirators;
coup;
bullet
where a silver
then
ram to help
to
circumstanplot
an alleged
According
by the bureaucracy
as a battering
demands-but
of purely
and Vandor
Prigerio
movement.
Plan
On the basis
Compafiero in
by attributing
paradox
the bureaucracy.
to
evidence,
imperialism,
of
explained
motives
ellian
this
(the
to him
Per6n out
US imperialism
The evidence
suppression
by
cit.
Pretenden
p. 3.
'eliminar'
delegate
in the dealings
Frigerio
with Perbn which
was Frondizi's
led to the Peron-Frondizi
electoral
pact. For his correspondence
Corres ondencia Peron-Fri
rio 1 8with Peron, see Ramon Prieto,
(Argentina:
Macacha Gemes, 1975).
Editorial
-222-
him of PerEn's
tion
and his
Peron
Primera
dor's
given
to Vandor
Plana
; meetings
displacement
was pure
being
hard
than
in
tion
to
the
with
its
leadership.
union
labour
well
as being
than
be remembered
file.
It
worker
policies
could
for
economic
ers
had in
and the
revolutionary,
over
allies
the
shared
the idea
government,
being
rather
drawn between
and Peronist
to pressures
that
also
it
not
demands,
directing
their
times
as in
like
1964.
from
and influences
was compelled
for
from
to lead
its
the motives
more enthusiastically,
re-
Moreover,
above,
it
as
must
own rank-andpursuing
workers'
to a
differences
persistently
Whatever
distor-
although
wage levels.
pressure
bureau-
reduced
have significant
such a struggle,
task
bourgeoisie,
came under
therefore
be crudely
local
did
forces,
and partial
not
it
Peron
pro-imperialist
could
questions
subject
and at
The rest
bureaucracy
the Illia
lines
industrial
The bureaucracy
supposed
and Van-
revolutionary
of imperialism
rather
political
and
officers;
mere agent
1.
trade
Peronist
of the battle
oligarchy,
of reality.
formist
the
to assassinate
view
cracy,
from
military
the
Que
reviews,
elec-
Companero's
the
of Vandor with
the
chosen by
committee
the Movement);
the, pro-Frigerio
army elements
a plot
evidence.
including
in
before
just
until
the four-man
Though the
of right-wing
there
vote
to reorganise
of Framini
speculation.
antipathy
a blank
to recognise
refusal
build-up
of
for
1963 order
struggles
Vandorist
they
anti-
could
the important
leadsurely
fact
that
is
they
on the
rest
It
lead
did
had tremendous
powers
their
unions,
which
the
their
percentage
of union
the banning
union
which
lists
leaders
gained
Though not
Hero's
ap
tendency
internal
cratic
for
62 de Pie
Junto
of the bureaucracy
example,
elections
as the revolutionary
in
the
Framini
January
the
breadth
and
1.
James,
"Power
'
contradictions
and
Politics...,
of
standing
totally
was not
perspectives
1964 Textile
latter's
the
early
" op.
cit.,
Left.
pp.
Com-
criticise
of
1965 and
unions
and the
inter-bureaudisplaced
Andros
camp.
later,
secFramini,
was solidly
Workers'
Association
against
the reformist
identified
support
late
in
ten years
which
and devoid
to dissident
than
candidate
to
recognise
revolutionary
then
radical
by the Left
passim.
of the
support
rebels.
against
the pro-Vandor
than
from
control
of Labour,
apparent
Rather
part
the
as monolithic
CompaAero referred
as part
However,
between
a Peron.
supported
bureaucracy.
bureaucracy
appeared
as such,
conflicts
the
the
however necessary
is
in
and finally,
impunity
with
conflicts.
pro-Peron
it
case,
to regard
early
tors
the
always
fraud
the Secretary
act
the big
of
bureaucratic
of candidates;
from
the expul-
derived
encouraged
to
member sections;
wage rises;
which
procedures,
often
discipline
replace-
particular
structure
of the bureaucracy,
of opposition
enabled
again
concentrated
in negotiated
share
in
facilitated
which
to legally
strength
electoral
statutes,
centralized,
leaders
enabled
financial
tremendous
union
once entrenched,
democratic
peaceful,
difficult.
of militants;
sion
leaders,
union
their
rendered
which
to interpret
powers
the major
that
to
able
numbers of workers.
of significant
however
ment exceedingly
such mobilisations
sufferance
was true
223 -
for
In
3-17;
with
the
him reflected
mid-1964,
Coria,
in
the
op.
cit.,
224-
way of self-criticism
battle
for
control
to departures
icant
of this
to his
had himself
the
that
ruling
other
is
of the petty
weekly's
contention
out
emerge arose
bourgeoisie
of both
the
(failing
consciousness,
in
success
1.
short-term
for
any revolutionary
"E1 Fin
for
was
the
non-
for
years
be noted
the
de la Farsa, "
situation
here
example)
encouragement
trade
Compan'ero, no.
holds
The
to
was still
of revoluunion
and
out no promise
contention,
58 (4th
of large
One cannot
many revolutionary
fallacious
were motiv-
of cadres.
which
indus-
revolution
analysis
and from
though
camp.
for
between
for
shift
the vanguard,
of its
enumer-
militant
the revolutionary
conditions
was the
were never
were taking
element,
organisation
this
leadership,
was a decisive
to differentiate
to come winning
that
there
to rev-
obstacle
superficiality
for
only
components
the objective
all
the
must be challenged
towards
the subjective
only
situations
also
even though
of a revolutionary
these
that
that
nor
revolutionary
should
the tendency
tendency
Peronist
and workers
no evidence
that
that
components
even though
ambition,
and that
view
contemporary
were divided
sectors
revolution
only
Framini
after
words,
revolutionary
confessed
the paper
that
behaviour
In other
of the
Companero analysis
there
by political
imagine
the fact
the
of the bureaucracy
oft-expressed
the
classes
action,
tionary
is
sectors
was the
all
the
Again,
existed
however,
Framini
Perhaps
consistency.
and zig-zagging
and mature,
were present
ated
apparatus,
to such sins.
in Argentina
assumption
trial
Peronist
in
purposes.
Underlying
the
local
revolutionary
ated.
by the Vandorists
vacillations
admitted
often
olution
defeated
episode,
to back displaced
prepared
latter
the
over
being
from revolutionary
aspect
referred
after
It
recruits.
held
August
also
1964),
of
by many
p.
1.
225 -
non-Peronist
it
artificially
the
fact
that
A final
and frustrated
indication
of Perbn as a social
of his
lead
deficient
Perlin
had himself
such
illusions
when other
attempting
committee
a special
for
preparation
come Vandorist
of the
being
his
into
account.
1960's,
1965 'Message
event"
(i. e. the
which
local
struggle.
basis
Given
becomes clearer
In 1963, worried
charged
the Vandorists
author-
the Movement in
to reorganise
a move which
strategy,
His re-
failed
to over-
successfully.
as one of "pacification"#
their
by Framini
a more combative
resistance
Indeed,
Turn'
led
decision
the masses".
though
the
with
many examples
the
perhaps
of Perbn's
supposed
'Left
item
most revolutionary-sounding
to the Youth':
to substitute
"We are by no means trying
one man for another but
We
triumph
the
for
not
are
seeking
system.
another
one system
the
but
triumph
of a majoritarian
class,
or
another,
of one man
Class".
the
Working
the
Argentine
people:
composed of
1.
2.
Hist6rico,
Consignas,
of
of Defeat"
to come to terms
His
a revolutionary
mission
ascendancy
his
in
liberation
to understand
are hard
postures
itself
to a revolutionary
described
Compaflero is
against
with
of the Marshalls
to the removal
that
ised
would be "in
argued,
and lead
with
that
ignoring
reflect
revolutionary.
identification
"profound
bureaucracy)
by the
generally
to Argentina
to return
attempt
the Left
would
will
must be levelled
which
criticism
characterisation
turn,
deficiency
the subjective
factors,
subjective
in
unmarxian
conditions.
objective
its
from
objective
separates
is
themselves'Marzist,
considering
groups
" ibid.,
" ibid.,
no.
no.
38 (11th
63 (8th
March 1964),
September
1964),
p.
p.
I.
I.
226 -
He warned
his
the
bourgeoisie,
ing
short
ism"
followers
the
against
died
which
to "polyclassism"
as opposed
spirit"
of political
revolution,
of social
"revolutionary
purported
power,
of
stopp-
of "class-
an assertion
thatt
when stating
value,
than
a gesture
a bonapartist
ogeneity
off
with
Left
to make political
to try
a legitimacy
orthodoxy.
This
the Peronist
movement it
the
Caudillo.
of Peron's
1.
legitimacy
affiliation
could
out
Left
other
supporters
at
this
if
the
other
was of
than
but
October
that
crucial
importance
in
for
they
to claim
it
due
such a personalistic
through
for
authority.
enabled
the political
time,
having
his
given
was
provided
was reasonable
of them,
which
of most workers,
be obtained
not
However,
left-wing
capital
and orthodoxy
he was always
challenge
it
gestures,
on the Peronist
the playing
He therefore
began to
its
arbitra-
support
leftist
heter-
between
Nevertheless,
the Movement.
As
strategy,
through
of one wing
at
rather
the social
or through
side
leadership,
of Pern's
bestowed
to
local
of the
In the light
the
on the
dominate
pendular
authority
factions.
of tactical
a degree
control
personal
of warring
by Per6n,
to retain
and reconciliation
conflicts
to completely
threatening
gained
his
maintaining
statements
Movement by balancing
of his
to
Left
Per6n sought
unity
each other
against
definition
of an overall
as part
par excellence,
of internal
prepared
the
to the Left
sectors,
such left-wing
them a revolutionary
and political
component
tion
in
seeing
took
Left
they
1965,
the sponsorship
sophistication
appear
to have
Militancia,
of
227-
genuinely
believed
the
early
period
but
of
own image.
believing
Quite
in not
naive
leader
of the Argentine
the strong
Perlin"
ism without
Left
but
purposes
ed the
leftism
to the
the extent
extent
they
that,
that
they
a revolutionary
were Peronist,
looked
precisely
they
the fact
in
movement,
multi-class
Yet real
Peronists.
were Peronists
they
recruitment
They constituttheir
versa.
to the extent
- To
that
Perbn for
of the
Peronist
faction
within
placed
in
to the rank-and-file
looked
were a Left
"Peron-
Peronist
early
- and vice
superac16n;
a movement which
alternatives
consideration,
followers
tionary
the
to the non-revolutionary
they
hosp-
great
they
super-
Left
lay
a broad
emphasis
upon person-
adoration.
alistic
under
that
revolutionary
The contradictions
assistance.
were
as the Vandorists
in mind that
entering
were left-wing,
structural
be kept
of the Peronist
left-wing
their
supporters
the fraternal
alternative,
and revolutionary
were radical
in
of the Movement,
character
a viable
must also
own ends.,,
in Madrid.
personalistic
a body of socialists
was not
these
record,
was accepting
Franco
was hardly
It
were to discover.
their
had fashioned
whom they
in
a question
proletariat,
Francisco
was not
1946-55
questioning
of General
Given
trying
from his
It
Turn".
in a "Peron"
apart
surely
itality
"Left
of the Left
Left
the
Per6n's
in
to this
contradictory
position,
Even Lenin
organisations,
in
the period
had counselled
no matter
how reac-
leaderships:
his
228-
(not
masses
toiling
The Peronist
fell
into
left
sciousness
Almost
Movement:
loyalty?
in
of equating
that
with
felt
How to criticise
and put
support
this
intent
of major
the form
charges
con-
in
that
laid
the antipathy
"old
still
between'Peronof leftist
dealings
their
later,
due to solid
rhetoric
to a distortion
the
to Per6n
they
postures,
Peronist
in
emphasised
against
the Peronist
alternative
Peron's
Due to
compromises
in
a clear
him?
they
of working-class
a movement which
in
appeals
to maintain
which
levels
forward
Peronism.
often
saw through
socialist
for
left-wingers
name from
Left
Peronist
a need to couch
working-class
in
faced
obsequiousness
its
elements)".
radicals.
How to avoid
of the
in
but,
problems
took
advanced
existing
of Peronist
insuperable
a Movement which
sectors
to do this
tried
the trap
of their
only
Per6n.
with
of any complicity
of the
structures"
Movement.
was then
over
constitutes
between
militancy
Peron.
On the other
and revolutionary
posed a threat
jectively
tionary
propagative
consistent
temptations
1.
its
strategic
of foauismo,
in mass workers'
even though
for
class
it
struggles.
"Left-Wing"
Communism. An Infantile
V. I. Lenin,
Foreign Languages Press, 1970), pp. 44 & 57.
in
ob-
Movement as a
promoted
It
faith
struggle
to be conducted
some of its
of what
to differentiate
and to his
too,
tasks,
to gloss
and by blind
support
of strategy
and organisational
participation
failure
leadership
tendency
consideration
consciousness
to Pern's
In terms
multi-class-movement.
by its
situation,
hand,
by its
by inadequate
conflicts,
a revolutionary
marred
revoluthrough
resisted
supporters,
Disorder
like
the
the
(Peking:
229
-
1I RT, xere
ary
not
activity
Indeed,
so resilient.
to small
as opposed
its
emphasis
was strategically
Leninist.
"Individual
or small
groups
(referring
terrorism"
which
are
divorced
to armed actions
by individuals
was unequivoc-
repudiated:
ally
individual
and its
wastage
legitimated
was considered
mass violence
violence
was ruled
out
for
of opportunities
by the violence
of
the
of ineffectiveness
on grounds
mass struggle:
to anticipate
transforming
"We feel that it is mistaken
events,
into a policy
these actions
which can only serve as a provocaby the period
tion,
instead
offered
of using the possibilities
to
in
order
carry forward work of intense
entering
we
which
are
of the working
around the objectives
class.
popular mobilisation
it leads directly
through the road of
In the final
analysis,
defeat to conciliation
with the enemy". 1
In
but
other
words,
would,
isolated
by default,
were not
armed actions
only
tendencies
the reformist
strengthen
doomed to failure
the union
in
leadership.
by the
Though influenced
interdependence
mutual
foauismo
was clearly
People's
Guerrilla
labour
ities
movement,
for
surface
two "deviations",
1.
"La Idnea
Cuban Revolution
of national
questionable
and social
(though
Army) in a highly
especially
vis-A-vis
one rightist
Justa,
"
in
not
urbanised
a period
underground
terms
of seeing
revolution,
for
the unfortunate
country
with
a powerful
were great
activity.
Compan'ero pointed
14 (10th
in
the
classical
when there
Compan'ero, no.
in
the labour
September
1963),
possibilto
movement:
p.
I.
230 -
"conciliation
is
the
with
of Lenin's
reminded
ultra-leftism.
It
about
the
The People's
enemy.
against
tine
"nothing
permanent
the
of
real
itarian
the
aged the
unite
all
quite
length
Peronism,
However,
the
under
Left
the early
an ideal
still
when he argued
extremely
difficult
1.
"Reorganizaci6n
2.
Lenin,
"Left-Wing
not infrequently
the working-class
complementary".
3.
"Un Desaflo
4.
"El Peronismo
with Rodolfo
through
that
the major-
felt
that
front
deficient
with
class".
para
the
the
presence
4
This
la lucha,
little
Compafiero envis-
while
its
desirable
" op.
Peronist
leadersince,
to hypothesise
spearhead,
of a vanguard
during
which
a great
was thus
role.
a Comraflero
and necessary,
of an independent
problem
which would
intended
Puiggr6s
breadth,
Front
was fanciful
it
Movement and
discussion
and incapable
though
that,
Peronist
Liberation
received
liberation
to "combine
of the working
in Argen-
of the mainstream
revolutionary
flows
with
in maintaining
organisation,
National
of the Front
interview
ship
vanguard
forces
anti-imperialist
was itself
firm
of the
a restructuring
of a broader
construction
about
interference
was equally
which
of the Left
was defended
example,
foreign
struggle
of a revolutionary
correctly,
for
with
to make deals
attempts
one
The formulation
ship.
treatment
its
and definitive
from proposing
creation
in
represented
of popular
hand-in-hand
going
Army,
the weekly
yet
process
movement".
Apart
at
life,
it
opportunism
Vandorist
Guerrilla
that
allegations
political
violence"
"deviation"
it
was
national
political
leader-
cit.
Histrico,
" op.
cit.
-231-
Peronist
Left
but no real
in which
area
later
the first
of any front
insistence
demonstrates,
again
its
This
were suggested.
tendency
revolutionary
though-its
generations,
to it
solutions
had little
upon working
for
radicalism
was one
to bestow
to
leadership
class
the period.
"...
in
day,
its
of Combative
it
brought
Peronism
together
from
the
over
all
country"
Gustavo
Peroniata
in
MRP)
was created
-
the headquarters
2
gates"
fonario,
of the Shoemakers'
Manifesto
documents
fairly
ism.
A message sent
ings
who, alarmed
It
Peronism,
ments;
at least
Peronist
Peronist
was a typical
there
merely
appears
their
the
2.
"5 de Agosto:
1964), p. I.
Historica,
Peron's
official
of Vandorism,
bless-
had respon-
of some activists
with
movement to be structured.
In the worst
the
the
Peron-
Villal6n,
contained
and Left-turn
Congress.
1.
Jornada
by Rector
challenge
"dele-
Revoluc-
of Revolutionary
reading
the Declogo
elaborations
them),.
1964
of Principles,
of Cooke provided
in mass militancy
a revolutionary
2,000
the writings
one of
at
on 5th August
a Declaration
to the M. R. P. Congress
(or
of the leader
a call
theoretical
developed
delegate
alongside
Rearte
An estimated
Programme,
Revolucionario.
congress
Union.
approve
and 10-point
which
first
personal
at a foundation
to unanimously
gathered
Revolutionary
Movement (Movimiento
Peronist
The Revolutionary
the best
and represented
el
traditions
debate
of the docu-
as Peronist
Revolutionary
" Compafiero,
of
no.
59
to En Luc ha,
(11th
August
232-
Youth
leaders
Gustavo Rearte
show of hands.
This
was surely
disagreements
political
that
techniques
tain
unity
their
a left
validity
to
them,
designed
to paper
way of trying
to overcome
even though
over
the
cracks
sectors
it
only
created
documents
coherent
re-
expression
of
presented
demonstrated
events
as the first
even if
as Gustavo Rearte
by a positive
Subsequent
and significance
tendency,
followed
participants,
Peronist
itted
Salvide,
the best
to outsiders.
of unity
a false
not
among the
an appearance
Congress
and Eduardo
fully
of
comm-
recognised:
"the formulations
the theorof these documents did not represent
level
etical-practical
of the MRP and of hard-line
militants;
JRP, A. Jaime".
1
most advanced sector:
only of their
The Declaration
the
of
task
the
anero
of Principles,
power in
of reconquering
1946-55
Peronist
analysis,
assumption
the working
Their
failure,
Rearte,
and extend
following
of the
was also
posed
the work
the Comp-
bourgeoisie
and there
criticism
class
by Gustavo
to complete
to the role
was attributed
that
order
governments.
cracy.
written
times:
"The failure
to develop a national
to act
revolutionary
structure
as nexus between Per6n and the people,
a role filled
so well by
Evita,
enabled the encirclement
of the Peronist
popular governto imperialism.
The latter's
capitulating
ment by the bourgeoisie
ideology
anti-national
and counter-revolutionary
was able to
(the
Movement) thanks to the complicity
penetrate
of the concilbureaucracy
iatory
which from then on., sold out the Movement and
its leader".
The 1955 defeat
geoisie
was thus
extension
of
of the transformations
"Por
1.
Rearte,
2.
"Declaracin
pp. 1-2.0
the
militias"
que fracas6...,
" op.
"treason
prevented
by Peron"
promoted
encouraged
de Principios,
of
by Evita.
of the bourthe
constant
of
cit.
" supplement
to En Lucha,
no.
18, op.
cit.
233In addition
ysis
to the criticisms
of the
and especially
was that
analysis
it
leaders
and failed
Talk
"treason"
of
tendency
over
level.
The reality
Furthermore,
Labour
base;
only
that
its
This
ership
surely
"true"
its
involves
and rank-and-file
was not
diction.
ism of
1.
had a genuine
existed,
in
their
its
interest
in
like
that
any
same
arguing
due to its
holding
it
between
in
back from
not
of the bureaucracy
reflected
that
the bourgeois
and that
revolution,
but
leadThough
contrathe
weak-
The radical-
rank-and-file.
capacity
the
practice.
a political
social
has rev-
has that
potential
distinction
progressive
year.
always
produce
perception
bourgeois
that
in
rather
so pronounced
did
they
of interest
just
not
class
is
ex-
potential.
a schematic
which
ideology
is
no
at a political
necessarily
it
that
though
to go on to argue
leadership
i. e. revolutionary
viewpoint
of socialist
inexact,
reformist
conflicts
ness
the working
has a revolutionary
Party
the fact
conflicts,
tasks
presence
is
way for-
alternative
expression
erroneous
a mass working-class
the British
realising
that
of
Movement as a whole.
and ignored
of revolutionary
of the
class
little
of the
weakness
was incapable
it
1955,
anal-
and desertions
revolutionary
internal
found
potential.
worker
a real
issues,
potential,
movement with
that
that
was that
though
fundamental
the weaknesses
to the Movement in
economic
and bureaucrats,
olutionary
myth,
pressed
1a
to analyse
cerco
centred
implied
already
sectors
only
it
of Peron-
the working
mistakenly
-234confused
`
workers'
sciousness
in
in
forms
its
all
their
the early
orientation
that
this
olutionary
in
its
of Per6n and
to win Perbn's
presented
of the working
class
of Principles
belief
in
their
for
support
own political
as a whole
and probably
displayed
the people
that
pronouncement
of internal
superacibn
emphasis
analysis
when it
came to rev-
While
methodology.
in
Comranero's
shared
a revolutionary
was a difference
there
insurrections,
the return
struggle
was so.
and its
contradictions,
of con-
revolutionary
militants
In order
level
actual
consider
way of achieving
1.
)P
project,
as the
believed
only
their
with
"they
liberation".
political
stance
1960'a
as the
their
conquering
interests
objective
and
tendencies
some militaristic
would:
From now
"reply
low to reaction
blow for
with its own weapons.
know how to utilise
as the supreme
armed struggle
on, we will
"the people must oppose the regime's
action"...
method of political
own armed forces
with their
and workers'
miliarmy of occupation
tias,
victory
which will, enable them to win and defend their
afterwards".
What form
ified
the popular
though
seems that
it
or some kind
struggle
mass struggle,
armed forces
the M. R. P. envisaged
of military
organisation
either
was never
clar-
a mass armed
the needs of the
serving
foauismo:
than
rather
to take
were supposed
would
faced
seem then
by subsequent
isolation
from
1.
"Declarac16n
2.
Ibid.
that
practitioners
the labour
envisaged
of armed struggle
de Principios,
" op.
cit.
the
type
of problems
fundamentally
-
to reconcile
their
235-
a military
with
to military
response
militarily
guerrilla
the
with
military
problem
in
movement which,
Revolucionario
associated
general,
also
to overcome
mass struggles,
the
isolation
viewed
level
and general
that
armed
of foauismo
but it
powerlessness
such an abstract
at
the problems
with
as alien.
The Manifiesto
struggles
a labour
organising
warfare
repression
was posed
to this
no solutions
and
critical
were provided:
"To create the popular armed forces which will
enable us to fight
the army of occupation.
For this,
it
on all terrains
against
integrated
must be totally
with the Argentine
masses and free of
"
caste interests
and privileges...
to
this
the principles
and digitiemo
"revolutionary
of
meant democratic
was not
the Manifesto,
to
according
out.
the assertion
like
internationalist
and the
tion
to
and social
aeneracional
which
in
implicitly
they
merit
Perbn's
socialist
in its
so that
in
this
doc=ent
sovereignty
slogan
injustice".
version
they
whether
of verticalismo
were nationalist
for
the
"International-of
wish
"to
definitively
give
the Argentine
can contribute
Latin
objec-
imperialism,
vis--vis
aim "to
though
accord-
of national
aspirations
for
and support
out
centralism",
or a radical
centralism
spelt
was to be organised
American
unity
the People",
finish
with
trasvasamien-
anticipated
youth
exploita-
the battle
to the structural
post
revolution
progress".
1.
"Manifiesto
Revolucionario,
2.
to the Peronist
Verticalismo
principle
refers
of authority
and
to which all Peronists
are expected to obey
command, according
dieitismo
to the leader's
refers
orders emanating from the leader;
being
officials,
powers to nominate lesser
as opposed to the latter
by the rank-and-file
of the Movement.
elected
" ibid.,
p. 3.
236
_
-
This
did
not
problems
the
any illusions
signify
of the Peronist
Movement,
Youth
Peronist
of militant
in a purely
but rather
bureaucrats.
challenged.
the
to "wrest
struggle
Finally,
sectors
ies
Revolutionario.
This
of the economy,
including
upon foreign
of its
prived
ject
land,
for
programme provided
the
socialisation
further
State.
at
the
National
level
public
complete
for
call
in
to fall
reforms
However,
sector.
socialist
over
as it
programme for
reform,
of production.
that
plans
over
be aided
but
it
stands,
it
of the physiognomy
said
cannot
nothing
Ibid.
2.
"Decalogo Revolucionario,
" supplement
See also Appendix B on'"Early
p. 4.
by the State,
and to be further
inroads
about
was also
conwere to
a decisive
be characterised
as a
the destiny
of
State.
This
of the revolutionary
1.
by the
presumably
Deep State
Grande but
of Huerta
old
nor
an urban
concerns,
the
State
and expansion,
production.
resulting
prothe
and indeed
State
was to be de-
Moreover,
to be taken
monopolies
with
compan-
and all
plan.
control
common with
all
key
of all
oligarchy
a State
with
and workers'
line
control
capitalism,
up
of its
and an industrialisation
compensation,
was to remain,
capital
by workers'
be made into
The landed
educational
the form
interests
monopolistic
to be required
strained
its
and "set
classes"
the nationalisation
proposed
in accordance
of medicine
in
older
programme in
a radical
leader
the privileged
capital.
without
was to be launched
replacing
dependent
the promotion
own position,
power from
State".
revolutionary
Declogo
Perbn's
to
solution
envisaged
to the leadership,
activists
conciliatory
would
generational
237is
question
to
the
State
or a new form
.
questions
the future
about
to
conclude
that
MP
documents,
fully
thought
back
in
included
Rearte
as a National
ance with
another
turn
those
backed
proposed
that
"from
sectors
1.
or
forced
and other
were never
held
which
conflicts
as Executive
by the Peronist
by Rector
Villal6n
to imperialism),
"the
for
struggle
Liberation",
to the Congress,
be considered
as the mouthpiece
thought
" Companero,
re-
and a third
in his-message
Villalon,
it
linked
of the
selected
though
which,
bureaucracy
and Social
expression
Leyes,
were passed:
of the
were to
which
the Congress
Secretariat
dominated
resolutions
National
Left,
Nicanor
of the bourgeoisie
and for
documents,
basic
of this
the future
for
general
so one is
orientation
of the Peronist
three
(attempts
of the Leader
one,
three
these
Furthermore,
demned frentismo
in
in particular,
perspectives
by General-Secretary
led
Unfortunately,
else.
the State
about
nation-
of the MRP.
sectors.
or something
con-
whether
as a revolutionary
as socialist,
possibly
of the heritage
a leadership
in determining
of the radical
from approving
become part
a revamped
Such
armed apparatus
spite
the development
Apart
be just
organisations?
the Movement's
out,
Would it
State
to say either
of its
the
in
capitalism,
had nothing
control
revolutionaries
be characterised
Declogo
attributed
with
only
to be crucial
programme of state
the
State
role
who would
be structured?
of State
would appear
gramme should
alist
it
of power:
Peronist
of the former
version
the seizure
after
apparatus
trol
importance
of vital
of General
no.
59,
stated
of
Per6n.
- 238-
Comoalfero,
forward,
step
but
come.
Quite
'within
the
ists
which
looks
not
but not
the radical
with
the rapidly
It
did
not
1965 Avellaneda
the
Congress
Vandorists
fearful
rushed
they
returned
utions
they
signed
off
those
to Madrid
and jubilantly
by Per6n
that
explained
due to
outflanked
"divisionist
who falsely
1.
2.
La Raz6n,
25th
could
not
as well
the MRP as
because
they
For
but
did
presented
Peronist
In oblique
authorisation.
(as the
On August
references
bring
threat"
Parodi
Superior
and
and Car25th,
counter-signature
manoeuvres"
all
the
tactical
temporarily
Iturbe,
Perlin.
Perlin,
short-lived,
Vandor,
1964.
if
nobody
disauthorisation
prompt
on the Left,
leaders'
of a wave with
on flesh.
threat
was to demonstrate)
Per6n's
crest
successful,
the Vandor
cit.
August
of Vandorism,
take
and confusionist
invoked
backed
it
to the press.
their
Peronists
Per6n's
Alarmed
to heel.
of being
valli
eliminate
bureaucracy
trough:
creation
ploy.
before
it
in
of the
on the
riding
approaching
MRP, aborting
and opportun-
!. RP programme.
The Congress
the
the wheel
revolutionaries
with
sectors
hard-line
revolutionary,
a spoke in
a means of putting
seeing
Displaced
the conciliat-
reformists
peacefully,
particularly
attit-
objectives".
electoral
that
over-
factious
with
was arm-in-arm
to purely
to
contradictions
to "the
and referred
yesterday
identified
to "important
pointed
no
as earnest,
of
only
of the ? RP as a great
still
created"
and which
co-existed,
the
just
the foundation
it
Valotta
structure
bureaucracy
Though
that
warned
correctly,
ude of a sector
ory
lauded
turn,
in
of
239
dated
These resolutions,
Party
as the
Peronist
sole
delegate.
the
recognised
of the Peronist
leadership
tactical
Command as the
as Perbn's
Iturbe
20th,
organisation
political
Superior
Alberto
August
At the
Jueticialist
Movement,
the
in Argentina
their
same time,
and
purpose
was
Novimiento
Revolucionario
Peronista,
"to disauthorise
the so-called
of Hector Villal6n,
who does not
set up under the inspiration
Movement, and also
belong to this
mando, nor to the Peronist
the weekly Compa$ero". I
its mouthpiece,
In
this
way,
15 days,
only
immediate
purpose.
latent
losses
organisations,
but
lost
its
refused
created
an alternative
Left
Salta,
from
at which
a blank
leadership-to
with
10,000
people
leaders
"oligarchs"
gave Peronist
their
the
them by the
warmly
in
1965.
thinking
applauded
Linares
Left
and rally
they
would
in
speeches
Villalon
1964 rally.
revolutionary
Salomon,
hostile
a
and
re-
ception.
The Left,
1.
Ibid.
2.
"Salta:
1964),
especially
La Juventud
p. 6.
the Peronist
Revolutionary
no.
Youth,
71
with
to exist
the
that
October
17th
to break
continued
such a campaign
union
Peronist
Left
the elections,
for
iP suffertrade
sacred
which
conduct
The
including
causing
brought
quickly
When in February
campaign
vote
militants
Youth
Peronist
to defend
Per6n's
circle.
open.
sectors,
temporised,
significance.
XRP forces.
Peronist
carry
order
himself
political
to organise
the
in
it
the
was left
what
Villal6n
"orthodoxy".
within
abandoned
full
disauthorisation
after
had served
as soon as it
withdrawn
contradictions
ed heavy
existence
being
patronage
Per6n's
the
"official"
the
(3rd
organised
November
-240
of Revolutionary
a Plenary
hoped that
also
more organic
in
feared
to
over
the latter's
The blank
(elected
regime,
by only
bureaucracy,
scheming
Apart
Compatero,
the
Conference
they
Valotta
utionary
substitute
list
workers'
1.
2.
gained
Youth
seats
the
groupings
Peronist
the blank
elected
a fraudulent
vote
campaign,
a National
also
Jaime,
However,
the absence
It
by
sponsored
of these
control
if
organs
the
and
Peronist
Revol-
of its
the
one examines
was largely
Youth playing
Comm-
Rearte
of three
Revolutionary
the masses
and Lafleur).
(agrupaciones).
the
Per6n from
separating
to
giant".
challenge
also
a youth
leading
such
three
of only
conference
role.
de la Hist6rica
"Declaracion
Asamblea, " ibid.,
y Resoluciones
no.
77 (2nd fortnight
of February 1965), p. 3. The decline
of the }RP
in Companero becoming a fortnightly
was reflected
early in 1965.
Ibid.
to
the Movement
a "sleeping
two of its
one notices
according
1963 attempt
repudiate
but
over
(Salvide
members
places
cerco
provided
of participants,
important
with
had exercised
only
of work-
the Left.
for
The Left
it.
and to organise
its
point
launching
from
not
off,
the
movement.
advantage
subordinate
to remain
creating
labour
(called
to repeat
supporters,
would
the
involved
be more effect-
would
take
would
shatter
a rallying
and provide
than
was hoped,
it
in
authority
and doom it
objectives
vote,
which
the March
those
towards
step
tendency
of victory)
Frigerio's
with
an alliance
first
the
but
took
which
for
vote
purpose
the bureaucracy
was that
the Left,
forge
Peronist
the bureaucracy's
frustration
ers'
would be the
revolutionary
Organisations
the blank
tactical
immediate
Plenary
the
challenging
What they
1965 to proclaim
was its
This
elections.
ive
6-7th,
on February
place
- 241 -
delegates
Whereas 2,000
the
MRP in
1964,
In
ed 118.1
in
the elections,
1957.2
Moreover,
Grouping
delegates
declarations
the
at
It
is
to the
of his
weakness
organic
ing
U-turn,
between
in
(blank
which
the reversal
led
electoralist
then,
of most of their
he publicly
vote)
Students
and
vote
confer-
of police
both
former
re-
the
Youth
groups
trade
"We are
(in
weak appeal
powerful
of Peronist
Left
Peronist
with
slogan"...
of the
the
acknowledged
illusions
the centrists
the bureaucracy
to the
support
that
to the instructions
factor
The decisive
the blank
impact
the
than
Congress
second-
disclaimer.
of our line",
weakness
when counterposed
Pern's
for
student,
Youth
the
Peronist
Secondary
Clearly
operation.
of Rearte
tendency:
support
quantitative
the
credit
attracted
got no further
at
of
attract-
official
the youth,
under
desertion
only
only
was the
University
of revolutionary
Per6n's
vote
weakened by the
following
allies
to unify
disintegrating
union
when it
conference
conference
a blank
organisations
the Policlinico
vote
Though represented
of solidarity.
following
pression
to 24. E
1964 Peronist
ence,
for
call
attempts
Youth
of Peronist
attendance
the
as opposed
the founding
the blank
and politico-military
student
ary
later
months
six
had attended
union
to
the
conscious
of
regard
to workers
bureaucracy.
fortunes
terms,
line)
of the bureaucracy.
had been
those
to shift
Rearte
wavertheir
denoun-
ced the:
"objective
collaboration
of those who out of weakness, prejudice
remain undefined
or opportunism
and adopt sheep-like
positions
on the grounds of discipline
which they try to justify
and unity".
1.
Rearte,
2.
Canton,
op.
cit.,
p. 73.
Vfilida,
" ibid.,
p. 3.
242-
Yet
did
denunciation
this
not
Rearte
of the bureaucracy.
tion
latter
of
All
the Left
that
of consistent
work
"a revolutionary
to the forefront
weak, vacillating,
however
not
temporising
leftist
ist
arrival
still
felt
dency,
turn
the
the Left
this
less
now placed
of the Movement.
leadership
of
"Peronismo
held
As Rearte
obliged
hostility
on the
(Peronism
that
"our
with
workers
discarded
seeing
permanent
"La Unica...,
"
op.
cit.
Peron".
towards
for
using
of his
is
ten-
the re-
revolution
afford
to
by Peron,
due
could
backed
some union
of trade
Because
the rest
The Left
the return
of again
Peron).
social
Vandor-
and proclaim
objective
the
was tactically
the weakness
the possibility
with
about
following
trousers
without
along
vacillating,
cards
to don long
Rearte,
cards,
even when it
of militant
Peron himself,
Ibid.
Peron"
by the descamisados
to the
2.
behaviour.
the bureaucracy'
Rearte,
Peron's
were again
to reaffirm
oppose
1.
to question
Congress
sin
trump
the
for
left-wing,
recent
from Madrid
called
not
as politic
the Avellaneda
at
the Chief
of
could
does,
leadership
it pushes itself
cannot be nominated,
during a process and in the struggle
against
temporising
and opportunistic
elements".
see it
concessions
Per6n
and still
and organisation.
Leader,
of the
and opportunistic
attempts
the
the present
its
now put
He did
"Only
has enabled,
propaganda
agitation,
him giving
of the Left
of the
strength
could
a decision
from
suffered
the
repudia-
the bureaucracy".
game of
that
recognised
forces
the revolutionary
on a politico-moral
solely
of the weakness
was a product
weakness
rest
leaders,
but
they
of Per6n.
union
support
the Youth
for
the
and MRP
243Left
he opted
stead
ed the
the
Congress
"adventurist"
Finally,
Youth
Yillal6n
dismissed
since
Castro's
representative
involved
in
Luchino
fame.
which
and a dealer
and alignments
as was that
more recent
held
Villal6n
meeting
a short
was replaced
whom, despite
it
report
in
a little
died
claimed
with
Cuban tobacco,
of the Fiat
that
Admiral
he led
Massera
support
a lingering
and at
in
by Ricardo
other
times
In
1977,
in France,
of Poliolinico
a Peronist
Paris
deputation
in
early
Peron-
ist
Youth,
1.
Rearte,
2.
Buenos Aires
3.
Guardian,
4.
PInfiltracibn,
de los militares,
" Denuncia,
y fracaso
alianzas
Organ of the Movimiento Antiirr
or el Socialismo
erialista
en
la Argentina,
MASA (New York),
May 1978, p. 3.
"Por
que fracas6
Herald,
3rd August
in
1978.4
de Luca under
death,
been
Right.
chief
Rossi
times
at
the Peronist
of Horacio
have
of'Peronism
he having
with
the kidnapping
with
Revelli-Beaumont,
3A
in
MRP groupings
Most sectors
as an "adventurer",
shady deals
his
behaviour".
Revol-
expelled
divis-
The Peronist
The latter
"bad Peronist
for
Villal6n.
out with
further
with
practice
14th July
Re-
and an alleged-
completely
in September
Secretary
year
fell
turn
who in
broke
move-
of the Peronist
were defeated.
tendency.
had
the March
at
62 de Pie)
the
by Villaln
disintegrating
the already
within
utionary
Ongania
the
in
which
the union
faction
line
the
In-
and promot-
by Alonso,
within
the Alonso
participated
put forward
policy
led
from
(which
Youth
volutionary
in
bureaucracy
a Perlin,
for
victory
secured
of the
Vandor
to fight
able
of Vandorism.
challenge
sectors
62 de Pie Junto
of the
support
1966 Peronist
ions
displaced
of being
advantage
His
the
for
creation
went.
ly
to the Avellaneda
as a counterweight
abandoning
the radical
cit.
1968.
1977.
-24-
MRP documents
Peroniat
Revolutionary
Youth.
failure
The political
has,
somewhat surprisingly,
ly,
these'early
case of those
their
been barely
by their
heirs.
knowledge
with
analysed
At the
of the
in
same time,
this
Obvious-
In
tendency,
felt
to present
to
them-
is
pretence
do exist
ex-
groupings.
earlier
order
general
political
in
which
cognitive
Peronist
stems from
main reasons
Left
or experience
probably
Peronists.
as genuine
the
predated
Peron as a revolutionary
to present
continue
the
left
initiatives
on the matter
silence
selves
Peronist
perience
the
left-wing
one of
tend to be highly
superficial.
It
1965,
isation
after
tions",
"limitations",
sence
of a solid
blemishes
but
still
the
few to
be regarded
learn
and openly
within
sought
to
the
No explanation
written
Revolutionary
as wholly
recognise
that
of the existing
regime"
social
a political
whereas
en la hora actual,
1971), p. 49.
"
ab-
undoubted
by Gustavo Rearte
Rearte
1963-4
for
not
the
constit-
conflict
Vandor had
system:
return
was one of
call
did
after
deeper
penetrated
party
Peron's
contradic-
of these
to Vandorism,
The Per6n-Vandor
organ-
Movement,
Perbn's
original
"internal
satisfactory.
a counterblast
from
rank-and-file
critique,
definition.
the parameters
"transform
under
October
cannot
ducted
1.
of intensive
Another
17th
a revolutionary
workers
lack
creation
11RPhad suffered
infrastructure.
the
example,
the early
was offered.
he had formed
ute
for
the MRP.rump,
For
to represent
and the
Cristianismo
v Rev-
the
- 245 -
of his
implementation
gime.
Vandor's
ment's
"hard-line"
both
integrationist
64 and also
inally
why he withdrew
control
believed
that
leadership",
this
from
also
of three
isations
main factions,
created"
unions
Union,
Mario
Aguirre
degree
there
Finally,
was a small
"an adventurer
Villaln,
State
of Salta,
small
Workers'
Workers'
unions
Construction
Workers'
Atilio
).
etc.
Federation,
to international
A sec-
and the
Association,
left-wing
group of vaguely
dedicated
seen as a
and bis-Peronist
from
learnt
develop.
of the hard-line
of the Rosario
line"
"hard
a fair
leaders
orig-
the
with
each with
Youth
of com-
colleagues
the MP,
Peronist
1963-
a revolutionary
to break
the
in
Having
within
himself
line,
fear
leaders.
disunity
Santillan
1964 for
union
prepared
to let
(Rearte
(Ricardo
Interior
the Left
militants
of the
like
politicians
dealings",
and Valen-
Luco.
Despite
backed
brought
temporised
Rearte,
revolutionary
a strong
two groups
other
1.
the
were "the
and "soft"
Revolutionary'Youth
was not
Youth;
ond faction
tin
they
which
"Peron
acknowledged
there
Firstly,
Peronist
he was prepared
although
federation
dence.
that
trade
of the Move-
in August
support
had understood
and his
a "hard"
explain
a change of re-
destruction
sectors.
of the dominant
experience
critique
demanded both
that
"Per6n
Rearte
bureaucracy,
This
helps
analysis
required
the
required
and bureaucratic
losing
pletely
project"
plan
Pern's
while
the revolutionary
Rearte's
iry
"own capitalist
it
a strong
reformist
possessed
Per6n's
"Por
presence
que fracas
in
the
influence
sponsorship
first
into
faction,
the MRP.
but withdrew
cit.
the
They
or
the
246
62 de Pie -a
had its
plain
and this
only
ed from
really
unionists
principle
ive
MRP-style
attempt
at building
being
cadres,
which
federations
instrumental
the ideas
towards
Peronist
of Revolutionary
The Rearte
critique
NRP
but
the
es of
The failure
tion
ed explanation
1.
Ibid.
not
people
all
learnin-
in accordance
into
the
of objectthe
life
same way
idea
of
to an
party.
and other
from movimientista
as potentially
towards
orientated
on the basis
Left
MRP
strategies,
revolutionthe building
of working-class
of the Movement.
sectors
explanation
in
of his
with
After
development
of Rearte
shift
value
'.
react
trade
militant
He abandoned the
Peronist
organisations
with
the rest
of alternativismo,
as a causal
put
"uneven
Movement as a whole
has its
for
revolutionary
consciousness!
of the
their
was mainly
equal
development
non-bureaucratic
and non-bourgeois,
activity
and devoted
in
on key issues.
and Rearte
"putting
conversions,
a Revolutionary
the Peronist
viewed
political
unity
as a Movement,
left-wing,
of
ex-
leadership".
experience,
was crucial
its
of
to common experiences.
forming
ary,
consciousness",
and at
joint
he began to speak
however,
event,
"equal
of
ideas
to revolutionary
lead
would
1964 documents
of a reformist
Rearte
and strategic
documents
of the
the inadvisability
the hands
into
the
expressed
tentions
his
up to the radical
lived
move-
programmatic
the vagueness
the'labour
within
power base.
full
reached
in
was reflected
the Pandorists
means of fighting
in pointing
it
tends
a strong
revolutionary
of reformism,
was so strong
in
whereas
the Peronist
organisawhat needMovement,
247-
the Vandorist
in
not
only
the
bureaucracy
would
tives
and strategies
to in
referred
lessons
egic
take
trap
of equating
must be said
of Peron,
of this
behaviour.
This
and thus
strengthened
the various
are highly
militant
economistic
fac-
relevant
they
to such an analysis,
Rearte
struggles
and the
Left
of his
the
they
by referring
ambivalence
the illusions
their
Perlin
portraying
strat-
the
quasi-revolu-
own ideas
and
as a revolutionary
in his
of many workers
unity
to
then attempted
to Perbn's
to justify
order
involved
to maintain
attempt
However,
drew part-
only
Movement.
necessarily
perspec-
ability
to re-
sectors
of
problems.
solve
demonstrated
that
in
Such an explan-
Here,
chapter
of
proletariat.
a result
and gestures
rhetoric
sectors
of realistic
1960's.
to this
the
multi-class
advantage
tionary
the introduction
from
diverse
the
in
of a revolutionary
ambivalence
of his
Left
the
more attention
it
Moreover,
to any articulation
paid
the existence
with
the displaced
the 62 de Pie.
in
Left
have avoided
might
ial
for
in
also
expression
seem fundamental
ation
tors
found
which
but
clique
post-MRP Left
them in dishonesty,
involved
(support
(the
egy
for
creation
also
shown his
reasons,
radical
that
unreadiness
argue
conclusions
from
for
the Left
he might
for
that
of this
party
between
and their
Left
the
long-term.
the short-term
long-term
the short-term,
to the Left.
shift
the Peronist
in
sectors
strat-
be used in
a definitive
in an opportunistic
the Left
aids
Per6n)
but
image by these
contradiction
of a revolutionary
one could
as a failure
rarely
a "revolutionary"
opportunism
revolutionary
which
was a fundamental
there
Moreover,
advantage
of Per6n's
The promotion
fashion.
tactic
to take
tried
his
should
should
should
Though
he had
For
these
have recognised
have dispensed
with
it
their
24g
upon Per6n.
dependence
from
isolation
itical
documents
the
the
of the MRP
was implicit
which
the
milestone
in
the
different
tenden-
these
influenced
it
like
had offered.
they
Indeed,
never
documents.
not
they
though
up
lessons
took
up
alternativistas,
only
forward
carried
learnt
took
and tactical
progressed
In turn,
Youth,
also
the Montoneros,
the strategic
ignored
Revolutionary
The experience
among Peronist
from
support
purest
Left
for
and this
breaking
expressions.
history,
a decade later
Had they
but
could
it
was the
with
him in
major
the
and
a class-based
with
was an experience
which
must be emphasised
have devoted
factor
which
left
its
prevented
in
might
Montoneros,
1970), pp.
of its
have been
avoided.
its
Peronists
to an analysis
errors
their
mark on Peron-
the left-wing
that
of Perlin
even though
alternativismo
more attention
political
authority
1960's,
inconsistent
the tremendous
illustrated
also
activists
alternativistas
1.
of pol-
and organisation.
strategy
failure.
but
developed
of
though
nacional,
in
Peronist
Rearte's
experience
socialismo
slogan
to years
was a crucial
Movimientistas,
ways.
the earlier
which
Left,
of the Peronist
different
in
cies
have led
would
and consistent.
Nevertheless,
evolution
this
to be more principled
Loft
ist
Undoubtedly,
" Cristianismo
11-14.
CHAPTERIV.
'MOVIMIENTISMO't
The Peronist
Its
homogenous.
being
ution
Left
tendencies:
to that
ientismo
refers
Peronist
Movement almost
independence
national
in its
that
playing
a progressive
"stage"
of the revolution.
the social
all
way into
Left,
the movimientista
the Peronist
over
this
this
forces
of social
alliance
a number of
leadership
consolidate
would
of the Move-
or military
means,
leadership.
hegemony
working-class
whose basic
of
the present
believed,
by political
movimien-
were capable
during
they
the
full
view,
so as to facilitate
For
role
the
of the Argen-
of both
of Peronism
sectors
"traitors"
instrument
to
Movimregarded
which
and socialism.
claimed
Left
i.
the
bearer
e.
-
revolution
tistas,
as the
entirety
of the revol-
and alternativismo.
of the Peronist
section
and social
it
movimientismo
from politically
the nature
over
sought
national
have differed
supporters
tine
of the last
composition
was
accepted.
Movimientismo
tradiction"
to
imperialist
garchy
all
during
to join
forces
and imperialism.
the
talk
this
about
in
point
the national
nacional,
step
the view
in
con-
imperialism
that
an anti-
the revolutionary
correct
bourgeoisie
particularly
this
"principal
counterposed
followed
was both
the
that
which
indispensable
phase it
with
the belief
was that
starting
stage
the workers
for
From this
and that
roots
Argentina
affecting
the nation.
process
had its
current
and desirable
against
"national"
inherited
for
the
oli-
here ideas
- 250 -
The "national"
decades.
four
identification
dency's
For
fully
the
now truly
way they
this
that
least
at
they
that
broad
be obliged
had
Per6n was
that
those
sections
of
to go along
with
the unity
to maintain
seeking
support
whereas
conquer
could
to
of as many
the full
to socialism,
road
Left
control
by evidence
Per6n would
of the way, in
part
ten-
and its
Peronist
Most believed
the Left
if
of the
hoped to gain
of mass mobilisation.
considered
of history
to win
would be impressed
duty
attempting
to an Argentine
committed
doubts
felt
they
powers
greatest
with
In
as possible.
of Per6n whom
was the
the Movement,
in
by this
provided
school
for
Movement.
it
the movimientistas,
participate
positions
the revisionist
the Peronist
by Communist Parties
was rather
element
with
towards
orientation
which
and alliances
on stages
of the
Movement.
Though the
achieved
would
this
for
be truly
as the
process,
its
until
consolidated
sectors.
This
they
to adapt
ism's
supposed
capacity
being
ascribed
to the fact
major
component
regarded
would be
though
revolution
of the
latter.
they
it
During
saw a need
revolutionary
as entirely
Peron-
struggle
had always
class
and
possible,
to socialist
from national
the working
that
or "backbone"
been the
of the Movement.
were sustained,
and guerrilla
liberation
the arrival
dominated
were seen
the achievement
viewed
socialist
and structures
These views
Left
tasks
leadership
composition,
working-class
political
with
liberation
and social
- national
towards
of the process
as part
only
distinct
temporally
of each as being
national
the movimientista
interrelated,
as closely
for
struggles
organisations
to a greater
analysed
or lesser
in
this
extent,
by the
251
-
chapter.
Youth
Peronist
their
By far
collateral
utionary
National
the FAR - in
ance - particularly
become integrated
the
or had fused
into
chapter,
tion
and of the
tion
the
which
forces,
had more in
geoisie"
being
That
class.
so,
based
foreign
The implications
critical
They viewed
it
in
class
dominant
partner.
national
and foreign
alliances
as being
and oligarchy
itself
the labour
than
terms as being
adopted
and working
class
since'1955,
outmoded - anti-imperialist
the working
to the way in
sectors
to a'far
alliance
the former
with
close
bour-
versa.
more
by the movimientistas.
a once-progressive
struggle
were to lead
that
and an-
key dynamic
that
concluded
an anti-capitalist
nation-
Pointing
movement.
scene in
oligarchy-
"national
with
alliances
larger
versus
than with
capital
revolu-
alignments
Peronism
bourgeoisie
class
the so-called
of alternativismo
towards
stance
portrayed
the movimientista
foreign
that
of the Argentine
a battle
that
here.
defined
latter
the alternativistas
was in
struggle
for
held
corporations
industry,
of Argentine
they
is
of the
stressed
concep-
a clear
Movement to that
rejected
common with
or dangerous
impossible
ialist
they
provide
view
were imperialism
of the
subject
alternativismo
different
and argued
caunterposition
people
are the
help
counterpart
alternativistas
Domestically,
tagonisms.
which
the
had
by 1973 all
the Montoneros.
will
Whereas the
forces
contending
popular
its
but
years,
with
of the Peronist
role
tendency.
movimientista
way it
had a totally
The alternativistas
al
if.
of movimientiemo
early
the Revol-
of some signific-
were also
organisations
a negative
like
and
Revolutionary
Shirtless
final
Others
organisations.
(FAR),
Armed Forces
of these
association
alternativistas
struggle
regarded
bebeing
between
such
as
252
-
it
capitalist
within
could
and throughout
in Argentina
both
basis,
On this
movement in recent
in
icipating
seen,
nativistas
to be "purists".
proved
for
labour
the
lead-
its
height
the ranks
in
be
the months
of the alter-
tendency
of the
of
As will
progressive.
a minority
to swell
good,
their
or redirected
guerrilla,
Part
control
representative
was at
only
to win
rejected
abandoned Peronism
either
was to cross
the remainder
of the non-Peron-
to work in anti-bureaucratic
energies
alliances.
The Peronism
of this
tendency
the alternativistas
criterion,
class
identification
class
learns
anda offered
its
ter social
outsiders.
as the labour
iences.
constantly
Through
the workers'
pointing
out the
such activity
realised
that
was that
conclusion
adopt
of massive
in
their
political
lessons
propagArgentine
Peronist
exper-
identity
while
of Peronism
limitations
drawing
working-
the working
own experiences
Their
Though
from a revolutionary
They also
had
to formally
and
Peronism.
strategic
choice.
the reality
recognised
more from
revolutionaries
ience
with
an ideological
of Peronism
than
than
of reality
pressure
The
of part-
strategy
alternativismo
to the Montoneros
over
the movimientista
running
of society,
sense.
or social
him as historically
political
by a
be seen as a revolutionary
a national
form,
purest
characterising
when conformist
transformation
bourgeoisie
the national
be pursued
only
America.
not
in
rejected
its
in
could
either
the structures
of Perlin,
ership
ist
years,
Moreover,
Latin
Peronism
therefore
alternativistas
of it.
to a socialist
movement committed
worker-led
confines
from lived
up within
at
as far
exper-
Peronism
- 253 -
the nucleus
break
party
Peronism
completely
most of its
labour
with
attracted
dent
of a workers'
and revolutionary
while
the factories
in
official
only
be unproductive
than
it
move onto
and poor
the
though
was that
going
Alternativismo
in
that
Peronism
internal
could
dialectical
de-
bourgeois
were the
Peron-
17th Revolutionary
the formulation
of alterof the
late
the alternativistas
through
as more radical
years
and their
involvement
in
ideas
to
the day-to-day
opposition.
occupied
an intermediate
appear
the
not
would
the Resistance
the
to do with
group Rank-and-File
movimientistas
Movement,
back to
the
on
amongst
organisations
in
role
between
of Peronism
movimientistas
whereas
had little
the October
like
legitimacy
in an ultimately
sister
a crucial
difference
arrivals
extent
tendencies
played
to the Peronist
struggles
had no faith
alongside
They worked
felt
through
plane
Left
roots
Left
alternativista
smaller
left-wing
make Peronism
also
working
participation
most prominent
Peronist
historical
but
metamorphosis.
A final
natiyismo.
barrios
a socialist
Armed Forces
with
apparatus.
revolutionary
revolutionary
a great
that
the alternativistas
By far
ism (PB),
its
movement undergoing
Peronist
in
but would
a higher
velopment,
to confer
refusing
fearing
movement,
was.
an "indepen-
of building
were concerned
had
of the working-class".
alternative
the Peronist
tendency
to
prepared
army,
of the
revolutionary
latter
position
Left.
between
the
Most prominent
Revolutionary
254
Army (EiArcito
1970's
FAL) also
Both
struggle
the latter
a fairly
the former
workers,
serve
towards
to reinforce
that
Workers'
PRT),
a small
-
which
(Palabra
Word tendency
Revolution
party
and other
Palabra
Obrera,
by Luis
Pujals
led
illusions
in July
(Partido
Party
Revolutionary
in
change appears
by Angel
faction
and then
Fourth
International,
refusal
Roberto
Santucho,
that
they
of the ERP.
in
would
Peron.
the bourgeois
de los
In 1973,
its
criticising
3
impact
Trabaiadores
Workers'
of the Cuban
within
from
That methodological
of the
of Trotsky
"combative"
In fact,
of the
factions
the displacement
inspiration
pro-
but
Peronism
with
of the mass of
successes,
to foguismo.
ideological
to proletarianise".
identity
Under the
Bengochea,
in
revolution,
Revolucionario
guerrilla
early
campaign.
1965.
international
of armed insurrection
strategies
in
the
Obrera)
and Mario
Peronist
any compromise
workers'
guerrilla
a socialist
the
in
Armadas de Liberaci6n
continuous
shared
believed
though
were clasistas,
orientated
tendency
ERP),
-
(Fuerzas
of Liberation
whereas
"its
Pueblo
del
managed to sustain
moted class
only
Revolucionario
'
with
by
PRT
Mandel's
character"
and
petty
1.
2.
Bengochea's proto-guerrilla,
intended as an urban support force for
People's
Guerrilla
Army, was destroyed
Masetti's
when its arsenal
Bengochea
blew up in a Posadas Street
apartment house in 1964.
in the blast.
and other leaders were killed
3.
" El Combatiente
6-9.
- 255 -
Bonet,
International,
the
than
bourgeois
killed
a combatant
they
that
and the
other
Peronist
of'the
nature
into
bourgeoisie
revolution
to stem the
methods
of Peronism
to
the
of
that
the
fact
but never
democracy
millions
ions
of-March
only
minor
of executives
around
1.
in
dollars
30 million
isolation
year
from
popular
wishes
legal
in its
provided
support
for
choice
this
its
composition
a period
in
the electcampaign
Kidnappings
with
guerrilla
did nothing
La Patria
for
guerrilla
of targets.
The latter
of how
Peronism
Guevarist
in
would be feasible.
mass activity
of the social
the problem
from
ignored
part
proficiency
isolated
Urondo,
Bonet, quoted in Francisco
de Crisis,
Ediciones
1973), p. 132.
For details
and formed
dangerously
modifications
that
military
tackled
potent-
made no concessions
loyalties.
expressed
and September,
it
Peronist
in which
of workers
of the
workers'
1973 when it
in
especially
While
with
remained
to repressive
resort
Peronism
great
or social
Peronism
from
assessment
supported
bourgeois
Though somewhat
However,
successfully
undermine
could
political
office.
1970's
revolutionaries
ment,
when in
that
be expected
a realistic
to
No national
rapidly
of the national
conversion
would
of change.
as, an agent
Movement.
early
provided
claiming
in arms".
to the ultimately
was argued,
struggle
class
from
was similar
of imperialism.
predicted,
crude,
ial
it
which,
of Peronism
Ruben
prevent
proletariat
and to the
partner
therefore,
not
massacre,
"the
pointed
leadership
a junior
could
were
It
of the alternativistas.
that
its
guerrillas
did
this
1972 Trelew
the
In many ways,
of
in
though
to overcome
was further
Fusilada
accent-
(Buenos Aires:
A.
256
-
in
uated
its
There,
early
after
victories
osition,
when only
Army intimidation
military,
of the
of villagers
in controlled
to restore
ERP fortunes
through
high-powered
Province,
ing.
Few significant
deaths
in July
as a viable
two-principal
sections
dealing
There is
organisations
their
tasks.
itical
organisations
functions,
these
Buenos
surrender-
in
in
development
of their
such a subdivision
is
in
in both
participated
legitimate
However,
since
or military
and also
in
of
separ-
helps
practice.
that
guerrillas
organisations",
political
into
exclusive
made by Argentine
predominantly
of the
organisations,
mutually
tendencies.
The
For reasons
be divided
and political
many individuals
by
guerrillas.
Left.
of each will
"politico-military
further
and decline
Peronist
were not
Left,
encountered
and Guevarist
of the
the claim
wings
were either
on the Peronist
origins,
categories
are
is
the guerrilla
with
Moreover,
and military
to the problems
the analysis
some justice
their
the
in
and other
the Peronist
tendencies
component
of course
be limited
to unify
convenience,
analytical
thesis
of this
examine the
chapters
remaining
lives
after
early
attempt
force.
the focus
who attempted
their
shot
re-
had dis-
warfare
lost
were mounted
signified
year
discussion
though
of that
dramatic
in Monte Chingolo,
garrison
Santucho
by the
A final
ERP operations
combatant
Since
zones.
local
its
of villages
population
of Commander-in-Chief
staff
burning
Opp-
police
with
on a military
attack
Aires
ate
Around
consequences.
the
local
settlement
astrous
faced
support
those
rural
of Tucumn.
province
eral
to the
zone of operations
terms
of
the polspecific
in
their
to bring
some
- 257 into
coherence
the
history
recent
jungle
the
of
of organisations
Peroniat
in
participated
which
the
Left.
THE MONTONEROS
"MONTONEROS,MONTONEROS
SON SOLDADOSDE PERON
LOS TRAIDORES TIENEN MIEDO
TIENEN MIEDO DEL PAREDON"
"PERON, EVITA,
12 Montoneros
The original
world
LA PATRIA SOCIALISTA"
1
Montonero
chants
-
in Catholic
identify
and Nationalist
all
of the
Catholics
The core
in
analysed
nano Martinez
and Firmenich,
studies
Student
Youth
as an engineering
by the influence
ised'
general
political
of the petty
Translation:
group
(Abal
chapter
possible
of
main lines
President,
since
Mario
to
the lead-
of entry
in-
1967,
Firmenich,
tacuaristas)
the year
in
as by the
led a significant
section
the late
Montoneros,
Montoneros,
Are Soldiers
of Perlin.
The Traitors
are Afraid,
Afraid
of the Execution
Socialist
and 'peron-
which
in which
abandoned his
student.
leftwards
Medina,
two originally
armed struggle
Peron/Evita/The
five
reveals
the first
and economic
bourgeoisie
A second
1.
for
not
the second
years
is
been active
of the backgrounds
examination
of the early
to the organisation.
Though it
to the
existence
organisations.
originals,
their
who announced
1960's.
nationalist
groups
of the
Wall.
Fatherland.
Other Peronist
Left slogans,
chants and songs can be found in
Jorge Pinedo, Consi
Lucha Popular en el Proceso Renolucionas
(Buenos Aires:
Freeland,
1955-1973
Editorial
rio Ar ntino
1974),
passim.
258
-
Ongania
al
period
(Juventud
Emancipation
Nationalist
the
and
Their'
FEN).
nationalism,
though
Rodolfo
this
there
hijacked
three
Tacuara
years
iser
the
for
of a group
before
to
a plane
by violent
Left,
1960's
radical
Party
product
of the
Trelew
mass-
to
in
line
youth
well
integ-
In
leader
union
1966,
being
after
his
to Argentina,
backed up
Islands,
After
serving
liquidating
Even by 1973,
organ-
"traitors"
when editor
to reveal
of entry
into
the Montoneros
of
himself
and its
Revolucionario
party
came from
was Nelida
PCR).
Ester
as
the tradi-
middle-to-late
Communist
in
group
Montonero.
Comunista
former
trade
on the mainland.
the Montoneros.
El Descamisado,
originated
even after
(Falkland)
Cabo appears
specialised
especially
(Partido
the
leading
her visit
actions
enterprise,
tional
which
group.
splinter
the Malvinas
solidarity
which
organ
A fourth
element
right-winger
during
"invade"
this
affiliating
latter's
a Tacuara
bodyguard
of Isabel`s
charge
Vaca
was Fernando
in
as an extreme
Movement (MNA),
tina
in
life
Montoneros
nationalism
was to be killed
was a nationalist
Montoneros.,
the
into
organis-
political
leading
to the Right
ration
popular
Susana Lesgart
tendencies,
been in right-wing
Among the
1972.
Thirdly,
over
of Tacuara.
university-based
whose wife
of August
acre
wing
Galimberti
JAEN)
-
nationalist
had earlier
Nation-
Nacionalista
Estudiantil
of most previous
for
Nacional
Emancipacibn
the prevailing
reflecting
JAEN leader
from
Narvaja,
(Frente
activists
the non-radicalised
coming
Front
their
some of
ations.
par
than that
is
Argentina
Student
Youth
1970's,
and early
Arrostito,
259
Maguid,
of Carlos
wife
Cuba in
and visiting
leading
member until
that
original
killed
forces
the
by the security
up to its
who saw it
gradually
drifting
government
of Isabel
Peron.
Finally,
Peronists
Navarro
del
fines
in
had betrayed
Sabino
Navarro
its
of the
group
Carral.
abandoned trade
union
militancy
1
Navarro
Sabino
in
the mid-1960's.
took
(Sindicato
He had
Kloosterman
Mecnicos
was only
for
struggle
v Athe new
after
his
which
SMATA)
it
and
-
combative
group
of revolutionary
trade
campaign which
Union
of
creation
sacking
armed struggle
1969.
Peronist
Carral's
Peronist
parents,
the
Resistencia,
Peron
and the
included
1.
committee)
Carworkers'
Automotor
Transporte
leadership
that
of the
Enrique
the
was to support
was a fifth
This
-(shop
leadership
the
and Jost
participated
to
at
there
and
armed struggle
it
terms
in
coup.
the failure
at
about
and longstanding
men of proven
contained,
comisi6n
most important
and a
the Videla
after
Later
Movement itself.
the Peronist
from
derived
rhetoric
support
Montoneros
disillusioned
to the Right.
and perhaps
Montonero
the
early
the mid-1960's
in
the party
to live
party
leaving
who after
this
pedigree
railway
1964 trade
worker
union
Plan de Lucha,
the organisation
in
participated
of a revolutionary
Born of
the Peronist
the 62 de Pie
His union
group
activities,
Junto
which
of young railway
On Sabino Navarro,
see "Jos& Sabino Navarro:
un Trabajador,
un
(7th
Peronista,
Montonero,
August 1973)
"
El
Descamisado,
12
un
no.
Volveras
p. 30;
and "Montonero Jos& Sabino Navarro.
en Brazos de
(30th
tu Pueblo, " La Causa Peronista,
July 1974),
4
pp. 9-11.
no.
260
-
in
workers
had always
the mid-1960's,
direct
action.
Originally
Labour
Minister
San Sebastian's
ed the Montoneros
union
in
These five
principal
which
able,
economic
tion
of finding
poly
1.
2.
Navarro,
devoted
himself
the bomber of
join-
eventually
his
to armed
completely
expropriating"cars
1973 after
in
only
In part,
decline
towards
since
1955.3
the
came from
the radicalisation
1960's
and early
This
had previously
labour,
a common solution
4
capitalism.
limited
and "martyrs",
led
popular
to their
strongly
had roots
problems
indicates
in
sectors
of
their
socio-
numbers to ques-
their
and left-wing
at
avail-
a petty-bourgeois
significant
satisfied
mergers
data
of significant
1970's
be
who, as will
of organisational
the
one
were the
itself,
Montoneros
Socially,
Montoneros
late
of nationalism,
Peronism
a process
leaders
with
from
other
through
of the early
the
of them variants
recruitment.
a system which
to look
Sabino
of the early
components
deals
a majority
2
background.
class
Carral
and the
grow rapidly
that
this
1967,
three
Left
as individual
as well
house in
in February
currents,
political
were to
seen,
killed
traditional
the
then
Lanus.
from
bomber,
Like
1971.
being
until
a Resistance
in
militancy
struggle
in
by violent
been accompanied
began
the hope
On Carral,
D16 la Vida por Per6n, "
see "Paco:
(19th
February 1974), p. 23.
40
no.
See Appendix A.
El Descamisado,
3.
Oscar
Ramos, op. cit.;
This is the thesis
put forward by Peralta
(Buenos
Braun, El Capitalismo
Argentino
Crisis
Aires:
Siglo
en
Editores,
XXI Argentina
1973); and Elsa Cimillo
et al, Acumulacin
(Buenos
Centr 1
in del Capital
Industria
la
Ar
entina
en
Editorial
Aires:
Tiempo Contemporneo,
1973), though it has not yet
been quantified.
4.
_261_
However,
the
Political
statistics.
factors
Left,
to whom the
backing,
bourgeoisie
petty
their
younger
over,
with
forms
the highly
to that
political
identity
Peronist
Movement.
Of crucial
importance
students
and also
purge
fierce
of liberal
repression
seen in
was clearly
Argentine
of student
history,
cades during
which
the provincial
the
Though the
impact
Guevarist
and in
force
policy,
almost
the streets
of
1969.
within
of which
influence
which
and conservatintervenci6n
appointment
of
to a major
campuses and
of university
in
ideas
the
-
led
authorities)
three
confronting
changed their
governmental
unity,
of Cuba, all
ideological
was driven
university
emergence of revolutionary
the impact
It
reformist
Within
protests.
uprisings
'
opposition
invasions
materialised
was forcibly
university
the student-worker
immediate
access
liberal,
of
many youths
(i. e. the
police
substantial
More-
youth
it
real
some academics.
academics,
in
the former
to replace
a-trustee
only
of Buenos Aires
of the University
denied
many formerly
of the
suffered
and policies.
expression.
government,
military
unpopular
by Ongania
of political
challenging
splits
given
petty-bourgeois
activity,
traditional
its
towards
political
the
traditional
UCR)
and
-
leaders
parties'
led
in
of the disillusionment
reflections
the old
takeover
the military
ban on party
denied
members with
Radical
of economic
role
The numerous
had previously
than not
level
the
at
a prominent
youth.
(Uniion Cfvica
Party
old Radical
by the
played
also
of petty-bourgeois
radicalisation
be left
cannot
explanation
years
the
unheard
of
outcome
in
within
the
Catholic
the Peronist
Move-
important
262
-
in
than
the
Communist Party
Revolutionary
Montoneros
leading
in
the
late
in
this
than
help
which
It
period.
to explain
but, also
tween Peronism
and anti-Peronism.
as "a regime
power to survive
seen as the
catalyst
A militant
trade
For those
union
as seen in
insurrection
which
led
took
many radicals
were not
in
to consider
were to claim
Para is Militancia,
that
street
tender
direction
had
this
General
their
Labour
Con-
to successfully
into
a re-
the student-worker
of Cordoba in May
city
battles
was
stalemate.
and to develop
the industrial
to
it
some cases,
Argentinos)
the Cordobazo,
enough to defeat
The Montoneros
Apuntes
in
in
of Ongaro's
bosses
by Cooke
and,
attempts
the failure
union
armed struggle
the
be-
material
enough to submit
it",
origins
social
of the
the struggles
sufficient
domes-
warfare
characterised
with
was not
(CGT de los
place
in
to overcome
response
Moreover,
instrument.
volutionary
fighting
would help
undermine
but
to overthrow
of theArgentines
federation
itself
of Cuba
were also
of guerrilla
In a situation
been frustrated,
1969,
which
due to their
young radicals
age.
but not
there
stalemate
island
importance
to the violence
only
harassment
constant
not
to the political
to stabilise
unable
the
the attraction
was a response
Ongania regime
Left,
the
and a number of
the Caribbean
visit
However,
political.
from
recruits
pro-Cuban
1960's.
factors
Montonero
were ardently
including
Left,
and barricade
of the State.
politico-military
p. 29.
1.
Cooke,
2.
Lucha de
On the Cordobazo, see Beba Balv6 et al, Lucha de Callea
Buenos. Aires:
Ediciones
de Is. Rosa Blindada,
Clases
1973); and
(Buenos Aires:
J. Delich,
Crisis
Protesta
Social
Francisco
Editores,
Siglo XXI Argentina
1974).
op. cit.
263
-
for
it
offered
bryonic
not
workers
revolutionary
of the Argentine
Lenin's
mantle,
to offer
Like
radicals.
the
Communist
ism,
seemingly
Party
in
that
there
whereas
invoking,
still
that
from
theory.
and the
party
Stalinist
as the
example
to
attraction
cuts
the
to
which
but
led
also
not
methods it
of guerrilla
of guerrilla
with
only
not
from,
while
Leninist
revolutionary
Left
party
other
offer
the anti-Peronist
main traditional
in
old
revolution".
departures
its
used to prevent
warfare
tired
of the Left
alienated
of this
successes
its
Social-
for
struggle
sectors
was largely
them to reject
the reformism
splinters,
countries,
theories
which
as well
contributed
all
promised
short-
the revolution.
Here,
of the rise
1.
of broad
coupled
reformist
to be explained
partly
It
way forward.
to the
and non-Peronist
organisations
Leninism
Moreover,
Peronist
thus
claiming
and anti-imperialist
was a radicalisation
Communist Party
of the
stance
is
of the
alternative
repeating
agrarian
an em-
warfare
light
the
the
postponed
also
guerrilla
Party
Socialist
of both
but
1960's
them a revolutionary
of urban
revolutionary
time
bourgeoisie,
choice
a genuine
democratic,
the late
leadership
Communist Party,
had by this
"the
has to be seen in
the smaller
The proliferation
isations
Their
indefinitely,
about
slogans
the defects
a political
strategy.
failure
young
only
army.
a Leninist
than
rather
to
organisation
interesting
parallels
of the Socialist-Revolutionaries
Comunista
Pro ama del Partido
Anteo, 1963.
Editorial
p. 2.
Lenin's
de la Argentina
explanation
terrorist
(Buenos Aires:
methods
264 -
He criticised
in Russia.
the basic
understand
the
turn
of the
the Socialist-Revolutionaries
defect
movement at
it
was an illusory
armed struggle
thereby
only
of this
way out
breaking
off
work among
downright
the masses, but also introducing
disorganisation
into
1
however, were to exhibit
The Montoneros,
work".
no indications
Leninist
that
were to admit
they
in
between
of
1967,
group.
Seeking
was the
stolen
cars,
significance
name of the
the authority
than
in Argentine
gaucho followers
of Buenos Airos
V. I. Lenin,
Publishers,
2.
"7 de Setiembre
(11th September
survival
of the
that
initials,
history,
Dia
del
Montonero,
1973) PP. 5-8.
and success
the
sur-
suicidal"
We
of papers.
military
Montoneros
decided
they
caudillos
influence.
in
with
19th century
and British
operations
Later,
any kind
receiving
Revolutionary
Adventurism,
1969), p. 11.
1.
planning
attained.
without
The. only
one to suggest
a name, rather
1967-9
Cuba in
to their
vital
immediately
"Fernando"
folkloric
being
was not
professionalism
although
this
action,
12 Montoneros
original
two years
They spent
for
and preparing
of the
group
Catholics.
vivors
that
influence.
The core
ised
to
revolutionary
failing
century:
"Because
leaders
isations
activity
in front
dilemma
the Russian
in
for
political
and
to adopt
the
who resisted
1902 (Moscow:
" El Descamisado,
Progress
no.
17.
265
-
had originally
small,
armies,
regional
by nationalists
proudly
was in
the
in
Montoneros,
"in
in
Shooting
order
the rural
along
with
their
conviction
the
new cordobazos,
indispensable
for
being
comandos which
"San Martin",
"Uturuncos"
continuity
with
Later,
Montoneros.
organisation
was also
originally
vehicles
(providing
false
military
aid
for
than
a series
repres-
and popular
predominantly
with
functional
lines,
there
(responsible
for
and police
await
as "an
of the
operations),
event
in urban
units
department"
As
1968 confirmed
themselves
of nationalism
along
this
structured
a "maintenance
and logistical
symbols
but
Rather
being
took
proto-
primarily
populated.
to hit
(date
"May
29"
and
the past
in
were compartmentalised
originally
Montonero
which
able
the
and banks".
place
structured
of arms
to be common de-
1969 Cordobazo
at Taco Ralo
70% urban
the Montoneros
fighting
the
Montoneros
embryonic
Structurally,
struggle.
ones)
aimed at
1969,
stations
had to take
armed struggle
instrument
in
failure
at least
pretended
on police
no part
guerrilla
being
armed actions
to be detected,
played
that
Argentina
enting
(shirtless
not
they
minor
In actions
an organisation,
of
through
the Federal
areas,
up
1940's.
accumulating
linquents
these
from
to denigrate
oligarchy
a "documents
documents,
enabling
acquiring
department"
freedom
of
(16th
22
October 1973),
no.
I.
2.
"Cordoba:
A Cinco Aos del 29 de Mayo, un Montonero Cuenta
Cordobazo, " El Peronista,
no. 6 (28th May 1974), p. 26.
el
266
-
and a "psychological
action
more than
by the
a score
proliferation
large
ingly
numbers
of
the
Knorr
stock
of the
Aramburu,
an action
Montoneros'
choice
anniversary
a number of counts,
ing
of Peronist
President
while
wanting
in
of his
at least
this
1956,
of Peronist
Buenos Aires
Herald,
2.
his
6th
Pindapoy,
his
of
it
justice",
to the view
that
The
was shown in
being
the first
of the
repression
public
Pedro Eugenio
Peronist
Movement
from
corpse.
Apart
Aramburu
was singled
there
on
of the shoot-
authorisation
away of Evita's
July
first
history,
as Army Day.
"revolutionary
conversion
1.
a miser-
to as the Aramburazo.
Operativo
as well
their
of ex-President
referred
spiriting
him to
lived
living
combination
in
participated
and the
to submit
out because
for
Cordobazo
rebels
previous
least,
an unappetising
and execution
sense of history,
of the
backgrounds,
from
wrench
organisation,
For those
social
C6rdoba at
being
twelve
subsequently
of May 29th
a major
in
the
original
the kidnapping
operation,
diet
Ten out
the
daily
their
existence,
able
Montoneros,
The early
on two key
comandante.
comfortable
involved
origins.
base centred
Medina directed
anaratismo
correspond-
with
back to their
Montonero
de-
numbered no
their
apparata
goes right
relatively
clandestinity
conditions.
and political
)
etc.
preparing
the Montoneros
where Abal
where Emilio
and C6rdoba,
1970,
original
from
Buenos Aires,
cities,
for
that
officers)
holdups,
(responsible
Given
end of
of military
Geographically,
early
kidnappings,
planned
department"
and c ommuniqu6s).
clarations
(the
(which
a "war department"
travel),
had to be elections
1970.
Maza: La Calera,
22-23.
"
La Causa Peronista,
no.
267
-
Peronist
with
an electoral
of Lanese
anticipated
that
danger
Ongania's
than
into
ers,
so the Montoneros
Since
Aramburu
the state
ible,
had either
merely
was alleged
to the Interior
Mininistry
the way in
which,
Montoneros
of
roundly
to take
proof
likely
that
the Montoneros
their
political
project
that
have assumed,
of
of the
to the failure
and killed
cornered
of
is
absent
of
Montoneros
followed,
Montoneros
and later
"national"
right-wing
either
with
collaborated
Ongania represented.
still
alone
and
and to
the police
alive.
provided
The
a detailed
the operativo.
Though definitive
latter
which
the allegations
denied
the Montoneros
pointed
captured
the Aramburazo
after
as scapegoats.
hand,
to integrate
the Onga.nla
against
in May 1970.1
the persecution
during
sought
wing
Firmenich
that
to recognise
to make no attempt
appeared
serving
on the other
relatives
the
or that
services
scheme, which
the revolutionary
between
it
Aramburu's
everything
conspiring
that
lead-
been collaboration
second interpretation,
account
the time
believe
more conciliatory
suggested
the Montoneros
thesis,
the former
visitor
Per6n,
it
supporters
intelligence
with
thought,
former's
some of the
there
that
was at
for
Isolating
system,
not
of its
care
did
Aramburu's
two years,
government,
Movement,
a quasi-democratic
and also,
regime,
by almost
repressive
of the Peronist
the bulk
To them,
was possible.
solution
Montoneros
The early
participation.
socialism
way,
the
Alvarino,
Published
seems highly
government,
was antagonistic
Catholic
it
nationalists
given
unthat
to
as some writers
in
Z. - Argentina.
by the author,
El Crimen
1973), p. 279.
1.
2.
(3rd
September
9
"Como Murib Aramburu, " La Causa Peronista,
no.
The article
1974), pp. 25-31.
was used by the government as a
for banning this Montonero publication.
pretext
268
-
moved to
the Left
anything
more radical
very
was still
the
justifying
Montonero
tavo
blow - Araa}buru
In the midst
order
to demonstrate
of
that
the apparently
C6rdoban
the
for
occupied
new pesos,
pursuit
doba.
which
then
they
powerful
could
ended with
the
failure
surprised
four
Morris.
shooting
to take
longstanding
people's
of Carlos
Gus-
cut
members
a second spectacular
in
over-ambitious,
a continuous
on July
campaign
purpose,
in
emulation
Ist,
of
100,000
Police
went wrong.
in
alomgside
his
during
which
the ensuing
1.
Ibid.,
2.
Buenos Aires
3.
gun battle,
P. 31.
Herald,
13th
C6r-
7th
house in William
Ramus in
and
For this
in
and leader
friend
launch
sustain
of Emilio
"elementary
Montoneros
Founder
had to
admitted
the
in
present
them of valuable
Though the
communications
the Uruguayan
as in
deprived
was occupied
Pando operation.
an hour,
justice".
in a top security
town of La Calera
the Tupamaros'
was also
held
Caggiano,
revolutionary
it
even though
of higher
fatal,
informed
participants.
of arrests
blow,
Catholicism
to Cardinal
estancia
were if
a letter
wrote
was not
the Montoneros
and supporters,
though
years,
statements
have proved
the Timote
but at
their
death
could
that
in
policy
later
of
act
which
earliest
those
The Montoneros
their
Amateurism,
prison
than
much present
soul".
first
Their
of Aramburu's
nation
his
later.
June 1970.
Cristianismo
11-14.
y Revoluci6n
Luis
269
Rodeiro
and Sabino
was captured
By the end of
C6rdoba
heavy losses
were forced
One act
off
the
hiding
in
got
yet
into
though
the availability
ations
suggests
the
pered
by the search
for
for
survived
this
fell
state
them.
Left
of history
organishave been
not
might
while
the Peronist
guerrilla
organisations,
the solution
more than
youths
in
the Barrio
the first
into
the Peronist
Left
date
on or near which
there
to
Cordo-
Levingforce
the
ground
early
on to count
Youth
"subversion"
were annual
on sigThis
groups.
demanded something
of Remus and Abal
demonstration
Subsequently,
as the
provided
The deaths
town.
calendar
Montoneros
Peronist
pro-Montonero
Casas shanty
went
from
from
especially
that
to
the
repressive
to prepare
Unlike
and aid.
gave rise
full
of the
support,
affecting
since
the
tem-
rule.
affiliation
Medina
problems
successors,
seeking
was al-
were being
His
to unleash
civilian
them with
rooting
regime
policies
to the
the Aramburazo.
were unable
to moderate
surface
the military
solution
"subversives"
against
Secondly,
period
and repressive
after
Lanusse,
a transfer
critical
Firstly,
a political
immediately
and then
nificant
organisation
Peronist
course
the Montoneros
their
Ongania,
Argentina.
of the
the
in
in Santa
group
months
several
of houses
general
to disintegrate
beginning
ston
a handful
favoured
which
ready
bazo,
For
ground.
third
and
altered.
substantially
eral
and an incipient
of alternative
that
in Buenos Aires
sections
have finished
could
of'treason
managed to escape.
the Montonero
1970,
had suffered
Fe had not
Navarro
by 1,000
September
7th
demonstrations
to record
the
- 270 -
two leading
these
memory of
ing
we don't
know that
will
the
Thirdly,
of and cooperation
first
to
half
of
Congresses
important
debated
brought
(Perbn's
delegate),
was broader,
to
Lima trying
agent".
Revolutionary
Peronist
A tripartite
flected
Movement
organisation
and a trade
2.
which
occurred
The
the first
Perlin
in the
two
armed struggle.
Rearte,
Alberte
the March
whereas
like
right-wingers
even extreme
on the
grounds
that
he
The participants
but
split
dividing
the major
1.
in
Gustavo
excluded
Tendency,
by the
in fact
the
lacked
coherence
to
together.
stay
ist
with
was a "police
Cooke,
young
to Fanon,
participant
Di Pasquale,
band during
were "ripe"
names like
together
today,
organisations.
were limited
Peronism
conditions
objective
whether
The first
Brito
of Revolutionary
shoot-
guerrilla
Navarro
his
was that
was strengthened
small
tastes
literary
Though his
Sabino
and Evita,
other
Navarro's
was Sabino
join
1970.
with
into
"from
show".
of twelve
nucleus
original
affiliation
group
guns for
de Buenos Aires,
It
to comment that
carry
Abal Medina,
was fired
grenade
1972 homage.
the
Lanusse
President
inspired
which
people
away during
a few metres
from
face
when a tear-gas
like
Nacional
of the Colegio
an alumnus
"martyr"
became a further
Ram6n Cesaris,
figures.
factions
(IrnP).
faction
within
both
class
attached
Cordoba
the Peronist
and Rearte,
of the working
union
lines
at the
calling
before
to the
conference
of the
Left
of the Revolutionary
for
guerrilla
further
time.
Peron-
political
warfare
CGT of the
re-
was essayed,
Argentines
which
- 271 -
the promotion
urged
leader
of the majority
iation
of armed struggle,
than
for
this
training
Montoneros
in
part
apse of late
1970 but
the ! ontoneros
Peronist
nearly
major
all
the Peronist
the repressive
the
courts.
hundred
the
or fusion
formations"
was acquitted
A further
tiny
(Organizaciones
this
process
were able
claimed
Luck also
directly
in the
helped
Montonero
with
of a weak coord-
which
group,
of convergence
the Montoneros
twelve.
irony
C6rdoba
and policemen.
formation
with
coll-
In July
the
Navarro's
be seen below,
played
near
in
re-
the
of
Navarro
its
troops
of Sabino
of the Aramburazo
original
leader
buru as prosecutor,
the regime's
others.
any mili-
leader
after
Armed Organisations
into
original
and their
gunbattle
of
and military
Sabino
of a process
As will
"special
aftermath
of most of
Arrostito,
OAP).
-
of the
Medina.
seen in
the Peronist
to the integration
sectors
liberty
by several
groups,
own group
the
overall
the organisation
incorporation
guerrilla
was no more
a degree
than
Montoneros
init-
guerrillas.
contacts
becoming
Armadas Peronistas
Montoneros
to the
body called
led
the
surrounded
most part
of the verbal
trained
was a
the immediate
of Abal
rebuilding
at
In addition
ually
like
Navarro
to form his
political
before
death
the
soon after
an important
inating
vital
section
the
support
to the
They trained
at all.
the C6rdoba
organised
other
the
for
was forced
brought
group
Sabino
for
which
Montoneros,
hills,
appealed
Navarro
experience,
political
proficiency.
tary
which
1969 without
Navarro's
Sabirio
unionism.
an appeal
Sabino
in
purpose
practical
grouping
bravado.
verbal
trade
of militant
one of her
eventof
over
of
to survive
the life
or
them - Norma
trial
tried
judges,
of Aramby
272
-
first
Although
the Montoneros
military
deed carried
implied
ero
define
ed them to'clearly
documents
of historical
differentiation
appeared
which
position
through
the
all
from
with
rising
end of 1970,
all'the
and popular
heroes
usual
Peronist
to
Peronist
oblig-
a number of
of post-1955
of
references
followed
the national
symbols
to their
the
at
with
themselves
military
Apart
of 1959-60.
guerrillas
ical
Valle's
General
services
which
of Monton-
suggestions
issued
continuity
plus
revisionism
from
revolt,
In a document
was "the
organisation
the
security
identifying
past,
the Aramburazo
itself",
political
historical
their
of the
struggles
iii
their
and interviews.
stressed
that
out by a revolutionary
the State
with
of homage to Aramburu.
a statement
claimed
definition
a political
collaboration
they
had signed
Romero Carranza,
Ambrosio
"traitors",
no polit-
hagiography,
the Monton-
that:
eros maintaining
failed
a mere return
argument
class
dency for
attempts,
tive
Three
1.
over
of ideology
strikes
and political
Hablan
ideology.
view
fighting
a socialist
of Peronism
tendency
being
their
reflected
The revolutionary
guerrilla
that
ten-
through
warfare,
coup
irrespec-
objectives.
Montonero
los
sectors
and especially
characteristic
"Documento:
their
analysis,
is
evident
seeking
and a revolutionary
of methodology
general
what is
between those
composed of a bureaucratic
prioritisation
obscure,
to discriminate
Ignoring
transformation.
is
features
Montoneros,
"
can also
op. cit.
be seen from
- 273 this
document.
tion
of Peronist
and in
face
The first
history
portraying
Perlin
regard
to the
with
Framini's
their
the
-
1964 "Return
declarations
"Peronism/Anti-Peronism
appeared
and of the
'the
of
liberation
the Xontonero
Thirdly,
of the peoples
("either
crisis
there
did
the possibility
will
not
there
be elections
their
reduce
Through
trade
union
and student
ggles
could
be successfully
how the
dealt
with.
However,
the
armed continuation
1.
Ibid.
2.
Ibid.
different
guerrilla
of the
declaring
political
to the Argentine
solution
in
Per6n lives
General
of military
feeding
forms
of struggle
that
struggle
of the workers
"our
military,
armed struggle
"mutually
or
espousing
- political,
isolation
"accession
in
but
fronts
combined,
World".
while
hoped that
as one of:
on all
they
-
to the
was related
warfare
never
organising
so as to avoid
integrated
to
strategy
Exactly
Perbn"),
without
apparata".
each other".
be no elections
was a
of the Movement
of the Third
of an electoral
will
the
tercermundismo
leader
was defined
strategy
volte-
in
society
their
"the
1965
were ignored.
of politics'
of Argentine
(leading
to) the seizure
"popular
war
in which
ion of 'national'
socialism
Social
Justice
Economic Independence,
be made a reality".
will
They dismissed
1960's
early
to Perbn being
struggles
was dated
Movement and
primacy
contradiction".
in a reference
Finally,
of the
apprecia-
Per6n's
Peronist
that
assertion
Operation"
as revolutionaries,
1964 Revolutionary
Montonero
and distorted
superficial
and Framini
anti-communist
Secondly
also
is
guerrilla
to power" was
struggle
is
just
of our Movement",
- 274 -
it
was implicit
fundamentally
This
one,
a military
left
being
strategy
the function
that
the
success
of the
Peronist
meant that
seen as that
the hands
in
the
with
Peronist
combined
toneros
it
Montoneros
having
through
felt
that
the rest
lost
most of its
did
this
but
their
of authority.
positions
socialist
not
bourgeois
Most of
vague,
nacional
America,
ploited
the early
his
the
while
ties
definitions
a couple
Peron left
his
the notion
with
idea
to relate
concept
of the
"two
orthodoxy,
of solidarity
those
Peron
filled
latter
with
of the so-called
of
imperialisms".
restricting
the peoples
Third
engaged in activities
y Revolucf6n,
to Third
World
and imperialism".
1970's
Montonero
of Peron but
this
in
seemed so secure
on the
abandoned
and Africa,
by colonialism
When in
1.
Asia
in re-
to agree
he never
Latin
lacking
The
were never
struggles,
to "active
darwinization.
they
World
Position
early
part,
sectors
capitalist
Third
and bureaucratic
of the
Position.
to accept
their
play
destruction
Third
and secondly,
that
"the
for
and its
refused
the
Firstly,
State
army";
became clear
it
why they
the Montoneros
when calling
content
their
de-
as the Mon-
as completely
rhetoric
The Montoneros
war,
of themselves,
only
and political
explain
the radical
with
were compatible,
socialismo
of popular
Movement would
presentativity,
qualifications
1971,
of the
of social
process
a post-1955
in
Movement as a whole.
as revolutionary
in
'early
conceded
allegedly
"traitors"
overall
them to be.
believed
In an interview
the
of the
strategy
was considered
tasks
other
of the
of the
Montoneros
the
of
directed
no.
28
of
ex-
-275towards
real
an electoral
strategic
1970,
Perlin
declaration
which
brought
Party
for
of joint
nature,
which
were
these
social
policy
the Montoneros,
of
their
leader
wily
engaging
their
leader.
which
People",
for
in a
nationalist-reformist
the victorious
nor
Con-
Socialist
the Peronists
electoral
1973
In no way
alliance.
could
drafted
for
a joint
the Popular
Argentine
followed,
the basis
"Hour
in
had with
of the
Party,
rationale
the
to the
of a moderate
of the parties
a revolutionary
blind
(FREJULI)
Front
remained
Radicals,
programmes socialist,
political
composition
For
Democratic
formed
eventually
managed to find
"Hour
Balbin's
statements
Liberation
Justicialist
they
elections.
series
together
Radicals
call
the
promoted
Progressive
Party,
Montoneros
differences
and political
In November
servative
the
solution,
they
them, yet
Per6n's
of the People"
be given
the
the Montoneros
behaviour.
reformist
was just
an example
a:
"tactical
manoeuvre designed to keep the regime sitting
at the
table while the Movement develops its organisation
negotiating
in preparation
for the next steps in
and methods of struggle
the war". 1
Paladino,
They attacked
strategy
confusing
it
tactics
ing
and his
innocence
aroused
worked
remarkably
Minor
delegate
tactics
but
themselves
tactics
for
his
and non-authorisation
orders,
1.
with
Per6n's
the wrath
doubts
in
subsequent
events
Per6n's
who mistook
Perbn's
strategy.
when his
of an important
of this
charge
for
strategy
stratagem
delegates,
section
policy,
of claim-
fulfilling
of his
his
his
Movement,
well.
which
the Montoneros
had over
Montoneros:
"Las armas de la Independencia
(September
Pueblo,
"
30
ibid.,
hacia el
no.
the
"Hour
of the People"
276dealings
Perlin.
In a letter
the
of
were swiftly
of February
being
pact
way in which
"tactically
"the
ions",
that
saying
1
impossible".
strategic
to reinforce
Quite
from
apart
a completely
failed
is
to realise
tactical
compromise)
latter
is
conscious
On the
1970-73
had
greater
with
the
army
through
often
effect
and desired
front,
the
Army
ably
(ERP)
less
in
and police,
popular
an extremely
support
from strategy.
What they
completed
been a case of
whether
period,
For
all
the
rather
their
the
than
the
than
in
Guevarist
hontoneros'
seek
The latter
of targets
prob-
do battle
to
were
the
People's
actions
aimed
& logistical)
military,
selection
"preparation"
operations
operations
and sympathy.
"Perlin
of
numerous
active
2.
3.
(had it
stages
conducted
views.
of tactics
1.
a los
their
with
reply
showed here
(financial,
discriminate
Per6n's
or not.
effect.
resources
was
the Nontoneros
militarily
nearly
electoralism
a change in strategy,
having
this
i. e. elect-
of Per&n,
compromises"
Montoneros
political
accumlating
stimulating
"tactical
Though
period.
Revolutionary
either
that
military
"organisation",
and
separation
used
was "absolutely
with
2
in agreement"
misjudgement
unrealistic
satisfied
the
over
offensive,
Per6n's
that
spoke
being
is
of such a situation
their
i. e. us,
with
they
doubts
expressed
the tactical
to realise
They failed
by Ongaro,
armed option,
he was "completely
that
but
correct"
the continuation
and appear
claiming
1971, delivered
revolutionary
as a means of pressure
of correspondence
at
or at
was achieved
and a minimal
1971,
ibid.,
pp. 28-29
277
-
deployment
of offensive
first
of these
three
Montoneros,
this
less
enabling
The Montoneros
consciously
Peronist
Movement.
to
the
in
clared
1816,
independence
inevitably
as that
the
in
clubs
in
which
being
1.
were
Instead
of
life
humble
off
the
Buenos Aires
3.
Ibid.,
21st
Herald,
October
the
15th February
Peronist
in
their
of
Favourite
vulnerability
being
liberted,
1971.
and style,
detonated,
most
three
" El
their
the
around
Dynamited
of
the
country
aura
"Halt!
tar-
like
verve
were
first
Bombs
annivers-
privilege
a romantic
rich
and subsequent
1952.
a lot
de-
economic
same place).
and policemen,
soldiers
the
had been
the
revolt
reading
signs
occupied
and luxurious
of
of
de la
aurora
back page.
1971.
the
July
buildings
clubs
they
of
oligarchic
growth
symbolic
1971
on important
of
Montoneros
demonstrate
"Compaleros
la
presos:
(22nd May 1973),
I
no.
2.
with
ordinary
origin,
to
the
when the
killing
1946"
This
closed
managed
course
facilitate
example,
roads
of
public
blasted.
were
For
authors.
golf
(in
on 26th
symbols
great
Independence
1956 military
death
of
and a'reminder
in
June
9th
were
Clubs,
a way as to
such
nearby
yeary
early
Jockey
numerous
the
in
Argentine
Argentina
Eva Per6n's
and of
executions,
gets
of
declared
over
all
Early
homage
of
act
Perlin
which
exploded
such
aries
"an
as
targets
selected
significance
historic
the
Revolution"
was much
to the Montoner
period-according
prisoners
moral
in general
violence
the "Argentine
500 political
roximately
political
by
those with
support
features
were killed
few people
very
the balance'of
records,
that
Indeed,
than
extensive
is
years
violence.
qualms about
violence.
of
years
Zone".
them
of
enemy
Descamisado,
278
-
without
disarming
stance,
February
inside
the
of
the
By seizing
Foreign
not
executives
and companies
of foreign
couragement
blowing
p executives'
was the
subject
investment
in
that
of Vicenzo
Russo,
(a subsidiary
million
dollar-worth
exception
was essentially
their
ension
cia,
with
but
such as identity
seeking
as in
seizure
came in
vilence
there
put
up violent
the form
Property,
took
involved
call
for
was either
which
of
not
the form
came in
capacity
of attacking
the
conflict
took
the return
the
and accumulating
in industrial
station
a one
for
1970-1973
rule.
were highly
resistance
people,
of a radio
a 17-minute
Dis-
agenda.
of armed propaganda
mainly
punishment
to directly
armed organisations,
on the Montonero
production
or executives
the Montonero
out for
were singled
used to broadcast
other
documents
to the general
a stage
workforces.
What physical
with
June
in
triumph
a psychological
of ITT),
Armed propaganda
of companies
property
with
than
rather
of the regime.
occupa-
local
station,
in November 1971.
Caseros
Argentina
resources
in-
machine-gun
an hour
half
executives.
violence,
Electric
Montoneros
for
in Argentina
but not
houses
of Montonero
of 38 Fiats
kidnappings,
for
licences.
too assassination
here
Norte
achieved
by,
was their
show of strength
the police
only
on to spray
funds,
and driving
cards
them or going
Another
compassion
outside
small
netted
guards
them as "bloodthirsty
portray
harming
the Montoneros
also
ion
police
the Embassy.
same year.
court,
but
the
1971 without
bullets
of
enemy to successfully
terrorists".
tion
that
enabling
on a new dim=
outside
Resisten-
of Perlin.
joint
selective,
to kidnapping
operations
or in
attempts.
'
279
-
of the latter
Instances
ber
the extreme
of
Iribarren,
Hector
April
toneros
but
head of
it
making
in
the popular
of
need for
which
on the
losses
month for
black
the Montoneros,
founding
members,
Lesgart
and Mariano
Montonero
years
not
entail
which
Carlos
losses
the probability
Montonero
senting
those
epitaph
for
deaths
slain
This
of
might
in battle
Capuano Martinez
lower
short-term
have given
as heroic
exemplified
was not
the death
Massacre.
than
later
death.
rise
see the
achieved
1972 was a
of one of their
of Susana
However,
in
these
on and membership
Moreover,
A later
did
the fears
to were minimised
martyrs.
this
a climate
as those
as well
in
investors
August
organisation.
the Trelew
were far
to create
and foreign
producing
in
regime,
of the military
and helping
Capuano Martfnez,
Pujadas
hands
on their
and ridiculous.
officers
of the
part
the Mon-
the military
against
to the crisis.
solution
in
service
blood
with
mem-
Colonel
struggle
regime
made military
a political
without
of the
Uzal,
of
intelligance
to the retreat
contributed
harassment
insecurity
in
incompetent
weak,
appear
They undoubtedly
1973 through
selectiveness
and that
party,
as
by
the
masses
seen
people
were not
as participants
often
the
Due to their
1973.
Nueva Fucrza
right-wing
of Roberto
were the
by pre-
Montonero
treatment:
1.
on, after
the
1976 military
coup,
Montonero
combatants
280
-
for
became eligible
heroism:
their
For
medals.
"Miguel
Zavala
Rodriguez"
Special
Troops
Section
Combat Platoon
Carlos
is
by the national
least
confirmed
and possibly
However,
1966-73 military
government
they
the fall
a degree
Youth
guerrilla
unity
prevented
warfare
namely
utionaries,
trades
militant
unionists
to win strikes
political
and union
trade
on the labour
union
central
of the
for
activity
work,
in
the
labour
the Montoneros
movement of those
dictating
of
towards
of revol-
Contact
class,
with
aimed at helping
actions
did nothing
what was
promotion
orientation
movement.
the
need for
the vital
daily
By ignoring
con-
to weaken the
whom they
"bureaucrats"
at
of the
sympathy,
the
working
development
performing
were no substitute
Montonero
the demise
power.
through
their
them from
the organisation
workers
sistent
but
in
popular
from
Party
militarism.
them from
prevented
organisation
and growth
this
a role
of surface
Camps"
of the Resistance"
thesis,
played
of the military
Alberto
of the Montonero
Montonero
accentuated
employed
of
Cup, the
Though post-1976
of this
the Montoneros
though
acts
Army.
"Captain
"Martyrs
leadership
the brief
outside
the World
of the
for
of reward
of the
Order
the
awarded
during
activities
Combat Platoon
were all
0lmedo grade,
form
traditional
a similarly
grip
condemned as
"traitors".
The urban
guerrilla
incapable
campaign played
but
proved
its
own.
1.
This
of producing
was in fact
a significant
a positive
recognised
political
by Ram6n Torres
(official
no.
destructive
alternative
Molina,
role
of
a Villa
281
-
tine
inmate
Prison
Devoto
1969,
since
of the urban
critique
1971 issued
January
who in
he pointed
In it,
guerrilla.
a clandesthat:
out
"a resistance
politically
and dewar exhausts the dictatorship
its unpopularity
but tends to create political
solmonstrates
themselves.
utions
which are not those of the guerrillas
dictatorthe
force
Through urban guerrilla
struggle
one can
triumph of
but this tactical
ship into conceding elections,
defeat,
the guerrillas
would be a strategic
since it would push
for the seizure
The
of power into the distance...
perspectives
dictatorship
know
the
that the counter-insurgency
of
generals
is elections".
I
measure par excellence
words were lost
These prophetic
The political
placed
lose
by urging
Left
on the basis
themselves
cut
ymity
off
of an underground
would
such circumstances
Montonero
into
enabled
capitalism
combined
1.
them to depart
guaranteed.
with
their
also,
They
but would
actions
masses of workers
and politicise
To embark on revolutionary
Peronist
inevitably
militants
living
To attempt
indirectly
Great National
for
though'it
helped
in an orderly
By default,
subordination
the Peronist
and fighting
serious
in
had to
the anon-
work under
union
methodology
GAN)
scheme,
-
their
to
fell,
it
until
quarantine.
through
contact,
existence.
regime
political
in whom
he had little
activities
programme.
social
Nacional
it
from
the
guerrilla
to organise
that
clearly
sympathy
of a revolutionary
seriously,
warfare
be able
went to Perlin
actions
to hit
into
put
to awaken popular
same time
at the
not
in
by engaging
to some extent,
be able
would
formations
special
that
be,
would
trust.
his
he realised
for
from Montonero
pay-off
their
they
on the Montoneros.
played
and paradoxically,
Agreement
force
manner with
the Nontoneros'
to Per6n enabled
(Gran Acuerdo
a military
retreat,
the survival
of
methods
guerrilla
an electoral
de las guerrillas
"La etapa actual
(June
Revoluc16n,
29
1971),
s
no.
argenpp. 17-19.
- 282 to emerge in
solution
parties.
order
to eventually
benefited
civilian
Perlin
"national"
bour-
Lanusse
outmanoeuvred
in
the presidency
for
own candidature
Lanusse's
undermine
partially
one which
impose his
the
benefited
mainly
geois
thus
1973 which
and
plan,
reformists
than
rather
and right-wingers
revolutionaries.
of the
details
Precise
1971-73
the
had to be elections
tide
ifications
1972 made it
for
because
he could
not
personal
afford,
Instead,
tions.
side
his
over
ilisation
sonally
security
politically,
stage
and the
demilitarisation
took
Lanusse
consider-
order,
Peronism
into
some power-
a multi-party
approach,
to play
but wanted
alliances,
guaranteed
and partly
Hector
because
condi-
military
combatant
demob-
popular
aimed at achieving
of the
He
part-
stipulation,
to be seen fulfilling
of concessions
he was
parties.
the residency
was not
a brief
the
envisaged
to comply with
in
personally
in restoring
and electoral
qual-
candidates
though
force
before
Left,
he per-
over.
There would
Peron and Lanusse
thus
that
to stem
order
the residency
presidential
"moderate"
reliably
than that
time
in
return
would
to the idea
in
same time,
Ianusse
he assumed the
a party
seem that
which
time
Per6n to stand
to play
role
Perbn agreed
role
for
therefore
pre-electoral
a more dominant
not
potential
result
with
part,
as seen in his
down for
would
an election
For his
At the
had a major
arrangement
sharing
ly
It
Peronism
hoping
By the
between
participation
unrest.
impossible
virtually
March.
following
did
he laid
which
Peronist
with
of mass popular
ed that
be.
presidency
there
dealings
indirect
between
were to be in
283
-
the
implementation
not
allow
this
ties
to this
6n's
return.
"the
with
the
for
which
arrange
Montonero
ter,
al
it
line
abortive.
mass political
is
were inviting
the
front
16-month
These sixteen
1.
towards
the
as President,
politician
return
the
with
between
Left,
as
"the
represented
end of 1972,
the Montoneros
will
brought
when Montonero
By
about.
them in
be analysed
and to look
the euphoria
of the
in
by political
which
next
latter
Montonero
and social
surrounded
supporters
the
of the
the Montonero
at why the
filled
to
order
changes in
challenged
office
advantage
ERP to contact
to examine
truce
their
full
initially
arms.
as the
activity
of presidential
to store
taking
latter's
the Montoneros
political
all
an in-
of friction
recognition
The assumption
organisations
here
in
con-
the Guevarist
installation
the only
was
direct
participation
Per6n's
restoration
of the
appropriate
during
legal
par-
of Per-
there
sides,
away from
militancy
as it
activity,
the Peronist
surface
Thus,
that
claim
drew near.
a surrender
on both
a phase of predominantly
popular
one should
agreed
not be used,
be seen later,
June they
the
and towards
of the bourgeoisie".
began to prepare
freedom
two leaders
such a task.
dismissing
in
As will
turn
that
and Perbn'should
card
However,
was manoeuvring
system"
to fulfil,
evidence
Agreement.
and certainly
order,
stitutionalised
Lanusse
National
frontation
authority
Great
Though there
agreement
last
of the
chap-
politicwas
illusions
reality.
Cmpora's
the streets
discussion
For further
of the GAITand how it has been interpret"The crisis
ed, see Ronaldo I"iunck,
of late Peronism and the working class (1973-1976), " SLAS, Bulletin
for Latin
of the Society
(Spring
American Studies,
30
1979).
no.
284
-
of Buenos Aires
which
soldier
they're
going,
echoed
os feeling
election
they
of "Chau Militares!
"se van,
to return).
never
going,
that
of
(Bye-bye,
to cries
It
"
(they're
the Montoner-
ended with
and asking:
between that military
"What is the difference
dictatorship
and
this government? .... In the name of Peronism and constitutional
legality
it does the same as the military
before".
2
Having
ano Lima,
one time
at
feeling
the Montoneros
fully
however,
that
Support
for
"the
World
that
not
clique",
foreign
"support
people
and trade
was passing
towards
control
of all
for
of the
and control"
led by General
Per6n
"
the basic
employment
Government,
taking
total
1.
"Chau Militares!
El Descamisado,
2.
3.
"FAR y Montoneros:
Apoyar, Defender
(29th
May 1973), p. 2.
2
no.
L6pez
Rega? ",
pp. 2-3.
signify
with
power".
prisonand
programme,
'nation-
of
the
to eliminate
"milin
resources
economic
only
was pre-
a 'liberation'
through
as "the
no.
and
socialist
least
and mabilisation
power".
a seiz-
organised
and wages to at
organisation
They were
the construction
to take
13th
and political
amount to a socialist
on the government
called
to July
of political
links
calling
the Montoneros
elst
are not
whose release
stage
March contest
did not
While
socialism".
itary
when; they
Argentina
the
May 25th
short
of government
government,
did
countries
in
stand
owners of economic
up of diplomatic
of Cmpora-Sol-
slate
one of liberalisation.
majority,,
by the
the*Cmpora
conquest
can be overthrown
armed,
C. mpora's
was essentially
the
e of power because
himself
should
supported
which
administration,
aware,
Per6n
that
the Peronist
questioned
1955 levfor
guarantee
the
of
1, op.
cit.,
p. 5.
La Causa Peronista,
y Controlar,
no. 8
" El Descamisado,
the
- 285 -
one of
ing
the leaders,
itiate
of antagonistic
(Mario
Peronism
Peronista
the Left,
against
in which
justify
at the
'At
were far
which
being
postponed.
The Social
Pact,
which
"National
Reconstruction",
was.
volution,
alliance
preneurs",
Liberation
resenting
Montoneros
these
Front".
formed
and the
being
classes
It
they
interests
called
production
for
the Pact
el Poder Popular,
1.
"Construir
2-4.
2.
them to
the Social
with
Pact
their
alliance
the
Per6n's
for
of the class
no.
ibid.,
entre-
with
modification.
to be "smashed"
" ibid.,
faced
to re-
weeks before,
criticised
indeed
approach
for
who saw it
which
stages
expression
redistri-
plan
Left
of capitalism,
small
and called
1973
a labour-business-state
with
was several
violence
encouraged
the foundation-of
"the
to be sur-
of June 20th
like
-
socialist
"superstructural
of wage struggles,
workers'
it
within
Peronist
massacre
the
the Patria
between
the Montoneros
same time,
however,
the workers
with
only
the Ezeiza
in-
would
projects
of right-wing
reconstruction
continuation
led
trust-
to recognise
at a national
as an attempt
1)
from
failure
no difference
and increase
of wealth
bution
and political
under
to combat inflation
designed
interests
the
to articulate
of a few renegades,
Their
unleashing
was
leadership,
process.
is
of the period
failed
they
exception
Socialista",
with
policies
the struggle
of the Peronist
"there
beginning
formulated
it
class
Firmenich:
and bewildered
prised
the
with
revolutionary
a national
existence
to that
policy
alternative
that
"Dependency",
versus
coherent
that
belief
4 (12th
one year
the
not
rep-
The
after
June 1973),
pp.
(18th
December
31
no.
286
-
CAmpora's
in
when Nontonero
election,
the Atlanta
give
the workers
file
chants
In response
"51% of power".
of "all
Firmenich
told
a mass rally
that
stadium
leader
to insistent
he went on to declare
the power",
in
to
order
rank-and-
that:
one year
that
the
ers
for
the
interests
the
also
Peronism's
after
of not
faith
liberation
national
as Per6n's
the
18 years
which
with
it
having
3
engineered
total
Chmpora's
produc-
represented
but
entrepreneurs
operate
in
our
the
"she
was not
decided
confidence
ouster
was praised
or'only
September elections
the
critic-
in
"silent
"we
are going
-
a right-wing
as an indication
naively
of
was something
"palace
" Militancia,
from
nor understand".
understood
in Perlin
de Firmenich,
ignored
to remain
through
"deviations"
"neither
"resignation"
"loyalty"
mate for
but
-
that
were either
the removal
Montoneros
of struggle"
orders".
sequent
running
surprised
They disagreed
path
After
in muted tones.
manner"
national
companies
realise
and small
most powerful
industrial
fully
expected
which
"the
only
of foreign
Montonero
Isabel
the workers
one-between
Economy Minister
architect,
group
country".
ized
really
the Montoneros
did
return
of those
a disciplined
to do what he
revolution"
Cmpora's
sub-
of the Tatter's
thought,
37 (14th
March 1974)
1.
"Palabras
pp. 37-42.
2.
de
de la Liberacibn
Instrumento
"El Pacto Social:
o Instrumento
(19th
March 1974), pp. 16-19.
44
Descamisado,
Dependencia, " El
no.
(14th
13
ibid.,
del
Comyaieros,
Director:
"Carta
no.
Dardo Cabo,
3.
August
1973) pp.
2-3.
no.
287
-
"the
to
witch
Lbpez Rega"t
the
self-styled
He is
Document"
"Reserved
signature
for
the Montoneros
out to them.
was meting
of government
criticism
ciple
yet
they
or explain
his
of verticalismo,
1973,
Perlin
stoically
He is
the Justicialist
Party
failure
Marxist
to impugn Per6n's
to explicitly
condemn
of Per6n's
government,
drift
up the verbal
obeyed his
fully
leaders'
and subversive
were unable
They initially
he
punishment
order
banned
which
the Peronist
accepting
discipline
or vertical
Argentina.
they were to
soaked
ministers,
is
the Montoneros
the rightward
of challenging
months
October
condemned "terrorist
which
the bottom
at
Instead
it.
to do with
and "infiltrators",
groups"
the Prophet".
"Today,
1A
Homeland".
he had nothing
that
claim
and declared:
of optimism
in
"Daniel
prinAs Dardo
and authority.
Cabo wrote:
"He who
one is
process,
General
obeyed"
rather
-a
long-winded
Perbn's
plicity
for
the
minimised
in
leads is Perlin:
either
one accepts his leadership
or
the Movement... because this is a revolutionary
outside
it is a war, and although
one may differ,
when the
(the
for
Movement) it must be
gives an order
all
3
ultimate
in
union
traitors
on popular
leadership
the early
saying,
"Perlin
for
responsibility
the attacks
trade
way-of
the
provincial
against
Rules
right-wing
governors
militant
groups
and bureaucrats,
OK!
"
-
Their
composed of a clique
who were cutting
1.
de una batalla:
"El final
" ibid.,
Liberaci6n,
no.
Perlin Presidente;
19 (26th September
2.
(9th
21
October
"Y Esto, Qu6 Es? ", ibid.,
no.
For the text of the document, see La Opini6n,
3.
El Descamisado,
violence,
and his
com-
support
of workers
was
apologia
depic-
of imperialist
the leader
off
from
El Comienzo de otra:
1973), PP. 2-3.
no.
November
- 288 -
In
mass following.
his
Perbn's
distorting
him.
reaching
and his
this
in
such statements
and "there
Montoneros
differences
nised
that
rather
Per6n
tegically
class
the Peron-
is
not
for
of support,
one with
Per6n.
hacia
2.
despite
this
no.
"we created
1974),
front
Perlin
leaders
class
did
that
16 (4th
and
alliance
revolution
September
to a
lead
felt
strahad to
1973),
popular,
cover.
typescript
Etapa y Coniuntura,
Mario Firmenich,
(January
Peronist
Youth
cadre school
ered at a
here,
is
he recog-
not
the Montoneros
view
our
of an ideological
el gobierno
est ileno de gorilas
(14th March 1973), pp. 2-7.
February
in January
the discovery
Due to their
had
3rd Position
original
clash
did
they
Moreover,
emphasising
However,
that
Now that
socialism.
Justicialism",
is
leader
school
him to be".
at
of
woman:
in
their
return,
is,
to his
loyal
in
cadre
to Peron's
prior
nacional
struggle.
"Con el pueblo
pp. 2-3.
4.
to dissent"
right
Youth
and not
1.
3.
that
admitted
nacional
contradiction
histories
-
and discover
At a Peronist
Per6n.
than
withdrawal
been the
as socialismo
of Peronism,
view
Peronism
months of disappointment
him "socialismo
for
people
the
"when
Perbn
1
triumph".
In
any self-criticism
attempt
with
own Per6n,
is
has always
several
Firmenich
Perlin
dates
is
that
belief
historical
as "This
from
mass opinion
symbiosis
romanticised
Welfare
Only after
that
Per6n-People
only
on a highly
Movement.
1974,
names of martyrs,
struggles,
the
fantasy
rested
as reflected
ist
and preventing
come together,
Social
of villain-in-chief,
directives
this
Behind
people
Evita"
policy
revolution
turn,
the role
Minister
Per6n's
drama,
fictional
this
"
289
-
in
proceed
tion
the Montoneros
stages,
of an anti-imperialist
was an end for
conciliation
ing
with
Movement to really
"bureaucracy"
It
is
ideology
their
being
they
their
takto-
a process
a strategic
only
schema,
coincidence
of the
section
the
regarding
illusions
was provided
upon "Perlin
that....
of the
or part
minimal
his
-
situation"
but
would
of the Montoneros
at
of the revolutionary
to carry
"deceive"
the
soft
of believing
a "very
that
was now
Criticism
regarded
process...
This
as counter-revolutionary.
long-term
imperialism'.
liberation
Such an attitude
was expressed by many former Peronist
between June 1975 and October
bers whom I interviewed
2.
"Qu6 Votamos el II
1974), PP" 2-3.
El Descamisado,
pro-
1.
de Marzo, "
to
structures".
were attributed
were not
lived
(being)
situation".
"errors"
public,
the union
error
him in
with
confessed
"the
To keep in with
the success
to democratise
for
released
An example
being
Per6n's
in him as a socialist
supporters,
1
between
the Montoneros
which
differences
of Perlin
for
distinction
own sympathisers.
us".
guarantee"
of a type
this
betrayed
had relied
cess"
alliance
their
minimised
Rather,
were the
they
an idea
of many of
he was going
the national
that
that
old
absolutely
felt
class
their
"Perlin
a sufficient
that
initiate
therefore
that
criticism
that
that
inevitably
would
was not
leaders
the minds
public
such an alliance
to record
important
Perlin,
that
felt
they
class
as sectarian.
consumption,
view
Perlin,
embrace his
public
on in
postula-
but whereas
considered
and strategy
the result
Perbn's
with
alliance,
The Montoneros
wards Socialism.
agreed
multi-class
measures
anti-imperialist
fully
no.
Youth mem1976.
43 (12th
March
of
290
-
Perlin
Peron-Montonero
relations
came face-to-face
with
100,000
ed Montonero
and "mercenaries
then
Peron
in full
still
the Montoneros
forcing
from
errors
to a full
last
Perbn's
plot",
great
extent
which
of
months,
defending
with
had learnt
with
of his
the workers,
from his
death
than
had not
and perhaps
his
name as a banner,
1.
Miguel Lizaso,
Peronista,
no.
2.
"Hablan
Plata,
3.
Rodolfo Galimberti,
(23rd
3
ibid.,
no.
asserting
their
calling
them
money".
Gen-
some 60,000
people
are going",
with
political
respectful
of his
experience
of his
criticism
political
project.
he denounced an "imper-
in which
that
as evidence
he was "to
They closed
Galimberti
up the orientations
we were formulating".
the previous
"never
and critique
people
prevented
from
and unleashed
Ist
to develop
understanding
major
ialist
on July
gov-
of foreign
the Montonero
30 years".
after
death
Perbn's
However,
"the
chanting
chant-
the popular
why is
numbering
columns
of
the persistently
who shout",
service
Predictably,
cry.
broke
"something
ed that
the plaza,
from
withdrew
a rally
self-control
idiots
the
the pro-Montonero
surprised,
his
stupid
in
to
on General,
going
on Ist
and addressed
In response
on "these
attack
"infiltrators"
people"
Peron lost
",
of porilas?
near-hysterical
uinely
"What's
question,
full
ernment
"his
de Mayo.
in Plaza
people
a hard knock
took
paying
that
their
of the people".
used up all
of his
believing
even really
the Montoneros
continued
Since
political
Perbn
that
continued
Peronist
"General:
El Peronism no esth
3 (4th May 1974), PP. 2-4.
using
orthodoxy
de acuerdo, "
while
E1
Nacional',
"
-291-
whitewashing
the anti-popular
all
actions
of their
and statements
de-
ceased caudillo.
Differences
and the
ez"
and in
alive
interests,
ular
union
foreign
thing
by big
Professional
ional"
Associations
businessmens'
Argentine
expropriate
foreign
or oust
investment;
wing attacks
ollary
to foreign
tied
a merger
the
to such an unpopular
erences
between
the
Perbn's
initial
attempts
1.
2.
Calimberti,
(3rd
9
no.
" op.
with
alive,
ignored
everythe
the Law of
though
Left,
"nat-
Confederation,
big
industo
he had regulated
to curb
the right-
were a vital
cor-
were important
diff-
nothing
which
third
wife
Isabel
of his
gobernan? ",
La Causa'Peronista
the unity
cit.
para
son
1974). pp.
I
alliance
to maintain
system
the supposedly
Economic
Though there
project.
governments
"Quienbs
September
'and the
militants
in
Union representing
on labour
a political
patently
between
General
monopolies
pop-
Moreover,
capital.
which,
By a CAN, they
He had supported
strengthened
Industrial
the foreign
business
claim
Perlin.
association,
which
unity
this
the
Martin-
represented
Movement into
yet
leadership
limitations,
was that
under
such a set-up
by Isabel
the national
and big
The implication
moves towards
union
bureaucrats
that
The "govern-
over
by imperialism".
of the Peronist
labour
capital.
its
of all
one
presided
transform
a GAN directed
into
"to
spite
by the Montoneros
between
bureaucracy)
of seeking
was accused
Perlin
with
trade
following
of the former.
negation
(an alliance
ment of brniovandorismo
and the
administration
exaggerated
as a total
was presented
clique
Per6n's
of Isabel
latter
between
quibn
2-3.
292
-
the decline
to halt
attempts
of heavy repression
policy
to reduce
attempts
in
(possibly
bureaucracy
toneros
Though both
structure,
important
It
trade
who don't
labour
union
(nicknamed
"the
latter
"bureaucrats"
general
on view
were forced
were compelled
strike
government,
time
the government
confrontation
themselves
to oust
there
that
were still
corrupt
Lorenzo
leader
Miguel
methods),
so long
to time.
Argentine
headed by Isabel.
with
at
Strike
doing
as they
movement
The
when the
own power in
four
bureaucrats
to tolerate
during
the
in the Argentine
metalworkers'
Mafia
state
Though true
1970's,
economism of the
to place
their
two
a corporate
Pact as "four
and early
the Mon-
1974),
to regard
had developed
them from
into
and used it
increasing
the Social
due to his
within
contradictions
developing
the
underestimated
were clearly
faction,
1960's
for
in
union
between the
own grandmothers".
bureaucrats,
benefits
October
in
res-
movement to
a pincer
the 2"iontoneros
tendencies
Godfather"
economic
both
and the
for
their
the late
in
two other
the trade
with
numbers of workers
millionaire
1.
in
of her project
in
of interest
conflicts
erroneous
anti-bureaucracy
significant
secured
resigning
leaders
movement,
into
even represent
powerful
combined
differences
was quite
union
they
Gelbard
factions.
policy.
significant
overlooked
and her
lines
was unrealistic
analysis
because
Economy Minister
press
Left
of the
exclusion
of Perbn.
that
together
By lumping
pects.
to Isabel's
wages as opposed
real
Montonero
Furthermore,
real
and total
workers'
present
were already
eros
in
allies
from
the
so.
Firmenich,
Militancia,
293
-
failure
This
July
end of
lack
led
leaders,
Montonero
the
of the
a result
ment,
the personality
to understand
of industrial
to a serious
leader
Quieto,
labour
move-
on the part
experience
the organization
Roberto
1974,
of the
of most
By
miscalculation.
of the military
of the
wing
was declaring:
Montoneros,
"We're losing
is exhausted...
from now
our patience,
our patience
be no more requests
begin.
We
on there will
and demands will
are going to accompany these demands with all the means of
that the people know.... we've wasted too much saliva
struggle
1
in conversations".
By 6th
the Montoneros
September
deemed "neither
war on a government
based on their
calculation,
popular
the
that
view
was that
unrepresentative,
ally
were underground
they
trade
declared
Peronist".
nor
could
having
again,
The mis-
leaders
union
were tot-
carry
with
them.
Another
miscalculation
insufficiently
either
were
there
for
forms
the
was taken
ership,
no doubt
security
with
ground"
from
the
dication
of the
toneros,
something
los
the following
rawspapers
internal
authoritarian
which
they
Montoneros,
only
"Quien
3.
Interview
with a Montonero supporter
who held
the Chmpora period,
Buenos Aires,
post during
Vot6
a Isabel...,
Quieto's
" op.
they
3
speech,
op.
were "under-
This
to remedy after
2.
"
of
command structure
"Hablan
was de-
any consultation
that
1.
were
lead-
morning!
claimed
A lot
by the Montonero
hardly
discovered
supporters,
that
or felt
change of strategy
to resume warfare
their
of 1973 and
of struggle.
The decision
reasons,
of thousands
Many of them
war.
cided.
for
tens
other
indignant
moreover
the
to become guerrillas
committed
possibilities
were still
that
the revolutionary
join
early
during
had mobilised
whom they
of youths
was to consider
was an in-
of the
Mon-
the Videla
cit.
cit.
a minor
27.9.75.
government
up all
their
daily
move increasingly
their
major
Noticias
La Causa Peronista
impunity
numerous losses
death.
Per6n's
in
the three
gradually
hazardous.
This
of victims,
there
Rodolfo
-
2.
political
to them but
was not
terror
the right-wing
1.
Not only
extended
were several
Ortega
but
-.
journalists,
had institutional
to society
prominent
large.
left-wingers
Julio
significant
lecturers,
more losses
regime.
than
the Nontonero
in
debeen
participation
on militants
Frondizi,
were also
lawyers,
at
since
due to attacks
PeRa, Silvio
there
factor
solely
sharply
suffered
military
Argen-
militants
had increased
the
had suffered
Anti-Comunista
200 popular
was a fundamental
repression
denied
(Alianza
against
and Quieto
civilian
violence
and
organisation
had themselves
of struggle
years
to resume warfare.
cision
ivists
Approximately
The Montoneros
Political
ly
A).
or
El Peronista
Firmenich
offices
the
of all,
Alliance
ed since
Youth
Anti-Communist
the
Triple
-
tina
Leaders
Peronist
detained,
of
El Descamisado,
turn.
governments
the State
weeklies
most important
at
Argentine
police
in
positions
each banned in
and,
to the Right,
and their
the Montoneros
above ground,
but
because
entertainers
act-
Atilio
of less
overt-
and sportsmen
Montonero)
In April
1976, they created the Montonero Party (Partido
democratic
See the Cuadernos
centralism.
which claims to practice
interview
in RevolPoliticos
with a Montonero leader,
published
joint
bulletin
Chilean revolutionof various
ucl6n,
a now defunct
(December
tendencies
1977).
ary
7th September 1974; and "Respuesta
See the Buenos Aires Herald,
(Buenllamamiento
Montonero,
"
Avanzada
Socialista
al
socialista
(9th
September 1974), pp. 8-9.
120
Aires),
no.
os
295
-
or forced
right-wing
Behind
exile.
was a successful
them from
to dissuade
public,
eral
into
this
less
discriminate
to sow fear
attempt
among the
involvement
any political
gen-
and public
commitment.
Early
(CNu)
tration
bodyguards,
Colonel
all
Osinde.
Jorge
Social
Welfare
Police
Chief
Ministry
were transformed
kidnappings
Latin
American
goon squads
in Triple
pecially
including
Allende's
Parallel
1.
2.
they
Police,
leading
Police
were strong
and unmol-
protests,
Uruguayan
right-wing
personnel,
with
Prats
links
by
other
with
were apparent,
and Bolivian
and his
offensive
Pol-
of their
several
services
came an ideological
were confirmed
Moreover,
General
by Triple
connections
and intelligence
on Chilean,
Its
roles.
guard,
with
both
into "arrests".
an extremely
active
death
pars-police
and Itakas,
chief
remained
with
security
of this
playing
chief
wife.
es-
refugees,
I
launched through
and anti-Semitic
the
magazine
by Felipe
the Social
military
to this
El
Caudillo,
of
pages
edited
A attacks
Massacre along
command of Perbn's
though
dreaded.
when there
Concen-
National
the Ezeiza
Ford Falcons
became universally
University
in
activities
Villar
Alberto
numberless
ice,
However,
A operations.
their
the
under
their
by the police,
ested
the
and Organisational
responsible.
union
like
organisations
on,
from
the
296
-
the Right's
university
rearguard
as its
and took
sympathisers)
One of
"the
to Mexico)
to flee
by the
octogenarian
the
ed that
option
best
(i. e. Peronist
enemy is
Puiggr6s
Rodolfo
Education
Laguzzi,
The latter,
Minister
both
appointed
Oscar Ivanissevich,
open to Argentines
claim-
was to be:
"Justicialists
Political
be a
or Marxists .......
parties
will
have to
the liberal
thing of the past .... all
parties
will
Here and now, one
and Marxism.
choose between Justicialism
has to be either
Christ".....
"An attempt
with Christ
or against
has been made to construct
society
a pluralist
and one can see
We possess the truth and reason; the others
the consequences.
treat
them accordingly".
3
don't and we will
"treatment"
This
Hipblito
ly
it
hit
both
some tactical
urban
guerrilla
Right
wanted
from
a large
above ground
through
their
them to do.
By going
Moreover,
measures.
on trade
attacks
of forging
agreement
alliances
over
its
with
enmity
leaders,
with
for
CGT leaders
between
2.
Quoted in Kandel
3.
Ibid.,
and Monteverde,
op.
and made
cut themselves
this
sectors
increas-
step
and
destroyed
which
policies.
was never
p. 30.
were con-
Though a
on the cards,
off
had developed
introducing
the burocracia
Clear-
the extreme
the Montoneros
labour
like
by resuming
they
taking
areas
what
they
a pretext
1.
P. 31.
exactly
base which
through
union
a bomb attack.
However,
underground,
government
Congressmen,
recruitment
did
the government
superstructural
the Montoneros
warfare,
part
potential
in
change imperative.
or strategic
possibility
fronting
and their
Party
killed
the Left
draconian
ingly
all
Yrigoyen
Solari
even to Radical
extended
of popular
and Ratil
Ottalango.
Left
a dead enemy".
by Alberto
fascist
single
"the
motto,
(like
administrators
forced
guerrillas"
successes
greatest
the
- 297 that
fact
numerous
challenged
real
industrial
leadership
the
during
ed by workers
at first
attempted
front
identification
total
latter's
the
above ground,
organisations
to arms therefore
return
gained
Clandestinity
and unions.
for
selves
their
ing
main emphasis
The sixteen
eros
of
the
with
and their
events,
to
round
naive
reacting
like
and coherent
base than
political
Due to the
organisation.
faith
to them like
future
they
blind
boxers.
perspectives
revealed
had they
restructured
but
themthan
work rather
certainly
they
had enjoyed
the political
plac-
and act
stumbling
accordingly,
the start
at
of their
Monton-
weaknesses
the
provided
character
simplistic
in Perbn,
punch-drunk
for
militants
time
of
analysis
surprised
from round
to establish
the result
The
poor districts
by this
union
given
potential
leading
their
all
political
on combat.
those
their
voic-
units.
unavoidable
and trade
a stronger
1973 but
was probably
political
clandestine
in
their
military
the universities,
still
totally
reduction
own
impossible
the Montonero
in
support
to leave
with
for
their
the slogans.
in
proved
clandestinity
and enforced
mass activity
Constituci6n
to elect
this
meant a great
car work-
an exceedingly
and again
Strike.
This
and Revolution-
fought
the right
for
were
Car Workers'
the Villa
in
there
sectors.
leader
local
but also
the C6rdoban
in
1975 General
that
workers
interference;
national
without
steel
two months
lasting
battle
militant
when local
1975,
of early
strike
the
sacking
indicates
the national
Communist Party
ary
from
issues
of the militant
support
of 1974 to prevent
action
(SMATA) leadership
Union
the
economic
over
struggle
anti-bureaucracy
only
bureaucracy
union
of winning
possibilities
ers'
were not
strikes
clear
being
by
298
that
they
unities
a decision
Coral
described
tinuation
that
once again,
though
urban
due to its
a government,
is
by other
of politics
incapable
leader
means but
guerrilla
6th but
tions
the preceding
weeks.
of Lanusse's
former
assassination
July
This
15th.
1972 Trelew
of the
tect
GAN which
set
the keynote
off
and violence,
used,
not
political
only
Interior
against
of its
was to show,
weaken
own.
action
- retribution
executions
and his
saw the
Arturo
for
being
government
became far
property
was the
Mor Roig, on
Mor Roig's
campaign.
and State
capitalist
The likelihood
is
that
and kidnappings
organisation
Coral,
Montonero
emerged from
quoted
place
the
came
gloves
more extensively
but also
fund-raising
throughout
"truce"
in Buenos Aires
it
Minister,
discriminate,
still
a con-
announced
Of these
of war being
the Montoneros
probability,
truce
official
1.
for
justified
against
enemies.
In all
raids
there
punitive
purely
condonation
of the
fact
in
their
can significantly
from
to
Juan Carlos
coming period
alternative
Firmenich
on September
during
isolation
leader
dictum
the
the
and, reverting
The Montoneros
warfare
a political
Mario
1974,
to resolve
Party
Clausewitz
essential
of generating
Montonero
Workers
the
opport-
By September
offensive
narcissism".
with
of warfare
political
cul-de-sac
to a military
as "bourgeois
resumption
a political
Socialist
which
of the
advantage
engendered.
in
looked
mould,
original
full
polarisation
themselves
found
problems,
the
social
which
Montoneros
their
to take
were unable
much better
Herald,
in September
16 months,
equipped
15th September
the
1974.
such as bank
activities
the
during
for
the
and financed.
1974.
299
-
Moreover,
eros
the
it
toneros
Right
for
as a pretext
a major
during
period
(UOCRA), Rogelio
vious
military
while
a union
treatment
tions
for
such as promoting
Born,
through
of another
Argentine
1.
Ibid.,
of their
Another
in Paraguay
victims
Union
when Cmpora
with
collaboration
the
pre-
fortune
for
venereal
the kidnapping
during
of a further
threats
of the year",
20th September
Bunge y Born.
time
1974.
the
they
19th
and national
in
interests"
for
captivity
executive,
until
of
manager respectively
which
on September
kidnapping
the people
escalation
Sound founda-
exchequer.
monopolies,
inflation.
price
military
and general
the workers,
against
The "kidnapping
guerrilla
director
the
or imagin-
real
to Buenos Aires
trip
by the Montonero
were laid
"acts
the dramatic
for
was a healthy
of the Mon-
of a huge personal
accumulation
prerequisite
period
this
his
for
(claiming
of the Construction
refuge
time
tried
and his
leader,
at the
1974-76
leader
Lor-
with
at the
part
of "Marxists",
purge
of retribution
regime
An essential
the
way, it
He had taken
Coria.
fearful
was elected,
on the
in
to rivalry
(since
of
Jose
or opportunism
authors)
Either
regret)
the
the former.
- probably
either
were not
of Labour,
duplicity
and expressed
they
of which
1973 assassination
death
his
the Monton-
event,
Confederation
attributed
revealed
innocence
professed
an action
ist
the episode
the
after
the September
General
enzo Miguel,
they
of the
Secretary
General
long
that,
for
responsibility
claimed
Rucci.
be noted
should
finally
as the Montoneros
yielded.
modestly
referred
-300 -
this
to
record,
to one-third
equivalent
60+ million
them a cool
netted
coup,
of the national
the
were the
Born brothers
pesos
of food
worth
company's
Monde, - Corriere
Sera,
della
poor
Montonero
of large
placing
in
and clothing
industrial
and modifications
tions
occasion,
the )ontoneros
of money with
a political
On this
propriation
struggle.
tary
ly
operations
paternalistic.
of the organisation
strength
Jorge
Indeed,
struggle.
Montoneros'
his
organisation
element
and fascists
policemen
praise
the Montonero
responsible
given
the Peronist
but
the political
benefits
derived
and at worst
ression
and right-wing
killings
1.
Born,
was that
quoted
in
violence.
ibid.,
the
the Guardian,
and working
bound up with
it
Le
condi-
ex-
industrial
their
milihigh-
was certainly
the superior
revealed
the earlier
phase of armed
in June 1975,
gave the
when he described
political
the deaths
Left
from
it
as
Police
losses
The shooting
of popular
Chief
Alberto
of
militants
above ground,
while
measures were at
an escalation
Most prominent
became
assassination
such punitive
of Federal
over Argentina;
in
repertoire.
for
understandable,
nil
old
is
best
of
release
of armed struggle,
in
the release
as a means of combining
highest
and
upon his
being
two years
member companies.
compared with
Born,
This
of 3,600 million
all
relations
the action
Nevertheless,
for
of the workers,
the struggles
with
conditions
action
Montoneros
the
by
seen
If
world
budget.
least
advertisements
Zeitung;
at
for
areas
the Washington
in
defence
distribution
company's
ransom -a
at
going
Other
independent.
dollar
of State
repvendetta
whose motor
-301-
launch
was blown
Pillar,
dock in
November 1974.
created
the counter-insurgent
a leading
in
role
Party
HQ in
March
1974 Atlanta
August
ponded with,
all
the
up of Pillar
was the
outcome
pended
constitutional
be just
as repressive
developed
predecessor.
for
a penchant
General
Chief,
unofficial
brought
Chief
firmed
the weakness
State
Chief
Cardozo,
in
in
The assassination
campaign
and extreme
ishment
of repressors
and exploiters
ernment
repression,
but
also
against
Drawing
and other
1.
with
the
and labour
capital
de Firmenich,
"
op.
cit.
These assof
policemen,
entrepre-
of increased
pungov-
on the guerrillas
rebounding
derived
con-
as a polit-
movement in
first
group violence
aimed at
only
General
way back in
general.
from
capital
to
blow provoked
were killed.
and provocation
not
sus-
proved
Videla's
The latter
right-wingers
latter
kidnappings,
"Palabras
left
the
and later
benefits
which
killing
chiefs,
70 people
political
the Montoneros
Nevertheless,
and small
officials
neurs,
Margaride,
by an anarchist
of individual
only
successor,
Tune-1976.
which
its
of Seige
1970-72)
no more political
Ramon Falcon
Police
method.
Police
of a State
police
assassinating
reprisals
police
assinations
ical
as his
Month (Federal
Caceres
Police
Pillar's
res-
was popular
rights.
the
and Margaride",
of our Movement".
imposition
government's
the Montoneros'
of "Montonero,
to be well-equipped,
Left
from aJusticialist
to chants
slogans
had
victims
we want
"we inherit
in
boat
warfare,
when Firmenich,
rally
a Tigre
anti-guerrilla
brigade
of Trelew
death
His
away from
in
helmet
coffins
1972.
it
an expert
blue
seizing
have a request,
people
as he steered
to pieces
through
302-
their
of the
mass activity
base at beat
of urban
military
In
through
the first
they
After
directed
for
lost
ted
divor-
being
them or "in
with
lacked
for
with
the
the
government,
strike
move-
Province
on July
25th,
3 town halls
Art-
barricading
and overturned
House.
in
cars
attack,
practice
completely
what all
The attacks
military
off
before
the latter
combining
in
this
Buenos Aires
chains
strategy
Strike,
but
offices,
in
mili-
of C6rdoba.
General
against
participation.
about
their
the city
in
one hour
was popular
Montonero
mass struggles,
position
Government
the talk
all
a leading
hit
displayed
and 2 press
rising
in
again
of C6rdoba for
actions
that,
support
the side-effect
the victorious
a popular
stations,
the city
the provincial
control
these
for
offensive
7 police
into
days after
attaining
a similar
against
attacking
of mili-
political
sympathy"
attacks
20 stores
a call
fllery
terms
to actions
stations,
with
was no substitute
ment.
leading
the
surpassed
being
this
static,
synchronised
three
operation,
combined
July
in
superbly
bombed 2 police
blitz,
their
Latin
them.
of
might
seen in
yet
Tupamaros in
"in
by mid-1975
of 1975 far
however,
being
or merely
On two occasions
tary
them,
inevitably
escalation
half
Uruguayan
to have remained
appears
organisation
second
for
Unfortunately
prowess.
guerrilla
of the
exploits
the Montoneros
period,
of the
o, erativos
most spectacular
tary
urban
strongest
Their
1973-74
demonstra-
operations
with
the
subordinated
latter
to the former.
However,
isation
over
agreements
this
between
does appear
there
question.
the military
wing
directed
Insistent
wing
rumours
and leaks
of the Montoneros
by Firmenich.
within
A report
the
organ-
spoke of disled
by Quieto
in
one journal
303
-
the
interpreted
worried
as well
as serving
an intermediate
incident
(Partido
tonero
agreements
in
March 1976,
is
out
taken
a loss
which
the
22nd,
September
towards,
1.
Carta
for
though
inter-
on it.
He
on a beach at Mar-
whatsoever.
important
This
might
revelations
the military
for
when
the
serious
reputedly
carried
time,
unit
the Trelew
by generalised,
performance
trend
seriously
to experience
massacre,
(Buenos Aires),
of equal
however
in
on
anniversary
magnitude
these
on
months was
attacking
the force
of the Montoneros.
the Montonero
Ist
well-
level.
Argentina
The prevailing
the first
Politica
his
technical
by an encore
followed
of a high
throughout
15th-16th.
for
family
operations
bombs exploded
August
his
this
capitalise
caused,
statements
have strengthen-
themselves.
sentence
coordinated
as might
The Montoneros
his
to
was unable
power
the Misiones
Whether
approach.
precautions
no security
of conviction,
detention.
losses
Quieto
the disretook
in
more militaristic
or not,
the military
on
of Mon-
It
This
Peronist
the bulk
of the Aut6nticos
showing
by the time
having
under
the
valid
was arrested
suggest
the poor
who occupied
to concentrate
over whether
front.
resolved
banning
advocating
pretation
tinez,
though
and their
by-election
ed those
fully
were not
apparatus,
and sympathisers.
PPA)
to
throw
or
-
AutAntico
the military
into
milicianos,
work through
electoral,
Peronista
resources
combatants
dispute
of a broader
including
for
exercise
between
position
by Fir-
promoted
control
as a training
was part
political,
Party
Quieto's
at
menich,
as being
operation
August
"Arturo
1975.
Lewinger
The
In
Command"
304
-
its
marked
frigates,
missile-carrying
was the
this
turn
time
the
by blowing
anniversary
the killing
for
runway
transport
carrying
plane
and forty
in
action
guerrilla
the
badly
a major
an
the frontiers
of
momentarily
transcended
a "regular"
confrontation.
provincial
force
a Boeing
of Pac while
Montonero
airport.
troops
eye-witnesses
ed onto
the hijacked
plane
before
the enemy's
had an excellent
not
intelligence
"regular"
military
to launch
an action
capacity
in which
losses
operation
service,
and that
about
737 to the
seized
the Fed-
Aided
by the
conscript
as far
escaped,
also
finally
landed
vanished
in
the field
that
they
that
was highly
500 people
participated
imp-
as 47,
the Montoneros
were bordering
were financially
police
on escape roads.
of a
trace,
without
of nails
load-
30 combat-
carrying
they
as the
repulsed.
occupants
a victory,
Montoneros.
group
penetrated
by the scattering
eventual
13, the
it
being
The plane
halted
a third
of the
control
of Formosa,
capital
hijacked
no arms,
against
were
In a massive
50 uniformed
to have lost
ressive.
Five
off.
by about
claimed
Though their
C-130
on 5th October,
arsenal
while
a Hercules
de
place
before
Militarily,
At
being
Marcos Osatinsky.
took
was attacked
the regular
attack,
as it
Montonero
and took
Fe estancia
a vengeance
it
troops
Mayol,.
Santa
Next
and destroyed
control
Roberto
ants
Trinidad.
airport
Interventor
eral
attack
another
international
his
most modern
injured.
Regiment
Mountain
suffered
Montonero
anti-guerrilla
offensive
Simultaneously,
city's
by remote
to engage in
warfare
29th
again
leading
of
the Montoneros
which
three-pronged
which
ton Santisima
a comando bearing
Tucumn airport
Finally,
3,500
of
end of August,
killed
the
on a
strong
enough
either
in
305
-
combat or support
kudos
for
most of their
the Socialist
nine
lic
victims
who by force
1
as conscripts",
it
brought
them little
A statement
were conscripts.
issued
which
found
of circumstance,
of broad
"the
of
themselves
in
by
the Armed
sectors
of pub-
opinion.
Montonero
intentions,
were to demonstrate
rural
guerrilla
other
attacks
to try
ed,
their
in
level
would
had claimed
and allowed
of military
insurgency
tended
General
because
of
and the
have suggest-
with
the Air
the effective
that
launching
guerrilla
result
the military
Lanusse
in
a split
to
such
a coup.
had given
way
assassinations
officers.
In the final
this
back from
prisonGuevarist
to engineer
and encourage
that
the
in
materialised
hold
away from
as some analysts
shared
wing,
political
of repression
military
objective
almost
launch
attacks
free
the
help
weaponry,
was not,
was to increase
a coup.
of their
attention
momentarily
by Capellini
led
revolt
those
The overriding
a military
This
gain
military
power,
Tucumkn.
to provoke
least
or at
to divert
In
however,
(PST),
Party
Workers
workers
Forces
Politically,
roles.
in
operations,
previously
to most of Argentina.
largely
After
8th
October
1976, military
confined
counter-
the Armed
1975.
1.
Quoted in La Opini6n,
2.
"Paralizar
no. 204
el Pals pare Frenar el Golpe, " El Combatiente,
(18th February
1976), p. 2: "through
general mobilisation
of our
it is possible
to make the military
action,
people and guerrilla
draw back, to make them abandon their
plans for a coup and in that
liberties".
of democratic
way enable the conquest of a period
3.
del Gobierno,
Ira reconquista
"Per6n:
(19th June 1973), PP. 11-15.
"
El Descamisado,
no.
306
-
Forces
were immediately
later
the
provincial
the
Montoneros
the
outlawing
the direction
into
Council
police
of the attacks
effects
led
were placed
on the
under
Armed Forces
of the Autgntico
military
surface
Seven days
illegalisation
last
of
on September
legal
8th
and
on Christmas
party
Other
command.
were the
government
of the Montoneros'
the loss
of the repressive
by the President.
by the military-pressured
involving
also
the Defence
through
campaign
brought
El Auten-
paper,
tico.
Illegalisation
to
the
which
guerrillas
it
-
only
was seldom,
they
would
tion.
What it
prepared
the
ression
ists
of
least
bringing
had themselves
guerrillas,
disposal
the role
in
them,
against
military
of the
for
was now
even if
"special
in its
after
rep-
Montonero
all-out
this
Previous-
opponents.
on it
the
to trial,
associa-
a justification
began late
brought
the government
Now, however,
1973 return.
provided
which
its
was that
loss
any great
of illicit
charge
recognised
Perbn's
about
a further
compelled
the Montoneros,
who at
were combatants
had felt
government
face
means at
into
played
meant that
however,
represented,
to use every
objectively
ly,
the Montoneros
of
in
actions
the
war against
coup.
The Montoneros
Peronist
tured
Marcos
leader
Youth
Juan Carlos
Osatinsky,
leaders
and killed
military
right
Were significant
days later;
but
not
critical.
fell
Their
losses
in
1975 -
of the organisation,
and Quieto
individual
murdered
Dante Gullo
to be later
the latter
in April,
some important
suffered
into
the Videla
coup;
in
numerical
losses
in
1975
were still
an
307-
important
pared
the non-Peronist
with
however
to
were related
Peronist
led
identity
been seen,
mer Peronist
factor
limiting
in
them in
vide
them with
It
thrust
in
were directed
only
fully
the
guerrilla
Montoneros
ological
help
could
to present
was a regime
account
salient
tendency
tion
to its
and involved
remote
from
of this
development
was to lose
military
far
that
of Isabel
a coherent
resources
they
than
its
Though it
of the Montonero
campaign,
resources,
and struggles
in
operations
they
The
predecessor
a detailed
As Montonero
method-
alternative.
work to provide
almost
as in
the
while
were for
political
the Montoneros.
ground
and were
Once again,
more repressive
Army
guerrilla
the year.
it
the main
Revolutionary
rural
a government,
political
development.
year
People's
in
1970's,
in weakening
of reference
of the
for-
to pro-
allegiance
first
latter
much later
of the early
As has
mass base
counter-insurgency
the
to destabilise
unable
reasons
the
against
against
nationally
campaign
they
of 1975.
of their
all
identity
the
1975, military
overwhelmingly
deployed
half
latter
the
political
during
repression
From February
Tucumn.
rearguard.
was directed
government
Their
sufficient
of anti-guerrilla
Movement.
to draw on their
and aid,
to take
retained
All
of warfare.
able
until
failed
they
1974,
an adequate
was also
Per6n's
repression
factors.
crucial
resumption
recruits
as com-
of being
for
undoubtedly
September
with
their
a matter
government
a limited
after
capacity
due to several
and perform
them with
organisations
survival
of the Peronist
part
them to surface
sustenance
Youth
being
being
their
this
greater
guerrillas
provided
upon for
rest
their
organisation,
military
inverse
is
be-
chronoits
propor-
became larger
became increasingly
of the working
class.
- 308 -
If
that
one accepts
to that
as non-beneficial
illa
Though it
in
icipation
the
divorce
during
when,
1975 General
from
buses
in
solidarity
but
class
the
16 months
did
factor
alienating
It
choice.
ological
tendency
the Montonero
organisations
political
the militaristic
to adapt,
refused
derive
was also
which,
from
purely
as will
of movimientismo,
identity
of the
and temporarily
an ideological
be seen from
the Montoneros
fatal
This
of struggle.
of the
a reflection
a general
to materialise.
which
partially
forms
1976
the political
except
for
a call
strategy
to its
above ground,
not
in September
failed
which
part-
some evidence
fire
Montonero
significant,
issued
they
had selected.
during
given
that
prove
a general
with
tendencies.
labour
was not
strike,
combat units
was inevitable
working
the labour
a power workers'
Montonero
strike.
Strike
"industrial
as the guerr-
movement as well
of militant
only
repressive
of the
notion
to conclusively
impossible
is
fictitious
labour
the development
hampering
of their
to the
were applied
guerrilla",
illas,
the largely
through
which,
policies
to justify
government
not
For guerr-
as detrimental.
also
actions
can be viewed
strategy
but
activity
and indeed
of the working
organisation
then Montonero
class
must involve
politics
and independent
This
revolutionary
or methodcomposition
social
of the
the analysis
bbur-
petty
was predominantly
of
geois.
OTHER 'MOVIMIENTISTAS'
Montonero
mergers
1.
with
Personal
1976.
growth
other
in
Peronist
interview
with
the 1970-74
guerrilla
period
was greatly
organisations.
a Montonero,
Buenos Aires,
facilitated
Of these,
30th
by far
September
by
309
-
FAR)
who cooperated
-
from
actions
fusing
1971 until
to the movimientista
of the Montoneros
started
out
ism as its
working
as the proto-FAR
the
student
Enrique
and Letters
in
Party,
ployment).
an IBM programmer
Among the
companera Raquel
2.
Jorge
Liliana
with
Gelin
Gillette
A.
the
Other
members, Alberto
had the distinction
1967,
com-
group was
the
de Buenos
of Philosophy
early
the Communist
and Juan Pablo
Olmedo also
Miguel
their
prominent
in
and
was Carlos
leader
a spell
(where
It
through
Nacional
the FAR in
with
foco.
in
united
of the Faculty
who, after
years
a few Peronists
Their
Colegio
student
Actor
Victor
Suarez, "The Revolutionary
Weapons, " in Kohl and Litt,
op. cit.,
Appendix
-See
later
Bolivian
members passing
at the
and joined
student
strategy
was created
Socially,
of Buenos Aires.
Quieto
Maestre,
1.
brilliant
the University
two forces
the Argentine
in
group,
background",
other.
or
studying
became a reputedly
had
Guevar-
revolutionary
Left,
most of its
with
some time
movement at
the
that
to Guevara's
Cuban Revolution.
bourgeois
petty
Montoneros
poles,
or proto-R,
traditional
the
a political
without
for
mon enthusiasm
appendix
from
route
different
had pure
recognition
several
Their
1973.
journey
and that
Armadas
fact.
the Argentine
aim of becoming
solidly
Peronist
in
was radically
opposite
a growing
that
with
to alternatively
referred
Drawn from
through
date
PAR origins
Left
was predominantly
October
whereas
point.
embarkation
class
Aires,
for,
on the Right,
came together
gradually
of the Peronist
wing
to that
the Montoneros
with
them in
with
(Fuerzas
Armed Forces
found
em-
of being
Armed Forces:
pp. 379-386.
one of the
With
Che's
the
-310-
earliest
clandestine
couples.
Both politically
Cuban Revolution.
of the
it
in
adopted
Bolivian
group
was ready
found
effect
Their
post
for
that
mortem noted
the fledgling
Argentine
foQuismo
until
supports
for
the rural
foguismo
icising
Debray
alyst.
which
"a national
1970, seeing
between
to their
own ideas.
their
an organisation;
these
loco.
political
the
cities
they
as merely
Though seeing
were also
they
the maturation
towards
though
in
the
their
clung
on to rural
sources
of logistical
a dialectical
conditions
would accelerate
experience",
society,
regarded
relationship
and thus
foauismo
of revolutionary
crit-
as a catconditions:
FAR interview-,
(April
1971),
2.
Ibid.,
thinking
in
terms
Pp. 57-58.
of continental
y Revoluci6n,
rural
no.
in-
by the
recognised
Strategically,
and revolutionary
in
group realised
Olmedo's
immediate.
was not
conversion
of Guevara's
the Argentine
before
them to question
experience;
as responding
Olmedo
military.
details
and failure
the name
own defects".
Peronist
frustrated
"Che lacked
political
classes
of Cuba's
to conclude
and led
was a dependent
Armadas Revolucionarias,
The death
on the proto-FAR
popular
Moreover,
the mid-1960's
action.
in a national
Bolivian
"our
in
venture
serted
Even Fuerzas
Cuba twice
visited
the proto-FAR
and economically,
28
311 -
warfare
guerrilla
ing
to join
and the
Inti
Peredo,
provincial
risings
up with
to revise
defeats
The Bolivian
from
lation
itary
organisation,
It
is
led
Peronism
characterise
one leaves
aside
transformation,
Marxist
Peronism.
towards
represented
the
was the
notion
subjective
political
particular
time
in
how these
defeat
was Guevara's
labour
for
strong
the
variant
as
of
erst-
a more sympathetic
three
step
culminating
was to
which,
despite
its
to urban
rural
working-class
interests
of the Argentine
It
became
which,
to overcome their
of a revolutionary
identification
Guevarists
in Bolivia
movement by taking
a constant,
history.
organisa-
until
a nationally-based
attempt
Finally,
abandonment
its
by their
campaign.
armed struggle
of objective
only
13-14 Mini-
of
to Buenos Aires
to the world
existence
as a revolutionary
remained
of pre-
them with
This
step
three
had provided
The proto-FAR
to the search
from
isolation
attitude
If
years
socialism.
while
time,
By this
to examine exactly
The first
"Peronised".
1970.
announce its
interesting
to "nationalise"
poltio-mil-
against
a continuous
own iso-
urban-based
the 26th
Rockefeller.
to urban warfare.
of their
group
anonymous expropriations
to protest
enough to sustain
the
the
a pro-Peronist
structure.
did not
wisely
led
struggles
becoming
operation,
Nelson
owner,
tion
awareness
popular
led
formations"
a growing
the FAR, in
max supermarkets
"special
the Cordo-
of the Tupamaros
example
combined with
organisational
one spectacular
the
and look
a solid
of 1969,
and plann-
However,
successor.
conceptions
through
focuismo
to Bolivia
looking
strategic
Argentine
their
paratory
its
Che's
Peronist
of the urban
emergence
proto-FAR
to some extent
and still
therefore
involved
theory
to Peronism
class
at a
departure
312
-
from
the
analysis
analytical
do justice
to national
instrument"
banner".
political
ersal
Marxist
peculiarities.
became Peronist
of a "theoretical
a demand that
than
the argument
with
They opted
for
to the status
Marxism
and relegated
that
was "not
it
a univ-
a:
(which)
"revolutionary
nationalism
would imply a positive
evaluation of the Peronist
experience,....
which would be much more
difficult
to know how to develop without
the aid of MarxismLeninism but which is not constructed
with the mere aid of MarxismLeninism but with ours, with that of the experience
of the
Peronist
1
people".
here was to "be together
FAR motivation
them to adopt
had stood
Per6n
agement
ence that
illusions
class
are
only
possible
metamorphosis
he appropriately
These documents
While
under
wing
of his
practice
that
"why freedom,
Perbn's
that
justice
encour-
verbal.
of Olmedo as he polemicised
an exchange
referred
to as "a dialogue
that
reveal
in
exper-
socialism".
success,
recognising
the past,
their
the Peronist
and identity
Revolutionary
revolutionary
theory
in
to share
people,
- and only
in Per6n.
conciliation
from experience
for
vital
a revolutionary
popular
for
for
something
of the people"
experience
the
basis
as
-
ience
led
"the
to take
but
by step",
step
experience
the
with
with
the
of documents
between
deaf men".
in
4
Peronism
p. 62.
1.
Ibid.,
2.
3.
"Los
4.
For an English
summary of the documents, published
(28th
June 1973) & 4, op* cit.,
3
nos.
see Hodges,
1976""., ope cit.,
pp. 88-93.
cit.,
p. 63.
in Militancia,
Argentina.
1943-
313
-
immediately,
took
no Peronist
"Today,
ment that
tine
up a movimientista
and the
worker
of course".
vis-a-vis
national
being
mainly
differentiated
isoned
in
level
the
Peronism,
left
(1946-55)
(1945),
October
17th
seeing
while
force"
whose central
theory
ignored,
Aporte
opponents
original
ideological
or limitations
Peroniam
baggage which
to in
proletarian,
was the
organised
was explanation
Proceso...,
"
This
2.
Ibid.
3.
op.
of
had supposedly
class.
"FAR:
in
-"Today
as a revolutionary
working
at
an attempt
the protagonist
class,
camp".
while
as fundamen-
antagonism
They evad2
force"
as a "social
of the working
suggested
the Movement.
of,
allies
"loyal"
Peronism
within
1.
al
Movement as a
as "true",
not-totally
however,
Peronist
the Peronism/Anti-Peronism
axis
the Monton-
of Peronism,
evaluation
by presenting
how a bourgeois
to explain
all
and "non-
of themselves
a positive
their
darwinization
Social
1971,
and their
within,
analysis
a societal
tal.
was
classes,
of the
ideology
them to conceive
to reach
order
everything
ed class
Peronism,
that
"authentic"
They took
of authenticity.
Peronists
contradictions
major
into
as Peronists,
as the official
enabled
and "authentic"
ors".
of foreign
visualisation
antagonistic
lines
political
along
of Per6n
In
of ultimately
an alliance
the notion
and this
whole
the
the Argen-
No authentic
company.
to see themselves
order
invoked
rhetoric
between
coexistence
both
is
the state-
Peroniats.
authentic"
eros
Here there
capital
than
In
in
of a foreign
capitalist...
Peronist,
rather
believes
in
as reflected
position,
"social
What the
were not
in
cit.
" Nuevo Hombre,
314the leadership
hegemony.
The FAR's
they
which
of the
One also
Perlin himself
finds
in
of guerrilla
allure
to find
aries
and shortest".
another
document,
catalytic
impact
they
could
guerrilla
social
That
was, however,
guerrilla
earlier,
for
success,
make this
than
rather
on the
ideas
at
the reluc-
by resorting
have a catalytic
had argued
that
to arms,
of the
enemy through
effect
on the masses
some sixty
years
the masses,
stimulating
in
repeated
the vulnerability
of
nearest
conquest
impatience
processes
as Trotsky
conquest
of Guevarist
up immediately.
would
revolution-
the short-cuts",
and political
this
an illusion
which
the influence
and demonstrating
attacks.
trust
of the
to the
class
and petty-bourgeois
to rise
accelerate
the
underlines
an explanation
the working
to "finding
both
reflects
of foguismo
by disorganising
lead
reference
of the proletariat
tance
only
FAR documents
the short-cuts
This
2
points
and exercise
warfare.
must find
were to attain
as leader.
the early
(and)
power...
on these
silence,
in
placed
more
likely:
them to their
"reconciles
powerlessness,
and turns their
eyes and
hopes towards a great avenger and liberator
who some day will
his mission"...
"the greater
their
impact,
come and accomplish
the more they reduce the interest
of the masses in self-organising
3
and self-education".
baptism
The public
took
they
ied
its
control
police
expropriation.
Calera
operation
of
the small
the Tupamaros'
served
office,
(population
and then
Pando occupation
as models - indeed
Ibid.
2.
FAR: "Documento
sada Socialista,
3.
Leon Trotsky,
Why Marxists
Oppose Individual
lished
in the Militant,
organ of the Socialist
7th September 1973.
Polftica,
September
1970 when
30,000),
occup-
out a bank
carried
1.
de Actualizaci6n
(17th
121
no.
July
on 30th
place
town of Garin
and telephone
station
Both
to their
quoted
La
operation
in Avan-
(1911),
repubParty (USA),
as
- 315 -
(little
randito
losses
Pando)
followed
which
while
two prototypal
the
it
time
During
urban
active
dependent
years
guerrilla
organisation
it
place,
security
military
Argentine
same time
er four
in
early
female
for
witnessed
of a commando unit
at
Garn,
Villagra
and Bafff
during
of Angel
Castilla,
assassinated
Moreover,
Mara
erto
Astudillo,
August
it
more at
attacked
to die,
students,
police
Liliana
killed
Gelin
in battle
were captured.
A furth-
documentation
in Ferreyra,
Cordoba;
the Trelew
and
week.
in
leader
Olmedo,
the following
Elias
were to perish
and
of action.
squad in
doorstep
Alfredo
leading
of Juan Pablo
by a death
In
of important
a November gunbattle
Sabelli,
the
piece
months.
the deaths
on his
an
in-
its
to attain
and last
to the loss
killed
for
1970 Raquel
organisation
several
into
Heribof
executions
1972.
of its
Peronist
base both
rather
to move towards
the
Ang6lica
all
Secondly,
suit
to a number of factors.
guerrilla
1971 led
It
failure
which
the FAR.
for
year
Its
At the end of
up FAR development
held
which
because
16 members of the
arrests
be a success
could
to have suffered
soon.
At the
the
of
can be attributed
perhaps
too
personnel
followed,
which
armed actions.
appears
forces,
guerrilla
the objective
actions,
such an operation
the three
and co-sponsored
the first
State
that
Given the
plans.
was.
of the Montoneros
stature
their
making
exotic
Peronism
activity.
(in
which
Peronist
and lacked
eyes)
leading
origins.
militants
emphasis
weakness appears
Finally,
the
support
of a political
latter
on combat rather
was also
of
hindered
than attempting
to
by
316-
integrate
guerrilla
with
actions
than
(the)
destroy
for
ation,
bourgeois
army,
the aid
with
a retired
Movement in
ist
the
April
in
taken
(ERP),
1972 when,
General
left
executioners
the
period
though
to their
alien
for
rather
than
a political
political
revolutionary
moreover,
the
latter:
forms
that
strategy,
struggle
1.
"Los
2.
Ibid.,
Revolutionary
Army
Army Corps in
that
he had wiped
body,
his
This
organisation
during
guerrilla
cit.,
is
decide
a question
is
it
clear
activity
merely
means".
p. 58.
workers
politics
2
of choosing
from
with
their
that
a military
documents
struggle
military
to
little
amounted
by other
to call
They
power.
workers'
was equated
struggle
measure was
of struggling
of struggle.
was not
warfare
guerrilla
punitive
bullet-riddled
to the experiences
related
and
chief
a factor
in no way enhanced
were not
signed
by a Peronist
action
a police
the Peron-
deserting
the People's
Beside
card
killed
and
ambushed
commander of the II
Sanchez,
In July
to be condemned by Perbn.
Such actions,
elections,
purely
with
former
the
a calling
the only
opt
together
guerrillas.
was perhaps
1970-73
A similarly
Juan Carlos
for
of the fco".
they
Sanmartino,
Julio
to
a confront-
were assassinations.
1950's
Rosario,
ally
Major
and this
necessary
for
the role
short,
armed organisations,
of Cordoba.
director
prisons'
in
PAR operations
of other
army officer,
is,
is
"It
the conditions
generating
a civil
that
the
words,
Montoneros,
in
reflection
a mild
In other
mass struggles.
that
and,
more than
by
-317When outlining
that
ted
their
"line
partite
14
counter-blow".
with
revolutionary
task
of winning
tine
workers
In stressing
political
were either
offer
the working
would
lead
them,
between
of closer
totally
negated
insistence
to, win
on this
proto-FAR
up theories
about
them",
by the guerrilla,
Ibid.,
2.
"13 Preguntas...,
The
to
Army" which
Argentina
on the ashes
that
in
note
order
class
that
we put
one leader
coupled
but
with
in
reliance
move-
emphasis
was almost
on combat.
power militarily,
There was much
dis-
which
things
a wedge
labour
advantage
politically.
disdain
PP- 3-4.
and the
to seize
their
even in
said
had driven
this
overwhelming
the working
identity
69.
p.
1.
growth,
warfare
the workers
considerable
said
through
Left
the Marxism-Leninism
had exhibited
alone.
up to the expectations
guerrilla
organisation's
one should
"Ye always
action:
because
with
over
in
Moreover,
carded.
live
not
did
of a Peronist
contact
by the
by
stimulated
a People's
"a Socialist
Argen-
that
experiences
was,
of power,
of the revolutionary
section
ilities
action
class
was partly
a major
build
They felt
State".
it
their
vanguard
"an instrument
them to eventually
the working
from
the guerrilla
of
class
the bourgeois
If
learn
the
abandoned
or that,
revolutionary
already
of
struggle
guerrilla
ideas.
a tri-
and a "line
line"
to their
class
in
one element
they would
task
self-appointed
just
rather
struggle,
the working
combat to popular
linking
an "erpropriatory
included
also
activity,
guerrilla
ment.
(i. e. that
but
line",
operational
of insertion"
scheme which
had in
"triple
struggle)
of
their
for
into
earlier
theory
practice
1971.
the
phase,
to
as a guide
before
we made
on the experiences
of
on
the
318
-
class,
working
Cuban Revolution,
Though the
to the
tion
to be an unsatisfactory
proved
importance
rule,
successful
inspiration,
have almost
revolutions
of a revolutionary
party
in mass activity.
participation
invariably
influence
gaining
In dropping
their
to a new identity
- urban
methodology
guerrilla
straitjacket",
selftheo-
and to a modified
Marxism-Leninism
to find
only
through
revolutionary
experience
shown the
Guevarist
early
They rejected
warfare.
excep-
and support
identification,
ry but
their
formula.
revolutionary
in
refuge
a tight-
er one.
despite
Nevertheless,
non-Peronist
People's
contribution
to the
with
contact
of
toneros
early
but
er Descamisados
ist
less
which
each felt
which
fall
(the
to respond
was conducting
Victor
2.
"13 Preguntas...,
Suarez
arose
interview,
op. cit.,
from
p. 3.
of the Peronplus
the small-
the Peron-
discussion.
through
was at
and the need
affiliation
op. cit.,
the
coordinating
armed struggle
are
or not
through
activities
common Perohist
"with
differences
Hector
groups
than
the Mon-
the Montoneros
"armed wing"
differences
political
differentiation
1.
their
the role
with
of whether
until
(OAP), a loose
dictatorship)
of Ongania,
with
the question
around
Commando coordinated
important
first
conversed
differences
early
established
discussed
1969,
with
Subsequently,
made to reconcile
Political
(FAP) in
and
make an important
The proto-FAR
Armed Organisations
were also
Armed Forces
revolved
by the Montoneros
overshadowed
of the Montoneros.
Their
1971.
in
formations"
Movement.
ist
growth
bureaucracy
somewhat obscure
"special
Revolutionary
the Peronist
Peronist
the
being
its
pp.
However,
to the
with
change in
the
the
319
-
strategy.
regime's
not
Though the
it
clear,
thwarted
early
the Montonero
criteria
however,
degree
The Montonero
fact...
due to
determinant
on the basis
created
identity.
Political
enough to prevent
By the end of
social-
accidental
was an absolute
the
coordinator
was "an
1971 there
period
1971.
faltered
also
of agreement
analysis
these
was therefore
strong
in
an ultimate
in Argentina".
structure.
of this
it
are
and non-Peroniet
shared
a common Peronist
plus
between
divergence
and a greater
Peronist
or not
were still
a formalised
from attaining
that
they all
Armed Organisations
claimed
"being
and anecdotic
The Peronist
almost
that
insistence
total
that
on the basis
nor a circumstantial
differences,
the Peronist
to unite
attempts
controversy
initiative
guerrilla
objective,
of whether
alignments
Peronist
a unitarian
armed organisations,
ist
specific
the
in
organizations
and Descamisados".
probably
some groups:
(the
for
Monthe
in
"unilateralised
while
struggle
armed struggle,
the problem was one of integral
toneros)
popular war which would
2
have to be developed on all the fronts
of militancy".
In other
Youth,
words,
others
while
merely
Differences
at
eros
operations
but
1.
"La Unidad
2.
Ibid.
through
joint
not
growth
of the
Peroniat
de FAR y Montoneros,
activity.
" op.
Agreement
National
discussions,
differences
so much through
surface
Great
with
These organisations
relations.
the
to Lanusse's
how to react
of Montonero-Descamisados
promoted
on armed actions.
concentrated
over
the Montoneros
cit.
their
During
between
joint
the exmerged
the Monton-
military
the run-up
to
- 320 -
Perbn's
first
to lpther
in
(Struggle
Through
this
electoral
led
tional
conceptions.
formalised
Montoneros
this
through
However,
led by Carlos
direction
osite
in
unusual,
differences
destinity
process
they
which
1.
current
during
1972-3
Moves in
though
the oppto
the shift
Navarro
Column
the
in
a radicalisation
challenged
divide
the Left
requirements
debate
to the
was crucial
and internationally,
because
just
and political
of the
in
extremely
also
of
the clanmake
and hazardous.
least
the Montoneros
though
this
it
This
had
organisations'
had claimed
to do with
are
political
because
of the Montoneros,
Herald,
and real
difficult
Peronists
but
mergers
In November 1971,
of the other
guerrilla
sectarianism
general,
development
of obstacles
to Marxism.
were "authentic"
ideologies"
America
not
to overcome a lot
antipathy
being
conceptions.
Jose Sabino
reflect
with
due to
period
in mid-1974.
of the Montoneros'
ideas
this
Armed Forces
important
Column did
Unity
history.
a movimientista
the Peronist
numerically
Recovery
and security
cooperation
chapter,
The name
1973.
and alternativista
final
1973 and
office.
Both in Latin
highly
less
in
October
in
even-
and organisa-
by early
achieved
to the Montoneros
Montonero
of mainstream
Peronism
of 12th
emerge-in
were far
Cooke-Pujadas
and the
the
on the part
alternativismo
face
did
common activity
be seen in
went over
and eventually
fusion
worked
campaign.
political
unity
of movimientista
Caride
Return)
campaign,
Armed Forces
as will
and He'll
de facto
their
on and that
the irreconcilability
They reached
lived
the Peroniet
November 1972,
in
to a unification
tually
then
trip
return
the
that
"foreign
-321-
Joint
were important
operations
unity.
Montonero-FAR
started
on 26th
combined
July
Guerrero,
Metalworkers'
lay
in
his
orders.
general
the fact
that
The explanation
provincial
wing
landowner
had incurred
of the
joint
Peronist
Armed Forces
attempted
a joint
Concord plant
a high
late
in
ious
gunbattle
to produce
equally
Nacional
in
executive
of the Fiat
his
which
right-
followed
to force
order
of the union
However,
plant.
would-be
kidnappers
the
Armed Organisations'
and Peronist
aim was
the re-employment
of 246
their
victim
and in
were spotted
Peronist
actions
Armed Organisations
was
the feroclost
Olmedo,
and Peressini.
is
any public
group
called
Revolucionario
Of all
the Argentine
handful
of people,
documents
for
responsibility
small
C6rdoban government.
the re-legalisation
Baffi
Little
claiming
Fiat
arriving,
Villagra,
against
the Buenos
for
to the banning
response
SITRAC by the
union
militants,
occupation
bureaucrats
by going
wrath
the
from
Manuel de Anchorena.
was a costly
tary
of the
section
union
as candidate
as running
In November 1971,
sacked
in December
departure
trade
Perbn's
nominated
failure.
to kidnap
this
from killing
abstinence
vice-governorship,
Fiat
for
to
station
assassination
of the Avellaneda
secretary
Aires
the joint
actions,
numerous Monton-
notably
Guerrero
a Tucumn police
to
route
armed propaganda
mainly
attacked
death.
general
(UOM).
Union
Montonero
early
of Evita's
combinations,
ero-Descamisados
1972 of Luis
operations,
the
along
stepping-stones
the National
group which
occasional
communique
organisations,
became part
this
Its
failed
was an
Army (Ei6rcito
Revolutionary
also
the
a small
an operation.
ENR)
which
guerrilla
from
apart
group,
of the Montoneros.
"Army",
sole
composed of a
function
was that
322
-
of a "hit
that
"Hero
its
of the
'Return
Operation'
igence
involvement
"Army"
to guarantee
the
Y Revolucibn
in April
for
no pardons
This
general
in
Maza Montonero
of
"very
elemental".
Let
all
lack
"sufficient
A communique in
leaders
strength
Cristianismo
"There
words:
union
and
was not
was called,
of
the chilling
trade
leadership
Domingo Blajaquis
as it
informer",
1970 with
the
1960's
the late
freely
be
will
choose
leader
1960's.
Movement",
etc...,
The "Army"
The rationale
saw Argentina
attitudes
Revolutionary
"treason
"an agent
behind
divided
CGT
of the anti-Vandor
conciliatory
The National
being
of former
slaying
a police
action"..
up in August
the early
"Emilio
gime,
of its
Josh Alonso,
the regime
class
Judas,
due to its
was followed
faction
Operaci6n
intell-
the state
to Perbn's
of two militants
time
judases.
towards
ing
at the
with
challenges
be-
included
which
the
1960's.
of_the
on 27 counts
alleged
announced
secretary
union
the killing
continuity
the
destiny".
their
in
repeated
in May 1966.
by the
the
Strike,
1959 General
services
direct
leader
union
it
T. Vandor,
of Augusto
trayals
his
Peronist
1970,
Domingo Blajaquis
collaborationist
Vandor
In August
"traitors".
of the Resistance,
for
responsible
leading
to liquidate
squad"s
Army's
to the work-
of a murderous
re-
into
two camps:
1.
de Augusto T.
1971), pp. 52-53.
323
those
Peronist
working
during
employed
'the
objective:
"main mission
trade
for
Action
of Per6n,
their
infiltrated
in
leaders
Their
The National
Army's
all
to
In order
to
a Plan of
launch
prisoners
and supercilious
towards
attitude
word of their
The
class".
working
traitors".
were invited
every
Revolutionary
tell
of political
weapon to
and "to
resistance)
the Peronist
elitism
had a superior
was "crushing
the release
30 days.
within
the labour
had guns in
union
wage rises,
it
(of
18 years"
of revolutionaries"
escape execution,
that
class
those
(Operativo
killing
communiques.
that:
bringing
to justice
Jose Alonso has been
of the traitor
Argentine
Proof
by
the
people.
of this is that the workapproved
trades unionists,
General Juan
combative Peronism,
ers, honorable
Domingo Per6n, the 3rd World Movement and the students
have not
lamented the death of a traitor".
3
"the
The facts
were otherwise.
the killing
was highly
Some 15,000
mourners
Peronist
for
labour
latter,
the
out that
pointed
While
it
styling
Vandor's
attended
union
Ricardo
was "not
itself
body which
organisation
condemned his
labour's
"revolutionary",
2.
Ibid.
3.
Ibid.
4.
Buenos Aires
July
the
killing,
but also
Argentines.
assassination
way of solving
and
disputes".
of Vandor
the killers
La Muerte
1974), pp.
official
CGT of the
the
Argentine
1st-3rd
just
against
the funeral.
attended
was not
of the time,
1.
Herald,
people
and it
to protest
called
strike
and 2,000
successful
62 Organisations
A CGT general
August
1970.
_324_
and Alonso
that
the National
time
ed red
Government.
It
to the Montoneros
of trade
mentality
in
eaucracy
it
but its
later
such as Rucci
Youth
conceptions
methodol-
the Montoneros
of
at a Peronist
to interest
order
that
leaders
union
was present
in
cadre
could
in negotiations
as seen
The
and Coria.
in January
school
bur-
the union
offer
with
At
the Rosas
during
political
a few years
the assassination
"Army's"
some of its
1970.
have revised
may well
affiliating
ogy survived
in
Revolutionary
back in
at least
star
before
of the kind,
nothing
were clearly
them,
replied:
it
the idea
inherited
they
above ground,
bureaucrats
by military
for
elections
a solution,
It
despite
is
clear
problem
that
assassins
as being
tagonists
of such actions,
claim
"the
Perbn's
assassination
representative
1.
Firmenich,
2.
Gonzalez
armed wing
for
Etata
Janzen,
did
who mainly
union
not
how
realise
looked
to union
the period
during
the unions
the period
action
described
and
Vandor's
Of course,
the
of military
pro-
rule,
"There can
that:
he had written
2
Penalty it may have been
death".
for
traitors:
ineffective
was a totally
labour
they
of the workers"!
at least
authorisation
be one penalty
of
in
the Mon-
of obstinate
and occasionally
account
Army that
to organising
the problems
process,
A pro-Montonero
occupations.
but
the
resolve
could
means.
of the electoral
control
only
in addition
alien
could
that,
Revolutionary
The sole
leadership.
y Coniuntura,
op.
op. cit.,
75 & 97.
pp.
cit.,
method of acquiring
function
p.
17.
a more
of the killings
was
-325-
a negative
supply
punitive
but
1970's
ed political
joint
son from
within
Montonero
the
transport
problems
a few minutes
being
before
Santucho's
give
surrendered
of officers
three
the
got away,
of Raw-
but
San-
to Chile.
and Osatinsky
had taken
took
place.
but
three
off.
Trelew
at
and
airport
several
days in
cap-
died,
includ-
Sixteen
incredibly
survived
came together
organisations
of a take-over
commandeered an aeroplane,
of 19 escapees
plane
the
of which
period,
shootings
whose blood
There were
of the massacre.
Subsequently,
1.
outside
wife
an account
list
leaders'
1970-73
the
from
distance
orientation.
consisting
Vaca Narvaja
their
the
the
explain
not
former's
escape from
operation,
a second group
after
surrounded,
tivity
the ERP in
Fernando
the
outweigh-
methodology
one could
of Guevarist
guerrillas
other
tucho,
so,
nor
abortive
This
1972.
while
leaders
enabled
life
with
actions
in August
prison
ings.
Army (ERP),
Revolutionary
most
black
divide
- alternativista
a number of
to
Were that
that
of the
groups
movimientista
to infer
to
was crucial
armed struggle
Left
would be a mistake
it
considerations.
movimientista
People's
to urban
Peronist
of the various
up to fill
lining
inexhaustible
a seemingly
was always
a common commitment
the unification
early
there
bureaucrats
of corrupt
Clearly,
ing
one for
top intelligence
of the
chiefs,
three
in
drawing
for
the kill-
claimed
Rear Admiral
up a
the
Emilio
Antonia
Maria
by
the
the
survivors,
For accounts of
massacre given
(FAR)
Haidar
Rene
Ricardo
(FAR
Camps
Miguel
Alberto
and
Berger
,
Eloy
MartTotoas
(Montoneros),
Urondo,
Francisco
and
op. cit.,
see
Editor,
(Buenos
1973).
Granica
Aires:
inez,
La Pasibn Segen Trelew
-326 -
but
"Berisso,
the vendetta
was halted
of
at Trelew
condition
of political
prisoners
It
of the
legal
Guevarist
tary
tactical
ERP continued
ERP were at
their
press
tion
entine
revolutionary
aries,
asserting
on the Azul
"to
reached
military
code reforms
Aires
Province,
stadium
filled
masses that
Those not
problem".
with
guerrilla
low in January
of the Left-leaning
They expressed
swayed by the
to be revolutionit
is
is
which
governor
action
that
in
of Buenos
as highly
1955,
so that
they
could
was inappropriate
in
pressure
a wish
of public
opinion
necess-
Peronism".
that
Peronists
warfare
concep-
of the Arg-
stages
saw this
of
incorrect
our country
The Montoneros
was intended
leader
time
ouster
100,000
Monton-
claim
of our people,
Oscar Bidegain.
their
experience
garrison
(as it
At a joint
the various
in
and the
and
this
be revolutionaries
an all-time
the Montoneros
and "their
He rejected
process".
that.
penal
provocative
at
a momen-
with
albeit
months.
Quieto,
sixteen
advantage
victory,
electoral
between
of the nature
ary
these
in June 1973,
conference
Relations
during
worst
Peronist
change of targets.
to take
decided
common
freedom.
for
common desire
by the
and non-
by their
the Montoneros
created
the arrival
between Peronists
unity
and their
whereas
opportunities
the
ero-FAR
for
soon afterwards
Temporary
Peronists
due to
be told
"the
in a
by the
be "a police
The official
resumption
el Poder Popular,
of Nontonero
military
actions
in September
1.
"Construir
2.
E1 Descamisado,
327
1974 again
brought
Cooperation
ially
in
became marginally
1975 with
(Orranizacibn
third
Para is
Montonero-ERP
Montonero
financial
tion
October
in
-
tonero
squadron
Organisations,
this
coordinating
never
achieved
unity.
to create
the
Peronism
guerrillas
are
up by police
"Authentic"
banners.
foauismo
populated
of
of
of
exchanges,
in
of combina-
Buenos
Greater
desirability
into
as reflected
the Montoneros
for
at least
The appeal
La Opinibn,
in
for
9th
the
the Montoneros
the rapid
Tucumn Province
organisation
the near
their
still
decline
early
in
was only
regarded
political
in
present
slogan
regarded
"stage"
and so
their
urbanthe mili-
weakened
were concerned,
likely
own
the rural
to a predominantly
1975 further
Armed
for
to hamper their
the
subown
future.
the unity
October
alien
as the Montoneros
as far
of a weaker
While
of unity
towards
progress
alliance,
instrument
Peronist
earlier
Peronism.
our comrades",
Finally,
society.
the
was still
were sent
sidisation
unlike
any significant
block
as the revolutionary
a reunification
1.
and a
(Organizaci6n
and intelligence
body,
an armed revolutionary
attempted
growth,
they
broken
was reportedly
However,
"all
Organisation
aid
espec-
Aires.
tary
OCPO)
came together.
support
period,
OLA)
in
which
-
logistical
mutual
de Argentina
1970-73
efforts.
Liberation
of the Argentine
Liberaci6n
Poder Obrero
the
than in
greater
creation
the Workers'
group,
Comunista
the
their
to coordinate
of all
1975.
voiced
by
328-
the Montonero
on 22nd August
perished
toneros.
"stage"
the
ways.
was not
crucial,
common guerrilla
struggles.
tion
weak,
I.
Full
from
It
for
was isolation
which left
the
the
text
published
in Urondo,
the failure
that
a minimal
factor
to organically
from
in
relate
labour
failure
was a
their
actions
to mass
organisations
cit.,
pp.
unity
their
movement rather
guerrilla
of the Monton-
operational
strong.
op.
Mon-
in very
potential
political
more than
the
he
the Monton-
leading
this
had reached,
must be said
anything
inability
each other
it
echo in
a resounding
bourgeois
national
difference
which Argentina
However,
airport,
found
1972, never
different
eros
at Trelew
was over
eros
Pujadas
Mariano
1a
132-133.
than
isola-
politically
CHAPTERV
'MOVIMIENTISMO' : THE POLITICAL FRONT
"FAITH WAS ONE OF OUR BIGGEST ERRORS"
Cbrdoban
worker,
The great
tent
survival
be attributed
organisation.
isation",
Montoneros
ity
in a combined,
their
limited
ally
It
therefore
developed
these,
the
Peronista
students
sity
tenants
the
these
1975,
1.
of
it
is
these
also
inherent
of
during
which,
in
and
less
to
generically
join
with
other
whole
329
of
the
of
term
and
Montoneros,
or
Revol-
cautiously
Left.
Peronist
sectors
"
organis-
dwellers
the
the
was
among univer-
Revolucionaria
dissident
Youth
noteworthy
treat
mass
Of
ground,
work
hegemony
the
methods.
above
Under
to
towards
onwards.
shanty-town
one has
tendency
Peronist
for
Tendencia
has
it
warfare,
students,
as the
though
the
numerically
the
critic-
to the political
16 months
developed
secondary
known
was
as has
and indeed
1970's
early
activ-
practice,
the
attention
the
organisation
political
example
significant
Peronism,
were
though
the
organ-
mass political
revolutionary
to devote
workers,
to
with
in militaristic
from
their
that
counteracting
organisations
became
applied
fronts
in
boarding-houses.
slum
Tendency
'Even
factor
mobilise
organisations
utionary
for
sister
to
a "politico-military
the fact
of underground
Montoneros
JP)
-
and young
designed
ations
to
ex-
important
and most
by important
joined
is
by the
first
themselves
strategy.
periods
which
fronts
(Juventud
integral
can to a great
have never
been a crucial
is
they
refer
mass political
isolation
social
1974
the Montoneros
of
that
justifiably
during
nevertheless
April
In styling
attempted
been seen,
capacity
to the fact
guerrilla
has always
29th
of. Peronism
De Freute,
2nd
In
330
-
to form
Peroniet
the Authentic
is
first
"
The 1:ontoneros,
the formation
as serve
work as well
In 1973,
combatants.
broadened,
the
Montoneros.
defining
margins
for
all
the
social
to perform
for
mass
guerrilla
greatly
activity
so as to provide
groups
courted
by the
diagrambe
and can
Youth (Regions)
Peronist
(Regionales)
Juventud Peronista
JP
For youth and general political
(city
based
barrios
in
districts)
work,
Youth
University
Peronist
Peronista
Juventud Universitaria
JUP
in association
For work among students
employees
with other university
O
LJJ
Z
-4-J
Z
O
O
Juventud
legal
period
as follows:
Youth
was restructured
organisation
the 1970-73
ground
for
as
organisation
in
Peronist
as a recruitment
with
their
on armed actions
organisations
represented
matically
however,
surface
functional
specific
while
chapter.
individually,
organisations
inter-relationships
of a strong
Autentico
this
of
end
at the
front
Peronieta
their
concentrated
promoting
political
will
to clarity
necessary
"politico-military",
while
be analysed
the principal
examining
points.
general
Movement (Movimiento
Peronista
Peronist
Juventud
Working
Youth
Peronista
Trabaiadora
JTP
was both
a generic
term applied
to all
of the
331
-
and also
above organisations
front
-political
latter
the
being
structured
Peronista
(Regionales).
"Regionales"
the youth
organisation's
title
there
above fronts,
the
to be the
youth
dividing
the
regions,
with
(local
leaders)
lacked
fronts
by the
The fact
their
reflects
structure
structure,
7 and later
into
"delegates"
composed of
collaterals.
claimed
which
regional
nationally
being
from
apart
the
was imitated
each region,
a regional
Youth
executive
student
ary
from
early
Moreover,
Peronist
national
1970's,
communique typists,
and/or
pro-Montonero
the
of
qualification
a dozen groups,
of Peronism.
section
its
least
were at
Juventud
hence
-
was a necessary
in
the mass
or neighbourhoods,
regionally
because
of a leadership
only
sisting
the barrios
based in
organisation
organisation
name designating
a more specific
student,
that
second-
the remaining
weakness
as national
forces.
when they
ation.
tly
This
rebounded
is
large
results
indoctrination
the
for
to prepare
capable
specialised
them for
youths
cadre
run but
short
Peronist
organisation.
a strong
in
1972-4,
than
creating
between
in
emphasis
numbers of vociferous
than
spectacular
procedure.
The Montonero
they
be
cannot
to distinguish
impossible
Per6n that
rather
on the Montoneros
ed by the Montonero
political
it
organisation
affiliation
stadia
produced
Only
contracted.
levels,
upon putting
or into
streets
a systematic
to convince
Movement,
lacked
and sympathisers.
were trying
of his
the
at all
supporters
members,
stay
Tendency
leaders
from
Apart
the
for
precise
of each front
of the strength
Estimation
of legal
youths
military
incorporation
onto
organissubsequen-
activity
were select-
training
into
and
the
Montoneros.
Formal
affiliations
and membership
lists
have traditionally
been
332
-
regarded
as alien
asserted
its
best
the Peronist
in
status
the Montoneros
this
shared
can nevertheless
political
at a rough
arrive
of the various
strength
from
the estimates
ated
by the existence
in
participated
dustry,
the education,
to unions
tasks
The task
and
complicMany of the
dwellers
one
social
is
affiliations.
also
Moreover,
who worked
obviously
but
and rallies
of the Regionales.
and shanty-town
two examples,
to cite
union
years,
proportional
of its
at meetings
(and thus
and journalists.
of dual
in
of the
at
bul-
reformist
organisation
party
fronts
at the attendance
of activists
who worked
activists
formal
approximation
pro-Montonero
by looking
composition)
for
viewed
In the pre-1976
systems.
disdain
proudly
parties
with
as inevitably
and at worst
of liberal-democratic
warks
Movement,
as a revolutionary
instruments
as electoral
has always
Movement which
in
in-
organisational
possibilities.
Nevertheless,
the picture
of each front
lyses
the university
is
appearing
less
significantly
dwellers
as possibly
organisations.
In
of social
terms
working
student,
1973-74
class
and around
including
school
data
atop-watches
revealed
can be estimated
an absolute
that
his
pertains
supporters
while
ana-
all
and
than both
and with
indicators
front
other
about
50
to
point
make-
20-3
university
sectors
petty-bourgeois
people.
and professional
here
sectional
of the remaining
largest
maximum),
students
The "hardest"
past
being
in
with
numerous
composition,
predominance
period
(this
the
the
Youth Regionales
the shanty-town
up in
the Peronist
one in which
grouping
organisation
emerges from
which
to the 31st
from
the Peronist
August
1973 marchJournalists'
Youth Regionales'
and
333
-
stretching
as a whole,
contingents
balcony,
this
whereas
of
minutes
hind
JP banners,
what
greater
letarian
isation
In
its
at
figures
period.
strength
of the Montonero
the
face
The truth
eros through
based
1.
2.
of the rightward
leadership
support
tendency,
for
is
their
that
political
a revolutionary
on a coherent
turn-outs
analysis
during
one could
political
of 500,000
"members"
if
one equates
in
their
activities.
its
explain
of Argentine
powerlessand
the offensive.
be equated
project.
political
governments
numbers mobilised
cannot
people
month truce
of the real
not
to mobil-
of 50-100,000
the sixteen
to go onto
impressive
fronts
to an organ-
of the Peronist
drift
base of
obstacle
however,
incapacity
the
a total
1973 return,
indicative,
sec-
at any level
and demonstrations
of
of pro-
pattern
was no exaggeration,
this
union
goal.
claimed
this
the
a permanent
ultimate
was some-
their
in
16
be-
marching
strength
to
just
affiliation
Nevertheless,
of Per6n's
occasion
own rallies
in
Youth
and indeed
Were these
ness
Association
with
On the historic
their
the Peronist
fronts
more than
as its
Tendency,
just
represented
for
the pro-Montonero
since
and remained
Socialism
1973,
"members"
ise
suggest,
Workers
was evident
of the
162 minutes
accounted
Working-class
Gas Workers`union.
positing
on all
the Montoneros
columns
union
sectors
largely
occasion
the State
of
other
figures
State
the
-
support
tion
the
trade
146 minutes.
these
than
on this
columns
union
took
their
took
15 blocks,
over
with
Mobilisation
problems,
by the Montonnumerical
was not
a clearly-defined
(4th
Septem16
Descamisado,
to
El
no.
See the special
supplement
in La Raz6n, Ist September 1973.
ber 1973) and the report
InterSin
Permanante,
Perlin:
"La Juventud Peronista
Contacto
y
2-7.
(24th
Descamisado,
July
1973),
El
Pp"
10
"
no.
medios,
334
-
socialist
the mobilised
Rather,
tions,
the emotional
and specific
for
project
tonero
ively
political
these
front
desire
for
Whereas a relatorganisation
were untrained
for
bodies
contribute
plus
if
a genuine,
its
change,
revolutionary
of the real
vital
and voices
in
Though adhesion
to
extremely
numerical
political
these
and enthusiasm
stamina
work projects.
expressed
impression
an inflated
give
social
meant that
of leadership,
capable
Youth mobilisations,
to a
unrelated
unsophisticated.
more than
Reconstruction"
and demonstra-
mass rallies
This
majority
on the basis
were mobilised
were generally
as a whole.
little
and did
organisations
articulate,
which
to guide
of Montonero
the vast
guidance,
"National
supporters
were cadres,
the
Youth
was totally
support
tasks
political
society
minority
small
the existing
stances
theory
revolutionary
from
appeal
policy
changing
and political
ist
the road
along
of slogans,
at
or an independent
alternative
size
of the Peron-
strength
Left.
Responsibility
internal
of guerrilla
warfare
which
leaders
being
cision-making
1974, for
the Peronist
were almost
the weight
Leaders
combined
totally
the
political
Though this
it
in
the broader
numbers could
of the various
line
in
remedied
the Montoneros
Peronist
democracy,
front
were
de-
coll-
while
Movement so that
organisations
of
around
and their
tell.
political
of the
and choice
participation
of internal
contemptuous
authoritarian
Acceptance
was partially
above ground
the exigencies
with
inherited.
extent
of orthodox
a highly
with
rank-and-file
with
minimal.
demanding
of their
The influence
Youth
meant that
hypocritically
themselves.
practices
must to a great
of affairs
of verticalismo
principle
state
organisational
command structure
aterals
this
to the Montoneros
be attributed
Peronist
for
to
- 335 -
Montoneros
Peronist
Youth
was these
people
Youth
it
ondly,
and-file
participation
in
the existing
only
but
and in
the general
abrupt
September
Isabel
Per6n.
Military
highly
could
1.
ensure
political
and hierarchical,
Both Perbn's
from
was
through
little
unity.
This
on the Revolutionary
Ten-
1974 Atlanta
where he could
stick
not
1
entrepreneurs;
suffered
through
undemocratic
revSec-
unity
fragile
"national"
the fallacy
min-
and rank-
Since
expressed
of support
to declare
mature
Firmenich
and loss
was behind
unity.
at
Pact with
any Social
1974 decision
thinking
told
chants
dislocation
centralised
off;
into
homogeneity
of policy.
pressure
a small
of ideas
was an incredibly
wing split
when rank-and-file
rally
it
only
was wasted.
political
talent
interchange
the elaboration
general
powers of initiative
politically
of real
and
to the
subordinate
meant that
of potential
internal
of slogans,
in
it
to develop
way, a lot
a democratic
through
Firstly,
the possibility
prevented
emerging
more than
leaders.
were able
In this
olutionaries.
their
was twofold.
of participants
were totally
over
JP conferences
phenomenon here.
a rare
any real,
they
Moreover,
branches.
attended
and lacked
or of control
The result
by their
being
organisations
Montoneros,
potential
generally
again
organisation
parent
in policy-making
ority
elections
only
than
who ex officio
branch
schools,
cadre
were frequently
officers
lower-level
and though
own leadership
were still
it
by their
nominated
of believing
the
of
that
command structure
organisational
instructions
In response to Firmenich's
of
call for a new Social Pact, sections
the crowd chanted,
"duro, duro, el pacto social
se lo meten en el
(23rd
32-36.
De
Frente,
1974),
May
2nd
4
pp.
culo" period,
no.
33b
-
to
the Peronist
of bourgeois
tice
ivity,
in
became disaffected
Peronists
helped
structure
their
conversion
Thus,
numerical
energy
to the politics
of class
growth
not
in
this
period
After
all,
was wasted.
1973 than
the Bolsheviks
but
Peronist
Left
success
their
the vert-
front
and
organ-
numbers.
with
tremendous
achieved
and
the Montoneros
at the
Many young
of the Montoneros
political
rather
were at their
at
act-
way in which
is
to political
struggle.
the different
while
and prac-
desired.
that
the radicalisation
prevent
theory
practices
the authoritarian
isations,
to
effect
from above,
were directed
organisations
when democratic
due to
the
When applied
organisation.
the period
on politico-
views
from
derive
period
they
most viable,
this
military
especially
ical
in
organisation
military
Resistance
in
of 1917.2
start
(REGIONALES)'
PERONISTA
THE 'JUVENTUD
date
orientation
post-1955
small,
loyalties
to unite
the diverse
on the military
years,
combative
than for
the youth
junta.
sector
and intransigent
organisational
time,
At that
was an anarchic
purposes".
united
3
efforts
in order
groups
youth
bastions,
of Montonero
when determined
of 1971,
Peronist
The origins
(JP)
Youth
to put
as in most of the
"conglomeration
more around
Leading
of
personal
personalities
1.
2.
3.
passim.
pads se pregunta:
(10th
July
8
no.
See
337
-
like
Jorge
Rulli
disunity
that
years
creation
from
there
of a mass youth
Perbn's
aid
leader's
ment by Hector
on the part
"Hour
iatory
to
elections
from
ship
the
belonged
ment.
history
1957,
Cooke,
of the
for
to ensure
his
in
that
three
the
for
needed
this
respect
was the
and his
replace-
a tactical
represented
his
reinforce
concil-
which
the
military
free
allowed
a confirmed
Chmpora played
deals
no role
1955-57
wing
with
wing
conservative
under
the Resistencia
imprisonment,
of the
the military
during
the earlier
and his
in-
leaderregime.
escape
the
to Perlin
"participationist"
to negotiate
in
loyalty
personal
Chamber of Deputies
by joining
his
available
materialisation
This
Though imprisoned
during
youth
12th delegate,
1971.
approach,
conciliatory
on
place.
dependence
He had never
the previous
which
his
October
of the People"
take
its
A key decision
with
of radical
Paladino,
Cmpora in
impact
of
struggles
but
movement,
of Jorge
sacking
decision
reserve
and encouragement.
made little
jail,
Movement.
the popular
was a large
and they
energies
of the Peronist
was evident
Caride,
Carlos
bands of supporters,
small
dissipated
the rank-and-file
It
Envar El Kadri,
each led
their
but
Rearte,
Gustavo
his
spell
Peronist
a place
as
govern-
in resistance
in March
others
to Chile
itself.
- According
to
Cmpora:
1.
Cooke,
Letter
to Per6n of 11.4.57,
CPC, 1: 72.
338
-
the youth
To organise
a former
Licastro,
youth
played
and joint
of the youth
between
during
them remained
P6ron's
a single
tendency
which
Youth,
course,
to develop
due to Perbn's
guerrilla
mergers
"special
formation".
cracy:
"We're
capacity
the
others.
helped
conciliatory
to step
going
Nueva Chicago
op.
seeking
rally
cit.
tendency
in mid-1972,
place
line
to attend
28th.
5-10,000
Boxing
a JP rally;
for
Some 20,000
process
union
of
bureauthat,
After
in"Merlo
on June 9th
proved
Peronists,
was able
cockroaches".
and 10,000
of
largest
Federation
of one
which
the
of the trade
people;
was not
was,
and the
in February
but
1973-74,
growth
attracted
of July
That
of Galimberti
on them like
of the Argentine
stadium
spectacular
created
took
in
to work together
rally
tie
by Galimberti
the 8,000
Gullo,
all
grew dramatically.
the rallies
1.
which
denouncing
organised
to the
sponsorship
JP unity
The first
Galimberti
lead
Regionales
the pro-Montonero
disunity
did
came to dwarf
loose
a very
and ideological
it
discussions
Through
to forge
return
Peronist
for
in
(JAEN) which
a vengeance
with
had genuine
Galimberti
Emancipation
was able
and resurfaced
de Hierro
The political
groups.
Movement.
Puerta
the reorganisation.
Galimberti
mobilisations,
alliance
in
role
a protagonistic
National
represent-
formations"
"special
Youth for
the Argentine
supporting
Justicialist
only
Juliinn
as youth
groups,
but
residence)
among the
especially
support,
own group,
Madrid
Perbn's
Galimberti
Rodolfo
of the National
Council
on the Superior
the Cordobazo,
atives
sector,
lieutenant
Francisco
Perbn accepted
too
attended
largely
the 5,000
small
the JP
339
-
mobilised
by the Youth,
his
return
first
The latter
troops.
ists,
Per6n's
Vicente
people
youth
could
election
500,000
Cmpora's
assumption
lately
in
issues
basic
action
al"
socialism
all
youths.
In
the area
crowd at Chmpora's
Finally,
the political
1973,
prisoners
an
celebrated
which
after
to ensure
prison
(FREJULI)
Front
JP contingents,
on May 25th
around
some 20,000
1973,
composed of youths.
Devoto
that
the
became immed-
imply
threatened
Lanusse
the natural
he warned
Ibid.,
that
if
that
return
with
things
meant all
different
strategy.
extreme
but a militant
In December 1972,
for
Cbmpora as presidential
2
be Licastro.
Two months
the elections
plus estimates
Buenos
the
Aires
and
by Ricardo
Peron interviewed
(20th
November 1973),
27
no.
to
political
he proscribed
"if
"nation-
would
two
of
about
alternative
the military
which
to put people
Organisational
electoral
- the
on the
the rhetoric
- plus
rejuvenation"
same platforms.
his
agree
the revolutionary
a new. strategy
to bolster
could
victory
was possible
of the
on the
due to a concentration
most Peronists
Galimberti,
leader
Lima,
did not
2.
liberate
and "generational
like
right-wing
1.
to Villa
electoral
Thus it
projects,
idate,
stay.
massive
was possible
upon which
tactic
over
effective.
Unity
Brito
to
promise
taking
100,000
on
Peron-
100,000
Liberation
and the
of the Presidency
Perlin
back by 40,000
around
at a Justicialist
including
people,
JP members marched
government's
his
in
estimated
10,000
during
end of February
rally
prevent
the Montoneros
at the
rally
however,
not,
Lopez residence
cheered
to greet
in
the discipline
under
last
trip
to Ezeiza
to get
attempted
do not
take
in La Nac16n,
Grassi,
reproduced
pp. 3-5.
place
example,
candlater,
we are
La Raz6n
in El Descamisado,
he
340
-
for
prepared
something
Cmpora himself
dium rally
else".
he replied
of 1972,
"your
our comrades"
with
an instrument
of Perbn's
Left
Peronist
trade
of his
isation
to that
mobilisation
In terms
ed in
to'them.
assigned
ing
power,
strategy
this
this
government,
historian
ation
Minister
Jorge
possessed
through
a serious
in
Taiana
Puiggr6s
2.
total
incondicional
"Soy leal,
t
(17th July 1973), p. 12.
Left
Herald,
this
insert-
were unable
which
Perbn had
for
strategy
but
both
since
in and out
gaintheir
of
possibilities.
in March was the
Communist Party
was nominated
Peron,
posts
on their
they
but
they
was that
the Movement,
supreme
organisation
unimportant,
Rodolfo
power of
a superior
of people
cadre
effect
limitation
1.
quoted
a strong
of Buenos Aires
nationalist
base in
of thousands
an independent
set
organ-
to be the
By March 1973,
Had they
tasks.
The immediate
the
for
the JP reigned
of political
would
the
in
and women's
themselves
fill
to completely
and
-branches.
on organisational
proved
being
from
of support
on the Youth
and mobilisation,
a firm
lack
are
the Youth
with
and to possess
tens
power lacked
apparent
other
of agitation
mobilise
could
and they
Apart
the political
in
heavily
elements,
of the
total
almost
He relied
victory
down badly
fell
it
alignment
and enthusiastic
most active
but
tactic,
electoral
mine".
of the Movement.
branches
to mass chants
of his
Sta-
At the Boxing
to hear.
CAmpora's
rallies
was a product
leadership
union
attended
supporters
young
1-
member and
interventor.
Educ-
1973.
no,
341
-
condemned student
regularly
in
as seats
well
branches
other
when it
effectiveness
in
tion
though
government
layed
in
the
both
Vksquez
but
this
more than
Chancellor
Juan Carlos
Vasquez
with
policy
at an Organisation
Montonero
ive.
In his
rapid
release
through
abolished
1.
relations
control
Congress,
organs
Police
Militancia,
achieved
(DIPA).
no.
On being
38 (28th
they
predominance
gained
the Foreign
disp-
a degree
of in-
Ministry
where
Jorge Alberto
to facilitate
Korea
Attempts
to ally
Argentina
with
than
States
a June 21st
Esteban
prisoners,
was far
Righi
pioneered
more effectorganised
legislation
section
appointed,
March 1974),
pp.
20-22.
the
an amnesty bill
of repressive
he reputedly
speech by
Lima.
in
meeting
Ministry
Minister,
the repeal
of repression
important
Vietnam
the Interior
the political
of all
participa-
occupied
and Vice-Chancellor
of American
49 days as Interior
their
speeches,
Cuba, North
anyway.
over
also
the
a month in
March
until
accepted.
The Tendency
were sympathetic.
they
lacked
Puig
due to the
by their
was nullified
but again
organisations
had survived
of the Tendency
campaign.
was official
which
Chile,
Federal
posts
a little
ment of diplomatic
unity
and
the JP gained
Congress,
on most issues,
whose discipline
supporters
the electoral
for
fluence
youth
as
were in all
by the union
national
isolated,
came to voting
Under Campora,
but
by the youth
occupied
governments
nominated
In the National
Moreover,
1973.
candidates
of the operational
collapse
in provincial
and governments,
of the Movement.
a mere 8 of the
as a whole
legislatures
by successful
outnumbered
places
50 posts
gained
In addition,
of faculties.
occupations
and
of the
marched into
342
-
tonero
ero
Headquarters,
Police
the Federal
'
combatants"
Righi
police
officers
delivered
in which he reprimanded
surprisingly,
not
The other
was among the
nic
Cruz)
Vice-Governor
Atilio
to both
in his
Hitler
Governors
of Santa
Cmpora had,
from
Minister
office,
which
to
he was forced
the trade
the
political
2.
2.
Cited
reported
that
grounds
"progressive",
to
most turned
Bidethat
he
of
the
the Tendency,
Right,
under
received
16th November
" Militancia,
3rd February
like
were heavily
All
Herald,
of these
of several
and Peronist
bureucracy
Ceper-
isolation.
Personal interview
1975.
Jorge
Die Zeit
Revolutionary
but
their
were Oscar
Baca (Mendoza),
union
Governors
due to their
in
participation
and "leftism"
influence
exercised
Cbrdoba.
in
1.
in
in
spell
and Ricardo
the sympathy
People's
office!
Martinez
L6pez,
by Peron in January
ousted
its
amongst
Ragone (Salta)
Miguel
attack
Alberto
In March 1973,
people.
a minority
tolerated
Most sympathetic
however,
limits,
gain,
or at least
(Buenos Aires),
his
with
his
Not
on the
Soon afterwards
Governors,
provincial
administrations.
(Santa
of
more nefarious
attacks
of the State
area
to the Left
Bidegain
three
in Mexico.
exile
support
Monton-
squad pastimes.
of right-wing
of Campora.
the
to a gathering
and death
throughout
appeared
downfall
the
ended with
go into
resigned"2
Mon-
the past
their
them for
Newspaper headlines
Cmpora government.
has still
for
speech
an end to torture
and ordered
activities.
an eloquent
up for
"stand
to
the police
later
years.
accompanied
and ordered
colleagues,
by leather-jacketed
1974.
no.
5 (12th
as
343
-
little
from
or no support
gradually
Salta,
by a mixture
ousted
Formosa,
Santa
a mysterious
marca),
of federal
Cruz),
plane
Atilio
Peron or Isabel
either
forced
"interventions"
(Buenos Aires,
resignations
(Misiones)
crash
and in
Cata-
(Cordoba).
coup
and a police
by right-wing
assassinated
elements.
Support
critical,
ical
for
these
It
programme.
Governors
the
Governor
defence
Yet subsequently
this
"the
toneros
In
biggest
it
is
in
the Tendency
important
to note
who worked
back in
1973-74
All
the right-wing
and refused
1.
"Carlos
isado,
2.
Personal
1975.
his
vacillated
with
Menem for
for
Peron and,
their
like
again
fathers.
with
when under
to mobilise
Montoneros,
with
it".
into
for
an
the Mon-
the Peronist
Ckmpora,
several
Most of these
the Montoneros
"leftism"
reputed
the
time".
on their
the
Menem declared
provide
will
of some Governors
that,
its
For example,
meaning in
most profound
independent
en la
Left,
had sons
Governors
as Aut4nticos
was certainly
made concessions
attack,
Carlos
election,
of Isabel
more strongly
questionable.
betrayed.
of all
the links
and prov-
Soon after
servant
traitor
explaining
also
product
governemnt
polit-
a loyal
ultra-verticalista,
the
feeling
the Youth,
to
backed
that
ensuring
was un-
questions
of an independent
of its
the Youth
which
looking
"The revolution
that
in
leaving
of La Rioja,
with
lack
the implementation
for
1973 elections,
Governorship
on political
Youth's
was constantly
which
the Peronist
reflected
incial
Governors,
to
power bases to
juventud,
Buenos Aires,
" El Descam-
23rd November
344
-
their
sustain
Movement's
their
Provisional
administrations,
longing
to
Council
Martinez
Baca sacked
he himself
Some of these
Governors
precipitate
but
"Martinez
- e. g.
support
the JP itself
Though initially
be armed or not
should
ed Madrid
the original
a youth
forced
quite
ing
into
had stated
JP plan
labour
to resign
but
hypocritically,
Galimberti
eventually
but
corps,
this
the Movement.
led
did
had to suffer
-publicly
for
being
of it
attempting
not
Youth
Justicialist
by the
leader
principles.
of whether
time
and said
Successive
save Galimberti.
it
he reachthat
retreats
there
from
no more than
Not only
was he
of the JP leadership,
the humiliation
to introduce
that
of a "people's
creation
scheme to signify
supporting
were only
being
The Peronist
armed!
the
than
no question
nc less
reason
the question
that
their
provincial
C6rdoba,
April
he was claiming
was absolutely
the
to safeguard
and students
Galimberti
for
calling
for
period.
in
by Perlin.
be-
Ragone also
not
did
the
this
from
in November 1974.
Obregn Cano in
came to light
after
Mendoza.
irresolute,
had fallen,
the
ministers
to mobilise
refusing
throughout
delegate
"Marxists"
of
by the Tendency,
like
they
first
as youth
of workers
power in
from
call
two provincial
indecisive,
was "vacillating"
was sacked
a purge
was "intervened"
for
after
These vacillations
militia"
just
Others,
of "vacillating"
accused
lost
Salta
Baca,
events".
for
were criticised
limitations,
political
to a Macartheyist
Superior
the JP before
sacrificed
berti
In response
governments.
decision
Per6n's
"extreme
left-wing"
and condemnpolicies
1.
"Mendoza.
Intervencin:
La Causa Peronista,
no.
2.
Buenos Aires
Herald,
27th April
May 1973.
345
A little
"made responsible
the JP leadership,
elitism
a certain
in turn, was not
set the
This
of his
did
for
Movement.
the movimientista
Their
the
right-wing
tude
to all
imply
the major
implementation
their
It
distort
could
government
special
Dante
leader
Juan Carlos
advisor
on youth
because
it
divorced
stages,
it
offered
initially
After
giving
sion
used against
to strike
accepted
gorilas
and not
1.
Gullo,
selecting
ope cit.
against
Associations
only
its
the start,
the
theory
Pact for
the Social
on its
that
not
bargaining.
it
would
be
militants
- which
of course
it
they
held
back from
total
also
most authoritarian
of
suspen-
virtual
collective
of JP
legislation.
to anti-worker
of free
the Uncle.
as presidential
through
revolution
and denial
influential
from
right
them.
promoting
El To,
successor,
the JP criticized
to labour
it,
hands
the appointment
through
atti-
the
the-wrong
in
christened
However,
and social
weak opposition
supporting
in
and reasonably
Galimberti's
in May 1973.
very
was that
that
by
Their
apparatus.
recognition
national
enough benefits
They partially
but
Per6n but
be implemented
legislation
pacesetter
Gullo,
affairs
of the right
the State
of CAmpora, whom it
the presidency
gained
in
sec-
legislation
with
differences
political
and intentions
"spirit"
and bourgeois
of Perlin-supported
of unpopular
pieces
to succ-
reactions
the right-wing
"infiltrated"
agents
Left's
criticisms
by fears
were motivated
rather
of this
for a series
committed in
of political
errors
basically
being in a hurry,
infantilism
and
in their
manner of implementing
which,
a policy
1
questioned".
they maintained,
not,
interpretation
had been:
by Perlin favouring
decisions
essive
tors
keynote
Youth's
the Peronist
Galimberti
was that
retreat
later,
while
aspects
for
was.
346
-
introduced
which
stiffer
by just
promise
military
trying,
in
of legislation,
piece
Such behaviour
lead
to com-
effort
Under
altered.
to a stiffer
sen-
the
former
desire
matter
icant
sector
of the
(estimates
vary
90,000
Evita
60,000
and
dency had 5V
mobilised
attracted
Once.
people
July
a signif-
on 19th
at
their
Atlanta
to be met with
rally
the 31st
on 12th
rally
100,000
October
JP
Perbn on 21st
death
of
The Ten-
CGT marchpast
to a JP electoral
of the
a right-
on 22nd August.
August
Perbn's
80,000
to commemorate the
September
had a majority
for
to Ezeiza
the JP Atlanta
in
14-4 million
of up to 100 people.
JP rally
of the presidency
50,000
if
no
of the
half
participants
They again
assumption
further
attended
the
in
who flocked
the lives
a 26th
attended
80,000
make concessions
least
at
people
wildly)
claimed
of the
his
retain
to leave.
of
to right-wing
therefore
homecoming on 20th
which
to
and a series
succumbing
power of mobilisation
It
To
spirit.
years
and would
unquestionable.
people
assumed that
would
on mass mobilisations,
of Perlin
opposition
The Tendency's
relied
faith
the legislation
of the Movement,
force
possibility
threatened
the helm,
by the JP's
(i. e. progressive)
"true"
the Tendency
They mistakenly
pressures.
and a
could
to be explained
him at
with
to its
was so,
to counter
threats
that
show that
Perbn's
exist-
partly
was also
according
this
that
ensure
Plaza
than
activities
regime,
the end,
1974,
guerrilla
arms possession
belief
Per6n - their
be interpreted
is
for
passed in January
than murder.
tence
in
Code Reforms
penalties
the previous
ed under
this
on the Penal
Finally,
criticism.
rally
and
in
who celebrated
in Plaza
de Mayo
347
-
Finally,
they
de Mayo, for
Plaza
filled
the Interior,
In
in
weaker
at least
for
accounted
a short
terms but
relative
by other
5,000
attracted
of cities
there
still
performed
thousand
in
1974 Avellaneda
Republic
(JPRA)
a rival
event
those
exceeded
ship.
On the 31st
ed for
at
least
in the
the Tendency's
Moreover,
and often
the pitiful
youth
groups.
Just
of the
Peronist
Youth
August
only
could
same city.
powers
as the
"orthodox"
165 minutes
(walking
that
spent
350 million
gates,
just
noted
tory
groups
pesos on it
whereas
11 minutes
their
decided
2.
Ibid.
3.
Special
supplement
to El Descamisado,
least
equalled
union
leader-
the CGT-mobil-
the JP claimed)
3
together.
for
mobilisation
of buses laid
La Naci6n,
events.
no.
16, op.
accountWhile
columns.
stand,
to participate
1.
17th
that
one-tenth
at
more slowly,
the JP only
of the Argentine
union
took
youth
the
attended
two non-Tendency
1,200
trade
162 minutes
columns
for
attended
numbers mobilis-
muster
of the financially-strong
as many people
15,000
The estimates
of mobilisation
it
in September
were attending
the right-wing
Cbrdoba rally,
for
ntber
be compared with
15, E
im-
in
Santa Fe.
rally
and while
Blanca;
in
and centre
February
October
Day" rally
and
in Rosario,
at a rally
rallied
ed by the right-wing
it
in Bahia
1974 10,000
should
size
forces,
"Loyalty
events
May 1974.1
who
to the
October
national
on lot
people
was much
the JP 17th
the
100,000
Chaco, 7,000
in
of the
power of mobilisation
political
The JP in August
3,000
while,
the Tendency's
absolute
pressively.
6O
It
and
should
be
a month,
on at fac-
on August
28th
La Raz6n and El
cit.
- 348-
last
by Perlin
appearance
threatening
to resign
held
ober rallies
40,000
Junta
State
massive
The tragedy-for
ed by its
Per6n's
Having
of mobilisation
linked
to the bureaucracy
concessions
out of the
cost
Once in
costs,
at all
control,
frequent
"domesticated",
1.
2.
though
La Opinibn,
movement.
Per6n's
only
thing
1975.
ten
with
in
organisational
likely
to force
Strike,
real
which
to maintain
a united
the
support
became clear
not
of,
that,
or at
in
mass movement,
of the radicalised
concessions
la violencia,
entre la definicibny
35 (21st February
1974), pp. 4-9.
6th July
groups
was to demonstrate.
retain
lay
leader
1975 General
the adhesion
Once it
Left's
the
the youth
work,
production,
lost
to compromise,
interest
lacked
as the
he wished
as he could
willingness
"Semana Politica:
Militancia,
no.
in
upon retaining
so long
the labour
was the
government,
dollars
power,
their
The latter
power.
and economic
it
power,
on the
elections
"an honest
10,000".
impress-
1973 election
one with
in numerical
possessed
them.
Peron dismissed
he preferred
him to a dishonest
behind
abundantly
that
more than
into
to force.
important.
in February
powers
17th Oct-
of the
going
do it
only
workers
attracted
and-then
people
resources
for
a 10-hour
decreeing
government
100,000
could
Neither
massiveness.
they
to transport
to the rally.
Isabel
under
despite
people,
2 days.
together
to put
were able
work-places
in just
of thousands
so as to be-able
mid-morning
from their
straight
tens
leaders
union
public
beginning
strike
their
"
youth
least
of
spite
not
in
be
order
349
-
to preserve
but
unity
an attempt
to isolate
mobilisation
only
and to
the
could
The movimientista
issues,
the
to retreat
ally,
led
This
Mufiiz
Barreto,
1974.
That
movimientista
ant
this
strategy
the Tendency,
1.
to the presence
pars-police
and Zavala
at
it
ground
next
seats
the meeting
National
in
and
the 8 CongressKunkel,
on 24th
January
a departure
from
members
occupied
lists.
up the pressure
youth
on Perbn
groups.
They
such
organisations
of right-wing
Concentration
below.
from
on the party
stepped
gov-
the reform
1
Rodrfguez,
the
Iturrieta,
afterwards
gener-
Code Reforms
their
around
had conquered
the Penal
Glellel,
govern-
by pressure
University
"Semana Politica:
Militancia,
no.
being
the Tendency
a meeting
the
resigned
of their
mobilise
a tactical
Bettanin
by virtue
seats.
be redirected
Dfaz Ortiz,
of
the
to keep in with
order
by accepting
and Vittar)
was just
in
sectors.
and the
was to challenge
legislation,
was against
to just
(Croatto,
of repression
the importance
still
stand
criticisms
Vidalia
of its
of
now.
1973-74
to cede all
real
Tendency
men of-the
of
could
powers
resources
movement,
critical
were not,
a compromise
their
limiting
felt
The first
attempting
after
if
sanctions
the JP step-by-step
May 1973.
in
aspects
Then they
they
which
ernment
labour
strategy
threaten
the level
to State
on access
much less
most unpopular
The JP's
Movement in
of the
being
mobilisations
ment on the
him to increase
rest
of key sectors
out of his
the Left
of Socialism.
the insitutional
the latter
sufferance,
street
"virus"
encouraged
consolidate
Power for
in driving
rather
(CN), which
de retorno,
had
"
350
begun to assassinate
already
not
a particularly
these
postures
to take
for
numerically,
II
Region
ist
Youth
by a very
(Santa
accused
their
er Roberto
charge
(Loyalists),
Jorge
Youth for
a more orthodox
In October
the
organisation,
(FAR),
and his
absurd
that
its
arsenal
merger
The political
most commentators
communique on which
the popular-national
General
"Soldiers
become dominated
2
henchmen".
was in fact
del
p. 8.
since
of having
of the
authorship
called
Obeid,
1974,
demanding,
electoral
in
its
the
Tendency
the
the Peron-
left
it
he
joined
line,
was reported
(Mon-
of Per6n"
in Rosario
with
and had
the Revolut-
by "Marxist
in
placed
lead-
of this
content
report
of
including
JP leader
Quieto
the Tendency
to weaken the
de Per6n)
parent
explaining
served
splinter
was so patently
purported
was that
University
that
the Movement".
of Leales
down with
on to announce
into
Nontonero
Armed Forces
ionary
Rfos)
only
number of Montoneros.
small
Soldados
that
Fe & Entre
and Peronist
toneros
of discord
groups
went
was
Neither
September.
in June 1974,
this
again
had sat
they
for
the previous
Branch
the apple
minority
a dissident
that
of defiance
shows of defiance
The public
However,
of the Youth
"want
act
terrorists
impressed
dissolution
didn't
militants.
principled
Perlin
the
their
doubt
the
was based.
more principled
moments,
3
be
6 (28th
1.
"Definiciones
May 1974),
2.
Buenos Aires
3.
Herald,
10th
Perlin, "
October
El Peronista,
no.
All
1974.
351
demands (and expectations)
Their
carried
out.
limited
to populistic
the
sorry
to live
which
greatly
which
was quite
minded
of the fact,
tactic
Perlin.
hopes pointed
reached
its
peak
with
again
this
event
did
JP criticisms
to Perbn's
the coherence
his
with
favour
the
of his
"errors",
in
died.
in
of concessions
leader's
the
the Movement,
project
1946-55
period.
in being
and retreats
in
early
in July
pointed
re-
an attempt
failure
an explanation
of their
behaviour
the leadership
with
of mass support
policy
were
dream given
was a utopian
with
government
when Perlin
pressed
break
consistent
though
Isabel
the confrontation
underestimated
Finally,
economy.
from Plaza
up to their
to curry
Argentine
a political
signify
reformism,
of the
state
of the
support
to her
lack
ex-
their:
"support
for the administration
brand new
of comrade Isabel,
President
that this administraof the Argentines,
reaffirming
tion can only be successful
so long as it respects
and makes
the popular will
elections
expressed in the popular
effective
of 11th May and 23rd September 1973". 2
came before
The volte-face
the
slogan
"Isabel
is
Such vacillation
or Left
view
stated,
`"The lack
each time
effort
coined
provided
opposition
no consistent
As the alternativista
policies.
re-
be substituted
4
Lacking
the enemy makes a move".
of a policy
cannot
with
an
to chapter.
1.
See conclusion
2.
JP press release,
1974), p. 41.
3.
"Hablan
4.
"El Novimientismo,
(26th
7
July
no.
los
Per6n".
to government
Militancia
Tendency
and opportunism
alternative
an imaginative
not
reproduced
ldontoneros,
" ibid.,
in La Causa Peronista,
(30th
4
no.
Enfermedad Infantil
1973), PP. 7-9.
del
July
no.
1974),
1 (9th
pp.
6-8.
July
352
-
policy
independent
for
reactive
relationship
orthodox
Peronist
it
tomy,
ism which
the parties
and National
tion
(Juventudes
Youth
this
groups
socialist
were a small
and "popular"
it
though
unity
was able
seriously
struggle
against
assumption
imperialism
that
the
oligarchy
in
the depth
of the
1973,
it
to strengthen
Unity
desire
countryside.
penetration
of the
To do this
of the alleged
landed
and the
for
oligarchy,
their
in
the
viable
"national"
As such,
against
For
impotent.
lurking
was something
the
to
the united
implicit
was only
to demonstrate
was politically
imperialism
Political
in which
and imperialism.
youths
and
on 17th August.
alliance,
served
of a shared
120,000
Savoy Hotel-
the Argentine
such a broad
only
Party
the Radicals
organisations
youth
tion
to mobilise
coup in September
Chilean
including
called
the oligarchy
against
of
Reconstruc-
JPA)
was created
-
minority,
common denominator
the lowest
around
front,
for
Out of this
of the organisation.
orientation
vague populistic
front
Armentinas
popular
the Region-
of the Radical
of Youth
1973.
organisations
a youth
Pollticas
the youth
Assembly
in August
Youth,
Conservative
Popular
Peron-
and democratic.
a Multi-Party
by 16 youth
dicho-
organisations
youth
the
organisa-
Left,
the revolutionary
document with
Liberation
attended
meeting,
Liberation
socialist
worker-based
with
outside
the pro-capitalist
with
a joint
signed
the JP called
1972,
forces
to be "national"
claiming
Having
in
seek unity
themselves
allied
ales
than
those
to develop
were attempting
Rather
tions.
from
off
in
bound to
being
Moreover,
postulation
itself
power,
the government.
with
itself
cut
gaining
liberation
with
within
other
undermined
front
in
the Argentine
sectors
their
economy
of the bourwhole
concep-
have
would
and
power
353
-
been incompatible
reformist
their
with
adult
to which
area
militias,
Armed Forces
or their
of the
remainder
Martin
Torrijos
clique"
for
General"!
was not
directed
towards
mirrored
their
superstructural
small
branches
ever.
At the
in
Carcgno
General
into
order".
political
missal
of the French
sector
Hotel
to
change in
the
in
of the form-
to calls
appeals
with
the
for
to military
by San
initiated
When
whom to ally.
January
the JP
1974,
to enthusiastically
but the
the
greet
three
Forces
which
made no impact
They organised
whatso-
camp, greatly
encouraged
Commanders-in-Chief,
for
by his
speech
he said
in which
guard of an unjust
good sign
and this
officers
areas.
be the praetorian
and US military
junior
other
the JP attempted
Another
of the JP
effort
in
approach
of American
that
itself
tradition
Argentina
reference
replacement
the national
10th Conference
the
to be purged,
the conscripts
each of the
same time,
structural
sur-
Within
After
a Peruvian-type
"Peronist
great
for
liberation
of Panama visited
a big
organised
and
was, perhaps
allies
fleeting
the JP limited
1973,
"military
for
Galimberti's
dismantlement.
and a search
General
the
After
officers
at
the JP looked
commanders in
er military
conservative
parties.
The other
prisingly,
to their
allegiances
social
and
missions
functioning
previously
disin
Argentina.
In October
1.
"Torrijos:
January
2.
Carcagno,
1973,
in an attempt
Un General Peronista,
1974), pp. 6-8.
quoted
in
to increase
their
" El Descamisado,
Herald,
influence
no.
in
36 (22nd
6th September
1973.
the
354
-
Armed Forces
and to try
JP activists
joined
the
Colonel
from
giving
practical
Province,
the National
the
Liberation
Operation
Dorrego
Minister
ed to early
did
brought
of Videla,
Peronism
the
truth
about
now admitted
that
whereas
ideas
about
over
istic
Colonel
"national
political
tion
such as this
what
JP's
characterisation
to give
an "intelligent
being
learned
they
clearly
something
reveals
it
a national
gave it.
from
the
so maybe
though,
and politicians
army officers
" El Descamisado,
Nacional,
"La JP y la Reconstrucci6n
(2nd October 1973), p. 25.
2.
"Operativo
3.
Dorrego:
la Juventud Peronista
"Balance de Operativo
(6th
November 1973), p. 27.
25
ibid.,
no.
October
is
from him
og
rila",
1.
no.
de Mayo on
Such evaluation,
22 (16th
vil-
to an "intelligent
" ibid.,
ideal-
publicly
the experience.
was
the Army
Plaza
Dorrego,
with
being
and popular
of Harguindeguy
liberal"
wanted
"co-
the project
referr-
operation
to hit
After
In-
that
reconstruction",
space".
25th
whom they
the future
liberal"
the role'of
contributing
and spat
stoned
of
Albano Harguindeguy,
was possible!
pro-
a broadening
on as an "intelligent
with
existence"
the imperialist
"to
contribute
the
imperialism".
yankee
Front
could
to
of
areas
most linked
sectors
operation
of flood-affected
holding
8,000
Apart
Operation.
Reconstruction
there,
of the
to the population
military
that
thought
National
had friends
they
troops
5,000
with
aid
of those
conversion
terior
forces
Manuel Dorrego
Buenos Aires
ject",
no.
1973),
20
pp" 28-30.
fue a trabajar,
"
355
-
in
terms
their
of conjunctural
Carcagno
led
of the
the
Montoneros'
ian
military
military
zone in which
16 political
they
during
that
Carcagno
and Harguindeguy
satire
of Militancia's
trayed
a badly
tactical
tary
"National
building
Dorrego
tasks.
and similar
walls
Quieto
claimed
that
is
this
the
operations
and health
being
units,
with
In
execution
is
not
the biting
2.
Roberto Quieto,
El Descamisado,
towards
the
end of
"Did
you
a mili1
Colonel? "!
number of JP
repairs,
propaganda
from
Cordoba,
Roberto
in
just
to paint
1.
he por-
son,
street
electoral
17th rally
Reconstruction
for
masks due
and asking
of a whole
included
like
a JP activist
largest
removing
everywhere,
one cartoon
Dorrego,
which
Youth,
elements
asked by his
1973.
in
"tactical
"stage")
Operation
At the October
"National
for
In another,
for
at Trelew
to don popular
cartoonist.
ready
was only
Reconstruction"
schools
Liberation
Dad? ".
again,
Operation
looked
and of
Political
JP supporter
allies
were shot
the Argentine
officer,
"Tendencio"
beaten-up
before
project,
Here,
the suppress-
in
1969 Cordobazo
with
have found
might
to
of'the
prisoners,
the National
appeared
operation,
revolutionary
a clear
(i. e.
allies
meet your
to
reference
and encouragement
support
had participated
and felt
to
to give
revolt,
1970 La Calera
lacking
allies"
Youth
be remembered,
should
1956 Peronist
As in
JP,
the
the Peronist
who, it
ion
1972.
scant
with
and postures,
interests.
class
This
attitudes
the
amounted
Dates
of
1973,
- 356 -
to in
little
in
practice
out
control
State
over
lems could
be little
to these
energy
boy scouts
isation
rooted
were always
fall
of
or's
post
the
the
very
gress,
they
upon between
for
the various
together
their
respective
tenure
time
much
so
and
a cadre organ-
of the
charge
Youth
of the Youth
However,
sectors"
1-
through
of democratic
quite
proposed
of delegates
in
right-
other
a compromise,
of the
unity
had a
con-
be agreed
should
the leaders
words,
ignoring
from
apart
the JP themselves
For their
advis-
Branch.
sectors
elaboration
groups,
nomination
to reach
youth
unsympathetic
official
the
With
unity
by the Youth
"the
because
above.
presidential
of differences.
youth
and try
the
of
will
rank-and-files.
Only by January
to democratise
itself,
attem-
to ensure:
"the protagonistic
participation
line.
tion of our political
1.
of the
of "democratisation".
that
prob-
social
mainly
to come from
the unification
of any youth
covered
with-
a lot,
suggested
get
in
the resolution
view
would
their
was placed
campaigned
spectrum
strange
initiatives
impracticality
political
pting
lost
JP
movement.
they
Yessi
for
To devote
the labour
institutionalisation
procedures
on Argentina's
in
and at
The JP then
the impact
Cmpora,
Julio
winger
social
it
for
Though the
even in words.
waiting
how
reflects
only
quotation
Organisationally,
they
of valid
resources
projects
but
the workers,
did a lot
operations
of the
part
" ibid.,
in
the
elaboracomrades
of all
We are conscious
of the fact that
no.
19 (26th
September
1973)
357
-
is
our organisation
democratic".
being
from
long
way
a
still
Though it
seems that
delegates
trol
the
over
"Loyalists"
it
is
or not
to defy
ists",
referred
and El Mundo"
announced
to
than
apparent
did
not
in
illusions
to
lay
down their
alty"
(or
1974 period
towards
strategy
totally
"Babla Juventud
Pp. 4-5"
in
it
of La Opinion
the ERP)..:
the
would persuade
them into
to the Left
the leader
in
the
lack
organisation,
of
of an
greater
num-
were com-
own.
Even their
because
Cmpora
the programme of
"special
formations"
official
Peronist
of Per6n ignores
throughout
the
conception
of their
the
"they
JP.
mobilising
out
of "loyal-
group
their
youth
to carry
servility)
The whole
1.
that
project.
over whether
Tendency
confidence
while
offensive
a political
while
Argentine
any previous
under
liberalisation,
inspire
his
his
"loy-
career.
to September
May
1973
the
in.
the
Tendency
of
Peronista,
" ibid.,
no.
Movement living
36-(22nd
the
materialised,
to
on mobilisation,
emphasis
JP branches.
as "inventions
belonging
was
reorganisation
the minority
to launch
advance
of the
of
the JP (Regionales),
policy,
unable
the leader
Such statements
to their
of youths
the split
the latter
papers,
"stages",
revolutionary
before
con-
was the
of this
the
after
(daily
Due then
pletely
Obeid,
new spirit
independent
right
and
full
maintained
qualification
the leadership
on within
Perlin,
exist".
that
significant
was going
don't
took place
of officers
However,
bers
which
the election
the Montoneros
The only
organisation.
split,
announced
dispute
totally
January
up to the
1974),
358
-
illusions
liefs
which
been well-grounded,
been important
his
after
slogan,
for
except
supposed
icial,
role
could
force
Perlin
into
a revolutionary
achieve
it
which
strategy
expected
popular
and repressive
Peronist
have
would
As it
his
for
This
re-
mass following,
his
Plaza
de Mayo.
leader
proved
Perbn's
Since
to be artif-
and victims
the
from becoming
rapidly
be-
the
day
when,
sick
nothing.
absolutely
their
of events.
immediately
in
rallies
a little
by the leader
ordained
the well-orchestrated
metamorphosis
hegemonic
the course
the passive
affirmed
in influencing
to Argentina,
return
Had all
them.
the JP mobilisations
final
traditional
had in
Left
then certainly
instruments
however,
was,
tion
the movimientista
the JP
of an increasingly
un-
government.
University
in a Colonised
Country"
in a Liberated
JUP
slogan,
-.
Next in
siderable
importance
membership
whose growth
rate
ed two advantages
first
being
its
to the barrio-based
over
petty-bourgeois
earlier
creation
tendency.
was a natural
So important
Perbn,
2.
growth
area for
Herald,
its
area
the
of
a predominantly
element
Universitaria,
a con(JUP)
Youth
remarkable.
front
nor
1973.2
and with
University
functional
1.
quoted
in
the remaining
the university,
operations,
overlap,
between
Regionales,
Country,
" Militancia,
within
359
-
the radicalised
bastion
stitutional
Between
been led
but
utionary
Left
period.
In
ist"
1955-73,
not
the
1972 student
55.5w
with
tant
second,
1,300
barometers
voted
centres
Radicals
began to fill
immediately
Ongania`s
tal
reflected
level
financial
by Argentina's
careers
tions
neglect
placed
in
doubt
towards
in
of
on the
higher
students
liaison
1.
Buenos Aires
student
in
their
6,100
centres
(pentros)
line)
however,
in
this
The faculty-based
leaving
even though
Adversely
groups
which
a polit-
this
electoral
of power,
student
was not
by
affected
of secure
and with
governmenfuture
solu-
thousands
of
Most radicalised
period.
struggles
1972 only
and Peronist
deprived
usurpation
a dis-
were not
movement for
1
MOR)
-
gaining
deterioration,
Peronism
for
1960's,
level.
by the military
turned
late
"Reform-
the Alfonsin
nationalist
education,
economic
students
and it
student
abstained.
which
the
Party's
Reformista
Such elections,
at superstructural
use of repression
vacuum at rank-and-file
organisations
of the
supporting
four-fifths
were remote
towards
Communist
of Buenos Aires,
all
had
was challenged,
de Orientacibn
and nearly
1,592 votes.
winning
students
student
ical
of the poll
Morada (Lettish
Franja
the
elections,
months.
students
Party
with
those
provided
of the workers
to
in-
movement in Argentina
Guevarists)
the University
in
whose position
(Movimiento
organisation
accurate
Trotskyists,
of Buenos Aires
student
by Radical
successfully,
(Maoists,
student
votes,
the organised
mainly
seriously
the Peronist
to placate
-350-
Youth
the
with
ism in
combined with
the University
the movimientista
of the Tendency
ial
student
these
Dominaci6n
1971,
leftism,
critique.
was carried
authorities
by the national
have exposed
belt
dependency
a source
national
political
militants
student
the
it
for
to import
years
theories
from
the
univ-
a means of strengthmonopolies,
could
which
contribute
of truth
from
rule,
rather
to in-
in the JUP
or technological
of military
technology
it
nat-
the Argentine
portrayed
any scientific
of the ideas
"abstract"
to divorce
de Is
international
with
of foreign
and ideas
1966 73
to the
culture,
an alien
Instrumento
influence
pointed
extents,
and a servant
hardly
were content
economically-advanced
for
development.
out during
It
whose concern
of graduates
For example,
Moreover,
question.
Universidad.
the decisive
to differing
tended,
as a transmission
dependent
1.
on the group.
student
national
national
a book,
which revealed
Arregui
and experiences
being
a clandestine
Imperial,
of former
ening
would lend
forces.
of Hernndez
Argentine
part
boycotted
allies
and that
centres
would
base for
by the offic-
was hidden
participation
was required
organisation
of Peron-
become a support
that
student
In
than
to 1973, feeling
prior
decade.
the previous
growth
the
To campaign in elections
security
ersity
because
predecessors
around
spectacular
to unrepresentative
situation.
ure
results
to student
approach
Its
University
expressions
to first
formations
1973.
election
legitimacy
the
in
elections
linked
of Buenos Aires
special
during
radicalised
other
though
by 1971,
force
the Peronist
organisations,
student
research
since
the
countries.
see the
Cultural
Supplement
to La Opinion,
361
-
This
state
The University
pora.
Interior
to lesser
rectors
and faculty
dency
control
Puiggr6s,
deans clearly
its
with
an "island"
of national
liberation
in
structures
were to be broken
promises
the national
under
tendencies.
students.
were largely
the military
kept.
regime
historical
sections
univer-
anst Peron-
to the
education
all
of the
sectors
The old
authoritarian
by permanent
consultations
and non-academic
freedom
in
staff
policy-making
Some progress
1973 programme,
lecturers
The police
of expression
and free
was given
to student
university
sectors
medical
the
attention
the creation
political
gained
partfor
was provided
of
an adequate
1.
"La Universidad
pp. 10-11.
(3rd
7
no.
2.
"Puiggrbs
y el Avance del Pueblo, " Interview,
(12th July 1973), Pp. 16-20.
Mi.litancia,
del
who had
of the Peronist
Under Puiggr6s,
icipation
of
Courses
students
Rodolfo
and to involve
lecturers,
Ten-
by contributing
people
to
of the University.
Unlike
purged
the development
the authorities,
the running
deform
support
and reconstruction.
University
the
was totally
time,
and "national"
University
the Argentine
of economic development
requirements
supported
that
at
al methods
between
the
students:
of
where
won the
and rapidly
Cm-
Left.
the Peronist
with
of
intervenciones
through
a "popular"
aims of creating
tasks
aligned
in Buenos Aires
was strongest
sity.
the
extents,
and those
in particular,
identified
ist,
of Buenos Aires
the election
with
changed abruptly
of affairs
July
no.
1973),
5
362-
student
grants
and social
of national
Perhaps
for
workers,
The creation
ities,
University
ienced
radical
People
for
their
Fully
al
it
to
Peronist
Pablo
Ventura
Youth,
in a Liberated
the People
The University
frost
im provisional
then
under
approved
7 regional
Perlin
himself,
course
and the
tradit-
replaced
its
in
after
September
led
removal.
of Raul Lastiri,
L6pez Rega's
Tendency
and influence
1973.
lines
by Josb
upon student
nation-
similar
along
of univer-
a University
soon attacked
Cmpora's
control
first
main emphasis
work.
was, however,
its
leadership
"Spring"
presidency
units,
a new national
Reconstruction
in immediately
set
which
history
on 7th
Law Faculty
into
became synthesised
policy
exper-
courses
of the Argentine
measures,
participation
sity
of these
itself
structured
the
in
There,
the
courses.
several
Doctrine
and Peronist
facil-
integrating
of the Struggles
became a basic
Politics
American
in support
conference
A "History
clientele.
(medical
agencies
Finally,
community.
Emancipation"
philosophy
of barrio
classes
of evening
)
etc.
went some way towards
changes.
of Latin
ional
faculties
of entr-
of the University
expansion
the national
into
the introduction
with
a social
centres,
aid
innovation
along
by several
legal
study
which,
produced
deemed to be
importance.
ance requirements
in areas
was promoted
by a latent
Under the
son-in-law,
in
For a list
of the changes introduced
Universidad
del Pueblo (Buenos Aires:
pp. 97-114.
2.
interand
the
by Puiggr6s,
see his book,
Crisis,
1974),
Editorial
1.
of
la
frenar
que intents
20 (2nd October 1973)
La
- 363 -
universities
field
was very
of battle
right-wing
ly,
Peronist
Villanueva,
He was subsequently
The final
Ra1 Laguzzi,
less
in
more conserresigna-
Minister
Alberto
right-wing
but
support
his
submitted
of the Left
cautious-
project
by the
replaced
by Education
the
a sociologist
the Puiggrbs
the latter
stand
appointed
by the decidedly
and replaced
Proceeding
commanded slightly
Solano
successor
Ernesto
1973,
in
of responsibility.
well
October
in
early
tion
lack
The main
undermined.
of Puiggrbs
replacement
movement.
student
vative
his
chose as his
and former
where,
the resignation
to protest
Perba
and gradually
secured
Perlin
able
carefully
Taiana
Ottalango
in July
in September
1974.
In the face
in
responded
isation
Puiggrbs.
its
for
calls
Army's
utionary
Villanueva
arity
draft
the reinstatement
attack
The next
retreat
embodied
the
criminate
"Semen
Villanueva
on the Azul
Politica:
was over
ideals
the Senate
ideologically
University
against
Peronists
in January
by declaring
with
but
ima maraton....,
lecturers
" op.
cit.
the
the Army".
Revol1974,
"solid1
of
the People's
garrison
of Buenos Aires
espoused
to place
military
sacking
from becoming
Banff
After
mobil-
demonstrations,
was appointed,
of Puiggrbs.
of the National
amended in
1.
after
the
against
nominee Dr.
Lastiri's
the JUP
of control,
mobilisation
to protest
students,
These prevented
but
position
retreat.
after
one of 20,000
including
on its
attacks
exactly
retreat
yet
Rector
of these
was drastically
activity,
and restrict
disthe
364
-
free
operation
for
provided
the
decisions
of Zavala
with
the rest
by approving
its
JUP, after
wait-and-see
of
course
of
the
by then
law behind
minimise
its
criticise
wing
plete
of
1.
2.
In the
on the issue
it
more firmly
takeover
volte-face
"between
the
Finally,
by condemning
of legislation
legislation
to operate
it
and
was on the
against
it,
the
full
with
force
Congress,
through
then
for
but
was passing
in September
The
confrontations.
unsuccessfully,
of support
of the universities
by calling,
them.
away from
of resignations
also,
distinction
or spirit
while
but
temporised
unsympathetic
hill
was then
a measure
of the
that
of Congress,
was able
the
with
It
resigned
the bill
playing
the content
the right-wing
criticisms
concentrating
the movimientistas
it.
only
as "ultra-left".
meant that
approach
the bloc.
the customary
books before
statute
mass lobbies
between
implementation
lent
seen in
belief
the unfounded
"no resignations"
Distinguishing
its
Tendency,
was first
issue
into
thus
them to
in
who not
implementation",
organising
for
Congress
and making
by concentrating
clauses
a call
of the
and its
content
in
also
rectors,
by obliging
on this
and Bettanin,
of Villanueva
"spirit"
by "normalising"
them admittance
would gain
the behaviour
seen in
the
Rodriguez
"loyalty"
along
Vacillation
the bill
state,
of Tendency sympathisers
resignations.
behaviour
such
to be replaced
the removal
their
final
In its
unions.
dnterrentore
facilitating
submit
of student
after
the right-
to perform
the full
to
a com-
implementation
the Law.
"La Universidad
al borde de la opci6n:
(12th
43
" El Descamisado, no.
gorila,
"IIniversidad:
pp, 22-24.
liberacibn
o continuismo
March 1974), pp. 7-8.
ibid.,
"
de
nadie,
o del pueblo o
(26th
45
March 1974),
no.
365
-
Data on student
In that
1973.
Buenos Aires
of the
it
year
where,
The JUP's
Franja
Morada's
only
a far
student
a sweeping
the
for
23,176
for
it
population
1973,
the
1974,
(9,500
"Reformists"
from
front
Not
the
decline
most,
even
did
to
lack
though
its
splinter
the
September
boim
resigned
saying
eros
had
underground.
gone
The latter
also
1974,
that
decision
because it
1.
La Nacl6n,
2.
Carta
from
and Franja
political
the
the
but
it
1972 turn-out.
the interior
of the
to stand
deprive
coun-
in most of
into
not
the
want
to
affected
of
university
Law School
more hazardous
1974).
but
also
in
Dean Mario
of the
for
1974.
such
appointed
now that
apparatus
in
activists
one reas-
the
Marini
deans
15,000).
350 votes
student
the
of
and firmness,
JUP support
the military
(10,824
to
1973
of
performance
attracted
faculty
and Fuentes
Aires
instance,
was also
the
in
Tendency
Ivansich
he did
23,176
split
only
the
Buenos
for
the
Morada
"Loyalists"
Guido,
but
clear
consistency
own ticket
sympathising
In
remained
improvements
were
of
that
1973.
students
Not
18%.
501'4o
of the Buenos
and confident
slipped
11,000)
Chinchilla,
of
vote
was
this
as Grinstein,
several
preeminence
there
JUP's
the
only
com-
reformists
quadrupling
developed
her
21,000,
approximately
on for
JIIP's
While
ground.
Apart
About
of
of 9 out
won control
Communist "Reformists"
poll.
after
universities.
In
losing
gave it
it
on the non-Peronist
in
voted
was insufficiently
the other
votes
more representative
time,
ground
the University
in
victory
first
the tables
that
suggests
achieved
standing
13 centres.
'pared with
elections
those
the
of
March
KestelMonton-
because
more
Tendency
remaining.
and
366
-
it
ment into
a single
federation,
roundly
Through
the National
to attract
tried
hegemonic
(FIIA)
tendencies
hard
decline
due to the
to discover
student
elections
totals
voting
parative
the centres
ious
of that
year,
at
in
do provide
figures
reliable
Blue and
their
White
them 20 centres;
16% of the
votes,
together
a cast-free
the
with
attack
claimed
1.
is
gained
As political
option
prospect
plus
for
grew,
students
of right-wing
of his
that
total
repression
32% of the
11,110 votes,
centres;
all
punishment.
4 month old
and earned
22% of the
student
just
for
of Buenos Aires
centre.
groups
poll.
In September
"Ganb el Estudiantado,
19th December 1975.
won 8,245
5% of the
Sympathisers
son - designated
poll,
of 2,584 votes,
vocal
poll
participated,
poll
the pro-Isabel
support
prev-
According
and academics.
of University
students
com-
since
the
the percentage
them to 8 centres
entitling
a pathetic
on the apartment
the life
votes,
of fortune
disputed
is
the banned
which
JUP decline.
50,620
in which
4 shared
the fact
to those
of further
won 16,129
of this
proof
in
indicator
a valid
Morada attracted
total,
interesting
Equally
put
Franja
13 centres
signifying
List
movement was
Nevertheless,
evidence
in a poll
though
conditions
some cases.
own
decade.
the previous
place.
always
its
ensuring
student
JUP fortunes,
Univer-
Argentine
the rival
during
in
took
year
in
least
semi-clandestine
are not
contested
and Centres
as at any time
of the Montoneros.
away from
or to merge with
move-
"terrorism"
as the
of Federations
student
the Radical
both
regarded
However,
position.
as fragmented
almost
for
Council
student
Federation
sity
the
Moreover,
1974, a bomb
Rector
"the
were faced
Raa
youngest
Laguzzi
martyr
Ganb el Peronismo
367
-
of the Peronist
Puiggr6s
Ventura
cluding
However,
to its
uted
the
the
fall-off
vacillating
the Left-Wing
University
second
Naturally,
in
have regarded
made from
the
not
Cordoba,
supporters
withdrew
from
out
"replace
of
coordinating
of the JUP.
character
ruling
committee
organisation
one organisation",
"verticalism"
University
of stifling
pro-Isabel
the
same criticisms
Rank-and-File
in
sectors
rank-and-file
the
un-
of appeal",
with
initiatives
1.
2.
"Por la decision
of the Partid
June 1974), p.
the specific
democrtica
de los claustros,
Comunista Revolu ionario,
no.
9.
(PB),
to
of seeking
adopting-poliies
for
of
were imposed
any possibility
without
regard
tendency
claimed
Buenos Aires
without
were
against
the
leadership
FAUDI to
Peronism
protest
they
JUP policies,
and of mechanically
council.
but
Rank-and-File
as "orders
camp.
committee
discussion.
any meaningful
the political
excessive
Peronist
they had
Buenos Aires,
on the faculty
However,
for
body of
though
and Letters,
the non-Peronist
the Peronist
In 1974,
that
complained
participation
of the alternativista
the JUP's
coordinating
expect
accused
(FAZJDI), student
of Philosophy
the Revolutionary
In November 1973,
on the
the Faculty
JUP sympathetically.
within
democratic
(PCR),
persistently
practices.
Groups Front
them minority
one would
tendencies
be attrib-
also
attacks
and sectarian
Communist Party
place
must certainly
to government
student
methods
earned
ies
Rival
in-
later.
in JIIP support
response
that
two months
were arrested
Revolutionary
the
to Mexico
JUP of bureaucratic
example,
the
to flee
which
by the Hontoneros.
resistance"
were forced
the policthrough
decided
by
situation
9th Septem-
368
-
of C6rdoban
JUP at
the
had not
students.
student
face
Taiana
fascists
Left
"intervened"
1,600
July
"a peace
activity
in
of research
changes
students
that
the return
to private
enterprise.
admitted
to lot
sciences
at
in
participation
year
the University
After
Teachers
had succeeded
the
sixteen
univ-
intell-
with
4,000
lectur-
had fled
after
Confederation
in
establishing
requirements
decision-making,
plus
Course contents
of Buenos Aires,
and
Univer-
and student
political
of entrance
in psychology,
1974,
In
courses
rev-
in purging
replaced
and dozens
University
Ivanissevich
in
Ministry
of the
rectors
imprisoned
firm
of the
no time
sympathies.
on the campuses.
the universities,
end to tripartite
it
were self-declared
Fifteen
control
as Rector
and lost
fascist
with
the graveyards"
Right-wing
that
In August
the Education
Laguzzi
popular
the Argentine
threats,
in
of crusaders.
and their
pro-
a total
in
resulted
fervour
- often
receiving
displaced
mediocrities
ectual
in
Both
the religious
were
ersities
up by
to stand
of the universities.
Ivanissevich
Ivan
Ottalango
Albert
promoted
with
implied
mobilisations,
eventually
control
by Dr.
its
all
offensive
Left's
of Buenos Aires.
sity
ers
right-wing
Peronist
later
taken
in August
in JUP decision-making
of
was replaced
a month
belatedly
were only
existed.
of*the
of the
ersal
Congress
participation
previously
The failure
the
Such criticisms
2nd National
its
for
viding
suffered
and an
"hiving-off"
dramatic
1975, no students
sociology
its
the
Faculty
union
were
or educational
of Philosophy
de Cbrdoba,
p. 44.
1.
2.
See Joan Monahan, "I agreed to teach but not to be a gaoler, " The
Times Higher Education
1977, p. 10.
Suiulement,
11th February
and
reprod-
369
-
Letters,
the former
where
transformation
in university
expansion
for
most radical
educational
ratios
at.
was chronic
overcrowding,
of students
unprepared,
intellectually
and graduate
the right-wingers
back in
vital
changes,
was fatal
in
"socialism
In order
viable,
by a far
it
is
higher
education
Ibid.;
police
pueblo
for
it
these
total
83,000
had reached
which
the admittance
even the
to the
gap between
of a serious
were provided
to justify
problems
university
the
a drastic
cut-
literat-
growth
in
extra-university
radical
to attempting
job vacan-
by the JUP to
in JU
any references
of their
Univer-
to benefit
or motivationally,
approximated
in
Early
A further
300: 1, a figure
hardly
to the success
to the right-
general.
facilities
Nor did
numbers.
to
in
students.
answers
One finds
numbers.
student
societal
No political
who referred
supply.
ideas
any great
without
The result
education
were totally
proposals
gave ammunition
had 80,000
reached
baulk
academic, might
from higher
1.
only
of a revolutionary
pursued
in
enter
Student-teacher
237,000.
This
radical
its
entry,
plans,
of Buenos Aires
to
were programmed
cies
building
use against
sity
of unrestricted
terms
in
of the university,
role
The effects
inadequate.
wingers
the
of
that,
by
considered
Marxists.
for
ground
of the JUP is
criticism
being
were taught,
to be a breeding
two subjects
proposals.
construction
of
one university".
for
the
arguable
level
and. a general
reforms
radical
that
pioneered
of State
education
socio-economic
spending,
elevation
reform
of lower-level
Jonathan Xendell,
"I cannot imagine what would happen if
left, " ibid.,
7th January 1977; and "Universidad:
o del
o de nadie, " op. cit.
the
370
-
in
order
increased
ersity
ent
(a)
that
there
levels
population
could
the
period
"National
of
Here too,
functional
fronts
I
mentalised
to their
solely
issues,
etc.,
would
gulf
for
be a mistake
in
Left.
of national
1.
of intermediate
to put
programme of radical
their
stages
Thus for
was orientated
liberation
not
around
goal
Macro-level
approach.
distant
were vital
Moreover,
the
to relate
The
revolution
of social
agenda of the
whole
of the Peronist
JUP
transformations.
social
was
imp-
movimien-
strategy
on union
on the immediate
for
relevant
inexperience.
down to political
directly
demands designed
or transitional
this
of the
changes which
reforms.
in
steps
Youth
structural
demands to a general
lications
ilisations
the macro-level
"stages"
Liberation".
meant that
the Working
issues,
Such
Peronist
socialist
on aspects
This
stud-
common to all
The Tendency's
campaigned
of pre-univ-
bound by the
and National
the
education.
1973-76
to countenance
of operations.
area
to higher
a characteristic
each front
ignoring
separating
inherent
tista
so that
a system
immediate
It
JUP displayed
for
and part-time
of any of the
Reconstruction
on university
prerequisites
refused
of the Tendency.
specific
almost
lacked
the
it
from access
that
raising
full-
raised
of the Tendency,
approach
benefit
to cater
a general
the enlarged
removed from
governments.
so that
really
facilities
(b)
and
to study
numbers wanting
educational
be sufficient
would
of mob-
of a stage
leadership
and
- 371 -
to it.
government
by the fascist
clearly
their
takeover
of the universities
That
too
1974.
Within
the JP-Montonero
Indeed,
ents.
(MVP) gained
tant
labour
This
the Peronist
front,
labour
was in
dency's
principal
same time,
it
reflected
practising
urban
not
have its
saw its
September
the Montonero
Trade
isations
as viable.
JTP outgrew
since
it
national
viewed
or not
support
any organisaorganised
del
Sindical
movement,
in its
two years
in
reduced
into
Peronismo
which
unlike
Peronist
62 Organthe
of existence
is
vital
it
was
examination
by
the
of it
special
which
At the
class.
was absorbed
the official
movement,
Tenthis
drastically
in
participation
Whether
the shanty-town
of the Aut6ntico
year.
April
activity
(Bloaue
own
of struggle.
In 1975 it
Peronism
branch
the main,
until
legal
of warfare.
of Authentic
was working-class
congress
its
with
which
the Montoneros
until
some impor-
create
people",
the
despite
petty-bourgeois
the working
forms
for
opportunities
the labour
who, in
dwellers
May of that
has in attaining
and political
launched
not
until
difficulties
warfare
workers
first
did
"the
towards
front
Though having
(JTP),
towards
tremendous
guerrilla
resumption
Union Bloc
Aut6ntico),
being
the
own union
labour
the Tendency
Youth
orientation
among industrial
to their
alien
base.
of the stud-
that
the shanty-town
of the predominantly
orientation
a socialist
support
Working
a reflection
part
overriding
tion
to 1973,
prior
contacts
that
than the
recruitment
the proportional
than
significant
more support
potential
smaller
less
Tendency
have estimated
some observers
organisation
former's
was far
of workers
weight
social
Revolutionary
372
-
to seriously
socialist
genuine
Youth
Although
the
slogan
rallies,
the
official
isations
in an attempt
Peronist
JSP)
- an organisation
-
youth
or a life
line
During
its
image,
despite
to drive
over
30's.
Moreover,
appear
its
to the working
campaign
against
of an anti-bureaucratic
Before
tant
to note
vocabulary
in
evaluating
references
that
than
implied
that
section
Sindical
Peronista
and lacking
an indep-
class
ranks
'National'
for
the political
solution
a generational
In this
as an organisation
the bureaucracy
did
problem
of all
Social-
and the
of bureau-
enhanced by control
sense,
for
all
the
replacethe JTP did not
the full
not realise
and thus
workers
potential
movement.
the success
of the JTP in
youth
by young militants.
leaders
old
ment of
opened its
it
an artificial
they
but even to
as its
(Juventud
Union Rejuvenation
one requiring
was a generational
participation
JTP development
that
of the unions,
control
its
by
was frustrated
wish
by the leadership
lifespan,
as "Trade
tended
this
own.
the fact
ism"
cratic
of its
two year
Such slogans
ages.
created
of the labour
the 62 Organ-
within
but
CGT
leadership,
62 recognised
the
Instead
at
a parallel
bureaucratic
its
procedures
to permit
only
existence.
endent
union
to oust
hegemony there
62 not
of the
its
recognise
trade
to create
was not
objective
to gain
and also
refusal
to pose a
"JTP is
confederation.
the
it
democratic
institute
and be able
leadership
alternative.
to work within
but
the Peronist
challenge
of the
to the pueblo
other
fronts
and national
the unions,
more clasista
which
liberation
tended
it
in both
is
impor-
tone
to subsume class
movements.
For
and
373
-
the analyses
while
example,
of the other
people-oligarchy/imperialism
after
its
class
having
first
been betrayed
hegemony over
not
only
"the
the
to the oligarchy,
industrial,
1A
ing
(aarupacibn)
the majority,
system,
is
month later,
the-mre
example,
the Evita
ed in
of
the
July
has political
power,
hands...
being
and for
sectors
workers'
control
to produce
unnecessary
as being
has the
behaviour
which
grouping
of all
over
large
with
key sectors
without
production.
Perbn,
For
of C6rdoba call-
landholdings
"stage"
char-
sections
programme.
the present
clashes
group-
the suffering
when it
for
in
be justice
socialism
of the Tendency's
expropriation
too radical
"
JTP metalworkers'
of the Tendency,
considered
likely
the
to
but also
the nationalisation
pointed
the vacillating
aspects
Montonero
economy, for
compensation
worker
radical
only
really
in its
it
bourgeoisie
will
'national'
wealth
1973 for
"There
and defined
class
"has handed
the Mussi-Retamar
destroyed"
stressed
that:
benefits
which
bureaucracy
and managerial
capitalist
which
As enemies,
and the
financial
of imperialism".
service
of
imperialism
commercial,
the
when the
to the bourgeoisie".
process
by the JTP
produced
bureaucracy
by the union
the
around
in August
meeting
revolved
a document
antinomy,
national
fronts
less
emphasis,
some
of the process
at least
over
and
time
scales.
When one examines
1.
2.
the fortunes
of the
JTP as it
attempted
" El Descamisado,
Militancia,
no.
14
to win
no.
16
374
-
of the unions,
control
emerge is
that
weakness.
Its
and in
of white-collar
of the bureaucrats,
if
counted
tive
Geographically,
importance
terms
(Gas del
Union
Rosario,
secretaryships,
general
secretary
colectivo
Greco being
Adeline
branch
section
of that
capital
ies
drivers
of the
and three
its
JTP in
Aguirre
held
in
in
succ-
qualita-
secretary
workers,
a take-over
Capital
in
1973,
Gas Workers
Cordoba and
the respective
Misiones
where
Influence
and the
Capital
leader
where
was also
Guillermo
being
in TucumAn it
in
the Villa
the main
won control
of
provincial
unions.
The former
of the Federation
of Municipal
sugar mill
among
there.
Federation,
including
Workers
in Buenos Aires,
JTP national
support,
of the
State
by the
influenced
union.
its
the Federal
Ceramic Workers
of municipal
branch,
and Mario
in Augast
general
importance
in
strike
the union's
really
since
groups,
of gas workers'
Of lesser
two branches
Ramallo
a successful
stories
Union
Juan Figueredo
(bus)
in
where Reginaldo
firmly
being
the Transport
general
the
Rosario
with
Estado).
but
quantitatively
(ATE),
employees
remained
ones which
economically-powerful
TucumAn also
of unions,
state
and with
Association
unions
were the
blue-collar
dazzling.
Buenos Aires,
and Greater
industrial
impressive
was less
performance
grouping
to
performance
with
the unions
and these
to the least
contrasting
a mass worker
just
In
pig
the
-
unions
of its
feature
success
came in
achievements
the smaller
the hands
victorWorkers
375
-
of TucumAn in March
vention".
lacked
isation
positions
however
nullified
JTP groupings
in
(AB)
by national
the unions
the strongest
of control,
Association
(ATSA) in
ers Union
where the
of these
of Buenos Aires,
"interorgan-
being
the Health
in
Work-
of Buenos
workers
Province.
Aires
By late
but
from
apart
the blue-collar
in
by "the
minutes,
and Railway
Fuerza)
where it
control
cratic
was at its
tive
from
participating
pre-empted
drawing
up new regulations
a "delegate"
while
at
the
delegates
election
for
least
same time
elected
list
at
under
by ordinary
Oil
Workers
Union
1.
Special
supplement
elections,
its
which
two years
it
20 minutes
to prevent
members.
by the bureaucracy
held
at
Workers
to refuse
while
to El Descamisado,
no.
JTP lists
by
position,
recognition
union,
in
Union
to have been
a leading
In that
bureau-
1973 elections
occupying
union
(Luz y
and proscrip-
became necessary
leadership
(UOM) 40
each.
to contest
October
before
controlled
Union
Strong-arm
the
enabling
was annulled
in
res-
Power Workers
The Construction
elections.
a JTP challenge
leaders
Workers
and the
used by leaderships
in union
unions
the Metal
strongest.
move-
10 and 6 minutes
unions,
the labour
in
the blue-collar
(Un16n Ferroviaria)
Workers
of author-
took
(SMATA) 33 minutes
the blue-collar
In
influence
August
much longer:
Car Workers
of the Construc-
section
to win positions
columns
CGT HQ,whereas
took
bureaucracy"
the
The JTP's
to pass the
pectively
Blanca
on the 31st
reflected
groupings
were unable
unions.
Workers
State
the Bahia
(UOCRA) they
Union
Workers
tion
1974,
unions
ortant
ity
1974, promptly
the JTP's
the Vegetable
16, op.
cit.
to
- 376 -
by 231 votes
defeat
their
ballot
in
JTP participation
Association
was prevented
the
JTP's
ter
the
list.
20,000
of the
54,000
at Banco Naci6n
in
through
though,
tions,
in
lists
the manoeuvre,
entitled
and
voted
left
the union
Congress
from being
all
statutes*so
as to
before
the
police
and seizing
in
the
1.
"Organizar,
movilizar,
(16th
October
22
no.
2.
3.
JTP Au
c
aci6n Metal(ir
12th March 1974), p. 15.
the
group
lists
elections.
by police
controlar,
custodiar,
1973), p. S.
by the
effectively
Otero
pre-
condoned
of being
group activists
executed
At the end
nominated
elections.
to deny.
of Delegates,
in
Ministry
in
bureaucracy
presented
the
the Labour
controlled
the
bureaucracy,
Union which
Workers
Participation
no means untypical
Only
out by 3,000
still
the union
the power of
Otero.
accusing
and trots",
however,
This,
was all
opposition
raiding
region
were thrown
supervisors
bureaucracy,
"bolshies
in
at national
campaign.
abstention
of
to regis-
headquarters
of candidates
successful
the Metal
vent
list
a single
challenge
in
leadership.
old
Ricardo
Minister
only
to a man.
needed success
union
to the union
access
electoral
To effectively
influential
List
the
through
bank employees
union
that
1974 elections
a highly
who abstained
JTP badly
the
Faced with
level,
to the fact
Capital
was exclusively
count
employees
the Federal
in
coup de grace
which
by
theoretically
apoyar...,
attacks
" ibid.,
(22nd
January
36
no.
communique,
ibid.,
no.
43
377
on JTP militants
This
in
the
to work through
an "independent
ily
union
It
unfair
achieved
of the State
leader
However,
1974.
building
for
ities
was able
of his
defeats
fierce
on the
of the
it
backing,
ially
could
in
icipation
the bureaucracy
denounced
able
As in
concerned
limited
to union
election
begin
to recognise
its
rally,
Firmenich,
selves
if
it
has really
1.
"Palabras
pp. 37-42.
organisational
raise
his
allowing
This
Victories
its
part-
was only
partin
or proscribed
elec-
had been
remarks
the organisational
" Militancia,
work being
organisational
at
level
no.
the Tendency
de Firmenich,
into
sec-
tactics.
campaigns.
directing
election
rank-and-file
to examine why it
failed
and mobilisation,
agitation
had strong
success.
fronts,
other
the Left
bureaucracy,
JTP support.
when defrauded
fraudulent
its
with
its
but
opportun-
provide
of the Cbrdoban
secretary
leadership
did
bureaucracy-approved
and ratifying
expelled
in a JTP rally
and occasionally
the national
force
elections
understood
tions,
that
demonstrated
such as this
participating
as general
Union
Car Workers
for
Aguirre,
was simply
from
opposition
Mario
example,
official
by
for
support
for
were decid-
battles
fiat.
the elections
cases
several
union
to de-
as called
class"
which
by bureaucratic
anti-bureaucratic
to inflict
Despite
lists.
in
any triumphs
trying
than
rather
the electoral
in Rosario,
Workers
leadership
by the national
elections
that
of the, working
true
is
used in
being
of whether
alternative
alternativistas.
edly
in
the question
raises
all
attempting
velop
a bazooka
and offices,
work"
of the
37 (14th
and called
working
March 1974),
378
-
the first
For at least
rank-and-file
revolutionary
"infiltrated".
that
statement
the unions
one of its
the minds
that
felt
main roles
have taken
they
in
This
it
of young inexperienced
trade
experience
at all,
a belief
being
to retain
control
of
fair
relatively
as combative
elections
once in
tained
For in
ers.
through
time,
of legitimacy
leaders
demands of their
through
Mafia
characters
methods
re-
still
sectors
of work-
bureaucratic
to take
obliged
power
up the
campaign
with
towards
mass revolutionary
economic
movement,
velop
first
year
but
it
is
arguable
JTP moderation
many militants.
in
order
was geared
to build
The combative
"E1 Descamisado,
during
Brown List
no.
17 (11th
and de-
the
collabora-
restrained,
that
in
standards.
to "class
though
it
to whom defen-
workers
were tantamount
demands,
led
to 1955 living
a return
was limited
class
Pact which
of JTP economic
them as cadres.
alienated
for
employers
The level
the working
the Social
over
to satisfy
Pacts
for
attractiveness
tion".
1.
their
As
had risen
eyes of significant
the
were the
and though
candidates
re-
the methods
positions.
the bureaucrats
and increase
equivocation
months to merely
ces of Social
that
of
members.
by the Tendency's
early
the
were sporadically
the JTP's
In turn,
in
leading
out
and in
the unions
some of these
office,
to maintain
order
to their
Many of
was a fallacy.
this
seen above,
to rise
JTP
This
unionists
no union
used originally
the
in
RG).
-
of those
same as those
to must the
minds
with
the rank-and-file
evident
I (my
emphasis
by assault"
consistent
itself
and only
bureaucracy.
existence#
work because
organisational
was already
flected,
of its
year
its
of
Septem-
- 379 -
candidates
forces
support.
number of other
union
from
taking
Apart
from
the Social
law.
The former's
legal
and to federations
their
since
in
the
government,
amendments.
Failure
to provide
JTP from
mobilised
fair
elec-
than
attended
people
just
opportunistically,
originally
clauses
they
3,000
the exercise
of trade
opposition
to the bill
divorced
its
campaign
even though
could
rally
at a rally
organised
that
and
really
announced
JTP opposi-
unions.
Congress
in
so
weak
was
the bureaucracy
CGT to "intervene"
local
union. sectors,
the JTP's
to the Re-
at all
preventing
all-out
partially
to the national
influence
more workers
Some 20,000
in a
promises
prevented
it
if
open elections
no opposition
to "intervene"
to those
was limited
democracy but
powers
non-existent
the
to hold
its
union
list
official
proscribed
and offered
by giving
to it
Pact,
bureaucracy
tion
referring
the single
yet
ex-
place.
Associations
regions
1973,
In the
where proscriptions
sections
Professional
dundancy
Left.
a PST promise
as "opportunist",
successful
the
for
cases,
Party
Workers
yet
September
despite
instance,
in Buenos Aires,
authorised
tions
for
the Socialist
level,
at national
In other
the non-Peronist
Union elections,
ployees
list
towards
attitude
(FOETRA) elections,
Union
the JTP in
with
sectarian
of
Workers
Telephone
to join
refused
ample,
to
the
for
the rally
in
support
of it.
of 2nd November
by the JSP which,
would be against
(4th
Septem16
no.
1.
2.
"Las urns...,
3.
"
op.
cit.
380-
the Redundancy
support
be used against
face
of the
application
the
"ly,
"spirit"
the latter
in
contained
that
opposed to
was not
"intervention"
In practice,
beneficiary.
the
ista
of the
"spirit"
real
Ortega
Militancia,
to momentarily
transport
bodyguards,
in
curb
October
of 200 buses in
ing
Otero
to validate
which
the
had at first
1.
JTP defeated
right-wing
universities
that
was the
as it
bolster-
to use its
their
Univof the
ceramic
workers'
the Federation's
the results
"Organizar,
movilizar...,
1973), P. 14.
by colectivo
also
persuaded
Labour
Minister-
of December 1973 in
leadership,
" El Descamisado,
chaos effectively
elections
and "advised"
and
by Rucci's
allegedly
drivers
power of mobilisa-
attacks.
1973, a strike
Plaza
the
rejected
one,
the application
life.
a principled
who lost
through
delegate
union
ques-
law.
On a few occasions
tion
Similar-
Associations
the Redundancy
law lectureships
of Buenos Aires
ersity
while
their
was not
above so long
including
review
to the
Law of Professional
from
re-
of "intervention"
was not
regard
up".
Associations
of the powers
with
it
the effective
"control
would
of legislation
piece
from Per6n at
criticism
for
they
in which
the JTP's
was in
assurances
of
Moreover,
tioned.
it
spirit
blocking
Accepting
value,
it
by the JTP in
"reactionaries"
and liberation.
construction
that
stated
Associations!
The Redundancy
would
had started,
it
after
after
a restoration
no.
24 (30th
the
Minister
of the
October
381
1
old authorities.
Clearly
leadership
union
national
2,500
the
to
ed
support
win
an effective
triple
transfers
the
of state
to
employees
organise
had lost
1974 it
late
their
but not
mobilisation
rulings,
areas
When the
a medley
of
sackings
and
the
of militancy,
long-term
positions
was not
bureaucracy
and union
1973 with
Ministry
away from
most of its
in
amass
1974 design-
organisation.
employers
Labour
protests
However,
rank-and-file
JTP, starting
unsympathetic
this
strong
of government,
against
"interventions",
end of
for
alliance
began to act
Peron.
only
could
January
in
trade
the major
at
Miguel
of Isabel
substitute
performance
the
out-mobilise
Lorenzo
leader
when he organised
people
their
equal
Metalworkers'
events.
unholy
least
and at
to consistently
By the
resistance.
because
of authority
of
weakness.
If
defensive
weakness,
cause
Tendency's
belief
that
"limitations"
for
occupations
supported
the
against
with
all
and price
oppressive
sections
1.
2.
"Atentar
January
3.
Righi,
this
control
of the
report
govern-
of national
groups,
Interior
as a "healthy
constraints
of previous
in ibid.,
of the
an offensive,
occupations
Tendency accepted
and be-
"stage"
vigilante
finger.
reason
the
prothese
Minister
and natural
3
years,
yet
rehe
(22nd
36
January 1974),
no.
Contra
1974),
quoted
the
organisational
the limitations
of the
originally
along
justifiable
work-place
action"
early
both
were suspended
Righi
by the JTP's
offensives
of the
were limited
struggles
34 (8th
382-
in
mid-June,
ernment
that
claiming
they might
be taken
reactionaries.
This
government
about-turn
started
legislation
but
a process
also
of vacillation,
in union
Press
ment for
the redundant
in
the
position
other
(the
class-conscious
in
during
the
Pact
was threatened
order
"to
C6rdo-
ceiling
While
be "disguised"
to face
in condition
nation-
with
a level
avoid
of con-
up to due to
a tactical
retreat
may or
of the strikers,
the Tendency
gained
of the
such a
of militants
of Cordoba.
and vacillations
When Firmenich
for
employ-
the struggle
workers
In the end,
bly,
improvements
weakness
that
struggle".
campaign
was not
the Peronist
than
the Social
exceeding
speeches"
union)
left-wing
of alternative
during
over
JTP proposed
of the
isolation
great
Moreover,
of a wage claim
the
which
to the provision
of 1974,
became a reality
demands for
may not
the middle
"incendiary
"intervention",
frontation
call
workers.
furtherance
in
action
its
only
in March 1974,
limited
reversal,
not
When the
disputes.
daily
its
of by anti-gov-
advantage
with
the superficially
only
opportunity
his
car workers'
with
to make up for
attempted
dispute
arms,
we're
in
militant
of addressing
Cordoba,
going
trade
its
return
to arms.
a workers'
he announced
to stop
union
them with
that
assem"if
arms".
our
enemies advance
1.
2.
"Cordoba: Si es necesario
aqua pondremos sangre montonera,
(13th
6
August 1974), pp. 26-31.
no.
3.
Ibid.
" ibid.,
383
-
The materialisation
to the appeals
a response
tary
this
of
but rather
of workers
the Tendency's
to make up for
methods
in September
promise
however,
to use mili-
an attempt
and trade
political
union
failures.
The return
fall-off
neglected
Apart
the
gations
sumed guerrilla
ed it
in-May
militants
later
the Montoneros
the fact
that,
stressed
but
organisation.
1.
over
"Argentina:
more working-class
September
not
known is
incorporation
into
and describe
clandestinity".
By resorting
Un Pais
an erroneous
methods
politically,
instead
invited
This
was not,
the ?iontoneros
however,
of revolution
having
only
an isolated
which
theory
and
maintained
op.
error",
who were in
of revolutionary
to arms without
apparatus
A few years
"comrades
those
conception
to the detriment
initiat-
as a "political
least,
cit.
re-
working-class
the military
of Isabel.
government
when they
publicly
of mass activity,
support
were to admit,
stemmed from
military
far
Buenos Aires.
months
sixteen
at a con-
attacked
and Greater
of their
of war on the
after
to pass into
had violently
through
of operating
possibility
"error"
in
were wasted
the declaration
thugs
What is
1970.
after
their
Capital
the
In Septem-
elections.
with
action
following
union
as a result
counted
the Montoneros
the period
Zone Ceramic
(UTA)
the Federal
doubt,
Northern
in union
from
arriving
1975,
to a
much harder
of October
led
struggles
Buenos Aires
Greater
elections
transport
Without
workers
the
gress
union
in
of warfare
1975,
tasks
inevitably
campaign
in union
organisational
Federation
resumption
guerrilla
participation
from a victory
Workers
ber
Montonero
iii
iously
to a full-scale
and probably
384
-
the divide
increased
Their
ing
the
demonstrated
1976 only
in
gulf
which
of workers.
between wishful
exists
(CGTR)
the Resistance
CGT in
like
organisations
of paper
creation
themselves
separating
think-
and reality.
THE OTHERFRONTS
Peronist
the
doubtedly
being
took
to mobilise
able
projects
it
office,
rallied
the Boxing
at its
Ist
2nd Congress
selves,
campaign
for
would build
the
financial
own housing
a former
which
Peronist
team.
Ministry
and building
miserias,
reduce
the
the shanty-
clashed
While
which
aid
level
2.
the
the Minisignored
them-
of the Ministry,
of unemployment
Interview
February
with
shanty-town
1.
with
1976.
Mugica,
of Carlos
and technical
and thus
immediately
the
Dwell-
January
of the villas
programme in
government
in Cordoba on 19-20th
self-improvement
inhabitants
specific
800 at
support
Welfare
while
October,
April.
on 7th
rally
Social
the material,
their
on 25th August
conference)
has
of Shanty-Town
Assembly
a programme of demolition
of the
Cmpora
the
in Santa Fe on 20th-21st
with
originally
number for
that
after
of Buenos Aires
(a delegate
an emergency
with
to a Popular
at a protest
set in motion
ed for
4,000
Congress
Rega's
Lbpez
of
the opinions
immediately
It
nationally
activists
more than
Created
Stadium
National
Dwellers
significantly
I
and events.
ere in
ite
Shanty-Town
vas un-
Movement (?NP).
that
been estimated
the largest
of the Tendency,
fronts
16th
16 (4th September
1974); and El
385
-
in
their
dependence
eratives
lems
The 14YPproject,
sector.
on the
which
government,
would
through
housing,
land,
of
450 villas
the
breaking
until
was in
strength
with
Organisation
ist".
Firmenich
recognised
ied
supplied
although
the Peronist
Left
in
this
for
ar support
in
period,
Welfare
Social
Right
since
federal
dwellers
Ministry
in
having
Plaza
to open fire
its
best
in
1.
"Las Villas
pp. 12-14.
covering
this
Triimfarn,
as
dwell-
shown a unifin
part
that
noteworthy
base than
social
was significant
Command under
popul-
the highly
Lima.
Brito
direction
on a peaceful
of the Montonero's
it
-
is
weaker
there
of government
of the
been a bulwark
shooting
Shanty-town
have not
It
lack
" El Descamisado,
no.
Peronist
of sympathy
MVP activist
a large
43 (12th
by ordering
of shanty-town
El Descamisado
carried
the
policy,
extreme
demonstration
The Journalism
Chejoln.
on the
Its
as a "Loyal-
probably
speech.
had a far
May 1973.
policemen
general
in
improvements
on the contrary,
and have,
Organizational
over
dwellers
organisations.
of Alberto
gov-
1974,
the shanty-towns
the right-wing
leadership
personalistic
in
and influence
where Vidal
in most countries,
Right
prob-
"popular
Reconstruction".
of fascist
the
of making
in February
the Left
coop-
consisted
shanty-town
his
in
to support
propensity
the clientele
the
the Tendency
"lumpenproletarians"
like
ers,
Buenos Aires
of the
in
to "National
as a contribution
shanty-towns
greatest
nationally,
of popular
policy.
miserias
than
rather
and employment
and participation
and educational
housing
of the shanty-towns
control
health
self-help
promotion
the immediate
dwellers,
joint
the
envisaged
confront
of the shanty-town
ernment"
emphasising
Alberto
was seen at
photograph
of
March 1974),
386
-
the
event
the policeman
with
identified
Movement
(NIP),
rooms in
tenement
the
iculty
organised
tenants
hoteles
(slum boarding
houses)
blocks)
- not
which
about
Like
its
of organising
Created
in
it
1973,
500 people
the
shanty-town
level
but
hotel
managers,
for
appears
dwellers'
tion
due to governmental
from
and for
immediate
full
by police
and
application
of
were fairly
the implementation
the plight
un-
local
at
committees
the
future
Largely
tenants.
to the achievement
at
focus-
intimidation
of tenure,
disinterest
campaigns
the
poor
tenants'
against
to ensure
1974.2
large.
MIP
the anti-evic-
of
of the
of these
legisla-
tenants
and
manager collaboration.
organisations
having
was unable
also
though-
in April
Congress
for
and protection
an end to evictions
law but
Apart
problem
sector.
congress
a national
for
of
size
insecure
the MIP's
but
of
social
and extremely
organisation,
security
The small
flats.
potential
Tenants
(single-room
and conventillos
tion
to police-hotel
clearly
rooms or parts
who rented
2nd Metropolitan
its
Peronist
to have held
never
was the
small
of demonstrations
a couple
smaller
an unconcentrated
stability
attempts
death
of family
relatively
to the housing
to gain
successful
tenants
the
attended
sed on solutions
attempted
with
MIP reflected
Chejoln's
and ringed.
Associated
for
responsible
Peronist
property
only
sizable
Students
front
Union
amongst
(UES),
which
the remaining
had existed
being
banned
before
in 1955 and
governments
confiscated.
Its
recreation
was announced
by
El-Pueblo
del compaero ChejolAn:
Ta Marc6 al
(2nd
April
1974), pp. 16-21.
46
no.
1.
"El asesinato
able, " ibid.,
2.
de Inquilinos
Peronistas,
"Movimiento
See the report,
20 Congreso
(19th
March 1974), pp. 55-57.
Peronista,
1
"
El
Capital,
no.
Culp-
387
-
Galimberti
the
Evita
Buenos
April
in
1973 after
Montonera,
Aires
Secondary
came together.
"Democratic
Education"
grew rapidly
through
7 secondary
Student
pre-March
Instruction"
in April
course
same lines
as those
isation.
towards
time
the
ents
provided
ing
around
from
school
or recognition
from
As in
the
was contemptuous
er leading
activist
was dominated
icipation
level
1.
in
headmasterships.
the Education
by a handful
sophistication
in
effect
"Mr.
recieved
stud-
Pro-
no support
the UES
organisations,
According
their
Grad-
Taiana.
de Bueno Aires,
who denied
The practical
of Salta
ousting
even under
practices.
Nacional
1974, by which
a number of schools
they
pro-Montonero
of leaders
decision-making.
of political
Ministry,
were orien-
the south
to rebuild
Moreover,
internal
the Colegio
in
success
of the mili-
to work on Operativo
organ-
the secondary
8 Regionales,
but
in
rank-and
of this
file
part-
was a low
the
14 school
activities
Early
of valleys
in
prop-
along
sister
"agents
of being
tasks.
with
the inhabitants
same time,
reforms
university
most of their
itself
500 youngsters
Buenos Aires
grinds"
that
Reconstruction
At the
were accused
1973,
of its
the return
educational
andthe
against
1973"
office,
but after
National
and organising
vince.
and general
by Puiggrbs
pioneered
where headmasters
dictatorship"
tated
in schools
occupations
tary
changes
for
de
together
and brought
activity
UES Conference
to
prior
cources
including
had campaigned
groups
electoral
the let
groupings
The integrant
and "Civic
for
student
" El Descamisado,
no.
18 (18th
388
ignorant
of Tendency policy
The youthfulness
right-wing
August
in
October
of the
for-his
paigns
of
Education
authorities
and to put
Nacional
whose "old
militancy,
agrarian
front
the
Tendency
gained
Argentina,
it
as being
in
a policeman
educ-
by act-
of secondaryAbal
Medina,
by the
affected
was particularly
the
from
a hot-bed
It
schools.
suffered
Firmenich,
included
lacked
some influence
was viewed
mainly
the Russian
a measure
"disc-
of
classroom
of the Tendency
was on
a sympathising
by most agrarian
concerned
with
projects
Volya
in which
(People's
Leagues
of
workers
through
a way reminiscent
the second
half
and
rural
by the
mobilised
in
workers
Will)
of urban
were developed
youths
of Northern
some justifica-
with
workers,
the interests
contacts
Though
organisation.
the Agrarian
in
Narodnava
failures
organisational
where it
Reconstruction
1.
boys"
by placing
students.
19th
in
recognition
de Buenos Aires,
comm-
lessons.
the
National
to gain
Bra-
the resignation
After-the
tion,
for
and Slemenson,
of activists.
was restored
during
of secondary
however,
ational
student
coordinating
students
cam-
of the Youth
strong,
The Colegio
major
Arrighi
insufficiently
in
by the Army
proved
ivists.
1975,
the struggles
from
activists
provoking
Peronist
Minister
ezampt its
year,
In
release.
to unify
Claudio
following
on key issues.
violence.
1974 and its
Tenof
of the
century.
Interview
with a former leading
Colegio Nacional,
Buenos Aires,
secondary student
4th August 1976.
activist
at
the
389
-
Another
failure
Group (Agruvacibn
ential
ally
The Group's
get
pay for
it
inevitably
would
However,
of faith
mere article
would
strategy
of this
Per6n lent
his
Superior
July
Silvana
1973.
the Evita
as ".sectarian"
("they
to take
it
Presente,
to
that
the
if
depended
Movement was
official
The
by Perlin and it
was a
Once again,
other
of the Feminine
call
for
nursery
facilities
must not
only
be for
Garrb's
at the
El Descamisado,
Branch
no.
providing
19 (26th
end of
represent-
sympathies.
the working
bill
Branches
when the
groups
left-wing
grew,
Movement being
for
it
if
that,
and his
and centre
were
be captured.
could
of the Branch.
on Perlin
noted
there
Indeed,
over.
decided
as in
but
Tendency.
Group to believe
Evita
"
child-
attempted
assumption
Branch
the Feminine
"La Mujer
p. 25.
and in-
It
gardens.
of the
Branch
to the right-wing
Group's
have
for
maternity
of the
line
on the Council
did not
the Feminine
Council
the
of
as the men".
for
on the
the political
front.
support
Provisional
rich
life
and democratic,
"progressive"
rejected
in political
the
the
to specific-
facilities
protection
and public
for
presid-
activity
of nurseries
which
during
they
that
health
the democratisation
facilitate
atives
felt
authorities
the
legal
Evita
an organisation
adequate
through
no mechanisms
Perlin
for
Tendency's
Female supporters
and political
work,
adopt
though
created
1973.
because they
of the Justicialist
the Evita
small,
1.
equal
building
and the
of the
success
to form
necessary
of consciousness
Feminine
for
it
programme called
equal
fancy
the scant
de la Rama Femenina),
women's issues
same level
renn
in
campaign of September
considered
stress
the
Evita
election
Tendency
lay
for
working
class
for
She
women
but also
maternity
September
1973),
390
leave
ity
as being
the Feminine
over
feminine
part
too expensive
Attempts
Calabr6
however,
single
issue
to
socio-economic
was described
woman, which
repatriation
3
down
close
to the Evita
recognition
attributed
whose symbolic
value
problems
by Firmenich
is
Province,
The failure
1974.
be primarily
Group as
was, not
only
in
image of Evita
of the
to its
faced
Evita".
more concerned
with
Evita's
remains.
mortal
Finally,
the Tendency
to supposedly
represent
created
diverse
working
obrera,
10,000
it
was not
a large
being
able
ranging
to the
of the
something
to gaze on
number of small
sectors
hermosa y
activity.
with
the
class:
issue.
to attract
political
than
That issue
importance
and mythological
on a
irrelevance
its
women.
"Evita
main campaign
women into
such
on flesh
over-concentration
1974, its
by
greatest
of symbolic
working-class
banning
Group to take
by working-class
the
of Bidegain
latter
the
galvanise
camps for
holiday
as "the
the greatest
tions
her author-
to simply
Council
by the replacement
of our standard-bearer
montonera"
to
the
To safeguard
Group to organise
of Buenos Aires
in February
must,
faithful
and to refuse
by the Evita
as Governor
activities
ist
Rota got
children
Evita
employers.
the Movement.
of
the
Branch,
branches
party
for
organiea-
from professional
1.
Peronista
"La Agrupac16n Evita de la Rama Femenina del Movimiento
" ibid.,
un acto en homenaje a la madre peronista,
no. 25
organizb
(6th November 1973), pp. 28-31.
2.
"Palabras
3.
Translation:
4.
Estimated
Militancia,
de Firmenich,
Evita
" op.
cit.
the worker,
the beautiful
Montonero.
Presente,
"
391
-
people,
like
ploited
as cheap labour
ally,
aided
as their
to
as a great
response
in July
1973
officers
force
mobilising
fully
consistent
to violently
his
repress
to Perbn
fact
was in
level
isations
It
weak.
pres-
of groups
of activists
was intent
of frenzied
period
of Peronism,
but
itself
substance
way in which
and militaristic
de-
power base to
alternative
lacked
only
upon presenting
a viable
sectors
organisationally
"organisations",
a question
work with
the Tendency
and bureaucratic
numerous organisations.
creating
many of these
mass movement,
as a national
bourgeois
also
in the mobilisations.
of structures,
therefore
were really
agitational
participating
velopment
but
that
however,
as mass organisations,
conducting
such organ-
were structured.
Attempts
to
late
warfare
had again
structure,
military
and solidity
the years
Montoneros,
democratise
to rectify
front
Libertador
Avenida
must be stressed,
ented
in
politic-
blocked
er-
demonstration.
only
the
police
often
began to organise
low remuneration,
by ordering
The latter,
charities,
and recieved
When they
their
The sixteen
It
by private
by the Tendency,
against
consistency.
to cripples.
and lawyers,
colleagues.
protest
the
doctors
this
activists
leaving
followed,
as reflected
organisations,
in
were too
organisations
weakness,
become the
the front
central
for
by September
axis
partial
1974 revol-
of Montonero
strategy.
or auxiliares
- in
whose lack
of depth
too
clear.
the decline
the fall-off
Though repression
in
the active
in
the activity
has to be fundamentally
attributed
took
its
the
toll
their
to the kinds
of
392
developed
fronts
to develop
cadres
those
sixteen
and a strong
of long-term
ibilities
from
during
The characteristics
of the front
sically
for
greater
benefits
the period
front
from
inadequacy
liberation,
in
the
political
the
without
Movement as capable
mises,
resting
foundations,
on rotten
pursue
could
and that
society
the
line
a popular
he could
September
1974,
increased
Tendency
activity
which
of directing
viewed
a
as
These pre-
it.
for
the view
that
of capitalist
large
from
the
front
numbers of people
was trying
to the political
only
By publicly
the decision
fronts
of their
exacerbated.
provoked
area
might
tried
independent
resuming
was greatly
warfare
hampered both
and by the way
around
which
most
of the Montoneros
declined,
to represent.
weakness
desperately
through
roots
rank-and-file
which
strength
the masses it
"cure"
the fronts
faithful,
revolved.
political
was a response
which
situation
of capitalism,
by putting
repression
the military
Tendency
it
surface
in which
the
but
work,
his
their
and strengthen
organisational
reased,
political
the parameters
within
one.
a political
streets.
to lengthen
by the
given
were responsible
be influenced
in
to derive
was mainly
overthrow
intrin-
were neither
conception
viable
onto
and mobilising
of the Montoneros
above ground
of an inadequate
of national
Peron
were organised
slogans
organisations
the inability
organisations'
was a by-product
stage
poes-
them.
around
Their
Montonero
designed
greater
fronts
the Montonero
significance,
than being
movement with
rank-and-file
above with
Rather
months.
divorcing
The return
incthe
to arms
393
-
THE 'AUTENTICOS'
mass political
to the crisis
solution
in which
Provincial
elections
or rather
Bring.
to
show its
the
political
For this
ion.
in Nino's
launched
(Partido
Party
pathetically
(shirtless
most of the
ousted
18 years
for
alignment
the veterans
Atlanta
del
Peronismo
in
1974.
not
the
the electoral
Old Friends
was formally
sym-
ruled
Martinez
years
at
APA).
-
political
line
it
in
Borro,
issued
Peronist
a public
Soldiers",
and
1974.
of Homage to the
Cmpora had
the Peronist
Framini,
Move-
Ferzndez,
the Authentic
and vacillations
in
early
the Tendency's
created
struggles
to the Tendency
Commission
like
Cepernic
a new political
since
democracy
Tendency,
Baca,
of the Peronist
it
with
Auttntico
and Loyal
at
Peronist
the Montonero
been close
internal
year
having
programme on which
afterwards
In June of that
party
represent
"Permanent
the Resistance
and shortly
rally
(Agrupaci6n
the
Lizaso
Viel,
did
associated
was floated
between
veterans
defend
Party
courts
(Bidegain,
had previously
been elected
ment.
union
It
had created
elect-
general
property.
the governors
of March"Oto
11th
that
governors
of opposition.
the veterans
Then,
claim
an alliance
trade
Obregbn
Cano)
some
and
and
of the
a future
when the
the
own private
provincial
for
PPA),
-
Party
in Misiones
year
Aut&ntico
on a Justicialist
of that
of a Descamisado
its
Restaurant,
was flound-
and to prepare
by March 11th,
as a
of an electoral
Perbn government
of it,
one wing
but
Peronista
Isabel
the
the idea
purpose,
the eventuality
for
muscle
of the year
start
an attempt
and to prepare
themselves
to reassert
Group
of the Tendency
letter
which
"To General
complained
394
-
"loyalists"
that
versa.
Moreover,
ude of initially
for
"enemy" would
Isabel
that
ties
its
heir
of Peron.
test
the northern
in
Peronist
Radicals
(UCR) 38%.
and that
should
1.
is
FREJULI's
did
not
51,000)
as part
of a
sections,
as the
legit-
in
that
Left
Misiones
backward,
its
with
13-15th
and
Allied
with
with
15% of
alone,
to 15,000.3
is no microcosm
possessing
little
of the nation
nationally.
in the way of
La Naci6n,
first
the Autenticos
votes
economically
lines
excel
standing
Authentic
its
of Misiones.
province
the Peronist
for
1975.
third
It
us
hope of "recovering"
and youth
3rd Position,
party,
be emphasised
The province
in
Peronist
(compared with
It
feminine
Peronistas,
April
1975.
the
strengthened
and presented
traditional
to the party
Left
it
that
discovering
Upon rapidly
with
from within
union,
came a distant
with
merging
along
political,
the poll
29,000
government".
Party
declared
"find
must
and
death
2
attit-
Peron died,
after
1974 Framini
structured
electoral
of Isabel
or one of them,
enemy",
Justicialist
Party,
the local
and the
the Tendency's
shared
of Pern's
advantage
Isabel
time
Movement with
last
to take
the official
imate
In July
and vice
CGT leader
the former
1962,
some concession.
was "the
By this
in
government
try
with
Peronist
Andr&s Pramini,
the
defending
united,
as if
of Buenos Aires
supporting
hoping
still
leader
its
as Governor
elected
treated
were being
La
"
-39)-
industry
and hence
in
areas
urban
a higher
the
for
inhabit
is
is
that
no secret
the
envelopes
could
a viable
these
electoral
sent
exceptions",
the warring
Party
which
factions
or Left.
Right
jobs,
to provide
of political
This
had expelled
and
propa-
at the
end of
among other
of the
old
was in
spite
Peronist
for
things,
everybody,
Though
without
to reconcile
than
Movement rather
and disloyalty",
cred-
attempting
that
had
but
to persuade
but to no avail.
of the fact
"treason
their
in an attempt
want to govern
meant,
or Radicalism
1975, his
to be
itself
To strengthen
to Mexico
not
while
demonstrated
Peronism
figurehead,
national
him for
force.
envoys
1973 - "I
same as in
1
In March 1975,
sewing machines
form
not
to official
to Argentina
Chmpora returned
the
had still
it
tially
It
alternative
the Autenticos
ibility,
in mind,
considerations
gras respectable.
shown that
as the best
spent
offer.
Bearing
impressive,
refrigerators,
reas-
Welfare
of Social
of 30 cooperatives
creation
has
provinces
employment
bank notes
with
for
stronger
the Ministry
distributed
campaign
stuffed
ganda it
the
announced
often
It
in
live
than most
Paraguuayans,
especially
party
population
communities.
closed
small
government
it
class.
of foreigners,
and experience
Moreover,
ons.
the rest
while
proportion
provinces,
support
of a working.
opting
for
the Justicialist
2
presuming
him to
be a PPA supporter.
After
resign
General
the mid-1975
and call
early
1.
Cmpora, quoted
2.
La Opini6n,
general
in
Strike,
elections
23rd April
1975.
with
pressures
increasing,
Herald,
on Isabel
to
9th April
1973.
396
-
national
end of October,
By the
an area
themselves
regarded
government.
El Authntico
that
"the
ly
Peronist
Authentic
chosen for
people
"we cannot
ed that
to that
erent
pendency
being
(-
Front
including,
ialism!
).
of all
Criticism
Branch
ments
of Perlin
and Isabel.
Perlin with
line
El Autentico
the caption,
the 16
4
credentials.
line
maintain-
was no diff-
Liberation
the creation
or De-
eyes,
this
of a "National
5
opposed to imperialism"
to his
in favour
decision
to close
lists
"Under Per6n,
of imperthe
the govern-
of prices
things
were
1.
Ibid.,
2.
"Congreso Nacional
1975), P. 6.
3.
demarcation
6 of
only
the meeting
1974.
subjectively
sectors
the distinct-
in
in Autentico
objectively
and a sharp
and after
Ibid.,
all
in
dichotomy
envisaging
sectors
presumably,
Youth
under
by the Montoneros
of a project
at
been
When, however,
union
the political
errors",
the fundamental
the bed-rock
1975,
had trade
document approved
old
propounded
remained
Liberation
repeat
organ-
to Framini,
constituted
September
Council
to the
had allegedly
according
the government":
on 21st
Superior
its
the founding
Although
era when,
Savoy Hotel
unproletarian
clearly
a new resistance,
which
main-
fortnightly
of their
edition
hostility
of working-class
government",
Peronist
the early
The Autbnticos
have initiated
the
the electorate.
members,
registered
fronts.
the first
workers'
the
in
to recover
hands in
their
in
Tendency
"The workers
themselves
40,000
as an expression
They announced
ising
inhabited
had around
it
the
ly
covering
structure
by 95% of
no.
1 (17th
1975),
(29th
October
4
no.
PP. 1&4.
4.
5.
de lucha
con trajectoria
(1st
2
ibid.,
no.
397
1
different"
declared
only
that
ference
delegates
elected
at, conferences,
being
the
a hall
using
activity
"Perlin-Evita"
Ist
by local
latter
National
branches
reached
Congress
Liberators
military
Delegates
voted
Justicialist
ther
the
through
As mentioned
of a substantial
doubts
serious
tico
later
sector
canvassers
face.
Returns
prepared
of at least
40,000
on a plate,
to the authorities
support
apparatus
had
military
in order
to fulfil
in
campaign
election,
"Con Perlin
2.
Mario
ibid.,
2.
El Autentico
1975).
era
otra
no.
registration
p. 6.
1,
Aguirre,
"Este gobierno traicion6
al
(12th
5
November 1975), p. 6.
no.
Suplemento
Especial,
ibid.,
pueblo
no.
and
the names
requirements.
1.
dis-
Auten-
- several
election
a general
and which,
involved
risks
of the
which
solution
the Misiones
for
Party".
were well-founded
itself
against
the wholehearted
at the security
during
fur-
after
of an electoral
These fears
Am6rica).
Aut6ntico
the
lacked
of the Montonero
concerned
by the para-
event
the Authentic
with
of
the inten-
after
to an injunction
with
were arrested
as the party
on,
continuity
as to the viability
a public
playing
above,
was greatly
moreover,
but
"Peronism
slogan
the holding
of the
had led
con-
votes.
with
name to Partido
litigation
using
being
of America
to
the new.
and leaders
Association
The
with
a climax
of the
formally,
by unanimous
always
supplied
was that
least
at
Aguirre
and Perbn".
practices
structured,
Mario
supporter
the people
previous
elected
The organisational
the
from
was democratically
organisation
union
betrayed
government
departure
significant
trade
ya
6 (26th
Per6n, "
November
398
-
Leaders
Minister
Cordoba,
in
happened in Formosa",
.a
Montonero
was founded
Montoneros
leaders
appears
a Centre-Left
ruct
October,
Bidegain
held
also
parties
Unity,
in
with
the
time
that
Current
in
during
to forge
an alliance
if
finance
least
to the
and most
govern-
to constOn 21st
platform
and Hector
Sandler
an Avenida
Theatre
of
mass
Negotiations
(PRC) and other
Party
to Chile's
similar
Cmpora could
ties,
on a public
the universities.
Christian
to be headed by Alende
line,
some success.
(PI)
Party
the Revolutionary
an attempt
The
delegates.
because attempts
were having
front
situation
a message of support
based on Aut&ntico-Montonero
of the Intransigent
to discuss
meeting
of the party
Eve 1975.
Revolutionary
the Argentine
its
for
Oscar Alende
with
on Christmas
at
electoral
- not
what
the Mon-
with
section
sent
political
Wel-
as to the Aut6n-
however,
the assembled
to all
was obvious
Though the
it
its
with
the party
proscribed
ment which
from
Social
mounted by the
to deny links
the Montoneros
party
and this
order
"vivas"
the
provided
in
indep-
to do with
to use an action
can be no doubt,
September,
enthusiastic
former
Lombardich,
an attempt
parentage.
on 21st
and received
of its
in
There
whole.
as
tico's
declared,
Montanero, wing
more'militaristic
toneros
Francisco
their
protested
unconvincingly
the Montoneros.
endence from
fare
AutAnticos
of the
were
small
Popular
be persuaded
to fill
the materialisation
of
not
candidature.
The proscription
but
such an alliance,
of popular
front
1.
Lombardich,
2.
Alende,
were,
quoted
quoted
in
in fact
as Alende
stated
in La Opinion,
ibid.,
4th
the
in November,
creation
"premature".
November 1975.
of a kind
2
399
-
and Alende's
developed
already
civilian-military
former
incorporation
though
tered
by the Chilean
prototype
transform
his
based both
on the
the Montoneros
It
front
for
their
were not
military
toneros
to tolerate
serve
prepared
and Autbnticos
to split
to take
was only
the curtain
down on after
During
period,
de union
front.
that
While
just
important
losing
guerrilla
insupercampaign
mass political
the increasingly
legality
it
while
the Montoneros
a chance on this.
an Argentine
too
obvious
an-eight
influ-
served
tactical
in half
that
but
To them,
dramatisation
- and only
as a
too
the
the
the Monof
easy to
month run.
changes were made on the
level,
ground at superstructural
1.
to do with
were attempting
Jekyll
Autbntico
opponents.
would
to have been
appear
a legal
to expect
encoun-
proscription.
an urban
to organise
unrealistic
guerrilla
legality
party's
conducting
attempting
was totally
Armed Forces
ential
in
posed
to
experience
the
latter
the
to have anything
of Autgntico
the
through
reluctance
deeds would
coal-
for
the dangers
all
Alende's
refusal
liklihood
involved
at
movement.
bring
Autentico
difficulties
while
into
Communist Party's
and on the
What the
able
declarations
unitary
whereas
with
of 1970-73.
gap
democratic
government
critics
had
A tremendous
of the Aut6nticos,
the existing
one fraught
the
the latter
but
a "broad
for
that
and military
alternative,
a-radical
'from
to strengthen
of civilian
as mainstays,
Communist Party
cabinet"
was intended
needed both
with
of the
it
viable,
Intransigents
links
the call
separated
ition
to be electorally
level
tra-
the Monton-
and labour
-400-
featured
struggles
The Montoneros
Unions,
Capital
Committees
and Greater
Greater
of the Trade
Buenos Aires
that
significant
National
tico
With
Triple
of union
I
legal
given
Subsequently,
greatly
hampered not
because
on key issues.
government
the political
1.
was created
Gonzalo
by the Triple
and
The
organised
to estimate
present
in an individual
at
A)
the
Capital
mainly
but
is
it
the first
capacity
in December,
El Autentico.
the public
In
with
Autbnthan
rather
after
three
of its
allegedly
further
stifling
for
reason
development
increasingly
to learn
of the military
along
the Montoneros
a penetrating
the Videla
eight
expose
of
behind
it
the public-
of the Montoneros
what their
wing
was
line
militaristic
JTP leader
were pro-Montonero.
unionists
were unable
The dominance
was consolidated
clandestine,
by their
people
of
in Struggle
the Federal
difficult
of the party
only
Council
organisations.
publication,
the
is
publications.
claimed
of the Autkticos,
trade
had provided
ation.
simply
Bloc
had presented
A activities,
in
by no means all
were there
the illegalisation
also
Union
Congress
the paper
editions
but
most of the
last
their
and former
organisations
and La Plata,
as representatives
lost
its
of Delegates
Buenos Aires,
strength
and Bodies
and sister
leader.
in
of a Coordinating
Buenos Aires,
of 130 rank-and-file
support
around
the creation
encouraged
Shop Stewards
of the
than previously
more prominently
but
policy
was
of the Montoneros
a Montonero
as the Autenticos
Peronist
but
"Coordinadora
de Gremios en Lucha: 'La guerrilla
nuevo cuento pare perseguir
a los trabajadores',
(23rd
8
December 1975), p. 6.
no.
industrial,
un
" El Aut&ntico,
- 401 -
CONCLUSIONS
can be no better
There
tismo
Peroniet
official
only
Rama or Branch,
iable
their
of
the
the failure
tasks
failed
ing
conditions
of Argentina
which
had earlier
government
income redistribution,
dtantial
the
with
the imperative
of national
wanted
a larger
tended
capital
share
its
to align
which,
of the
represented
of the market
but
with
prevented
clearly.
class-
Faced
of the Move-
particularly
sub-
of the
to be "above
by Economy Minister
were not
includ-
the unity
classes
by
the pros-
alliance
which
loyalties
Peronist
one) but
from
feasible.
crisis
the social
itself
had assigned
1946-55
enormously
undermined
social
terms
was incapable
of stages
from appearing
between
of opting
the leadership
ment,
tors
obliging
leadership
and inst-
even in
leadership
class
an economic
youths
stage.
made a multi-class
further
to define
it
es",
unify
or accurate
differed
and working
inherited
only
Peronist
was revolutionary,
penetrating
state
bourgeoisie
the national
onist
a particularly
unden-
the movimientista
the theory
which
and their
to politically
(and not
tasks
sections.
Peronist
the
of an institutional
left-wing
liberation
national
restoration
undermined
again
the
and feminine
union
part
attempts
because
the national
Movimientismo
experience
of all
organisations
The strategy
to it.
as being
of the so-called
of promoting
trade
of the
pushed out
occurred
the status
that
contention
had mainly
of Rolvimien-
Significantly,
period.
the predominantly
recognition
their
itutionalise
1973-74
to the Peronist
contribution
Per6n's
but
1971-74,
the
the political,
unlike
power of mobilisation,
had gained
Peronism
within
inadequacy
of'the
section
Through
the
which
Movement in
of the Left
advance
the
the way in
than
illustration
sec-
Gelbard,
- 402
That
anti-imperialist.
sistent
supporters
doxical,
but not
ted
of the
when its
Here,
Argentina's
in
is
ministers,
would
Mondelli
of
1973-76
in world
returned
deficit
months.
decision
only
the
represen-
were threatened
by
the
country's
the
leap
1.
All
and
iero,
and
no.
Celestino
Rodrigo,
Jose
-
Pedro Bonanni,
interim
one includes
failure,
as is
course.
Having
a mighty
Argentina,
the Peronist
an Argentina
Impotente,
leaving
left
office
rate
the fact
that
announced
not
that
alongside
South Vietnam
as one of the
history.
its
doors
meat export
oil
rate
Argentina
Moreover,
in world
in its
Peronism
Economy Ministers
Potente,
and an inflation
to close
that
to
inability
different
the
to the Peronists,
To be fair
five
the former
The fact
budget
para-
between
distinction
if
more
and
-
lasted
minister
an Argentina
administrations.
when they
to six
of the Peronist
a measure
build
G6mez Morales,
government
highest
appear
decline
analysed.
and Emilio
Antonio"Cafiero
they
may at first
and legitimacy
economic
resorted
office
Alfredo
Ber Gelbard,
a single
which
class
control
be briefly
can only
34 months
governments
revolt.
rank-and-file
it
1973-76
sporadically
halt
were to remain
unions
bureaucracy
union
the trade
prices
They inherited
soon suffered
and thus
which
good shape
a sizable
to Argentine
trade
in
meat,
from
which
the trade
she suffered
previous
the July
1974 EEC
affected
70% of
balance;
from
the
directly,
and from
as an
- 403 -
and indirectly,
importer,
oil
the. price
of her
ngeotiate
a new oil
industrial
the international
Libya
It
which
would
in
to pay prices
for
average,
that
appear
the
though
Under these
as it
he represented,
national
labour
through
capacity
in
trade
the so-called
with
commercial
of industrial
exports
from
1974,
on a Social
in demand rather
and militant
Pact between
in
it
was hoped,
provide
incentives
under which
35% (May
for
return
than
a 2-year
the direct
excess
productive
Gelbard
exports
countries
to
was to be financed
This
was a substantial
socialist
proved
income from
in
controls
plan
(CGE) which
Confederation
of Argentine
and thus
and indeed
project
Internationally,
would,
the agreement
The economic
in national
to
"cut"
economic
rights.
there
prices
This
surplus.
to benefit
rested
utilisation.
the world
upon rises
to materialise.
and price
for
for
available
failed
for
share
wage-bargaining
of investment,
promotion
of the deal
based on a growth
expansion
exports
Economic
It
an increased
1955 level)
of free
suspension
the General
entrepreneurs,
was promised
industrial
from
movement.
monopolistic
above
which
disintegrated.
was inadequate
labour
the
of
were well
oil
of his
rapidly
Economy Minister
for
Libyan
the Peronist
itself
to
of the
details
conditions,
be as overambitious
side
to Libya
mission
scandals
Argentine
only
precise
alliance
of Gelbard,
sectors
other
had on
the Argentine
whereas
to be the
were
the Peronist
resulted
the rise
which
L6pez Regals
imports.
deal
He agreed
period.
the effect
through
relied
and an expansion
order
enable
for
to achieve
of
a large
the subsidisation
productive
expan-
sion.
Initially,
"Argentine
omic sector
things
Miracle".
went well
In the long
were satisfied.
and there
run,
GNP, which
however,
of an
than
0
4% in
404
-
third
foreign
period;
to
exchange
by October
1,693m.
inflation.
was not
long
credible
rise
in
in
in
the
This
1 billion,
of Peronist
132,000
but
Another
of public
This
also
the
the fires
This
to reduce
rose
1975.
Contracts,
Labour
rise
Moreover,
in
absenteeism
The outcome
went and a small
in
million
just
the
in
16
11- years,
hundred
past
cheap credit
and
of inflation.
dramatically
between January
unemployment.
The latter
but rose
was adversely
by providing
795,000
sought
(by 100,000
productivity
which,
CGE which
inflation
1 billion,
printed
since
In the first
earlier.
In other, words,
the quantity
of the mounting
cause
government
an effort
pesos.
of money had
(moneda nacional)
pesos
grew from
pleased
fuelled
employees.
of Peronist
million
of money exceeded
by 2- times!
expansion,
it
government,
especially
the quantity
a century
in-
and a major
to May 1973,
kept
and
the in-
given
employees,
million
to claim
eliminated
public
795,000
were first
registers
printing
Prior
than
circulation
the
over
than real.
was inevitable
of money in
quantity
in May 1973
Gelbard
enabled
rather
1973
by 3C
rose
wasmore apparent
to 4 billion,
in
however,
itself.
risen
years
which
reasserting
from 0 to
the
Argentina
950m. dollars
of living
been suppressed
months
for
the corresponding
from
rose
had in fact
after
monetary
than in
1974;
The success,
Inflation
crease
reserves
a low figure
same period,
zero
of
quarter
in
job
in
first
the number
two years
was cut-from
again
6.1% in
affected
security,
1975),
by a new Law of
to a
contributed
to 2C%.
of all
initial
this
Higher
rise
in real
led
wages under
Gelbard
employ-
to a fall
405
-
in
the rate
tolerated
the
by employers
saw the
of
Pact
Social
higher
hoarding
fall
controls
while
stricter
by the
wages ascended
assertive,
greater
Here,
between
-
Peronist
the fact
politics
seeking
Workers
Union
of the
Gelbard's
of Gelbard
power,
bureaucracy,
health
in
the
of extreme
and a union
economic
fac-
victorious
and nationalist
death
in
reasons"
a combination
economic measures
the
with
"for
lead-
and made
after
especially
especially
Union
tactically
movement
Miguel's
measures
Metal
similar
to
1940's.
attempts
a "National
to reconcile
Reconstruction"
support
Gelbard
themselves
and liberal
seeking
while
After
as a force
also
team,
allied
CGT-became increasingly
the
group but
for
campaigned
the lift.
went up in
the economic
a new battle
the
through
effect
to
Per6n
say,
used
as
-
prices
the resignation
but
1973,
greater
through
they
to secure
right-wing
of
a relaxation
1974, it
By early
controls.
in March 1974,
to "peronize"
efforts
tions
those
play
to meet
satisfy
staircase,
the
their
flourished
market
as a pressure
over
made great
of Per6n.
to
just
control
October
policy
for
Gelbard
pressed
CGE pressures
securing
forced
and 1975
transactions.
of price
enforcement
cabal
A black
peace which
Industrialists,
to circumnavigate
seeking
Gelbard's
of social
promise
soon fell
years.
25-50% of legal
new investment
and imports,
and speculation.
between
great
ten
something
the
for
return
However,
for
labour
Nor did
ers
in
for
costs
entrepreneurs,
offered.
biggest
price
sent
for
of profit
of the rural
producers
the interests
plan
Moreover,
and foreign
thus
of capital
crumbled
he was unable
capital.
and labour
when both
to count
In response
parties
on the
to the
- 4o6-
price
controls
the
in
projected
to invest
foreign
social'unrest
dollars
were agreed
remained
high
in
paper
of the
pegging
imports
attempt
to deal
failure.
All
of the
workers'
living
a "softly
ing
a recession.
cost
of living,
ruary
was necessary
hold
trading
hundreds
worth
this
currencies,
in
the policies
of inflation,
of
of millions
many
countries,
which
to a rise
be fully
of each cannot
economic
the
in an
measurds
stagnation
Economy Ministers,
to resolve
relations
exports.
the problems
President
softly"
approach
He tried
but
1975 under
Lopez Rega's
other
continuing
and export
crisis
the rate
of profit
were successful
despite
of the
expense of
and increasing
real
on
attacks
standards.
Gomez Morales,
ted
her
for
None, however,
unemployment.
deals
by stimulating
movement,
con-
would
reason
attempted
inter-
' This
A major
remaining
foreign
and the
more liberal
Cafiero,
CGT-favoured
labour
with
managed
1973,
though
pro-
adopted
general
hand,
other
on
in
and a decline
successors,
in
On the
Union,
peso against
cut
up and successfully
Soviet
the
and contraband
here,
analysed
trade
though
with
prices
a tax
bourgeoisie
managed to diversify
agreements.
Gelbard's
the
but
their
violence.
successfully
ties,
and economic
the agrarian
' established
and political
land,
in Argentina
investment,
through
exports
agrarian
reform.
agrarian
were reluctant
trolling
of
to force
an attempt
to abort-a
ests
income
normal
potential
duotion
to boost
and attempts
the
of the
aimed'at
to free
latter
Central
prices
rose
Bank from
curbing
inflation
while
greatly
without
26% between
1973-74,
and tried
on the other
his
he
down,
increased
wages
hand,
hand at
the
the
considered
shock treatment.
price
avoid-
affecting
nominee,
attemp-
of the dollar
that
Rodrigo,
major
While
surgery
trying
to
ty 100%, petrol
- 407 -
by 175%, electricity
backing
by 75%, etc.
of Isabel
Per6n,
week of July
first
Lopez Rega,
put
ing
power of wages.
of the
end for
the military,
trol
it
large
for
July
Peronism
Rodrigo's
wage rises,
from
pressure
its
Economy Ministers
Cafiero
in
though
were never
felt
of foreign
capital
no longer
could
con-
regard
to impose an alternative
momentarily
its
power was
capital
to
by the
counteracted
even Cafiero,
Furthermore,
CGT's timid
to exchange rates
the
enough to thwart
nationalism,
economic
and signed
secret
letters
in an attempt'to
the ability
IMP credits.
obtain
It
should
to bargain
also
the bureaucracy
major
sectors
10-14
days before
"declared",
be remembered that
While
Strike"!
and to
rescinded.
to the
ship
the begin-
signalled
The purchasing
measures,
strong
but not
most sympathetic
with
than real.
obliged
Peronism
but did
which resisted
and foreign
that
and
in the purchas-
a decline
measures,
to
national
-
of the
of up to 150,
and those
strike
the minister
of intent
.\
towards
at Rodrigo-type
Even with
successfully.
more apparent
tendency
Strike
of Rodrigo
the resignations
wage rises
this
by the General
labour
Moreover,
from mid-1974
of anti-worker
decline
brought
initiative
movement.
plans
from
the labour
assertive
Apart
by Mondelli
attempt
ning
was destroyed
to the general
not
later
1975.
the strike
a halt
it
Though his
attempted
of the labour
the
the joke
to negotiate
movement started
CGT made it
went round
official.
that
of
by rank-and-file
with
Rodrigo,
Strike
some
a compromise
the General
pressures.
the
was finally
General
408
-
The non-viability
in
the
fact
that
these
a Peronist
against
Argentine
(February
history
national
onise
an independent
and medium-order
ted
national
suffered
to group
process
these
all
of bankrupcies.
national
preneurs
had abandoned
it
Entities
(APEGE) which
organised
In three
years,
previous
military
with
investment
law,
ment of
All
the economy.
more concerned
about
of Entrepreneurial
companies
and then
of banks privatised
and the
annulment
of telephone
of these
measures,
plus
but
capital
nor a national
in
of profit
fell
private
trade,
cont-
short
State
expropdevelop-
sector-led
to be
showed themselves
general
than
by
of foreign
a programme of extensive
Entrepreneurs
the rate
Peronism
diversification
foreign
antagonised
of foreign
riations
entre-
1976 lock-out
of recent
limited
nationalism.
Assembly
of a handful
Union,
the Soviet
racts
of the most
leadership
coup.
regime,
with
and rising
controls
Increasingly,
the February
the nationalism
especially
the small
while
the
under
the Permanent
to the"renationalisation
stricted
the
for
supported
by price
By 1976,
sectors
hegem-
to successfully
of disintegration.
was in a state
monopolistic,
hit
in
strike
the monopol-
government,
development,
of capitalist
strike
employers'
unable
entrepreneurs,
a spate
this
was reflected
general
ever
ever
Under
showed itself
alliance
first
the
bourgeaxsie
Peronist
1973-76
saw both
years
government
istic
costs,
of the
the
"nationality"
of
capital.
Peronism's
isation
and economic
Argentine
the workers
was seen in
bankrupcy
failure.
Peronism
its
GNP actually
money.
political
fell
by 2.5% in
Most damning
and social
of all,
polar-
to promote
a national
as
the
development
policy
favourable
1940's
in
foreign
major
its
alienating
Left
The movimientista
in
a year,
were forced
then,
their
in
critical
support
endence,
but
Peronist
with
up all
that
of weird
"late
legitimacy
demands.
the honours,
all
and wonderful
theories
than
began to feel
government
of indep-
process.
After
the man, to be
symbol
Even
retreat
was dignified
the example
posts,
all
of Evita:
the posts
the Movement, but what we do not renounce nor are going to is the
2
It ended behind a militaristic
smokescreen but one which
struggle. ".
to obscure
Political
the
inadequacy
1.
Ibid.
2.
"Renunciamos a los
press conference,
PP. 4-8.
of movimientismo.
disrupted
of
in
failed
of
a degree
was so important.
to evoke
that
a position
to whom that
The Montonero
the
and
was only
the educative
to the symbols
intended
rhetoric
militant-sounding
the
It
asserting
and authenticity
clung
that
after
of the Tendency
arrivers"
to meet their
short
for
wage restraint
Per6n.
the Tendency
loomed larger
all
succeeded
opposition,
soon cut
the movimientistas
"We renounce
sorts
behaviour,
death
but
conflicts
confrontation
to one of loyal
orthodoxy,
had failed
only
late
and exacerbating
for
accumulation,
labour
a partial
"need"
by the
defeat,
and classes
the
accepted
growing
"odd"
Per6n's
death,
preserved
groups
of capital
thought
Perbn's
faith
Perbn's
into
having
after
to explain
in
interests
on them from
pressures
they
the
more dominant,
the
conditions.
economic
general
component
of the
economic conditions
now far
capital
but, lacking,
and labour
capital
and international
national
and with
between
by the September
1974
-410-
of warfare.
image of the
resumption
youthful
Aut&nticos.
the
However,
as the JP fronts
had performed
the Autenticoe
served
as a pretext
and,
for
another,
a renewed priority
resumption
commitment
of combatants,
than
numerous
the previous
blows
measures
combat led
supporters
be
cannot
guerrilla
of full-scale
to
and resources
the Aut6nticos
youth
combined
of
consequences
government
As far
Where-
the latter
in
the Montonero
gener-
Naturally,
one.
had adverse
and restrictive
punitive
front.
to the military
less
for
their
electoral
decline
factors.
through
age groups
tasks,
the
the
of mass activity.
terrorism
but
to external
attributed
to all
level
short-lived
mass activity
solely
the
and fascist
repression
pro-Montonero
in
multifarious
was an extremely
governmental
for
lost
1975 to overcome
here in broadening
ational
in
were
of the
organisations
Tendency.
have suggested
Some commentators
mientismo
into
onist
from
truth.
tendency,
nativista
tation
the
of the Montonero
ment involved
conception
from realignments
its
of the revolutionary
Party
but
class
Movement,
their
remained
Tendency.
a change in
The Aut6nticos
organisational
the central
of the
in
be
could
weakened the
specific
by events
nothing
declared
which
the
the official
were forced
in fact
Abandonment
alter-
strategic
official
orienMove-
the underlying
process.
were completely
considered
but
posture
movimientismo
from
estrangement
the Montoneros
academic
and benefited
Right
that
is
an alternativista
adopting
further
The assertion
Movement.
the debate
became a purely
and alternativismo
of Per6n,
death
that
ideas
revolutionary
independent
still
of the Justicialist
revolved
around
nationalist,
with
a multithe PPA
-411
its
being
based on the
was still
front
a national
ives
for
-
leaders
capitalism
rather
of all
loose
all
but
based on the
unity
of Liberation
socialist
stage
retention
of this
with
the Left
in
no alteration
that
movimientismo
eros
in
they
themselves,
with
1.
Cepernic,
2.
"Habig
Juventud
in
la
to stay
"errors"
Ouini6n,
Peronista,
Left.
" op.
8th
cit.
alliances
in
with
their
with
this
the
bour-
refusal
elections.
Justicialism
infiltration
produced
ideas.
goods expected
The fact
by the Monton-
and errors.
the
Movement,
government
October
youth"2
The Autentico's
for
official
inside
Peronist
However,
expressed
markedly
of the
the unific-
movimientista
to produce
an attempt
many of the
quoted
from
the Misiones
to treason,
gone along
in
of reference
of Argentine
the future.
to a search
to basic
had failed
in
into
alienation
loyalty
led
only
contrasted
example
"com-
and middle-order
whole
struggle
Dependency,
which
for
-
"the
common denominator,
led
formulae
In 1973 the
and revolutionary
and further
parties,
small
Movement.
liberation
postulation
point
and envisaged
including
wanted
Right
versus
further
geois"reformist
it
lowest
programme and
had as their
dichotomy,
that
object-
Peronist
1975 that
by a national
the radical
political
of
still
the national
slogan
ally
led
Immediate
in
forces,
stated
in
to participate
together
plans
anti-imperialist
had sincerely
Youth
declaration
thinking
and desirability
back to traditional
nation-imperialism
in a front
capitalists
even harked
alliance
abstract
ation
Its
Montonero
the strategic
than
Cepernic's
example,
this,
the feasibility
of
imperialism.
against
of its
Behind
idea
old
several
bat
instrument.
electoral
1975.
Yet
had initially
to
-412-
to present
failed
the
type,
how it
It
to offer
their
from
numbers
the
to their
solution
asserted,
to the political
menich
the
unity
with
wing,
including
Centre
suggested,
because
of the military
policies
regime,
civil
with
Isabel,
war before
to"
"take
a whip
ero's
Aut&ntico
their
own banners
with
the
and after
President
3
guerrillas,
project
only
clearest
also
the
strong
the failure
possible
from
providing
expressed
the Peronist
Montonero
the right-
with
The call
indicated
Fir-
was seriously
which
1974 split.
due
Movement
envisaged
supposedly
had publicly
of rallying
this
being
was again
were suffering
sectors
the factions
together
who while
only
in
saw arms as
In June 1978,
Reunification
Peronist
all
a tragedy
ultimately
Perbn herself.
the
considering
of the Peronist
not
of
or nothing
of the Montoneros,
decline
The proposal
groups
Isabel
merely
regime.
the launching
little
as farce.
the reunification
for
a call
the Videla
against
time
issued
With
the process,
the Montoneros
this
guise,
proto-
the first
itself,
By 1978, movimientismo
problems.
a different
in
during
Chilean
option.
was a tragedy,
lives
that
by the fact
explicable
part
1975,
of the
This
their
who lost
of youths
without
to repeat
as farce.
showed that
of 1973-74.
reverses
in
left-wing
tends
time
to attempt
fate
ultiihate
history
the
the
Moreover,
front
popular
a realistic
that
as tragedy
time
was to avoid
failed
again
alternative.
of an Allende-style
construction
clarifying
left
a coherent
for
a desire
to
of the Monton-
rank-and-file
statement
an alliance
behind
of ideological
bankrupcy.
1.
(Moscow:
ProBonaparte
Louis
Brumaire of
p. 10, recalling
a remark by Hegel.
2.
Acerca
3.
Isabel
Perbn,
quoted
in
de la Unidad
del
Herald,
Peronismo,
mimeo,
CHAPTERVI
'ALTERNATIVISMO' AND 'ALTERNATIVISTAS'
"The difference
between those who isolate
themselves from the
(the
the
try
to
those
reflect
mass moveroad of
masses and
who
that which is condemned to disappear
ment) is what determines
develop.
To know how to coininevitably
and that which will
(mass)
the
development
these
trends in order to
cide with
of
impel them towards superior
is to participlevels
of struggle
to ignore them or try to replace
ate in the making of history;
them with abstract
formulae drawn from our own heads is to exto being bypassed by history"
pose oneself
.
Gustavo Rearte
Alternativismo,
dent
of the working
alternative
theoretically
was frequently
contaminated
belief
the
of
his
(Government
tirely
which
sufficient
within
can be related
for
to military
and political
mientistas,
the former
Rearte,
"left-turn"
tactical
who avoided
of "strategism",
and tactics,
em-
through
with
in-
contradictions
enemy camp.
The alternativista
1.
trap
(i. e. non-antagonistic)
"secondary"
It
of a strategy,
the present
its
from understanding
of strategy
(i. e. antagonistic)
on "principal"
regard
the
to
fraudulent
many alternativistas
the
in
movimientista
back in
usage
supplying
appear
organisations.
the ultra-left
the articulation
without
appropriate,
and a stress
into
to an imbalanced
refers
the former;
this
fell
pitfall
movimientista
phasising
hand,
an "indepen-
always
many alternativistas
On the other
House).
a term which
of Perbn's
he was actually
until
not
with
prevented
project
political
this
This
1960's.
to construct
the alternativista
the sincerity
in
did
class",
form within
purest
weaknesses:
the desire
expressing
quoted
in
can be analytically
organisations
formations
styled
En Lucha,
though,
themselves
no.
1974),
in-
"politico-military
17 (July
413
-
as in
subdivided
p.
1.
-414-
and the
organisations"
revolutionary
guerrilla
parts,
but
is
the military
and political
least
radicalism,
to alternativismo
wings
only
orientation
being
fore
It
in
reflected
Peronist
shifted
the Montoneros
strength
that
leading
1. Gonzlez
movimientis-
proletarian
the military
and political
to incorporate
wing
in
its
op.
cit.
early
years
force,
experience
Peronists
this
of struggle
like
Jorge
the
former
Caffati.
a significant
movimientismo
in
were it
sec-
1972-3
seriously
The disparity
be-
not for
paper
organ
of
circulation
Para is
them was
of the
two
of the
100,000
restrictions)
Peronista
rivalled
between
El Descamisado,
Militancia
i p. 219.
never
weekly,
organ,
alternativista
Janzen,
alternativismo
had a regular
this
purity.
1974.
figures
the circulation
have boosted
in
back to)
of movimientismo.
Youth-Montoneros,
(and might
its
phase for
a passing
(or
to
the movimientista
tendencies:
of working-class
Movement militant,
was only
must be emphasised
the numerical
the
Nationalist
revolutionary
(PB),
Peronism
student
practical
the
whereas the
bourgeois
petty
of
at least,
origins
Indeed,
outlook.
through
acquired
alternativismo
fusing
its
of the military
its
of experienced
Revolutionary
Moreover,
tor
into
counter-
complexions
social
was little
there
between
propensity
greater
of movimientismo
elements
in
and undermined
difference
A second important
the
until
of the alternat-
movimientista
an expression
exclusively
of armed
Rank-and-File
of alternativismo,
and almost
at
between
Certainly
wings.
expression
was essentially
on its
Armed Forces
main political
that
differences
line
strategic
backgrounds
social
than
more sparse
their
endorsed
Data on the
warfare.
ivinta
Peronist
latter
copies
while
Liberacibn
415
-
(generally
to
referred
Alternativismo
In its
utionary
official
structures
the
will
significance,
from
split
for
they
Instead,
PB, the
of urban
In fact,
1.
the
focus
however,
from
to unity
a view
in
from
of militants
nonin
greatly
of the
Analysis
small
Revolutionary
Army
to work among-
in an attempt
of the
Peronist
to it.
marginal
will
of analysis
be primarily
the last
to establish
the working-class
an organised
Rank-and-File
Peronist
clausura,
Superfic-
"
the
about
working-class
by the alternativista
of the guerrilla
"Militancia
entre el ahogo y la
(28th March 1974), p. 3.
tendency.
two chapters
Peronism
inabilsupport
experience.
was created
Armed Forces,
Militancia,
in
shifts
which varied
(FAL),
instrum-
the People's
which
position,
to an understanding
to be contradicted
and independently
with
important
versa;
below.
of Liberation
in
of the
an organisation
transfusions
shifts,
be traced
adds little
a revol-
independent
intermediate
were several
and vice
Guevarism,
presented
guerrillas
appear
Left
organisational
base would
after
were really
the argument
ially,
ity
masses,
but
rev-
Movement as a revolutionary
of these
Not all
clasismo.
the Peronist
rising
the mov-
between
to develop
attempted
workers
tendency:
this
to movimientismo
which
groups
it
Due to its
there
period,
numerical
against
of the non-Peronist
non-Peronist
clasista
to workers.
volatile
alternativismo
in a battle
of the Movement,
of the Peronist
became apparent
Peronist
form,
purest
and leadership
politically
the 40,000
position
clasismo
based on Peronist
work alongside
support
and the
of the Montoneros
organisation
ent
survival
an intermediate
occupied
olutionary*Left.
would
reached
only
costs.
imientismo
for
struggling
as Militancia),
simply
no.
and
38
416 ..
their
practical
relationship
sympathy
for
struggle
but
in
integrated
of the
exempt from
for
support
two wings
was not
methods,
military
and programmatic
the activities
practice
loose.
was only
class
the isolation
PB
armed
of alternatand
composition
by other
experienced
guerrillas.
Before
nativista
camp will
of its
organ
they
for
terest,
Left
evolved
first
issued
reveal
further
in
material
position
the
People's
their
exactly
towards
Militancia
and contained
the
shared
sectors
Left
in
these
reviews
ideological
in-
Peronist
1973-74.
When
many of the
coverage;
a clearly
differentiated
coverage
as did
of the
by 1974,
regular
one,
journalistic
as much Peronist
almost
was outlining
Revolutionary
of more than
how important
and further
is
and its
it
an
by
co-edited
Since
tendency
this
content
as alternativista
successor)
ista
within
alter-
PB possessed
to providing
second De Frente.
the
June 1973,
organs
movimientista
De Frente
of
analysis
Militancia,
close
the
within
independent
came extremely
replacement,
development,
contradictions
Neither
formally
the
the contradictions
reflected
tonero
be highlighted.
own but
short-lived
the
examined,
Ortega
its
is
each wing
attitudes
of
Youth-Mon(and then
its
alternativ-
of the activities
of
Army.
The early
movimientista
ent model"
editions
of Militancia
and alternativista
ideas.
contained
It
a strange
declared
that
mishmash of
its
"perman-
would be:
-417-
greeted
supposedly
Per6n with
of the
an extension
respecting
a movimientista
salute:
"The revolutionary
presence of General Perbn, through direct
Leader-People
dialogue,
will
put a definitive
end to complicit
bureaucracies,
to the marketers
blood,
to the traitors
of spilt
in the Movement, to all those who seek to put a brake on or
the Peronist
Revolution...
distort
" 2
Peron and Peronism
review
took
"only
a fool
for
The first
ing.
Perlin".
apologia
that
"it
Tendency
is
a "popular,
only
to expect
infantile
Per6n's
following
at a meeting
supporters.
He wasr "not
the
reflected
first
sustained
a Socialist
of his
contradictions
no.
1 (14th
June 1973),
P. 3.
no.
2 (21st
June 1973),
P. 3.
1.
Editorial,
ibid.,
2.
Editorial,
ibid.,
3.
4.
llegar
al
when
from
open attack
governors,
but
(19th
6
July
no.
no.
the
a Peronist",
All
Movement.
on
Peron was
that
and a "pragmatist"
leader"
anti-imperialist
and
of July
everything
provincial
with
Militancia
the middle
came in
when Militancia
national,
a resist-
by reactionaries
complicity
refined
was further
his
silent
that
leading
the bureaucrats,
serve
the apologia
Claiming
after
"encirclement"
initially
betraying
behaviour
in
shift
the Revolutionary
not
his
declared
the review
of Perbn's
idea
to explain
would
Per6n,
that
the
expectations,
of him.
criticism
think
could
18 years,
in voicing
time
or lunatic"
ance struggle
up to Militancia's
to live
whose
that
418
-
one could
expect
combative
lines
revolutionary
for
people
nominate
right
stage
believed
Per6n would
that
However,
Movement",
try
to maintain
power to
"an elemental
Militancia
this
at
of his Move-
the unity
so would
for
and
renun-
Perbn's
from
Peronist
of the
implied
"necessarily
and this
policy".
positions
leader
of the
Peronism
within
of a pure
ciation
of the bureaucratic
from
to the Left
as well
as to the Right.
these
Alongside
outset
carried
praise
for
"hard
stop
line"
an embryonic
of
that
importantly,
even in
velopmentalist
of how the
Economy Minister
minium
that
in
production
1.
the latter
la
early
(the
"Aluar
past
"Perbn,
3.
"Eva revolucionaria,
guerrilla
" ibid.,
no.
of the
did
her
death.
More
the de-
rejected
detailed
provided
Peronist
of Argentine.
partner
Evita
with
Scandal")
Pact provided
two decades,
2.
of
alu-
and insisted
of imperialism
force.
of the Social
Over the
team,
him control
a progressive
bourgeoisie
y la
was full
but
had seduced
assertion.
juventud
after
Gelbard
regime
handing
1970's
critique
of the national
"Discusibn:
(9th
9
no.
military
through
no longer
The Militancia
of the
policies
Militancia
editions,
earliest
bourgeoisie
strength
the
the
revolutionary
everything
became "bourgeois"
previous
Gelbard
the national
support
everything
economic
It
from
identifying
-
its
Militancia
analysis.
alternativista
the resistance
and claiming
of movimientismo,
that
feeling
Evita,
of Evitismo
short
evidence
instances-
weakened,
July
" ibid.,
1973),
to
the economic
de la Tendencia-P"
peronista,
7 (26th
evidence
no.
as
ibid.,
9. pp. 4-7.
pp. 35-48.
419
-
in Economy Minister
recognised
in
ional
corporations
portant
developments
process
of capitalist
had in
trepreneurs,
firm
components
there
be sold
if
car
These firms,
ship
Social
the working
in
CGE.
"an agreement
the class
it
the interests
Chile,
national
large
enabling
being
enmag-
Wobron car
to
products
Gelbard
the latter
The General
of national
by these
in Argentina.
off
national
to
argued,
producers
The participation
himself
was a
the supplier
not
of
monopoly
claimed
to represent
of capitalist
resulted
capital
the
the signing
between
in an alliance
but
bourgeoisie
between
-
1.
2.
rather
a CGE bureaucracy
- an agreement
2
reconstruction.
than
mass member-
in
monopolies
national
whose
monopolies
who constituted
two bureaucracies"
national
monopolies
foreign-owned
of these
and a "progressive"
between
were national
of the
those
representing
fell
in
of power
monopolies.
representative
Force.
of the
of the
sales
had a plant
Here,
to a concentration
owner of the
Broner,
to im-
pointed
sector.
national
the past
by Julio
also
l4ilitancia
industrial
had led
is no company
there
become dominated
1960's
Militancia
of the small
those
the national
to the Air
aluminium
interests
the
which
shareholder
major
Moreover,
the
of internat-
subsidiaries
are
enterprises,
". "1
(CGE), in
led
now
was
It
state
concentration
Confederation
Economic
nates.
within
eight
the hands
into
country,
capital...
national
of private
the
"Of
1971 statement:
Aldo Ferrer's
to hold
alien
to
down wages in
(2nd
August
8
no.
y otras
intoxicaciones,
"
420
-
This
it
fined
was fine
remained
differences
material
but
were evident,
project
economic
of foreign
did
it
this
yet
monopoly
was not
contradictions
the
imperialism
of antagonistic
overstressing
secondary
to strengthen
order
encouraged
the inflow
is Krieger
be-
contradictions
over
expressed
rivalry
domestic
market.
the
case for
seeing
the
contradictions
an essential
the Peronist
Economy
which
The
of Ongania's
secondary
capital
unre-
mass membership
"Gelbard
that
significant
as one between
contradiction"
cipal
ignored
strength
so in
with
In asserting
and foreign
proportional
that
capital.
the review
tween national
Perhaps
by Gelbard
left
reality.
to equate
there
went on from
Vasena,
monopoly
1
Vasena",
Militancia
distorted
their
and
between
but
an analysis
and partially
schematic
pioneered
Krieger
Minister,
what
highly
for
point
as a starting
at
"princlass,
the expense
means of arriving
of
at
such
in Militancia's
view
of
for
quite
a conclusion.
The same analytical
the
trade
to dismiss
but
bureaucracy
a bureaucracy
with
ing
the
ultimately
ing
1.
2.
between
2
being
than
rather
which
its
its
power from
"El
caso Gelbard,
control
ibid.,
" ibid.,
no.
and,
no.
3 (28th
class,
for
2 (21st
to
the
In view-
imperialism.
June 1973),
p. 3.
pp.
bureaucracy
the bureaucracy,
outside,
from
springing
June 1973),
with
contradiction
antagonistic
movement from
of the working
of it
class
unity
and working-class
to recognise
failed
on the labour
imposed
in
services
the working
Militancia
an expression
Editorial,
had sold
the review,
of political
as being
mistakenly,
relationship
as "antagonistic",
the possibility
another
of Peronism,
It
bureaucracy.
union
realistically,
sectors
it,
being
14-15.
was
deriv-
tolerated
421
Obviously,
by it.
considerable
external
had only
this
its
consolidation
(i. e. State
and entrepreneurial)
been feasible
due to its
of vast
not
on the
union
sufferance
of the less
bureaucracy,
essentially,
ionary
but
standpoint,
bureaucracy
to the
Per6n.
vision
over
glossed
Apart
from
evinced
same time,
of social,
hope that
commitment
the Montonero
ership
words but
the
attempt
immobility"
tendency
Peronist
Movement,
Pena's
and Duhalde's
to work alongside
I
"El pueblo
(19th July
arising
the rest
among revolutionary
illusions
must be said
that,
while
antagonisms
and exaggerated
"above
operate
its
others,
always
it
classes",
critic-
of bourgeois
acceptance
not
often
and firmly
struggle
an acceptance
the
to the point.
was generally
tacit
the ideas
their
to working-class
its
was that
away from
PerSn could
for
as a
class
inappropriate
propaganda
and political
voiced
leadin
behaviour.
Ortega
its
contradictions
early
the working
an audience
conflicts
of the
and nature
The result
it
economic
class
its
origins
the rest
though,
objective
a clear
in
to attract
some secondary
of
appraisal
the
to render
gained
and the
from a revolut-
as judged
to regarding
prone
only
little
At the
review's
it
and thus
by Militancia
and did
workers
ised
left
rest
did.
subjective
propagated
to analyse
did
the weaknesses
all
did
certainly
The trade
majority.
movement,
them it
It
certainly
equally
class-conscious
represent
as revolutionary
whole
1.
depth
in
workers
labour
failure
Militancia's
but
but
the reformism
in
movement.
represented
of the Argentine
immaturity
in
sectors
with
assistance,
roots
genuine
labour
of the
and economism
represent
had counted
institutional
review
Montoneros'
the
condemned
of the Movement,
from acceptance
of all
Per6n's
". ibid.,
its
"verticalist
decisions
no 6
and its
422
-
vacillations
the
policy.
Those vacillations
the Montoneros
and Peronist
over
that
fact
of the bureaucratic
develop
than
Tendency,
possible
the
its
fact
It
"the
had not
flag
white
"traitors"
expected
in
the face
is
Movimientismo
"absowere an
massacre
was to consolidate
to be treacherous
hoists
domin-
its
war colours...
inevitable".
were attacked
by Militancia,
seen as a product
the
to win im-
zigzags.
attitudes
bureaucracy,
it
Rather
sectors
the Ezeiza
if
by
synthesis
theory,
was trying
of policy
like
events
The conciliatory
Forces
all
the bureaucracy
flict
that
for
necessity"
ance.
from
and support
the
by Per6n.
attempted
critique,
defended
Youth
to the Militancia
acceptance
had ignored
lute
revolutionary
according
inevitable
lines
and cmbative
were to be explained
of the Peronist
Youth
towards
of the Tendency's
the Armed
to appease
interpretation
the
of con-
as being:
"a moral problem between loyalists
and traitors
and not, as it
between those who
is, a non-negotiatable
really
contradiction
the exploitalongside
serve the exploiters
and those who fight
ed". 2
Moreover,
struggle"
they
force
ised
both
3
partially
for
the
theory
revealed
the movimientistas'
recognised
independent
the decline
development,
"E1 movimientismo,
(26th July 1973),
enfermedad
Pp. 7-9.
2.
"Peron
" ibid.,
3.
Ruben R. Dri,
"La alternativa
(31st
33
January 1974),
no.
weak grasp
bourgeoisie
ideas
infantil
no.
merely
del
(18th
19
y la luchs
pp. 20-22.
an external
October
1973),
de clases,
"
as a
were premforce,
" ibid.,
peronismo,
class
Though
of economics.
of the national
being
to "mask the
tendency
many movimientista
of imperialism
1.
presidente,
and their
of stages
pp. 4-7.
ibid.,
no.
423
-
noted.
government
blockade,
foreign
The early
to invest
monopolies
Militancia
El Descamisado,
economic
trends
which
fairly
the
and led
the reluctance
against
1
in, Argentina!
carried
1973-4
to be due to an imperialist
them to protest
appreciated
Argentina
ence within
difficulties
led
which
by Per6n's
faced
Militancia
the Montoneros'
Unlike
of the imperialist
to a conclusion
of
analysis
sophisticated
extent
of
pres-
that:
became unequivocal.
alternativismo
now defined
as one of
looked
labour
critical
the
only
Shortly
conclusion
1.
before
that
its
"Bourgeois
"Argentina
impotente:
(7th February
1974),
support
for
the review
in July
Peronism
nos cerca
pp. 14-19.
in
el
"the
which
through
Front
this
other
1974, De Frente
reached
",
identity,
now remained
clasista
did not
(FAS).
Army actions
Peronist
Peronism,
imperialismo?
Peronist
the anti-bureau-
a formal
government
now
of the
Revolutionary
from
was
authentic
Militancia
Anti-Imperialist
People's
1974 when
project
an alliance
promoted
Though retaining
suppression
political
with
Front",
was reporting
differentiating
in January
Increasingly,
working-class
feature
Left,
comment.
due to continuing
capitalism"
to do".
revolutionary
currents
Perbn's
of a "Trewlew
to the formation
and non-Peronist
cratic
"moderated
have nothing
revolutionaries
of Per6n increased
questioning
sectors.
the
represent,
ibid.,
no.
and
34
(13th
September 1973),
14
no.
2.
"Liberaci6n
o dependencia, " ibid.,
pp, 19-23.
3.
"Semana politica:
una maraton hacia atrAs sin
(31st
ibid.,
33
January 1974), pp. 4-9.
no.
aviso
de retorno,
"
-424-
never
represented,
Great
National
"
thing.
expected
Perbn to pursue
a short
of the
existence
Perlin
In posing
divorced
their
not
see that,
define
ultimately
definition
would
Per6n's
in
involved
by decree
signed
its
Prior
to closure,
kiosk
2.
had not
alliance,
did
not
to clear-
was obliged
Per6n would
that
that
realised
his
Militancia
editorial
Ortega
their
posts
" De Frente,
accused
in
1974
the review
of
2
chaos".
up twice
and
elements
subject
the University
of
in April
by right-wing
May
toleration
and social
it
than
was suppressed
to subversion
offices
as seen in his
rather
persecution
incitement
but
action'of
actions
but
of
Perbn could
malaise,
a Centre-Right
for
alternatives".
and policemen.
of the potential
the alternativistas
and sectors
it.
him endorsing
the alternativistas
that
of economic
interests
permit
would
which
without
time,
had
come so quickly.
any "independent
"psychological
For a long
bourgeois
option
1.101,
of compromises
of him from
loyalties.
on the Left,
Day attack
policy,
anti-imperialist,
classes
had
the alternativistas
alternative"
conditions
between
sectional
defend
legal
same
a pure altern-
expressed
a line
"independent
classes.
"balance"
his
follow
characterisation
social
only
a revolutionary
as a non-socialist
the various
clearly
of time.
period
he would
that
predicted
therefore
reviews
ativismo
ly
of the
a new version
for
possibly
was and is
"It
-
plan
The alternativista
the
alternative
an antagonistic
Agreement
of a dozen
of Buenos Aires
(20th
June 1974), PP. 12-17.
7
no.
(2nd
1
May 1974), P. 13.
no.
-425-
after
cumbed to government
suppressed
three
and O'Farrell
deans Kestelboim
the Montonero-supported
pressures
months later,
De Frente
of them.
to get rid
had sucwas
as soon as Isabel
sidency.
the Peronist
What distinguished
background
formation"
recruits
mainly
Envar El Kadri,
Caride
Carlos
Youth
Peronist
occasional
in
to be created
from Peronist
had played
major
organised
Jost
Luis
in
Diegaez,
Tacumnn almost
a teacher
Guevarist-inspired
1.
PAP slogan:
TRIUMPH!"
Rojas
in
the
Centre
by the
(nicknamed
"EI
of the Uturunco
student,
guerrilla
Operations
IMiguez.
organ-
guerrilla
previous
Quechua for
the Devil)
had briefly
Amanda Beatriz
had been linked
group which
in
of Resistance
which
and
participated
Caride
Supay",
guerrilla
a decade earlier.
proto-urban
Peronist
General
led
COR)
by
through
political
of the first
creation
1960's.
early
its
of Arab descent,
earlier
the other
Two leading
employee
experience
and literature
organisations.
roles
that
Ongania regime
the
de la Resistencia
1960's-was
It
under
Youth
In the
armed actions.
de Operaciones
isations.
late
and mercantile
a student
(Centro
the
one of anti-Peronism.
was not
"special
in
created
organisations
guerrilla
(FAP) from
Armed Forces
oper-
Peralta
de
to the
developed
out of
Palabra
initiative
a Posadas Street
in
year
Obrera
leader
old
in
short
and friend
Word) in
Finally,
had been in
contact
Arturo
Jesus)
Gadea, his
Ferrh
cooperative
shanty-town
by the
appealed
they
the
justified
brutal
to radical
distaste
Radical
late
guerrilla
violence
priests
for
his
1970 letter
activity
of egoism with
to join
influence
Catholic
their
to
in
1965 when
terms
work.
participate
being
in
killed
the violence
flock.
of Rosario
shanty-town
who
was almost
Seminary
in
but
attempting
background
step
latter's
boatyard,
to leave
was a Doc-
(Compania de
the priesthood
Borromeo
in June 1969.2
in
present
front*"the
3.
police
which
next
for
Ferrari's
expressed
superiors
The former
10 but
Company of Jesus
ecclesiastical
2.
Rail.
detachment,
rural
in
Ferrari.
by the Jesuits
He had entered
identical.
1.
in
seminary
to submerge himself
in
and
presence
abandoned his
also
Peredo,
Catholic
a radical
Ferr6
of Philosophy
Like
"Inti"
the 37-
ants.
in
Roberto
blew up
employee N6stor
and only
That
Bengochea,
Angel
insurance
mercantile
with
1960's.
arsenal
group's
Verdinelli,
tor
the early
killing
apartment,
Di6guez.
injuring
(Workers'
Priests,
and
details
Biographical
about the
about FAP combatants and information
Taco Ralo venture
come mainly from I Raz6n, 20-29th September 1968.
See also Appendix A.
Cristianismo
"Los nuestros, " homages to Ferrari
Z
and Juregui,
(July
Revoluci6n,
18
1969), pp. 10-16.
no.
"Carta de las FAP a los Sacerdotes
para el Tercer Mundo, " ibid.,
(November-December
26
1970), pp. 15-20.
no.
427
The young Peronists
as "the
selves
they
lacked
ity
among. fellow
detachment
writings
Greatly
early
an ambush of a busload
port
to the
came through
weaponry
World
First
War.
camp at la
for
preparing
Canada, near
rural
the
surprised
1.
in
Just
were captured
October"
Detachment
and
through
from
relics
youths
13 days later,
Ferre
Air-
the aim of
mountains,
however,
on 19th
a long
from
returning
to attempt
the
up a train-
set
with
the Aconquija
after
Ezeiza
were obtained
and included
in
of finance
bank clerks
Tucumn Province,
operations
1959-60.
from
in which
the Peronist
the ex-seminarist
"17th
Amateurism
ialised
travelling
purchases
1968,
the problem
resistance
member of
- but
his
jammed.
machine-gun
Though it
to
of FAL rifles
Taco Ralo,
guerrilla
13 trainees
all
Ironically,
march.
individual
from
support
so.
In September
of US tourists
A couple
of the
on a guardpost
raid
doing
political
were killed.
policemen
ing
Capital
was an ex-
venture
months,
with
for
October"
of winning
a heavy price
guerrilla
influenced
task
the solidar-
seen in
after
initial
Though there
support.
Peronists,
ahead of the
of armed struggle
In their
the
was captured,
Movement",,
union
expressed
rural
and trade
political
sympathy
was considerable
(Peronist)
of the
armed wing
organised
who created
is
undoubtedly
probably
topographical
that
characterised
its
protagonists
and meteorological
this
first
FAP initiative.
had inherited
studies
highly
of Northern
spec-
and
(9th
July
no. ,I
1974),
428
-
Central
Argentina
reports
Army plans
Ralo
for
put
(Comandante
.
Verdinelli
from
the
provincial
able
for
a camp, being
ate
from
warning
locals
had received
Furthermore,
done,
written
being
arrested
Fidel
that
of the
approach
Governor
of their
Cruz,
led
as Che himself
to a further
including
Jorge
Cepernic.
That
about
of the
true, or not,
workers.
trial,
they
to 4-14 year
were sentenced
out
Amanda Beatriz
Peralta
September
the
prison
de Ditguez
revealed
three
waiting
years
amnesty
did not
for
a
a
in November 1971
stretches
of the general
extremely
and employees,
students
After
Peronist
wait
of political
that long,
1.
La Raz6n,
2.
26th
who
had
the future
no
40 militants
Castro
it.
guerrillas
in the area.
are to be believed,
where adequ-
captors
of it
prisoners.
police
versions
doctor
got
hundred
if
police
unsuit-
and so gained
to keep a diary,
of Santa
the
diary,
imprisonment
but
population
in
Moreover,
scarce.
El Eadri,
150 miles
about
of low mountain
area
being
temptation
training,
for
the local
from
the
discouraged
strongly
flat
at all
of land
a piece
and water
by 2nd-in-command
Left-supported
incomplete
a desolate,
of "smugglers"
reports
the Bolivian
Following
lancahuas{c
the
farm
of
at
bought
a copy of
the Taco
the province,
to poor use.
of San Miguel.
capital
no support
received
Sabino)
in
operations
purchase
was impossible
security
the information
Peredo's
of Inti
intelligence
had excellent
group,
counter-insurgency
guerrillas
example
from Bengochea's
1968.
being
-429-
"spring"
three
with
by the death
in
June 1971,
Bruno Cambareri
of TAP militant
Revolutionary
strategy
of popular
for
prisoners
criticism
Workers
(PRT)
Party
during
armed resistance
to
which
related
the
of the necessary
Rangers
struggle.
captors;
to which
measures".
security
does not
support;
the
However,
lack
of
conception
of political
were in
in a communique
who,
the
a "lack
admitted
presence
sufficient
invalidate
camp
These "errors"
were subjected,
to as being
was referred
defeat
tactical
party.
they
of their
the winning
"detachment"
imprisoned
location
the
reprimanded
and a "militaristic
before
armed actions
tortures
in Argentina
small
popular
of a revolutionary
by the
acknowledged
lacked
police
put
which
and creation
support
part
war"
their
the
the
that
maintaining
was correct,
errors:
they
by the
while
warfare
of tactical
a series
zone where
of popular
which,
revolutionary
in an unsuitable
of 30 U3
that
evidence
the method"
of armed
debacle
fects
without
very
Women's Prison
Armed
escape.
Fraternal
"our
from
marred
an operation
the
other
of Liberation)
Forces
(including
inmates
was therefore
much rooted
and organised
foquismo.
political
foguista
Yet the
conceptions.
support,
if
followed
superficial,
exceedingly
questioning
in
which
and self-criticism
only
technical
the
Taco
technical
noting
blunders
were
tcticos
en una estrategia
errores
(17th
4.
October
1968),
18
p.
no.
they
would
de-
genuine
not
have
" E1
1.
"Taco Ralo:
Combatiente,
2.
de
lecci6n
de
pero
"Nuestros
no
ejemplo,
y
pueden servir
errores
tinica
"
la
de
la
del
violencia
gorila,
salida
pueblo ante
negaci6n
(late
1968), p. 4.
date
Con Todo (Buenos Aires),
no
corrects,
430
-
been caught
by just
unawares
alerted
this
drawn from
lesson
Argentine
live
people
the Argentine
from
bands - like
the six
cave in February
1969,
degree
ill-fated
foco
1963-64.
The urban
structure,
initially
unknown to the
in
Miguel
after
Gerardo
of death
turkeys....
with
a gun-battle
in which
Carlos
of his
eventually
past
receiving
Caride
a policeman
Caride,
a 14year
1.
2.
in
as the
to have been
a couple
of
was killed.
who had spent
was tortured
militancy,
role
Army (EGP) of
despite
were arrested
its
as ephemeral
managed to survive
Rodrfgaez
before
Movement,
appears
police,
and counted
apparatus
whose existence
Domingo Zavala
Ferrari
urban
Guerrilla
In April,
as a result
2
in a Jujuy
arrested
People's
of Masetti's
1969.
in
set-backs
prison
isolated
of small,
wild
Guevarist
later,
to be hunting
in the Peronist
of sympathy
history
apartment
combat dress,
now
Army (ERP)
Revolutionary
the adventures
a rudimentary
possessed
political
lawyer
men in
warfare
guerrilla
the People's
from
apart
the possibility
rejecting
Rural
the future.
who claimed
Argentine
important
while
scene until
bearded
not
of the
70-809
that
I
machine-guns!
with
in
of 1974-76,
Tucumhn campaign
areas,
The only
population.
recognising
warfare,
urban
front
rural
of a subordinate
faded
in
local
have been
would
experience
to urban
but
policemen
by the
protected
costly
one.
one hundred
sentence
1963-67
to the
point
in November
The police
1969.
claimed
group and that one of
Tiempo de violencia.
(Buenos Aires:
Granica
in
State
repression
of
his
head
was
when
attack
ip
to
the
cana
subjected
431
-
Rodriguez,
Zavala
1971.
move over
to the
deputy
in
Montoneros
The early
ly
it
During
to working-class
struggles.
develop
a solid
structure
military
first
but
to the People's
its
until
rate
the Peronist
in
itself
the
at best
tangentially
former,
it
original
to
was able
guerrilla
Revolutionary
in
stations
at a steady
activity
years,
Through
was public-
of two police
to political
three
these
related
Urban action
and continued
"special
the first
from being
expropriations
with
mainly
Province,
were its
force
guerrilla
the takeover
1969 with
Youth
1975.
Ongaaia period.
the
campaign.
election
in
Buenos Aires
end of
in
benefiting
originally
October
in
initiated
Tortuguitas,
the
of El Aut6ntico
be
created
-to
formation"
around
was to
sentence,
a suspended
years
most significant,
with
pre-eminence
to the
Montoneros.
Finance
the social
was obtained
clubs
kidnappings.
of the wealthy
Other
expropriations
and of course
equipment
weaponry
a February
acquired
through
quarters
guard-post
Experienced
602 cases
near
1.
of the
Tigre
through
and,
and explosives.
Mendoza (though
in Buenos Aires,
some of the
through
on the main
on police
stations.
of dynamite
were
housing
Cabral
5,100 kg.
office
1970 assault
to
through
resources,
on the Sargento
from an April
were of medical
1970 raid
threats
of
on an arsenal
was lost
when 8
432
PAP members were arrested
of
fuse
explosives,
April
bombs",
in September
especially
deployment
by
the
ed
men and military
privilege
oligarchic
by PAP bombs,
Onganfa
high-ranking
US military
three
FAP's
resentative
Navy C-in-C
January
and the
the
helped
in
where both
Pedro
was the
In November
and in
the
our country"
allowing
Indeed,
delinquents.
of toys,
1972 kidnapping
February
1972, when
guard
of the
to demonstrate
the
like
in a shanty-town,
distributed
of a Robin
out-
the
to present
in an attempt
student
rep-
FAP operations,
several
of a Brazilian
of
1970,
latter
the
objective
(i. e.
a policeman
enemy without
Santa Fe Rotary
to give
Admiral
Commando' "disarmed
1970 expropriation
January
dewere
In March 1971, a
polo.
mission
as violent
guerrillas
symbols
clubs
club
destruction
use of violence.
of Yankee imperialism
of its
luxurious
riding
had played
physical
'Blajakis-Salazar
vulnerability
get
a military
side
the
than
rather
discriminate
FAP's
for
invariably
was dynamited.
officer
Material
the
built
being
chalet
costly
including
business-
officials,
were almost
Several
and opulence.
enemies
government
Bomb targets
officers.
out its
"single
of 35 bombs against
stroyed
the
in
quarry
1973.
with
of
of 20 cases
Plata
a Mar del
caps from
and percussion
The explosives
of
days later)
six
for
its
a year,
early
years.
1.
FAP communique,
1970.
2.
FAP communique,
quoted
in
quoted
in
ibid.,
Herald,
13th February
17th September
1972.
to
433
However,
During
the
bank expropriations,
of its
course
attempting
not
by the blood
of renowned police
assassinated
by the Revolutionary
Sanmartino,
Montonero
uniform"
who did
tatively
different.
Police
were entirely
the
after
letter
funeral
the
ness
of shooting
do and faced
lectually
PAP placed
death
Galicia
Army,
telligently
to secure
likely
overtly
1.
political
to broad
Unlike
larger
dimension
could
of the
chosen,
fewer
and minimise
unnecessary
that
the FAP
if
the righteousto
were paid
not
be intel-
public,
for
the
and People's
that
kidnapping
bank raids.
kidnapping
security
every
a Banco de
the Montoneros
than
life
was bound to be a
slow in learning
well
sums, involve
not,
resisting
means of fund-raising
and the victim
they
what
there
killed
whom
and that
However,
sectors
in which
policemen
1971.
did
enough
firepower"
doing
they
if
in situations
more efficient
planned
"superior
and
"for
your
were reminded
you or us".
measures
January
in
was an eloquent
nor
was qualiProvincial
to ask themselves
The police
either
to policemen
hold-up
Revolutionary
a far
is
toll,
the police
policemen,
themselves
It
in
to them,
disciplinary
sold
regime
of two corporals.
when possessing
"it
resisted,
policemen
the military
against
comrades? ".
action
(FAR) with
of "workers
the killings
whether
were
General
like
Armed Forces
by the late
of your
went into
only
doubtful
policemen
reputations
torturers
1971,
support
convinced
day,
is
you fight,
is
It
shooting
in which
in July
necessarily
claiming
sent
not
ordinary
'Whereas guerrilla
resistance.
unsullied.
several
were killed
stained
totally
risks,
fatal
If
proved
inmore
have a more
violence.
Cristianismo
Province,
Aires
to the police
FAP letter
of Buenos
(November-December
54.
1970),
p.
26
Revolucibn,
no.
y
434
The FAP's
the
1970's
early
Revolutionary
though
ally
itary
work,
the electoral
These losses
a January
Frondizi),
car
the
leaders
of 1971,
Peressini
of Frondizi,
were lost
in
the
and Nestor
"Battle
like
as did
Mocoroa in
those
the deaths
of
Dani Balbuena
Arturo
Bruno Cambareri
October;
in November.
of Bianchini
in
and Juan
The lives
and Mocoroa,
expropriation
car
of nothing
not-
this
of ex-President
in March;
of Ferreyra"
cadres,
to part-
throughout
prison
(nephew
mil-
it
were in
the
activity,
political
of the ill-judged
course
Bianchini
towards
Diego Frondizi
crash;
Haedo Miguel
Carlos
Secondly,
During
martyrs.
practic-
and Verdinelli,
seriously
Firstly,
were orientated
in
in
and People's
connotations,
engagement
campaign.
Caride
of operations
by the Montoneros
had political
prior
founders,
principal
plane
was no serious
period,
June;
outgrown
of PAP activists
union
El Kadri,
their
being
onto a higher
operations
and there
in
the FAP's
in
of their
trade
alone
ably
and its
of the efforts
front
icipate
to develop
several
all
let
failure
attempts.
Both weaknesses
the
decapitation
of the
the
cities
radically
to
ing
their
nothing
their
early
about
ideas
for
phase,
arrogantly
revolutionary
publication,
claimed
warfare,
without
that
and
- were conseque-
Debray spent
actions
zone of operations
teachings
FAP militant,
detentions
By shifting_its.
to Buenos Aires,
the early
one former
through
fopuismo.
strategic
on military
concentration
organisation
and mainly
with
ing
- excessive
broken
school.
Accord-
them dur-
they
could
teach
to
then
plunder
on
went
and
acknowledging
his
intellectual
him
some of
435
I
debt!
Lacking
trace
the
ideological
alternativismo
these
the
as the FAP's
only
Chief,
our leader
process....
Per6n is
However,
two interviews
conceded
1971 provide
some indication
in
early
In the first,
y Revolucibn
foouista
ively
on the
in
spontaneous
methods
les",
of foauismo.
but
of operations,
PAP political
little
1.
2.
3.
sign
but
that
Rejecting
is
which
no evidence
characterisation
at this
that
this
there
having
urban
outlook.
had been a
"relied
to
proved
Peronism
gurrilla
proposed
the PAP
"incorporate
to industrial
account
did
this
the underlying
alternatives,
sought
excess-
or rural
format
questioned
of the Peronist
time.
people".
However,
foauista
warfare
the brief
political
people".
insurrectional
strategy
of his
posed by a Cristianismo
they
actually
early
of either
of revolutionary
of alternativismo
the
that
the specific
Liberation
National
questions
of the
had not
of their
to twelve
1969 communique
interpreter
by the PAP at
the viability
foauista
to those
similar
the
ever
organisation
to a modified
this
their
conception
in
one for
general
an October
them to question
warfare.
clung
more than
replying
journalist,
element
lead
not
today
to in
of
operations
was the
to
to
conversion
armed propaganda
referred
difficult
exceedingly
demand raised
political
"Political
is
In their
1970.
Perlin being
return,
own, it
development
after
years,
Per6n's
of their
a periodical
of their
struggmain types
feasible.
Movement showed
was portrayed
Personal interview
with a former FAP member who became a trade
12th August 1975.
1973, Buenos Aires,
union bureaucrat
after
FAP communique of 17th October 1970, Cristianismb
y Revoluci6n,
(November-December
26
1970), p. 55no.
(September
1970),
"Reportaje
17-20.
las
FAP,
"
ibid.,
25
pp.
a
no.
as
436
-
leadership
old
in which
situation
of the working
in
class".
idea
of social
there
Peronist
This
sequences".
of national
However,
tactical
in
the
the other
"it
exception
of one
and social
revol-
in
is
through
Peronist
second
the argument,
only
possible
the
liquidation
to
on this
for
support
aimed at
bourgeoisie
cannot
pro-
to its
ultimate
it
was partially
Frondizi
alternative"
as a social
in
conunder-
of an "independent
2
of Perrin.
evaluation
the
they
issue
isolating
to
given
that
and carry
presented
interview,
the national
intransigence
that
in which
liberation
the articulation
by their
the
1971,
that
decision",
was present
ods of struggle
that
Indeed,
implicit.
form
embryonic
liberation
in
was reinforced
duce a process
with
the
than real",
structures".
stance
made up
essentially
of national
in
of national
period,
was present
the objectives
of capitalist
this
chiefly
at a contemp-
the indivisibility
postulates
inspired
achieve
in
had
which
by
bourMovement
the
of
leadership
differentiate
to politically
Alternativismo
ution.
Movement is
armed organisations
important
to arrive
sectors
darxinization
was little
years
"The Peronist
to 1955 but
prior
the following
The alleged
and bureaucratic
geois
bourgeoisie
revise
in
1946-55,
was still
revolutionary,
its
Radmethbut
overshadowed
his
limitations
1.
Ibid.
2.
ibid.,
PAP
spokesmen,
"Con las arenas en la mano, " interview
with
this
inter(April
of
English
version
An
77-80.
1971),
pp.
no. 28
365-373"
Litt,
Kohl
in
pp.
cit.,
op.
and
view appears
437
-
on that
being
score
leader
past
and his
that
Per6n
desire
for
would be politically
6n's
political
suicide
intervened
mise not
a fully-articulated
tary
mentality
frontation
faction,
from
hit
but
of the FAP's
to its
return
the election
of Perbn's
aimed at
National
for
a protest
I.
Ibid.
"blank
for
a Peronist
vote"
for
to extend
of the masses'
con-
programme,
not
the
embrac-
possibly
present
Peronism.
1972 and it
never
really
re-
Whereas one
from
took
the masses,
and turned
its
support
to political
Hector
candidate,
developed
victory,
was all
then unleashed.
conclusion
activity
fusing
levels
end of
isolation
It
a politico-mili-
to orthodox
process
and trying
the
logical
with
a distinct
without
alternative
the disintegrative
mindful
Peron's
to all
cadres
demand
to increase
programme.
of mass struggle
the regime",
as a viable
Crisis
de-
physical
specific
for
win support
"contributing
about
only
alternative
the various
covered
Per6n than
to the process
with
Per-
1974 that
in
had his
became the
propaganda
for
did
itself
its
support
methodology
indications
"he
so opportunely.
well
for
political
as it
ing
might
general
ing
were growing
for
to
belie
were
Events
there
on
he had
him,
restrain
would
he were to do so".
the
was based
even if
and that
system"
in
This
pragmatism
of Peron to Argentina
The return
raised
his
dead if
though
the prediction,
this,
of the
it
Rather,
level".
to the people".
commitment
could
a subjective
"subjective
PAP confidence
that
by the statement
based on his
was not
"his
implied
Cfimpora,
alternativismo
the
by re-
1972
December
in
called
and
There
is
some
I\
438
-
indication
former
of a tendency
line
between
ion,
those
outside
group,
Army in
utionary
October
back
to the
examples
Command vary,
that
tendency.
Cmpora's
would
bureaucrats
plea
torturers
communique rejecting
the struggle
for
they
of opinion
an end to guerrilla
continue
1972-74,
though
roots
Di Pasquale
from
class
the
would
the National
military
would
Olmos,
changed in
and continue
can organ-
alternativismo
its
of the
as
went
and Ongaro.
strengths
the reformist
small
sector
were
Revol-
People's
Peronism,
by Cooke, Rearte,
the working
organise
pure
of Rank-and-File
In June 1973,
and traitors",
oligarchy,
that
from a very
fus-
line
alternative"
Guevarist
October
in
culminating
a phenomenon of
the balance
but
the
with
weak tendencies,
because
possibly
of 1973-74,
it
set
eroded,
"independent
Apart
of the relative
Estimates
rejected
their
1974.
will
latter
were gradually
be seen as essentially
isationally
to end up joining
years
later
which
strengthening
imprisoned
while
for
those
whereas
the former
(FAP17),
for
3A
road of the
fluid
politically
appear
to favour
Command faction
struggle
below,
the
publicly
and announced
"independently
operations
against
of
the
came a
and pledging
for:
"the elimination
the destruction
types of exploitation,
of
of all
the building
of the Just, Free and Sovereign
capitalist
society,
Fatherland:
through the working
the Socialist
Fatherland,
class
and the people taking power".
is
This
2.
1943-1976...,
Both Jantzen,
op. cit.,
p. 132, and Hodges, Argentina.
Hodge's work
p. 103, seem to agree with this judgement.
op. cit.,
factual
Among
numerous
must, however, be treated
with caution.
he maintains
the ERP while PAP National
that PAP 17 joined
errors,
true.
is
the
Montoneros
to
the
over
reverse
went
line of the
to those who supported the political
YAP National
refers
Command itself.
Command and not merely to the National
FAP's National
PAP press conference,
p. 364.
to in Kohl and Litt,
op. cit.,
referred
3.
implied
in
"Escribe
Carlos
Carideo"
1.
op.
cit.
439
-
While
that
stating
factories,
land,
Though it
of
this
it
is
and temporarily
fact
that
"blank
almost
such as "With
six
While
tion
that
nised
class.
They pleaded
of imputing
its
corresponded
with
into
the actual
account
This
line
position
subjective
was supported
2.
Communique:
3.
FAP Regional
ci6n actual,
of
their
for
process
the working
but
the
class
failed
of the workers,
mistake
which
to take
which
to our proposals".
units
of Buenos Aires,
" Militancia,
no,
July
1973),
ibid.,
"
p. 12.
no.
pueblo,
de la situa"Aportes para el anlisis
Buenos Aires,
(16th
" ibid.,
10
August 1973), pp. 19-21.
no.
"FAP al
for
nor socialist.
6 (19th
class".
"ideologism",
peronista,
was an evalua-
without
class
forward
carry
the political
in society
riders
and working
there
a
to
"Perlin
important
people
pueblo
call
for
to the working
of the working
obrera y al
PP. 12-14.
by the
orientations
revolutionary
the aspirations
Influenced
adding
and a "classism"
of consciousness
objective
1973.
August
from
"FAP",
signed
some self-criticism
by the National
to the charge
were neither
1.
in
themselves
guilty
for
the Traitors!
performance
"strategism"
levels
ideal
exploit-
evolution
statements
while
of the Peronist
had isolated
sectarianism,
of
be by the
will
movimientismo,
own recent
they
that
power,
political
had rejected
election,
and not
aspirations
through
was to
the National
criticising
of their
in July
Peronists
million
the Workers
firmly
the precise
issuing
position
the September
revolutionary
of the workers
Command went in
its
in March,
vote"
to follow
the National
revised
the
difficult
that
real
remains
liberation
"the
is
tendency,
clear
"the
that
favouring
measures
government
Command stressed
that
themselves".
workers
all
support
and maintained
ers"
would
the National
the workers,
the
they
- 440 -
C6rdoba,
1
min,
Corrientes,
It
Chaco,
was not
La Plata,
for
maintained
and "for
tories".
There
to control
a strong
conditions
selves
class
as a whole.
chance
to radicalise
icism
sharpened
impossible
class-conciliation
domination
geois
necessitated
from
the
of the
project,
government
level
the rising
In January
provocative
attack
Moving
to the
Guevarists,
it
trying
the fac-
in
in
present
posed by them-
only
National
that
through
Peron,
an
attempting
bourline
a political
which
its
Command withdrew
its
accused
the
with
solidarity
on the Azul
support
People's
garrison.
military
tendency,
the Montonero
3
with
to:
"replace
the real organisation
of the Peronist
workers with
in order to
supposed vanguards which end up making concessions
through
political
space, and which exhaust themselves
maintain
fighting
the system on the terrain
and with the weapons of the
enemy". 4
Perbn's
death
and the
escalation
of repression
accelerated
the process
1974 declaration
Revolutionary
which
of "Karxist-Leninist"
Army and subordination
1.
FAP communique:
1973). p. 29.
"Perlin
2.
FAP communique,
ibid.,
3.
Estrella
4.
La Plata,
Communique of FAP Regional
Berisso,
(17th
31
1974, Militancia,
January 1974),
no.
(Buenos
al
gobierno,
no.
22 (8th
Aires),
culminated
identity,
People's
" ibid.,
11th February
pp.
an
with
latter's
13 (6th
November 1973),
in
a merger
to the
no.
Per6n-
the Isabel
under
the
Roia
Command crit-
facilitating
was clearly
declared
Army's
of
those
of repression.
and publicly
much justification,
to
and pursuing
Revolutionary
closer
were not
government,
1974,
government
of his
They claimed
rapidly.
be when support
of "ideologism"
element
these
course
it
what we produce
that
the
could
we workers
was still
Plata,
long - nor
for
Mar del
September
44-45.
1974.
Ensenada, 5th
pp. 44-45.
January
-441 leadership,
political
uals
groups
and small
the Workers
Revolutionary
had passed
from Peronism
to Guevarism
especially
of the Revolutionary
(MRP), but
this
organisational
entirely
surprising
directly
Individin
the
though
not
an
the words
of the
by the example
influenced
past,
Movement
Peronist
conversion,
in
one records,
(PRT).
Party
Cuban Revolution.
Only a small
National
of the Peronist
minority
to the
sition
from
consciousness
alternativistas,
the former
the failure
Equating
period
revolutionary
6 million
Per6n,
cessions
for
voted
the National
military
political
theses
conditions
with
major
armed struggle,
workers.
in political
and experience
for
successful
labour
adopted
sectors
in
1973-4.
in
especially
In a year
in which
on for
7+ million
ignored
guerrilla
a
between
nearly
voted
of struggle
circumstance.
but
on impat-
a huge gulf
of the
created
to the alteration
Guevara's
tal
struggle
people
shifts
of changes
Command to carry
gather-
conflict
the slowness
PAP guerrillas
for
the National
has to be attributed
it
with
of
based on experience
oppo-
of socialist
industrial
tactical
the
followed
class
a position
between
the contrast
in working-class
ience,
into
even though
government,
Apart
ed pace rapidly.
groups
working
It
had drawn on
one of his
fundamen-
warfare:
1.
"Con las
2.
armas...,
-442-
cannot be promoted,
since the possibilities
have not yet been exhausted".
I
this
maxim is
of guerrilla
warfare.
Surely
in
the
ill-advised
attacks
of this
performance
La Plata.
in
in,
Kloosterman,
(SMATA) since
executed"by
was
documented.
for
turn
the release
role
nounced
in
the
by the
of Elpidio
Cordobazo.
"combative"
Three years
wing
including
ardships,
suspended
their
SMATA Congress
expel
North
Congress
American
union
them.
Guerrilla
promising
Strike
in rewho
jail
for
later,
membership
of Industrial
be persua-
Ongania,
8 months in
for
with
collaboration
deprived
CIA agent,
Daniel
Organisations
Pelican,
the
30 shop stew-
them of their
and proposed
(England:
Kloosterman
A reputed
Detach-
Peronists,
Union
Josb Rucci,
could
General
29-30th
of Peronism
Secretary
with
of War to 4 years
by a Council
management of Peugeot-Safrar.
ards,
Torres,
Car Workers
a charge which
class,
the October
in
Henry Kloosterman
In 1969,
SMATA's non-participation
of the
of CGT General
Ferrari
Maria
to the working
ments as a traitor
sively
Gerardo
the
aide
days before
three
of Dirk
Secretary
General
vengeance
other
businessmen
the assassination
with
examples of foauismo
of "traitors",
which
and unproductive
of foreign
struggle
as outbreaks
as well
campaign
The punishment
1970's.
the continuation
Command's guerrilla
for
valid
of peaceful
that
the next
Benedict
(CIO),
stew-
of the
was present
Che Guevara,
2.
Warfare
1969),
14.
1.
p.
443-
at his
burial.
Another
was the
executioners
Marcelino
August
bureaucrat
tried
fully
which
toppled
riched
himself
as leader
Plata,
worked
hand-in-hand
iness
interests.
A local
partially
Both actions
with
employers
protest
strike,
into
on 27th
of Jose Alonso
who had unsuccess-
Peronist
in
strike
of the
support
1973.
of the Construction
Workers
(UOCRA) in La
Union
his
organised
own bus-
CGT colleagues,
despite
successful
and shopkeepers
workers
general
Command
CGT Region,
Detachment
the assassination
was a right-wing
a regional
"coup"
was only
by the Belloni-Frondizi
Xansilla
to organise
of FAP National
years
by pre-Montoneros.
the fire-power
General-Secretary
killed
Mansilla,
1973,3
to feel
participation.
to relate
were attempts
to workers'
armed struggle
but
struggles
inct
and apposite
been provided
ecution
not
in
neither
carried
in
the following
point
in accusing
terms:
of its
2
when in
had,
terrorists
1970 they
"If
years
paradoxically,
earlier,
of belittling
it
the
criticised
the workers'
own parasites,
Sixty
forward.
struggle
of such assassinations
criticism
of Alonso
strong
fact
won't
Trotsky
the role
ex-
movement is
be strong
had made a
of the
masses:
in order to
"If it is enough to arm oneself with a pistol
If
the
the
struggle?
a
class
efforts
of
one's goal, why
ful of gunpowder and a little
chunk of lead is enough to
the enemy through the neck, what need is there for class
isation? ". 3
1.
2.
"Con las
arenas...,
3.
Trotsky,
Why Marxists
op.
cit.,
p. 3.
achieve
thimbleshoot
organ-
-444Elitist
to the National
no way contributed
independent
and democratic
of the working
nothing
in
masses to play
Quinofiero",
C6rdoba;
in
Julio
October
ian
Hilda
for
forgetting
terrorism
"There
sistance
ted
raint,
for
the year
occupations
not
struggle,
a very
in Rank-and-File
even there,
1.
2.
a year
called
Peronism
(PB),
the name of
was for
the Comando
Ceskr
it
which
statements
killed
restoration,
could
yet
class,
supported
this
prior
17th October
a period
initial
of rest-
to give
the promised
mainly
class
was* so alien
once the
were prepared
produce
such
by the working
class
most workers
that
of the working
Peronism
agrar-
about
and promoted
wielded
in which workers
sector
union
of those
whether
the Peronist
had ceased,
on 12th
home of Julio
be negotiated".
not
will
of guns,
following
in
came bellicose
The blood
flag.
was done in
on the
workers
Detachment
workers
the
of landowner
promises
their
of vengeance
acts
for
the province.
efficacy
small
1974 attack
was only
sector
the
Iaorayro
of our people
Everything
government
It
in
in
demanded
on Fiat
disposal
the
January
these
struggle
or not.
factory
for
be no white
will
a faith
to it;
his
de Nalina's
Accompanying
as:
mayor of Famaillfi,
right-wing
in
an
traitor
home of "the
bureaucracy
workers
in
of constructing
on the
the union
the agrarian
assassinated
and no role
for
by them,
because they
applause.
1973 attack
no role
Guerrero
Saracho,
the August
than
rather
organisation,
except
of spying
1973 for
reform;
class
the workers
Command's objective
workers'
accused
Romero,
for
of vengeance,
acts
that
the
goods.
grouped
armed campaign
to 1973,
and
a minority
(6th
Septem13
FAP National
in Militancia,
nos.
orations
reported
ber 1973), 21 (1st November 1973) and 34 7th February 1974) respectively.
(6th
13
Sepibid.,
no.
PAP National
communique of 27th August 1973,
tember 1973). pp. 28-29.
- 445 -
disagreement.
The other
to make life
attempt
in Argentina
On the
gunned the
home of Fiat
ning".
trade
union
In November
1973,
John Swint,
when they
resisted
a kidnapping
Villagra"
FAP Detachments.
during
manager,
This
for
essentially
there
responsible
for
In
National
after
Swint's
death,
Swint
killing
also
some sectors
which
ments involved
riate
part
22 Ford executives
on its
rebounded
the National
of the profits
which
of IKA-Renault)
labour
to link
relations
up with
workers'
at Transax.
from
of our country
2
on
It
was
Ford,
of the workers",
the
conflict
by superexploitation
this
and bodyguard
Cordoba.
designed
the pillaging
target.
(a subsidiary
(an affiliate
and
"Peres sini-Olmedo-Baffi-
August
in
partially
political
as the prime
Goya, IKA-Renault
dispute
was only
for
sacked
chauffeur
by the
attempt
Luis
a car workers'
an attempt
companies
his
with
"as a war-
Cordoba,
manager of Transax
The following
Ricardo
campaign
struggles,
along
commandos machine-
in
chief
and the"execution'of
its*
was selected
general
was killed
foreign
of workers
however,
Ford,
of Ford Argentina)
the Permanent
security
the rehiring
militancy.
for
inauguration,
Concord's
for
aiid called
unbearable
eve of Chmpora's
ecutives.
of the National
feature
major
into
pulling
fled
success
revulsion
causing
in
order
exploiting
1.
FAP National
May 1973.
communique,
quoted
in
2.
FAP National
communique,
quoted
in
ibid.,
30th
the
among
week
-a
However,
the country.
perpetrators,
of kidnapping
of Argentina.
out
of temporary
1922 onwards,
Herald,
to
"exprop-
the workers
28th
November 1973.
446-
and carries
to
off
which
likely
the United
might
illas
to
who tried
turned
popular
inhabitants.
The campaign
ended with
to respond
each persecution
batants
its
banners.
With
by political
selves
in
far
as the
ors
of that
discovered
labour
general
public
apparently
in
La Plata
(by
the
not
guerrwere
torn
apart
August
1974,
campaign
by the
species
extinct
and four
and hit
Villaflor
influenced
campaign,
to submerge
into
them-
history,
as
1975 surviv-
was
arrested.
militants
Militancia,
three
merged
PAP
splits
in September
were sighted
Renb Mas in
day it
of the military
of reprisals
Perhaps
and attempted
to
the National
clutching
profile.
though
un-
of 16 ERP com-
Lt. Col.
by internal
now led
a much lower
trying,
government),
massacre
of recalcitrants
armed actions
struggles.
in
The following
by the ineffectiveness
killing,
a shanty-town
wounding
24th.
a handful
to adopt
in
the ERP's
the remnants,
repression,
the
by seriously
on October
organisation
to some extent,
they
After
with
4
only
were forced
brothers,
too,
their
in Catamarca
solidarity
attempt
an assassination
with
".
army officers
senior
while
Command still
"in
against
into
of activists....
Command expressed
truck
earlier
a position
self-preservation,
bands,
by the fascist
in
milk
the
the case of
away by its
successfully,
for
approval.
a hijacked
take
as in
be necessary
well
to meet with
States",
raids
station
no.
(6th
26
December 1973),
26, op.
cit.
p. 46.
1.
PAP National
communique,
2.
Buenos Aires
Herald,
3.
FAP National
4.
in
assassinawounded
killed
others
Nine officers
several
and
were
ERP
1974
camreprisal
September-December
during
the
tion attempts
the
young
December
in
after
It
was suspended prematurely
paign.
the
in
cross-fire
killed
Humberto
Captain
Viola
daughter
was
of
during her father's
assassination.
communique,
Militancia,
no.
447
-
October,
PAP 17th
avoided
the
acquire
many of
the
that
he meant
socialism,
hands
of the
oligarchy,
hands
of the
bourgeoisie",
ical
very
close
though
in
recent
"the
that
working
to be
claiming
He
so as to
years
Moreover,
he was full
and also
in May
from prison
to the
merger.
tionary",
supporting
Montoneros
Feeling
the
for
of the future
the rest
Montonero
tendency
really
movimientista.
Movement.
asserting
sectors,
class
taking
to
from
the
from
the
total
of
polit-
power".
Like
Per6n,
from
FAP electioneering
El Kadri,
to be a de facto
"expropriation
1972 as a re-
was released
release,
the Peronist
with
in
only
in a revolutionary
illusions
his
after
two chapters.
and subsequent
they
to
in the last
leadership
alternativismo
become "unconnected"
mentioned
However,
showed himself
an alternativista,
suggested
Left.
FAP political
When interviewed
1973.
vices
of elections
Command, only
of the National
the movimientista
alongside
the
the movimientista
by Envar El Kadri,
led
PAP faction
and "ideologism"
the announcement
of
sult
"atrategism"
between
Differences
the other
"in
class
nativismo
indicated
in a letter
1.
El Kadri interview,
PP. 3-5.
2.
Ibid.
displayed
which
predicted
a FAP-FAR-
the Movement is
"national
a dramatic
reality.
metamorphosis.
The military
El Kadri,
in
wing
features,
pro"the
and his
However,
the
(Buenos Aires),
revolu-
liberation"
aimed at achieving
2
El Kadri
the Movement",
some movimientista
Liberaci6n
a position
activity
within
in
so fundamental
all
alleged
organisational
(working)
had always
reality,
government's
by early
that
had reached
Taco
(1973),
5,
undated
no.
448
Ralo Detachment,
After
this
movimientista
capable
of spreading
praising
tellectuals
ing,
sent
fighting
intellectual
debt
the Peronist
Movement for
our love
for
later
- but
through
had envisaged
Peron,
something
of a quasi-alternativista
the
imprisonment
of key cadres
for
however,
fully
September
with
solidarity
for
support
the
Bidegain
El Kadri
and 2nd-in-Command
the latter
1.
lip-service
to
between
the idea
they
or attend-
as delegate
to Per-
of Buenos Aires
Council
scheme and
Armed
Province,
both
the provincial
and later
in Tourism.
1973 because
While
Arregui
op.
were
They
and Revolutionary
worked for
of
organised
of building
because
Reconstruction
Montoneros
Defence
at
partly
because
partly
El Kadri
National
Caride
on the Civil
incompatibility
or Movement posts,
an occasion
as Governor
paying
the Youth,
Carlos
his
before
shortly
and sent
Per6n's
lasted
While
by now total
all
soon to be united
Forces.
government,
in
with
until
by
share-out
Youth-Montoneros
1973 meeting
to express
leader
job
led
alternative
until
participate
ed by the Peronist
on's
the
to integration,
resistance
bases"
1
and others.
working-class
was
the people"
and solid
to 1972,
prior
out
did,
Arregui
which
prepared
that
an "independent"
even less
of Hernndez
"It
-
reasons
for
PAP
joined
initially
of our love
or liv-
a great
acknowledged
"more firm
with
dying
is worth
than rational
rather
commitment
be remembered
must also
El Kadri
1970.
it
which
the expression
the ideas
ivismo
death.
emotional
this
provided
for
being
to the author.
absorbing
It
ideas
implementation",
their
for
for
mentor
in January
of the
still
alternative",
of 15th January
pp. 547-9.
cit.,
1970,
in
449
FAP 17 deprived
the notion
of the working
resentative
the Montoneros
National
ly
Front"
i.
FREJULI..
e.
in
opportunistic
its
of their
support:
certain
tactical
allies
FAP 17 tendency
the retention
bureaucrats
being
for
ation
to justice
"fonuista
to its
Front!
breadth"
essence"
personal
"independent
The Peronist
with
a "classist
FAP 17's
experience,
er equated with
of El Kadri's
for
of the working
both
so-called
due
class"
of the masses",
"historical
of the
"mistakes"
of bringing
National
and
Liber-
"polyclass-
essence".
Movement,
led
only
same communique
of the
des-
politics,
Command's policy
the
its
social
revolution-
of foauismo,
critique
Foauismo
trenchant.
was authoritatively
the technical
like
assertions
of the Peronist
which
the process
from
"allies"
clasista
alternative
to the broadening
prejudicial
Despite
ary
the
rhetoric
they
structuring
back from
in
was criticised
methods isolated
step
the National
For instance,
to develop
failing
a major
postures.
absurd
ist
involved
The formal
tomorrow,
With
people".
ad-
to reject
us today
or possibly
and the
class
the existing
can lead
because yesterday,
with
the Montoneros,
"no determinism
and broaden
of any "allies"
acceptance
vantage
pite
Like
"rep-
and by agreeing
the government"
in
class
Peron as the
by presenting
of content
based on
was no longgroup
but
was rather:
(which)
El Descamisado,
us from
was isolating
One cannot replace
or
the
of
workorganisation
(4th
16
September
1.
FAP 17 communique,
2.
3.
Ibid.
no.
peronista,
1973),
" Mili-
p. 29.
450
however,
The critique,
was still
now part
of the Montoneros,
sumption
of armed struggle.
FAP 17 felt
that
that
the
into
guerrillas
The laying
from
Carlos
Caride
vented
by the
security
Caride
of a pistol
from prison
Isabel
two months
tacit
had actually
Quieto
and
on trumped-up
charges
in-
was sought
on an arms
in
allegedly
possession
to be followed
and President
later,
Firmenich,
1974,
on the route
Bordaberry
by a motor-
of the fact
that
supporters,
more lethal
nothing
contained
His
of Uruguay.
a campaign by his
after
admission
governmental
Like
El Kadri
up in February
hope.
not
arrested
whereas
grenade,
Peron,
did
follow
forlorn
war -a
agencies.
services
and powerful
represented
1973-74
Move-
revolutionary
was temporarily
was picked
cade transporting
release
a clandestine
assume
the Peronist
in
that
1974 re-
paradox,
participation
of repressive
Jaime,
the September
in
this
enough to ensure
down of arms in
the attentions
charge.
To explain
PAP 17, by
a year
within
was participating
movimientista
for
partial,
than
potatoes!
Since
their
the only
and the
origins
was only
Caride
October,
17th
the public
of his
PAP 17 followed
tacular
both
guerrilla
former
suit.
FAP 17 leaders
to join
victim
Caride
man in
July;
authorities
El Kadri
managed to get
enthusiastically
of Rank-and-File
Most,
prepared
they
informed
if
during
to Spain,
to return
not
in
of the Montoneros
forces
to the security
a minor
only
attack
to find
fusion
Peronism
were to participate
failures
was
On 26th
experiences.
the Montoneros.
and political
fell
their.
Subsequently,
actions
the Montoneros
rhetoric,
and shared
the dissolution
organisation
decision
FAP 17 from
empty alternativista
discussions
announced
sister
separating
former's
of time,
a matter
June 1974,
difference
in
all,
of
the specbut
1976.
on a policethe Spanish
him to Argentina.
- 451 -
'Alternatiyista'
Other
Brief
Guerrillas
towards
embrace alternativismo
just
as transient
ical
developments.
Both
the
"Cooke-Pujadas
do, however,
ed critiques
of the Montoneros
independence
of the national
ered
themselves
their
energies
to their
to polemical
of the
William
for
its
movimientista
the
predominantly
Of particular
Montonero
iated"
2.
impact
for
some attention
inside".
parent
on polit-
they
While
declaring
these
columns
organisation
to
was
Recovery
an effort
Pujadas,
convert
accused
alternativismo
of being
"Jose
providtheir
consid-
and devoted
Montoneros
other
the
national
which
"a lack
differentiated
column
of internal
into
and polby
The Cooke-Pujadas
working-class
stressing
the
organ-
"abstract"
provided
democracy
alternativistas".
from
of
of the Montoneros.
Out of dissident
itself
(presumably)
this
leadership
seen as products
composition
alternativista,
however,
bearing
criticised
social
but
that
and opportunism,
revealing
two columns,
bureaucratism,
Quantitatively,
1.
work in
vacillations
interest
way of an insult,
isational
of their
alternativismo
made little
leadership,
Montonero
petty-bourgeois
discussion
Recovery
the
Their
own viewpoints.
The smaller
itical
"from
be part
to still
merit
began to
columns which
as that
Navarro-Column"
Sabino
mist
mention
Navarro
and "emac2
Command.
Column,
named
452
second Montonero
the
after
been a worker),
its
strength
was the
was a theoretical
which
appeared
vided
a class
to
the
that
study
the
leaves
"There
ist
view
in
people"
a document
conclusion
bourgeoisie
nor
keynote
industrial
working
which
the hands
a slogan
within
but rather
bourgeoisie
in
imp-
versus
Left)
the
exclusively
owed much
was neither
society
versus
as its
Column pro-
which
to the
of the native
and took
Liberation
many alternativistas,
Its
for
they
of Montoneros
Column's
attitude
that
he did
members alleged
1973, but
of the
which
Grande:
of the
retained
rejection
towards
"what
Capital-
Their
of their
of stages
as being
1.
According
to statements
made by Mario Firmenich
in the Buenos Aires Herald,
conference,
reported
2.
At least five
"Notes
in Militancia,
lished
3.
Peralta
Ramos, Etapas de acumulac16n...,
I do not
op. cit..
connections
wish to imply that the author had any political
Column.
4.
Montoneros
"Militancia,
for Militants"
appeared,
& 35.
nos. 20,26,30
and
to the def-
pointing
Navarro
own
of the
critique
of the theory
Per6n was
the people
on the basis
was an alternativista_
but
the
him in September
programme which
movimientismo
inition
capital
almost
accompanying
Navarro
and voted
Montoneros
and led
view)
for Militante"
of "Notes
developments
and
contribution
prime
of the non-Peronist
"weakening
banners
somewhat ambiguous.
radical
Ramos,
Montonero
the Montoneros
the Sabino
in Argentine
monopoly
can be no National
Like
these,
of some sectors
to the
pointed
System".
want"
(the
the nation
Its
a series
Argentine
contradiction"
and Peronist
appeared
In
of post-war
anti-imperialist
workers
and international
It
through
(the
national
class.
analysis
versus
proletariat
to Cbrdoba.
developed,
Militancia.
in
had
significantly,
group to leave
important
restricted
one,
"principal
erialism
commander-in-chief
only
was mainly
(who,
at a Montonero press
7th June 1974.
of which
para militantes
pp. 32-34.
four
no.
3,
453
-
who fight
those
"all
ally
tion,
their
ideology
to specific
political
unrelated
incapable
ivistas
events.
and tactical
line
list
but
also
to
after
of their
ique
5
ants".
response
Army".
the
Sabino
Montonero
foauismo
of the radicalised
As such it
country".
which
envisaged
Navarro
a general
the incorporation
their
as "in
bourgeoisie
represented
a kind
"a proposal
not
solely
working
class"
and finally
commitment
to an armed
a penetrating
4th
"Note
general
from
for
critMilit-
a 'spontaneist'
general,
to the
for
of triumpha-
did
the
Column provided
in
of
alternative
organisations
was characterised
petty
into
alternative-of
foauismo
alternat-
the political
lacked
and, moreover,
victory
Despite
these
political
fell
the politico-military
previous
Here,
provide
"we all
of abstrac-
a viable
of an "independent
but
it.
that
contra-
to each turn
response
attaining
Ctmpora's
"developing
however,
itself
admitted
the People's
strategy,
file"
to the building
building
the
not
It
workers.
drunkenness"
look
for
at a level
leaving
to socialism
commitment
equipment
a political
of providing
Argentine
socio-political
situations,
same
and unrealistic-
mechanically
had remained
the
of other
of the
an analysis
into
At
weakness
central
contradictions
soico-economic
14oreover,
dictions.
then
production-and
of
the
they
groups:
alternativista
the regime".
against
quarter
Column isolated
Navarro
the Sabino
time,
without
of
problems
which
fact
in
Montoneros
ibid.,
no.
"Cartilla
Josh Sabino Navarro:
Para militantes
20 (25th October 1973), pp. 43-44.
no.
1, "
2.
Montoneros
ibid.,
no.
"Cartilla
Jose Sabino Navarro:
35 (21st February 1974), pp.
no.
5, "
3.
4.
1.
5.
"Ante
la
pare militantes
30-33.
confusion,
" ibid.,
no,
32
454had no real
influence
the guerrillas
to attempt
initiatives,
"the
full
political
military
al
struggle,
from above",
the Montonero
of "the
category
Another
had in
all
ical
"
cadres
into
practice
is
the
foauismo
mientista
tonero
not
sealed
"acts
it
off
a militaristic
their
in
original
which
and a militarisation
of
the
cid mistakes,
which
"absorption
of polit-
"conviction
that
Fundamentally,
in-
armed
the weakness
the
1973-74,
of publicised
had taken
themselves
armed actions
the
of
projects
within
to the Peronist
into
organisation
its
Peronism
The Sabino
and their
were ascribed
and,
failure
to the
above",
had
moreover,
had
Movement "from
rank-and-file
movi-
to the political
of stages
from rank-and-file
of organisation.
that
had represented
and structure
theory
the
for
responsible
conception
acceptance
form
its
of a
the
and the
of truth".
of
subordination
of armed voluntarism
structure"
criterion
antagonistic
integrated
of the
the acquisition
own experiences
(as tendencial)",
theory
of
they
a "propos-
characteristic"
of the fighter
as "an expression
of the foauista
that
as "was seen in
vacillations
IKontonero
the
of
all-embracing
had transcended
attitudes,
was also
to recognise
fact
only
suspension
camp".
even there
Being
that
an ideological
foguismo
translation
in
"acquiring
the military
This
but
the service
in
latter
it
-
Based on their
for
a contempt
masses,
the
(aspect)"
a super-valuation
political
of foguismo
all
of life.
aspects
had led
People".
character,
mystique,
deviations",
immersed
to the military
methodological
fact
through
(was)
practice,
foco
fact
characteristic
the political
heroic
political
latter
isolation
and opportunist
and dependent
but
class
of the
Recognition
to overcome their
"populist
of
structure
working
upon them.
influence
by retaining
Navarro
of
455
foauismo
reject
up to 1973,
paign
the military
that
without
were that
critique
of foauismo
bridge
and failed
the fatal
saw its
gap between
Navarro's
disciples
can thus
of foauismo
critical
weaknesses
pointing
type
the latter
but
the Patria
Col-
for
one form
which might
as a method,
Navarro
valid
formula
an alternative
armed struggle
stressed
and retained
as only
cam-
undermine
foguismo
of the Sabino
criticisms
guerrilla
was so damning
of, criticisms
spoke of building
it
but also
organisations
set
the
had helped
to elaborate
most alternativistas,
organisation
this
would
it
that
maintained
qualifications.
umn's
ino
However,
conclusion
- it
flawed
while
regime.
logical
the
of hand though
out
Like
class.
working-class
politico-military
be credited
with
not with
resolving
Josb Sab-
itself.
of structure
isolating
these
the
of
some
nor
problems
Socialista.
Peronism
GENERAL/
"CONFORMES/CO21FORMES/CONFORMES
3
CONFORMESLOS BURGUESES/NOSOTROSA LUCHAR"
Peronism
Rank-and-File
a direct
conscious
product
Peronist
of
(PB),
the experiences
workers
of the
unlike
its
guerrilla
and struggles
late
1960's
of the
and early
counterpart,
was
most class1970's.
Created
1.
Ibid.
2.
It should be noted that there were in fact two Montoneros Jose SabMontonero
The original
ino Navarro Columns.
one was a right-wing
from
drew
its
in
1973
faction
mainly
withsupport
which appeared
and
University
Youth (JUP) and to a lesser extent from
in the Peronist
(JP)
Youth
the
Peronist
Buenos Aires sections
and the Montonero
of
Early in 1974, this predominantly
student group
apparatus.
military..
(Loyalists')
from the Monformed the basis of the Lealtad
splinters
tonero tendency.
3.
the
that
bourthe
A 1974 PB chant, directed
to
Perbn,
effect
at
but that they, the
geoisie
was in agreement with government policy
for
their
the
to
objectrank-and-file,
struggle
were going
continue
ives.
- 456 -
the
after
Cordobazo
most radical
proletarian
Its
ment.
tancy
leading
who retained
working
claps
class
and insistence
found
labour
that
of
three
union
as to the organisational
as well
aro,
(CGTA) of
tines
1968-70.
enemies
of Peronism
geoisie
in
not
of
ible
general
reflect
its
the
had briefly
1955 military
Workers
All
wing,
nature
partial
1
been a Peronist
coup.
Federation,
and that
fact,
of their
successes.
life
As General
he had risen
things,
of the
not
on the
by the fact
to the
example
only
traditional
the bour-
against
Their
of the
unionist
prior
back in
rather
1945 and
to the September
35,000-strong
to become a leader
did
radicalism
was to be respons-
ultimately
a decade later
of
revolution
as a trade
Secretary
Peron-
of Rank-and-File
also
bureaucracy.
labour
than
forms
influence
Di Pasquale
extents,
of the
deputy
Cooke's
against
union
had started
and social
experience
to differing
mili-
the elaboration
The emergence
Jorge
union
organisational
to Cooke but
struggled
also,
a radicalisation
Amado Olmos
1.
but
most combative
for
debt
Amado Olmos,
militants,
for
among other
leader.
theoretical
owed a great
his
However,
been limited,
or union
a worker
experience.
call
Move-
most of the
that
Peronist
of national
echo in PB.
trade
and proven
politico-military
indivisibility
Peronism
for
option
a resounding
its
PB was the
the Peronist
within
recognising
of Peronism,
analysis
upon the
he was not
through
1970,
identity,
going
theory,
revolutionary
to develop
society
the latter
in
congress
of Argentine
was still
Cooke's
at a first
organisation
activists
whose analysis
ism yet
all
and formalised
Health
of the Peronist
62
Biographical
data on Amado Olmos is drawn from "E1 pensamiento de
Amado Olmos, a cinco afros de su muerte, " Militancia,
(31st
33
no.
January 1974), pp. 26-30, republication
by Bernardo
of an article
Alberte
(19th
which first
Plana,
250
Decin
Primera
appeared
no.
ember 1967).
457
the
Organisations
after
1962 national
conference
ical
of the
tion.
After
Peronist
the
Cooke,
with
ments
oligarchy
of major
over
in
a rad-
economic
sectors,
the
tactics",
over exporta-
control
Cooke admitted
premature
of
friendship
a genuine
clashes
her husbands's
Olmos after
approved
1962,
of personality
the 62's
over
which
and workers'.
Olmos developed
one devoid
differed
to Adela
condolence
Cordoba,
Grande,
control
successes,
not
Olmos presided
Strike.
to become a deputy
election
"we often
State
landed
failing
though
at Huerta
for
programme calling
expropriation
1959 General
of
death
in
early
1968.2
It
move to
cided
Cuba, to a January
to leave
commented that
national
coup,
it
Olmos helped
"
former
in response
a more left-wing
the
regime,
Alonso
Bernardo
coup,
attacked
Alberte,
to the threat
before
is
Alonso
at
Olmos
of the
build
trade
the 62
union
and tried
groupto give
to countenance.
was willing
labour
of other
de-
latter
1966 Onganja
Josh Alonso
posed by Vandor,
of one of Perbn's
dying
the grave
up to the
Secretary
became a leading
by Primera
Interviewed
than
"participationism"
support
When the
the Perlin-sponsored
a Perlin),
Olmos briefly
Spain
him to
urging
endorsement,
character
the
CGT.
refusing
of Per6n in
CGT General
created
After
"The residency
to Perlin,
of the
1965 plenary
letter
revolution...
on Foot
ing
the
letter
Cooke's
opponent
leaders
union
most radical
of the new
including
"delegates",
Plana
shortly
before
his
death,
Olmos put
B.
1.
See Appendix
2.
3.
458-
forward
ista
a political
position
featuring
yet
a firm
the
the Labour
Minister
ions
for
cause it
San Sebastian"
to
labour
problems,
the
people
under
solutions
a dependent
is
he reiterated
time,
the workers
rather
than
to the
trade
that
"it
Olmos thus
but,
forces,
to exercise
to
Cooke,
this
since
verticalismo
separated
after
his
death
The heritage
ership
Olmos from
being
leaders
of the mid-1960's
elaborated
are
critique
bureaucratisation
negate
below
of the trade
the
com-
of the Movement
"the
of
other
essence
of Peronism".
for
principle
the
which
of
frui-
reached
union
bureaucracy,
that
"as union
the political
leadership.
in
lead-
on working-class
Olmos recognised
echelons
hegemony".
nonetheless
of real
by 1967 he saw
leadership
and support
of the higher
he had looked
an exclusion
were representative
1959,
the alternativismo
by Cooke.
elected"
Movement
workers'
er also
they
be to totally
but which
the
over
to involve
'polyclassism'
and an embryonic
sense that
was not
would
of Peronist
to take
1959, that
Peronist
In
this
At the same
".
hegemony but
from
"emerging
workers
thi$
that
be-
capitalism)
by him in
the
solut-
provide
country...
party.
preventing
who are
the regime)"
hegemony in
for
government
cannot
expressed
leaders
Acceptance
tion
first
their
to. the
liberal
a dependent
government,
an independent
looked
(of
on "homages to
going
looking
structures
create
leaders,
for
government
try
the
as for
these
"the
establish
(with
promised
for
had to
union
is
and for
the attitude,
to
leaders
union
He sharply
interests.
to workers'
commitment
"participationist"
criticised
of Cooke - pre-alternativ-
to that
similar
the unions,
the
officials,
the latttrade
union
in
representatives
Pointing
to the
Olmos criticised
the:
"leaders
the lifestyles,
who have acquired
cars, houses, investto
be fightthey
ments and tastes
claim
of the oligarchy
which
Of course, with such attitudes,
ing.
they cannot lead the
the
459
-
class".
working
1967 he differentiated
in
Moreover,
of trade
two kinds
between
union-
ism:
"The worker does not want solutions
from above because he's suffThe worker
ered from them for twelve years and they're
no good.
trade unionism which projects
towards
itself
wants an integral
the control
of power and which ensures the wellbeing
of all the
The other type is imperialist
trade unionism
'yellow'
people.
our role to wage bargaining
which seeks to restrict
and holiday
camps". 2
of these
Both
the
ramme of
cipal
were later
quotations
in
enshrined
which
the
recognised
prin-
mentor.
Jorge
Di Pasquale
tancy
and,
like
While
still
in
his
before
posts
strategic
the rise
of Vandorism
He led
positions.
of the
Secretary
and Per6n's
as being
elected
lost
As the militants
and others
organisations
a national
years,
Di Pasquale
to recover
1960's,
to the socialist
ground
were forced
in
the national
to look
while
union
Council
from
Peronist
of Peronism
union
Assoc-
(1960-62),
1963,
elections
also
key
several
countries-in
trade
of
of militants
of Orthodox
to the creation
he occupied
frustrated
the
in
trade
62 Organisations
of the
and Supervisory
deputy
the
prison.
of the Association
a removal
produced
Secretary
delegate
personal
Resistance
Confederation
the
Coordinating
in
Secretary
In the early
1958.
mili-
spells
struggles
General
of Peronist
record
several
with
the early
elected
iations
quale
in
it
for
the Peronist
being
Pharmacy Workers
during
20's
in
before
had a creditable
also
had paid
Olmos,
had participated
movement,
(1962)
as well
of 1962.
movement,
of rank-and-file
tactically
allying
1.
"El
2.
"La Burocracia,
3.
pensamiento
" Militancia,
no.
op. cit.
19 (18th
October
Di Pas-
1973),
PP. 16-17.
de
-460 -
displaced
with
Ongaro
Peronists,
November
became a public
1966 but
was still
elected
CGT Congress.
It
led
der
62 on Foot,
of
Cmara, as well
Bible
as his
clared
that:
Along with
much later.
to the
not
leadership
Secretary
at
Catholicism
other
of the Printers
Union in
as much as union
experience
and the
text
political
own childhood,
Interviewed
book.
of Camilo
examples
of his
as the poverty
mili-
the labour
name in
a universally-known
General
was radical
the young
'theology
by the
figure
he was elected
movement until
which
in
the Vandorists.
against
tant
of the bureaucracy,
sectors
Influenced
the
Ongaro took
the end of
at
and Hel-
Torres
1968, he de-
"Christ
he surrounded himself
was no proprietor;
with the humble,
he was no mercantilist,
the traders;
used the whip against
econhe condemned lucre and exploitation".
omist or financier,
2
For
Ongaro,
capitalism
an invention
In
trying
the
of man which
not
promise
early
only
dured
up to his
Christian
martyrs
During
incorruptible.
Christ
of structural
to live
the agonies
of
of Christianity
was a negation
his
had condemned.
but
revolution
but always
many terms
torture
Socialism
also
remained
in
by reciting
prison,
chunks
held
property
the
out
liberation.
of spiritual
Ongaro suffered
faith,
and private
dignified,
he is
principled
and
to have en-
reputed
of the Bible
as
to his
police
tormentors.
As leader
being
elected
a victory
for
movement with
of the
General
Secretary
the militants
them.
1.
data
Biographical
el pueblo salvar
2.
Ibid.,
p. 90.
Printers
but
Though "the
Union,
Ongaro rose
to prominence
were unable
rebels",
as they
to take
the whole
were called,
through
This
labour
had a
book,, Solo
was
461
-
the
majority
at
unions.
Larger
Congress,
Labour
the
of the
Party
unist
the
Argentines
which
carried
May 1968,
must only
a call
to action
and struggle
and monopolies:
workers
an easy road,
le
natural
and social
support
in
often
the downfall
worker-student
and all
and for
However,
its
CGT of
below
Grande Programme
It
of
the
May
finest
for
1969 which,
led
by the
1.
to the preparations
"The strugg-
the recovery
of
of power to be return-
not
led
numerous
part
the C6rdoban
planned
or formally
made by Ongaro's
Trabaiadores
company".
a decisive
came during
by
was qualified
a foreign
though
wings
the
which'played
hour
each per-
is
overtones,
Its
that
emphasis
working-class
offers
penetration
"exercise
the
the
offer
and "combative"
of foreign
called
the military
does not
"classist"
It
of society".
against
lie.
another
man-
a militant
the benefit
company opposing
political
of Onganda.
rising
forms
justice"
from
by the
class".
"each national
for
Throughout
struggles,
had
a time
the
take
not
of the working
ed to the people".
its
Gen-
of the Comm-
as that
issued
for
exist
outlook,
Supported
movement,
mission
"freedom
a pleasing
the monopolies
against
the
could
station".
labour
the
CGT of
for
of the Huerta
points
"Property
regime
of
it
that
son a battle
the new
on to
faction
regional
that
realised
the central
reiterated
and declared
It
latter
smaller
over.
On Ist
ifesto
the
until
Ongaro's
the
especially
to recognise
managed to hold
of several
country,
HQ.
the
amongst
between Ongaro's
split
CGT which
Azopardo
mainly
refused
was a two-year
Confederation's
support
unions
the Argentines
lay
strength
leadership
eral
their
y al
Pueblo,
"rebels"
462
for
such a spontaneous
outburst
by receiving
unity
student-worker
Union holiday
Printers
Ongaro himself
of protest.
the
camp in
leaders
had promoted
of 14 student
joint
groups
action
at a
against
the regime.
Through
setting
a combative
of ad hoc leadership
during
Argentines
fulfilled
one of its
lived.
never
It
importance
saw itself
of legality
to incorporate
levels
of consciousness.
unionism
Rather,
and establish
Firstly
cracies
behind
strategic
had firm
often
Backed initially
roots
by only
in
half
dissolution
Peronist
because,
views
and
a new style
of
political
and representative
failure,
union
after
several
once the
the experiment,
allies.
fearful
This
by Jeronimo
the metalworkers,
relatively
labour
it
Perlin
had encouraged
Madrid
would
get
tactical
switch
Remorino
as "delegate",
the
whose bureaumemberships.
movement,
lost
which
their
out
warning,
Perlin
of the
1968,
but
suspended
bour-
the replacement
of Bernardo
was seen in
ignored
the formation
in February
residence
well-paid
lacked
Ongaro at his
"participationists"
like
their
the
the
affiliates
2.
due to the
both
was to develop
long-term
its
unions,
many of its
1.
of their
more democratic
was short-
success
unionism
intent
of the big
support
Alberte
its
its
instrument,
regardless
workers,
the CGT of
glorious
geois
but
main purposes,
trade
a degree
providing
insurrections,
as a revolutionary
all
The reasons
structures.
and often
1969 provincial
to successful
unions
trade
the
example
the latter
Perbn's
being
strongly
order.
im1948-66.
463
Ultimately,
the labour
within
formism
movement of the
as a defence
as well
to undermine
but
his
here
later.
For those
would
as the
serve
was not
negligible
joined
and others
leaders'
union
- textile
workers,
1-
the
"rebels"
Argentina's
ciera,
the printers
dundancy
toll
Early
for
lions
1969,
of
Juregui,
former
1.
Ongaro,
2.
Buenos Aires
op.
trade
the
CGTA.
killed
cit.,
p.
Herald,
builders,
in
here
success
meat workers
spite
of their
generalised.
leader
Union
campaign by employers
Union,
but
sacked
not
only
the
after
(UTA) HQ by
armed thugs,
Fabril
47 militants
defence,
their
which
also,
Compa:Kia General
In addition
during
the
Revolutionary
Finanand though
the eventual
gained
Youth
1969.
of isolating
executing
considerable
suppression
109.
11th April
before
to the
Peronist
Their
strike
its
company,
repression
to the declining
de base) which
Printers
the
Ongaro
re-
1,000.2
of militant
and workers
1969,
a little
(agrupaciones
the
months in
several
political
students
in
Peronism
conflicts.
the Transport
significantly
and encouraged
was it
with
re-
Rebellion"
was a successful
printing
was around
expressions
grce
from
largest
struck
Finally,
ling
confederation
headquarters.
its
with
reason
barons
CGT of Azopardo,
metalworkers,
of the CGTA:
provided
"rebel"
in
class
of Rank-and-File
but neither
contributing
labour
July
Ist
working
privilege.
groups
leadership
the
reflected
"Rank-and-File
of
to Ongaro
opposition
the Vandorist
effective
the nerve-centre
against
those
rank-and-file
boycott
A third
cry
1960's
Vandorist
supporting
the
to organise
militants
of the
prefigured
unions
late
of bureaucratic
attempts
the strong
the coup de
number of
of the provincial
a martyr
(JRP)
and stif-
rebel-
in Emiliano
activist
and Press
464
Secretary
Press Workers
the
of
union
than
no fewer
police
workers'
meetings
workers'
protest
times,
six
often
a sugar
against
mill
his
to prevent
by the
flown
to join
in
to Bahia
a sugar
January
in
closure
Many
participation
Vista
Bella
When nearing
or strikes.
during
Rockefeller.
by Nelson
harassment
of 1969,
kidnapped
ply
to constant
months
six
dead by a policeman
shot
a visit
against
were subjected
the first
In
Ongaro.
Union,
dumped
and just
Blanca
there.
While
ipationist"
Cngania
to his
taking
over
It
advantage.
the unions
of Seige
and imposing
were imprisoned
and Ongaro,
State
labour
ience,
destine
rank-and-file
charged
with
responsibility
for
of that
After
from
prison.
Ongaro,
American
worker",
Vandor's
this
death,
exper-
more to clan-
vulnerability
of surface
organisation
for
militants
is
there
capital,
and students
the emerging
an enemy army,
then we will
Ongaro declared
had to
after
his
create
release
Rank-and-File
1.
expressed.
"If
looked
of popular
of many of these
North
the Argentine
army to defend
New forms
was openly
an army to defend
year.
seen the
having
activity,
be developed
is
of workers
organisations
there
the rest
CGTA,
declaring
call,
Hundreds
for
temporthe
outlawing
law.
to enemy attack.
armed organisations
of the manner
martial
like
militants
for
a CGTA strike
supporting
influence
liberty
of his
was deprived
Vandor's
to turn
the
be reminded
should
"partic-
strikes,
was able
all
CGTA general
to join
Urban guerrillas
core.
enough to persuade
were generally
not
more extreme
CGTA hard
in which
arily
leaders
union
superfluous,
of the
threats
Ongania's
op.
cit.,
Peronism
p.
138.
was a direct
product
of these
experiences.
if
an
- 465 -
Due to its
trade
upon rank-and-file
stress
tendencies.
In fact,
trade
for
unions
time
PB's
it
idea
is
important
were directly
certainly
close
the
front
was a far
more fruitful
this
to actively
leader
sugar
workers'
arist
leader
a sector
of labour
struggle
of the
strategy",
with
like
The early
than
1.
relations
less
with
that
was
several
the
labour
glamorous,
area
of
phenomenon,
engage in
guerrilla
Catamarca
in
in
sympathised
did not
1970's
action
Carmen Fernndez
del
envisaged
important
being
the Tucumn
who joined
Obviously,
1974.
with
the only
the
Guev-
the*fact
that
the armed
and supported
of armed
of an "integral
the Montoneros.
documents
the contemporary
Peronist
working-class
front.
Antonio
mass struggles
guerrilla
Di Pasquale
activity.
if
be
Though PB fully
leading
and decisive,
militants
early
which
none of the
on
would first
and applauded
guerrilla
was a generalised
labour
actions
but
the military
Indeed,
that
fund-
on the former,
Movement.
to
formations",
than
warfare
its
of
and a people's
party
party
the Peronist
a lot
but
democracy
union
was overwhelmingly
drawn into
"special
struggle
trade
of
devoted
It
struggle.
working-class
to note
limitations
aware of the
of a workers'
of revolutionary
militants
of
emphasis
form within
embryonic
the
supported
for
creation
of an independent
in
nurtured
actions,
were the
practice,
creation
was well
and organising
objectives
In
army.
it
of revolutionary
purposes
to campaigning
amental
the
however,
on
PB has often
struggles,
union
and concentration
organisation
governments,
produced
pronouncements
PB noted
their
by PB were far
of the PAP.
"multiple
de base, "
9-12.
more alternativista
Examining
limitations"
Cristianismo
the early
1
which
y Revolucin,
had
466 -
ultimately
ing
to
led
lacked
bureaucracies
"independent
"between
bureaucracy,
union
Here,
volutionary
in
the
formed
the
by "the
were motivated
president".
agree:
here
fact
that
share,
"Peron
is
PB differentiated
publicly
PB's
war".
at least,
not
itself
regarded
"Por
that
arguing
sacred
we don't
revolutionary
the
Ongaro attacked
However,
which
short
stopping
hope that
interpretation
serves
going
trade
the
and
2
sectors".
behaviour
People
alliance
bourgeois
parties
to run for
was that
"Peron
is
a strategy
with
which
using
there
of
was recognition
4
for us"
to make the revolution
and
from
Per6n's
Peronist
the mainstream
return
who,
pp.
57-64-
as a panacea.
" ibid.,
Socialista,
" a selection
"Peronismo de Base: El Peronismo Revolucionario,
Hombre,
Nuevo
PB
documents,
from
no.
statements
extracts
and
(20-26th
October 1971), p. 10.
4.
"Peronismo
quoted
de Base:
una Argentina
Left
2.
in
we
PB of TucumA.n:
Ongaro,
to
once again
1.
3.
re-
him as a social-
some vendepatria
1952,
since
his
be able
they would
had
of Pern's
of presenting
which
least
in analysing
the reformist
to-an
there
that
capitalist
been
and military
fact
exaggeration
forward
was carried
of Congress
tactic,
an implicit
and
commitment
at
the
had not
class
the workers
and Peronist
workers
month,
previous
Peronism,
though
In December 1970,
ist.
of the
within
political
of bourgeois
was of course
1970's,
early
the working
to their
rest
and this
role
forces,
for
Having
allies".
important
between
there
liv-
having
of not
the Peronist
the desertion
conflicts
and-class
Congress
the error
for
and with
Equally
alternative"
been. political
dearly
as constraining
the Movement.
from
sectors
in
of our erstwhile
following
and participation
organisation
a defeat
to avoid
unions
independently
ourselves
Peronism
coup.
1955 we paid
an independent
union
able
trade
"in
but
class
organised
1955 military
strong
standards,
working
the
Herald,
of
14
Revolucionario,
" op.
cit.
467
-
its
PB maintained
as leader
eral
of a broad
revolutionary
amongst
dependent,,
revolutionary,
The task
class
and admired
as "an anti-imperialist
to power,
realised
a worker
says Per6n,
existing
order".
he is
that
by PB, whose
leader"
that
it
he is
in
not
Perbn
he can choose".
saying
PB declared
and then
be
which
road
of
an in-
build
of PB was "to
alternative,
he
a unilat-
will
of our revolution
as the real
was respected
militants
"The leaders
the rank-and-file".
class
working
but
that
in the development
a part
play
feeling
to follow
not be expected
Perrin would
process
of Perbn,
independence
Movement could
path.
the revolutionary
born
tactical
"for
agreement
when
us,
the
with
would:
The originality
it
being
al
structure
commited
rank-and-file
forms
tional
was not
being
is
that
that
"the
organisation
the practical
"
with
out
leading
to coordinate
programme,
Porqub somos....,
developed
Its
organisation-
to minimal
In its
of
organisainfancy,
of our organisational
Nor did
it
life
start
an "encyclopaedia"
experience
in
of the exigencies
activity.
originality
and theory
lay
organisation
work".
gradually
we are formless".
political
with
but
this
established
with
when stating
precisely
comprehensive
to rank-and-file
preconceived
struggle,
PB was correct
form
"totally
political
providing
were constantly
of workers'
with
a
all
developed
struggles
and
1.
PB:
2.
Concord leaflet
issued in support of SITRAC occupation,
y Revolin "Cbrdoba: Is docta montonera, " Cristianismo
28 (April
1971), pp. 6-10.
(June
29
ibid.,
"
1971),
no.
de las bases,
"La revolucibn
PB interview,
pp. 11-13.
3.
PB of Fiat
reproduced
ucibn, no.
ope cit.
468
the
with
full
"without
that
ing
but
movement,
the abstract
iences
al
theorising
and arid
can be no revtheory
of was not
divorced
had plagued
which
in maintain-
there
practice
theoretical
as such
broad
exper-
traditionthe
of
sectors
of Marxism
not
Peronist
let
not
as a "universal
its
class
Its
than
with
the inter(FAR),
Armed Forces
banner",
but
in
sectors
it
the
unlike
classical
radicalism
the non-revolutionary
contribu-
for
become submerged
analysis
the non-Peronist
to work with
the
instrument
political
practical
declaration
its
we reject
the Revolutionary
Like
antinomies.
readiness
mean "that
not
we see as a scientific
of reality".
FAR, PB did
did
this
which
see Marxism
was to be seen in
radicalism
Peronist,
though
pretation
Left
Left.
that,
did
revolutionary
without
of the workers
PB's
tion
also...
reflect
can be no revolutionary
there
theory
not
Leninist
PB was impeccably
revolutionary
theory".
olutionary
but
In fact,
theory.
for
disdain
activists.
of all
participation
did
This
greater
of the revolutionary
of Peronism:
sectors
Left
the'
"Our postulation
revolutionary
with
and
of an alliance
that
have
found
Peronism
we
signifies
of
not with other sectors
Left
in
the
the
the
struggle".
of
comrades
alongside
ourselves
Due to the
Instead,
enemy attack.
methods".
the basis
it
with
organisation
2
Rather
than
of short-term
1.
"Peronismo
2.
Ibid.
worked
by definition
of the best
de Base:
a revolutionary
attempt
to mobilise
subjective
desires,
El Peronismo
to
were vulnerable
level
at rank-and-file
on the basis
to build,
"trying
political
which
superstructures
of creating
ies
experience
PB was wary
trade
large
comrades,
to the
" op.
revolutionary
numbers of workers
PB looked
Revolucionario,
union
with
policy,
the factor-
in
creation
cit. '
on
469
of a cadre
organisation
to some extent
aries,
working-class
for
mass-based
The location
car workers,
were strongest
impetus.
The militancy
but
and artisanal
owned car
is
though
skilled
engaged in
the industrial
of interest
unity
workshops
that
on the
rural
car workers
is
provided
bourgeoisie
bourgeoisie,
Fiat
lacks
the foreign-
provincial
highly
manual
homogenous,
of their
homogeneity,
some comm-
to
In con-
plants.
industrial
small
employees
being
work-
Moreover,
of many of the
and IKA-Renault
a weak local
but
and machinery.
the fate
main
small-scale
of well-organised,
by the dependence
linking
its
to a number of
point
not
ten-
to be further
needs
units
of vehicles
is
strate-
labour
predominantly
enclaves
structure
of the major
the provincial
a declining
the production
to control
1969 Cordobazo
workers.
car factories,
of the workers
trast,
large
among the
and "classist"
of numbers of productive
productive
is
"combative"
C6rdoban industry
contribute
the future
especially
able
of the Cordobazo
studies
terms
Cordoba,
Though not
of the C6rdoban
companies
concentrated,
force
in
in
existing
factors.
explanatory
the
for
of
mature.
logical.
level,
levels
of existing
the foundations
stronghold
was perfectly
revolution-
might
of PB's
dencies-I
researched
laying
the emergence
at national
unions
the limitations'
but
and revolutionary
worker
semi-professional
recognising
consciousness
when conditions
gic
of steeled
composed of
bourgeoisie
own-
ing
small
1.
Peronists
Generally
prepared to
speaking,
combativos were militant
to achieve socialist
use combative methods but not necessarily
influenced
by
Marxmilitants
goals;
clasistas
class-conscious
were
ism-Leninism
struggle.
and committed to a socialist
2.
and medium-sized
enterprises
and a predominant
external
470
bourgeoisie,,
Objectively,
late
This
contrasted
demonstrates
monolithically
Buenos Aires
the relatively
formed
1960's
sharply
in
resident
of the
with
the behaviour
"labour
"labour
the
aristocracy"
such as that
1967,
sector
latively
sectors
and is
socially
tant
the period
response
under
to be seen in
needs
the
consideration,
the light
as
situation,
in
In
groups.
be regarded
cannot
Vasen
sist.
of the
militancy
remunerated
of similarly
Krieger
poorer
and their
aristocracy"
capital.
In a wage-freeze
reformist.
foreign
and representing
well-paid
part
that
this
better
re-
suffers
to re-
equipped
C6rdoban
im-
mili-
car workers'
of a number
of provincial
features.
Firstly,
the
"new proletariat",
labour
tions
of
other
alisation"
which
the
they
were paid
of the
outbreak
481%of provincial
Cordobazo.
productive
tories
appears
significant.
and a high
to
crucial
cline
inance
al
in
in
the health
the
1960's.
the national
car production
the
in
tradi-
C6rdoban
hours
for
in
the
catalyst
in
for
the
car fac-
trade
based on shared
suffered
union
ex-
industry,
a marked de-
came a loss
1960,60%
by 1969 its
operating
of
capital
strong
car
car
"ration-
concentration
Whereas in
companies
the
four
the C6rdoban
the province,
provincial
the provincial
a basis
crisis
and its
economic
Saturday",
economy,
market.
in
lack
Secondly,
consciousness
an agrarian
provided
Fourthly,
automobile
to
of large'numbers
of the provincial
Alongside
the
was an important
of class
and interdependence.
periences
"English
concentration
level
in
by Ongania's
manual labour
This
said
the geographical
Thirdly,
manufacturing
and the
affected
of the
is
class.
but
(1963)
organisation
loss
Their
plans.
sectors
young
dominant
and 1960's,
1950's
of the working
sections
workers
relatively
became increasingly
which
movement during
is
around
of predomof nationshare
Buenos
471
Aires
the
of workers
of the
the interior
in
it
and found
the trade
Finally,
dominant.
becoming
union
bureaucracy
had its
harder
to control
concent-
than workforces
country
near
capital.
workers
as their
clining
provincial
Cordoba's
therefore,
In many ways,
vanguard,
constituted
industrial
workers,
force
a strong
the car
with
de-
a weak,
within
as:
hit
be
to
Argentine
"a weak link
capitalism,
sufficiently
of
weak
before and more radically
than other
by the effects
of crises
1
but
to
to
be
industrial
strong
sufficiently
react".
zones
able
C6rdoban
the
in
strongly
the
In March of that
until
of militant
statement
SITRAM, revealed
2
unions.
Di Pasquale
"Neither
being
vention
in
anticipated
Con Todo:
that
led
clasista
a leading
in
Workers",
played
a leading
or Revolution"...
October
to secure
1971.
tendency
the keynote
",
these
of his
inter-
3a
bourgeois
"Imperialist
end of
in
Alberte's
in Bernardo
rein-
by SITRAC-
convoked
Revolution!
the
At the
earlier.
political
role,
in
goods
an attempt
of Revolutionary
railway
repressed
part
in
unions
and fiercely
hostages
Lopez,
and Materfer
car workers
of
by Atilio
two months
the dichotomies
"Dictatorship
1971,
in
sacked
activists
Congress
a "1st
August,
taking
plant,
expression
outlawed
PB played
year,
Concord
the Fiat
Concord
the Fiat
respectively
found
independent
short-lived
organised
workers
in April
CGT elected
C6rdoba
which
militancy
working-class
slogan
1968 paper
dictat-
4
orial
regime
people's
or revolutionary
government".
196.
1.
Bebe Balve
2.
clasista,
nacional
"Del Sitrac-Sitram
Pelayo,
Ariel
a la tendencia
(22nd-28th
September
1971),
10
Hombre,
Nuevo
"
El poder obrero,
no.
pp" 2-4.
(8-14th
September
1971),
8
"
ibid.,
no.
de
liberacin,
"El sindicalismo
p. 11.
"
Con
Todo,
(editorial),
revolucibn,
"Dictadura
o
Bernardo Alberte
(sic),
September 1968, p. 3.
0
no.
3.
3.
et al,
op.
cit.,
p.
of
472
In fact,
the event
from
atives
is
is
Trotskyist
workers'
dency
at the
and Maoist
of Peronism.
PB defined
itself
defending
and in
the Peronist
for
the
with
closely
armed struggle
an independent
for
calling
independent
the
ten-
"combative"
bourgeoisie
wary
Pasquale
end of
leadership
dence,
as a class
publicly
argued
as the PAP,
to violence
2a
the only
brought
which
8 months
in
and
spent
ity
in
a military
putsch
veloped
a close
friendship
leader
Agustin
CGT General
that
for
prison
by
Tosco,
Secretary
his
incitement
were more
In
of
prison
C6rdoban
issued
they
Di
crisis
for
accused
Labanca.
the
for
1972,
the Montoneros"
formally
cell-mate,
Rucci
indepen-
by such organisa-
loyalties
and together
Jose
exact
General
its
to Argentina's
him imprisonment
though
it,
organised
with
retained
practised
Ongaro's
crime.
the politic-
In April
solution
the violence
through
and condoning
sector
alternativismo.
he
declared
May
in
1971
-
elusive
ouncing
that
claim
were accepting
a significant
ers'
in
What
and organisations.
By the
tions
both
meeting,
represent-
with
counted
PB allied
critics
was too
which
it
parties
Congress
Army (ERP),
alternative
enemy.
al
that
Revolutionary
against
for
all
interesting
People's
important
had a student
delegates
of worker
was nevertheless
Workers"
of Revolutionary
Congress
due to arrests
majority,
but
"Ist
the
power
statements
"selling-out"
compliche deworkden-
workers'
struggles.
1.
Ariel
2.
Di Pasquale
3.
Ongaro,
4.
Communist
Tosco often shared the political
line of the Argentine
Party but did not join a party.
See his book, La lucha debe con(Buenos Aires:
He died
tinuar
Libros para el Tercer Mundo, 1975).
in November 1975.
Pelayo,
op.
article,
quoted
in
cit.
Nuevo Hombre (11th
the Buenos Aires
April
Herald,
1972).
473
-
urging
class
and minds
struggle
of a majority
unified
in
General
Secretary
Rucci's
initial
eral
July
1970,
and then
of October
In holding
back on strikes,
fulfilling
his
the
by Peran's
inspired
need to prove
labour
fear
Rucci
though
strike
movements.
Peronist
that
if
bourgeois
he could
was partially
in March 1972,1
his
of
this
as an orthodox
of alarming
Lanusse
to General
1972.
the gen-
as seen in
to bridle
of Perbn sent
orders
was elected
basis
him
won
a genuine
movement,
however,
hearts
in July
majority
wage struggles,
when he attempted
subsequently
orders
to lead
labour
Josb Rucci
a large
undermined
just
period.
with
the
capture
metalworker
re-elected
of the
among sectors
this
in
of workers
did not
content
a socialist
preparedness
strikes
support
with
tendencies
PB and other
that
however,
must be emphasised,
It
was
earlier;
not
and
supporters
indeed
the
control
Per6n's
countenanced
return.
PB's
level.
tions
ity
All
that
unions
PB but
Youth
(JTP),
never
achieved
its
maintained
eros
tants
that
lacking
with
just
was easily
its
process
citing
and PublicPer-
to out-mobilise
with
Per6n's
"if
few men",
of the
late
called
for
a "blank
1972 split
no.
19 (26th
I had
2
Nor
when,
vote"
in
" El Descamisado,
fac-
main bas-
Printers
able
PB National
im-
came at
penetration.
this
defects",
proportions
Herald,
iniciativa,
"lead
is
The pro-Montonero
controlled.
rank-and-file
not
that
1970-73
efforts
is
certainty
once formed,
one could
movement in
main organisational
which
solid
and revolutionaries,
stayed
2.
its
in Buenos Aires,
Working
labour
the
onist
1.
in
strength
to measure because
possible
tory
political
September
474the
coming elections
the
other
PB 17's
to
to these
the
tember
the
feeling
the former
that
and that
100,000
tonero
latter
the
for
support
CGT march or in
August
been.
Through
Though PB built
ists,
ipate
Its
1.
2.
it
its
through
a more solid
its
rally,
questioning
32-36.
bureaucracy
artificial
occasions
least
80,000
Non-
the
feel-
as a
criticisms
class
of
had not
had
activists
a "reformist"
(i. e.
force
the whole
mean-
of growth
by refusing
Boxing
around
by the
the class
the working
and transform
structure
that
of
Stadium
to partic-
by the
" La Causa
no.
activ-
enemy.
peronistas,
a los trabajadores
July 1974), p. 16.
te,
De=
"
Mayo,
de
"Opiniones:
el 10
Reported in "Fidelidad
(16th
2
Peronista,
no.
Edmundo Cribe,
May 1974), pp.
those
either
de Mayo rally,
of translating
while
of
in
participate
some pertinent
event
own possibilities
in
trap
into
that
on the
the Federal
attitude
were mobilised
PB had allowed
on the grounds
in mass events
the
to
for
to mobilise
half
de Mayo, at
labour
revised
Yet on both
voiced
out
Plaza
in
to capitalise
restricted
own largest
designed
workers
pointing
its
by an unrepresentative
into
non-participation,
of the rally
was restricted
strength
lot
Edmundo Oribe
present
the Montoneros)
in-
however,
not,
about
ing
even if
out,
In De Frente,
been massively
incorporation
support
measures.
government
turned
tendency,
whole.
the
was organised
ings
did
was a manoeuvre
unpopular
people
PB 17's
qualified
It
elections.
presidential
31st
of
and their
Command, PB National
government
of the dissolution
sections.
Like
that
while
to the movimien-
Zone areas
implied
tendency
the Montonero
representative,
1974 announcement
and North
Capital
Federal
July
Caride's
However,
tistas.
PB 17 in
christened
wing,
Perbn a bourgeois
and labelled
4 (23rd
475
1974,
apparently
worker
majority,
ed by 7,000
ented
in
for
Perbn
the
in
the
feelings
tended
to gloss
assume that
accurate
September
in
appraisal
the reformist
over
1973 PB National
"Peronism
of
attitudes
was already
in a speech by the
the
was only
attend-
in
rally,
of the
which
Its
ana-
class
divisions,
of most Peronist
workers
objective
and
This
revolutionary.
combatant
Luis
Losada at a
he argued
that
the
and that
conciliators"
did not
mass line.
massively
La Calera
repres-
but
of PB National's
their
the rank-and-file
was reflected
but
attracted
1973 elections
September
of
the
unusual
towards
lyses,
between
authentic
support
a gesture
itself
"the
activists.
Tactical
of having
feature
possessed
difference
of revolutionaries
and
rank-and-file:
The difference,
"is not one of shades.
comrades, is one of social
The negotiators
want to use Peronism and Per6n to prop
class....
up this system of exploitation
and dependency....
while the Peronism of the rank-and-file,
combative Peronism,
wants to make the
Just, Free and Sovereign Fatherland
2
a reality".
PB National
behaviour
in
ing
October
the September
after
that
possible
Peronist
Cooke"
measures
Per6n is
that
he is
taken
all
endorsing
backing
day of his
of Buenos Aires,
by the
this
to question
organisation
On the
election.
to the unpopular
possible
it
government,
by not
Their
inauguration
after
asked
denouncing
Per6n's
referr-
"how is
it?.
How is
Per6n:
"in trying
to pull the country forward,
convoking the employers,
supporting
and not fundamentally
not denouncing the bureaucrats
the
bosses
himself
the
which
programme
raises
a
workers,
among
they
is
it
who are
their
the
bureaucracy
since
own,
make
and
the
least,
in
the
which
at
implementing
it,
and
not obstructed
1.
2.
los
burgueses...,
text
" ibid.,
no.
in Militancia,
it
476
-
same time
Still
ever,
statements,
made personally
definition
ism from
exploited".
Now that
it
from above,
independent.
However,
that
a complete
this
point,
year
of this
iting
is
it
Peronist
all
its
trust
ches from
I.
2.
3.
October
for
and aspirations
and
decided
that
for
of the
below,
gain
would
its
own militancy
feeling
that
of
that
On
the
"the
first
working
through
project,
and liberation
in
deposhim"
1973,
each other
PB National
through
attempted
to consolidate
its
isolation
of many of its
a 2nd National
Conference
previous
holding
After
CSrdoba Province.
listening
to speeches
from
rankbranat
La
Ongaro and
Ibid.,
1973.
October
12th
Cooke" communique of
PB "John William
(18th
46-47.
October
1973),
19
pp.
no.
(9th May 1974),
2
no.
" De Freute,
"Una semana de especulaciones,
pp. 5-7.
Di Pasquale
May
Per6n's
with
evaluation
to the fact
the
(GAN) plans.
Agreement
justice
Peron-
became totally
break
own historical
its
into
and-file
Falda,
Perlin
had converted
from
mistook
working-class
National
actions
rank-and-file
as a whole,
referred
government
the
Di Pasquale's
that
significant
Peronism
Peronism
Great
Lanusse's
for
how-
1974,
opted
alternativismo
Rank-and-File
had signified
of crowning
class
PB National's
rank-and-file
"Peron
that
was clear
of the Peronist
Day events
project
not
exploiters,
no assistance
for
PB National
of the
above,
his
for
responsible
in
elements
By January
freely.
his
and after
political
unable
by reactionary
to act
would
the movi-
with
of right-wing
he was "encircled"
government
leader
went along
endorsement
that
by the fact
plicable
his
Perbn's
that
idea
'initially
PB National
Per6n".
of
encirclement
Pern as an anti-imperialist
that
believing
mientista
the
allows
some reforms,
attempt
article
in
ibid.,
pp.
26-37.
477
-
Di Pasquale,
delegates
composed
cisions
from
national
an effective
Unionism
and Classism"
alternative
strategic
control
each unit
in
line,
as well
for
tions
of trade
present
"revolutionary
the
because
military"
not,
however,
trol
of
the
unions
enemy is
ment of the
2.
by their
to the limita-
pointed
("they
of union
have to re-
and argued
that
must be politico-
class
gun in
with
short-term
work - the
hand".
to anti-capitalist
for
struggle
to be a central
is
con-
PB activity
for
struggle,
the bureaucracy
did
This
"the
an instru-
Peronism
government
PB, having
again
itself
the capitalist....
the boss,
"Trade
immediate
change
working
was closely
As the Peronist
to have split
1.
a downgrading
bosses".
more repressive,
National
defends
Like
1974.
"system
involve
the
de-
conference
such as workers'
ideology")
political
of the
organisation
to the
of social
their
whatever
workers,
all
demands,
The document
as instruments
unions
establishing
belatedly
somewhat
and
time
to relate
needs
the
committee
the independent
as presenting
the first
designed
of production,
towards
step
document entitled
a series
a provisional
a programmatic
which,
formed
as a first
organisation.
were synthesised
provided
17 Regionales
from
of delegates
in
already
October
Command evolution
faded
moved further
lost
1974. with
and adopting
from
to
public
the Right
view
and became
PB 17 to movimientismo,
some groups
a Guevarist
following
identity
after
appears
the FAP
while
others
Corrientes,
Reconquista,
Formosa,
in
PB National's
17 Regionales
were
Cordoba,
Rio
Miramar,
Roca,
General
Mendoza,
Chaco, TucumAn, Salta,
La
Plata
Plata,
del
Mar
and
Bahia
Blanca,
Cuarto,
Paran, Rosario,
less
than
regional
implies
here
something
Regionales
Buenos Aires.
For
the
tendency.
Montonero
the
of
when used by the mass fronts
PB
Regionwhereas
2-4
provinces
Regional
latter,
embraced
usually
a
organisational
provincial
to
or
city-based
either
ales referred
units.
(31st
33
Militancia,
"
no.
"Sindicalismo
PB supplement,
y clasismo,
January 1974).
478
to strengthen
attempted
ing
Peronists
militant
Sympathies
been first
for
clasista
Guevarist
when Di Pasquale,
while
the political
ERP political
project,
that
the action
was against
of the privileged
PB National,
the
conferences
(FAS),
formed
much reason
associated
doned its
iances.
1973, which
to doubt
whether
ERP fronts
erstwhile
approach,
designed
ing-class
leadership,
5th
the
1974,
line
all
of the
sustainers
its
at
around
this
peak rallied
However,
time
6th Congress
switched
popular
clearly
20,000
there
the
ERP abanits
a "united
sectors
under
allfront"
work-
to a "popular
approach:
"All,
Peronists,
Radicals,
Socialists,
Commwithout
exception
Christians,
i. e* all the progressive,
unists,
etc.,
patriotic,
democratic
forces
anti-imperialist,
and revolutionary
- must
to defend freedom
reach an agreement on how to work together
the breech openand democracy, with the objective
of broadening
ed up by the people on 25th May 1973".
This
ept
1.
led
five
revolutionary
"a conciliatory
Reported in ibid.,
Nuevo Hombre, no.
position
organisations
towards
to withdraw,
reformism
refusing
and progressive
is
unitedly
to broaden
non-bourgeois
Front
PB National
clasista
for
attended
Anti-Imperialist
in June 1974.
strongly
Congress
to unite
the
in Rosario
after
clasista
is
clear
tendencies,
alternativista
Tucumn in August
Whereas the
front"
other
Socialist
Congress
the
is
with
of the ERP-dominated
in
with
with
disagreement
"what
against
1974
attack
criticisms:
the military....
classes".
along
to a 6th
suppomters
his
in February
early
conference
and expressing
qualified
group-
Revolutionary
situation
the
power
press
that
arguing
currents
alike.
People's
at a PB National
voiced
appropriate'to
anti-bureaucratic
and non-Peronists
the
labour
to accsectors
(7th
10-12;
1974),
February
pp.
34
and in
no.
56 (1st fortnight
of February 1974), pp. 14-17.
479
-
the bourgeoisie".
of
and-file
National,
or at least
alignment
over
that
the
this
tentative,
of PB underwent
significant
in
900 votes.
groups
in Bahia
Mendoza, Rosario
struggles,
given
opposed
to workers
to engage in
1974,
for
the
through
anti-bureaucratic
amples
of the latter
miento
Sindical
3.
Corrientes,
greater
continue
Trade
PB helped
though,
had
Mar
3
in
mass
of students
as
be that
to the
ERP late
forms
existing
of
ex-
to form,
Sindical
it
La Plata,
alliances.
with
there
elections
may well
to transfer
PB
had only
C6rdoba,
participation
it
1974.
1974,
in
Buenos Aires.
propensity
activity
students
to
in
the year
student
guerrilla
were readier
struggle
2.
stressed
PB National
workers
1.
ERP
by student
Early
Sciences'
of
Cordoba,
generally
whereas
Combative
By the middle
groups
changes in
presence
workers'
in
the
appears
was "flooded"
of Chemical
Blanca,
student
was a tendency
student
the Faculty
Though PB National
there
PB National
it
for
must remain
had an organised
Plata,
here
candidates
PB
issue.
had only
from
themselves
detached
not
had most of
strange
that
National
del
workers,
of PB as a rank-
character
of some activists
in
sympathising
its
complexion
recruits
presented
the essential
would
hypotheses
social
The opinion
Given
it
organisation,
However,
and Tosco's
Combativo
MSC),
-
(2nd
65
Hombre,
fortNuevo
Report on the 6th FAS Conference,
no.
The five organisations
which pullnight
of June 1974)" pp. 12-23.
Comunista,
Revolucionaria
Organizaci6n
the
ed out were El Obrero,
de
Poder Obrero, the Movimiento
the Organizaci6n
Revolucionaria
de
Tucumfin.
Socialista
Lima
the
Izouierda
Revolucionaria
and
Polltica,
"
Carta
20
no.
Results
from "Universidad:
crisis,
o
a cara
(1st week of April
1975), pp. 13-16.
los
junto
de
estudiantes
"A
See their
gobierno:
un of o
statement,
" De Frente,
Socialista,
4
Patria
no.
la
las
bases
a
peronistas
por
(23rd May 1974), pp. 24-25.
-480-
respective
plenarfies
in 1974.1
Repression
File
Peronism.
roni
after
1973,
PB martyrdom
first
(a 23-year
old
Youth militant
and defender
Ricardo
Villanueva,
Julio
member of Julio
(JPRA)
and, said
for
a purge
In 1974,
prived
of the
Ortega
Pena,
by assassins'
Ortega
Pena's
background
prestigious
of many previously
provide,
Social
Welfare
Perorlist
he had only
of infiltrated
views,
lost
not
support
is
worth
they
movimientistas
for
an explanation
the
de-
Rodolfo
looking
had much in
anti-Peronist
60 (Ist
1974),
to
Movement
briefly
for
level,
Repub-
confessed
vehicles
co-editor,
and evolution
at a socio-psychological
and
of the former's
It
bodyguard
Peronist
and De Frente,
bullets.
assassins,
of the Argentine
two important
only
Militancia
the Argentines
Ministry
been fulfilling
was
having
One of his
Youth
tor-
Deleroni
Command (C de 0),
Marxists.
Brandazza
slain,
a CGT of
prisoners.
Organisational
PB National
of its
propagation
those
former
right-wing
that
becoming
Dele-
subsequently
number of PB activists
of political
the killing
orders
Yessi's
Enrique
of Angel
organisation).
before
Pastor
on 28th November
wife,
PB militant,
by a para-military-police
and PB lawyer
his
with
and Rosario
known of a considerable
been a Peronist
lic
along
of Rank-and-
on Jose Antonio
was conferred
leader
student
the disintegration
of the kidnapping
anniversary
to death
the best
to
contributed
he was assassinated,
the
tured
also
at
common with
and help
to
of the appeal
1.
2.
For reports
into the Brandazza case, see Milion the investigation
C-28
(6th
(13th
December
tancia,
26
December
1973)
27
1973),
nos.
(20th December 1973). Accusing fingers
were pointed at General Elvio
Anaya, Commander of the 2nd Army Corps and brother
of General Leandro
Anaya who replaced
Carcagno as C-in-C of the Armed Forces in December
1973.
3.
Ibid.,
no.
26,
pp.
26-30.
fortnight
of April
pp. 4-10 & 19.
1974),
481
to the radicalised
of movimientismo
Ortega
while,
ative
Y Cultura,
intellectual
it
long
Ortega
inherited
Pefla like
Pea
what they
first
the
of his
saw as "the
doubts
exactly
ideas
and revise
how he first
his
of his
social
had
class
dictatorship"
of
of 1955 but
felt.
made themselves
began to question
towards
attitude
form-
petty-bour-
Revolution"
"Liberating
Arregui'e
books"
great
anti-Peronist,
political
recounted
political
Plaza
his
or four
for
of his
sketch
to HernAndez
he wrote
"three
including,
own brief
many students
supported
before
Pella's
Born of Liberal,
against
He had fully
was not
day in
Ortega
in plots
participated
Peron.
one of the
experience.
parents,
Ortega
in a prologue
was contained
years
Imperialismo
geois
Pella himself.
bourgeoisie
petty
his
Peronism
one
de Mayo:
(of
Lonardi
the
balconies
the Casa Rosada) to
"While
was using
there arose in me a perspeak for the last time to a rally,
to who was in
I decided to turn my attention
plexing
worry.
There were
to determine.
This was not difficult
the plaza.
the students.
the friends
It
the fat ladies,
of my parents,
In the afternoon,
was useless to look for the cabecitas.
the centre and barrio
leaving
norte behind and approaching
the conventillos
we became aware of sullen,
of the great city,
looks.
The people,
the authentic
indignant
mistrustful,
their
defeat".
2
people, were living
Ortega
rating
PeNa's
experiences
before,
embracing
1.
2.
conversion
with
intellectually
Peronism
was not
Frondizi's
converted
in
the early
He went through
instantaneous.
Radicals
by authors
1960's.
It
and in
the
frust-
Communist Party
clear,
however,
that
his
482
de Mayo experience,
Plaza
people,
also
part
the
fancies
of
in
the
With
fellow
made desperate
impending
Mugica
Carlos
Following
January
1974,
himself
from
arians
the
other
advisors
"bourgeois
propaganda,
Unlike
denouncing
In August
1972, he
the
to prevent
with
along
University
of Buenos Aires
his
place",
Peronist
anti-popular
in
Peronist
order
useful
only
for
government
for
measures
the
with
by forming
making
in
parliament-
to remain
Congress
Bloc).
deputies
differentiated
Youth
independence
political
Youth
and immediately
the
compromises
de Base (Rank-and-File
and lonely
and be-
Vallese
Ortega
Both
in'the
several
of the eight
Congressmen.
he retained
one-man Blooue
Felipe
and in November,
FREJULI bloc,
with,
a book denounc-
authored
in an attempt
movimientistas,
resignation
Ortega
united
in
Cmmpora's victory.
after
himself
prisoners.
and legal
became lecturers
fancies,
Pena wrote
Youth activist
prisoners
and other
on the flight
entourage
the 1960's,
of political
of guerrilla
and per-
movimientista
Ortega
to get to Trewlew
attempts
massacre
during
of Peronist
defender
came a courageous
ordinary
of Militancia.
Eduardo Duhalde,
works
disappearance
the
in certain
editions
lawyer
the
transformation
political
he now considered
people"
early
historical
revisionist
Father
"the
from
of alienation
in his
why he indulged
explains
when writing
feeling
factor
was a cardinal
haps
ing
his
his
own
him was a
revolutionary
and for
demanding
J.
2.
Ortega
Pena, quoted
in
Herald,
483
into
enquiries
of his
closure
To deal
"the
blood
Fasolini,
with
spilled
desacato,
weeks after
did
who joined
year
a successful
test
in
strikes
and Acindar,
of Militancia
were violently
sectors
C6rdoba
file
work.
together
led
by Ricardo
1.
Ortega
influenced
2.
Reported in
presente...,
steel
plants
coup,
must also
that
August
squad directed
thousand
marchers
political
and anti-riot
taking
not
place,
prevent
nor pro-
of Marathon,
Metcon
the alternativista
feelings
views
of the
movement.
followed
by federal
in La Naci6n,
Ist
ibid.,
" op. cit.
the age of 38
could
the
for
1974, five
the 43rd
repression
end reflected
"intervention",
effects
21st
1974:
provincial
government
the forcible
June 1974.
and "Compafiero
in
on rank-and-
quoted
Five
by police
Pena,
death
from
to
Parliament",
July
Pefia at
strike
demonstrated
of the labour
stronghold
It
general
Argentine
against
attacked
Constituci6n
protest
Nevertheless,
printers'
had really
more radical
in
Nocetti
This
officials.
On 31st
by L6pez Rega.
procession
the Villa
which
to the whole
A, the right-wing
Ministry
old
be tried
he could
request
the
to ask Congress
government
so that
he had criticised
in
not
that
when sworn in
regime,
the
Pella
military
"a threat
Ortega
Per6n resurrected
authority.
immunity
parliamentary
funeral
of that
troops
for
by the previous
Welfare
his
be negotiated",
by the Triple
the Social
killing
not
judicial
was assassinated
administration.
will
Pefia stated,
the
of the Peronist
dissident,
merely'because
one which
the University#
this
Even after
of militants.
from
dismissal
disrespect
-
Pefia's
was, as Ortega
from
the flesh
appointed
Ortega
lift
but
in
of desacato
crime
and his
review
a thorn
remained
assassinations
Ortega
Pena:
-484-
takeover
of the regional
Equally
important
ers
through
which
1
ceilings.
ing
(FGB)
Union
IVISA
halted.
for
the
government
Grfico
Argentino,
in
list,
to reinstate
that
the
16
month result682
votes
-
and confiscated
funds
a stooge
by union
and State
endorse-
to pre-empt
the
union,
Sindic-
bureaucrats
rights
of 500 strik-
by 4,800
but
strikes
Pact wage
support
employers
Print-
of the
Social
Union elections
with
was created
through
"Green List"
sponsored
wave of strikes.
another
Ongaro's
the union
outlawed
by Bhrcena.
suppression
strike
had forced
printers
victory
In August,
ment simply
had broken
a sweeping
led
an FGB general
a CGT-62 Organisations
over
ato
1973-74
In May 1974,
of bureaucrats
government's
100 printehops
over
workers
ed in
in
which
and occupying
sacked
CGT by a clique
by the
who
govern-
ment.
Ongaro was jailed
in
October
1974 for
Eventually,
ening
his
presence
possession
alleged
while
enemies
through
were only
on his
attacks
by uniformed
Buenos Aires
in broad
street
Ongaro left
for
eague Jorge
Di Pasquale
1.
Ongaro
2.
"El significado
p. 29.
"La federacin
3.
daylight.
was arrested
son narrowly
when walking
Shortly
at
history.
threat-
policemen
again
him one of
of his
themselves
family.
in
exile
to rid
but Raimundo's
to escape abduction
making
labour
in Argentine
able
and then
place
of war weapons,
leaders
imprisoned
took
the end of
and imprisoned
managed
along
afterwards,
a central
a dispirited
1976, his
without
Mbz-
trial
collby
regime.
De Frente,
interview,
del
triunfo
grAfica
no.
es de los
grficos,
no.
" ibid.,
p. 50.
4 (23rd May 1974),
no.
1, p.
50.
485
Political
'Alternativista'
Other
Two smaller
the
over
alternativista
immediate
Left
Peronist
figures,
Peronista
ionario
Argentine
After
(1957-58)
1-was
role
Youth
Peronist
(1958)
Youth
Revolutionary
from
cadres
overcome
this
the early
the weaknesses
MR 17's
itical
and union
within
the labour
closely
alongside
It
lutionary
Revoluc-
creation
Peronism,
of the
and it
movement.
through
In their
daily
work,
was mainly
to
Essentradical
the political
structuring
Peron-
MR 17, an attempt
1970 created
was motivated
the
first
Movement (1964),
leader
1963 foundation
its
who in
to found
Peronist
He was the
Fed-
Secretary
expressions
was Rearte
the Revolutionary
years.
"intervened"
General
he helped
the
in
Resistance
of the
he became its
Subsequently,
(JRP) from
to rise
post-1955
the reconquest
member of both.
organisation
ially,
1.
in
and then
(Frente
Front
movement during
a leading
at
Peronist
17th
17 de Octubre
Revolucionario
Revolutionary
eration
by outstanding
FRP).
-
labour
playing
reservations
Gustavo Rearte's
here:
mention
Movement (Movimiento
Rearte
Gustavo
brief
with
and led
of armed struggle
deserve
both
organisations,
advisability
Revolutionary
October
Organisations
pol-
vanguard
MR 17 activists
worked
PB members.
who organised
an attempt
the August
to unify
1968 first
the Peronist
plenary
Left
which
of Revofailed
486
-
due to disagreements
for
the
Rearte
war,
While
firmly
those
who consider
leashing
At the plenary,
armed struggle.
of a politico-military
creation
ionary
over
opposed the
the
rejecting
it
"opportunist
revolutionary
warfare,
initiation
calling
a revolut-
of armed actions.
and conservative
to first
necessary
to lead
organisation
immediate
while
of
attitudes
build
a mass party"
he was equally
adamant that:
before
un-
"armed struggle
from
out separated
cannot be carried
or isolated
the mass struggle
victory
without
renouncing
risking
and without
the annihilation
of your best and most qualified
cadres".
Rearte
that
war but
ised
it
Struggle),
the
a series
membership
struggle
with
MR 17's
ered
Gustavo Rearte
leader
years
to be offered
activists
outline
it
of the history
quite
it
the
revolutionary
erroneously,
lost
its
of leukaemia
a victim
Left,
swam against
Many of them,
1973,
En Lucha'(In
by the Peronist
identified
Moreover,
movement.
who generally
as reformist.
in July
a "minimum of organ-
periodical
because
partly
small,
armed struggle.
position
to its
remained
of new Peronist
tide
labour
the
in
of supplements
Resistance
accelerate
only
MR 17 provided
Peronist
its
but
should
could
armed action
vanguard"
Through
of
that
considered
consid-
prestigious
at the
age
of 40.
The Revolutionary
to
power,
also
counted
Peronist
with
Front
(FRP),
an experienced
created
leader.
Ongania came
3
had
Armando Jaime
after
(The statement
was also
Youth document in Garcia
4, (August 1968, p. 7)
1.
2.
de la resistencia
"Apuntes Para una historic
y del peronismo rev(December
1973)t
13
En
Lucha,
to
"
nos.
six supplements
olucionario,
(July
(April
(February
19741
17
1974),
June
197-4-F, 16
1974), 15
14
It deals with the period from 1955 to 1964.
& 18 (September 1974).
3.
487
been active
to
in
the unidades
became active
helped
in
Rearte,
Youth
in
uncos
and,
the
the
coup engaged in
El Kadri
The following
like
Cooke,
Jaime's
but
met in
Revolutionary
Action
ary
with
two small
(ARP),
though
Alicia
Eguren
clared
himself
proponent
guerrilla
warfare
and Cabecita
in July
over
that
relationship
the building
of the
he was an executive
member.
Jaime forged
Peronist
Revolution-
Cooke
and later
-
his
Jaime,
widow
who de-
as well
as a Peronist,
was a
that
a revolutionary
party,
to be formed
direction.
sound political
in
were launched
in
the early
in
order
to
His mass
the North,
partic-
papers,
Vocero
1970's
to assist
and transform
Anti-Imperialist
CGT of Salta".
facing
struggle
in
conference
Peronists
They referred
and working-class
of workers
CGT headquarters
at a press
the options
in by Jaime's
work put
Classist,
body,
Dependency".
rank-and-file
the regional
a "Peronist,
this
to the Utur-
work.
fruition
of
NeEra,
and
Peroniet
a working
credential.
had first
The consistent
take
with
unionism
the first
Cooke's
considered
of workers,
work through
in Salta,
this
in
but
trade
disclaimer,
total
was not
to be a Marxist-Leninist
proselytizing
Popular
unity
Per6n's
including
groups
He
went into
continued
composed fundamentally
ularly
time
prior
actions.
assistance
following
of armed struggle
provide
his
Peronist
an alliance
to form
impressed
at this
main efforts
of Salta
he lent
was deeply
List"
and others
year
of Peronism
branches)
commando resistance
"Green
combative
Caride,
1958.
(local
bsicas
the
and Argentines
to Peronism
but
Printers
called
for
in Salta
voted
the entity
to
into
Representatives
Union HQ, declared
were "Socialism
as an expression
its
FRP reached
limitations
or
of national
to be overcome,
-488leaving
the "bureaucrats,
behind
The "Classist"
of a Left
last
long.
right-wing
taken
within
Ragone's
weeks after
groups
on Salta's
Marxism
to Perbn's
Peronism.
solution
support
did
it
not
by
an armed attack
were
by the former
more in
leaders.
Cuban-
common with
as a "deceitful
rejuvenation"
to a generational
pointed
House,
of "generational
idea
following
CGT "normalised"
orthodox
but
government
creation,
Government
1960's,
than with
provincial
conciliation".
Oscar Aramajo,
its
the early
Since
which
by Carlos
Five
by storm
style
CGT, led
faction
and class
reformists
to trade
union
when
problems
of the trade
what was needed was to change "the ideas and social
practice
2
His analysis
of Peronism was highly
union leader".
schematic but con-
Posici6n
C6rdoban review
that
could
not
and popular
working
ization
of the bourgeois
"verticalist"
Equally
by the
the
principle
a dialectical
"predetermined
masses".
wing"
Interviewed
Jaime rejected
1974,
escape
development,
class
"20 Truths
of authority.
process
of polit-
by the presence
was the
inevitable
of the
"fascist-
"defection
of the
leader".
Jaime is
the Argentine
merger
January
in
Peronism
and ideological
ical
leadership.
of Justicialism"
He stated
the Peronist
in
no illusions
tained
best
known though
revolutionary
for
Left.
FRP which
by this
time
had regional
his
efforts
to forge
the unity
organisations
in Salta,
Jujuy,
with
of
the
his
Tuoume.n,
de Salta,
"
1.
Antiimperialista
Clasista
"La nueva CGT Peronista
(2nd
10-11.
1973),
August
8
Militancia,
pp.
no.
2.
Nuevo
",
"Qu&
Armando Jaime,
es el peronismo revolucionario?
4.
(1st
November
1973),
fortnight
p.
50
Hombre, no.
of
1974,
(Cordoba),
January
11,
no.
Jaime, "El Peronismo, " Posici6n,
3.
Pp. 17-20.
489
Santiago
del
Province.
fusion
While
Santa
not
the existence
important
"reformist
which
to the
aspired
Labour";
"conciliation
was Jaime's
More important
prime
Congress
but
mentor.
there
over
called
to challenge
development
the
with
Frondizi,
to its
were limits
most revolutionary
elections,
timing
Tosco,
Jaime
convergence
tendencies
when Guevarist
for
Pernists,
Solomon,
Alicia
devoted
his
People's
as well
Thus,
the September
while
to unity
5th
its
example,
"ticket"
as Tosco,
he
of which
For
class
Eguren de Cooke,
energies
to
Revolution-
of the FAS at
cohesion.
in
Fatherland.
(FAS)
Front
an independent
the
the bureaucracy,
the
with
President
Capital
a Socialist
political
of the challenge.
also
for
recognition
bourgeoisie",
petty
against
Anti-Imperialist
the Socialist
and fight
ideology
revolutionary
the
and including
classes
of the irreconcilable:
to struggle
people,
Peronism,
within
radicalised
the
over
bourgeoisie,
the Army;
projects
was a
and the
class
the big
social
"more or less
promote
least
political
it
agreement
the working
expression,
of different
of the
project"
theses:
imperialism,
politico-military
interests
terms,
in numerical
between
other
Capital
political
of antagonistic
the
representing
1.
the Federal
being
and on the
and their
oligarchy
Silvio
that
all
contradiction"
one hand,
on the
at
Fe,
"principal
of
Estero,
of
1973
disagreed
promoting
FAS
Ortega
Peiia and
in action
(27th
December 1973)
" Militancia,
29
"Acta de IInificaci6n,
no.
(which had Regionales
the
FRP
between
Unity
46.
was established
p.
Santa Fe, the FederJujuy,
Tucumn, Santiago del Estero,
in Salta,
Groupings
Peronist
Bloc
the
Aires
Province),
&
Buenos
Capital
of
al
Peronist
the
Jujuy,
Youth
Revolutionary
the
Peronist
Paran,
of
of
the RevoluWorking Youth of Salta,
the Peronist
Youth of Salta,
Students of Tucumn, the Peronist
Grouping of Peronist
tionary
Youth of
Revolutionary
the Peronist
Shanty-Town Centre of-Tucumn,
Revolutionary
Students Front of Buenos Aires,
Tucumda, the Peronist
C6rdoba and several
unidades
Unidades Bsicas of
the Revolutionary
Rosario and the Interior.
bsicas
of the Federal Capital,
- 490-
the anti-bureaucratic
through
Peronist
unity
labour
PB National
with
The disintegration
but
two organisations
of PB in
called
on the working
Isabel
cracy.
Unity
was formalised
on the basis
afterwards,
volutionary
Front
was not
unity
(Frente
to last.
the FR 17 initials
baptising
Revolucionario
Early
in
Fatherland
and took
adjacent
up a position
This
dred,
it
phenomenon which
former
1.
options,
often
apart
non-Peronist,
bureau-
union
document
itself
17th
the
with
Guevarism,
often
into
from
October
FR
17).
-
the
However,
became
Socialista)
only
it
involved
a few hunits
retains
as Peronism
was therefore
painstak-
government
essentially
and ERP.
victims
labour
into
encountered
a transitional
the Montoneros
who fell
in
relevance
as a long-term
anti-bureaucratic
Re-
retaining
other
Patria
of alternativismo
polarisation
those
shortly
one faction
while
but
militants
Rearte
factions
ended up in
alternativistas
trade
of a joint
split
which
to the Montoneros.
and splits
Alternativismo
crisis.
People")
by Gustavo
committee"
such as
Movement (Movimiento
the unviability
and pro-Montonero
a deepening
in
the
constructed
pro-ERP
its
a few dozen,
demonstrated
As in
strategy.
these
of mergers
and occasionally
because
ingly
process
and the
the
of Peronism
17 de Octubre
1976 it
and confirming
the
"usurpers"
clique"
1975,
a "unification
Government Deceives
"fascist
the
had created
to repudiate
class
FRP-PB merger
In February
successful.
they
("The
leaflet
a formal
1974 prevented
that
announced
a joint
and issued
and MR 17.
to MR 17 were relatively
overtures
and to revolutionary
organisations
of many
to repression,
organisations
ended up
where
(February
20
communique in En Lucha, no.
- 491 replaced
clasisno
intended
as a transitional
identity
of the working
the Peronist
that
lengthier
period
before
Of course,
alternativismo.
crisis
would
but
most alternativistas
not
arrive
of building'the
breaking
completely
scale
of developments
would
not
by revolutionaries
response
class,
their
different
to the
Peronist
had believed
alternative"
the Movement.
articulating
was always
"independent
with
in
alternativismo
though
strategy,
had their
Peronism
within
They misjudged
the
it
time-
probably
been more
predictions
precise.
CONCLUSIONS
Alternativismo
most radical
partly
trade
the
worker
sectors
Cuban-inspired
class
the
from
post-1955
rise
of the
resistance
of Vandorism
most of them,
and other
during
Argentines
confirmed
Movement.
of Cooke, its
Rearte,
All
the
of their
led
while
the necessity
from
militant
the failings
of strong
in
the
by the
them to look
below".
For
Movement (MRP)
Peronist
to support
came to
eclipsed
led
the
came
roles
"from
and struggle
of the Revolutionary
initiatives
from
organisation
of the
inspiration
1960's
formulae
Apart
formulation
and its
movement as a result
political
organisational
military
struggles
struggles.
the failure
radical
commitment
labour
to working-class
primarily
the Peronist
Di Pasquale,
activists.
forefront
of
of labour
experience
union
of the aspirations
emerged as an expression
for
politico-
rank-and-file
organ-
isation.
Within
was evident.
estive,
it
the alternativista
Though data
seems fairly
camp, political
on social
clear
that
composition
and social
is
the petty-bourgeois
limited
heterogeneity
and only
sector
had a
sugg-
492
faith
greater
in
working-class
students
bative"
appears
of Peronist
sector
did
al Rank-and-File
not
union
bureaucracy,
their
and maintain
one sector,
principally
of guerrilla
warfare
military
in
presented
Again,
mands.
true
All
which
there
form
was the
workers
of general
factors
class
class-conscious
of adversity,
proposals
also
problem
of implicit-
conscious
as
to be
propaganda
a comprehensive
pol-
and ultimate
and transitional
impact
important
that
de-
this
was
of alternativismo
than an overriding
fact
the
is
in
that
itself
made an impression
experience
factor
theoretical
incapable
on the more
schooled
in
the univer-
of Peronism
in
office
needed the
For both
by 1974.
had no control
sectors
For
effect
workers.
Alternativismo
the
leadership
divisive
strategies
them.
labour
their
without
the political
Peronist
was the
general
limited
revolutionary
"revolutionizing"
the
from
for
at a mass level.
postulations
of tactical
the CGT of
strengthened
were as class
was a tendency
the alternativistas
and practical
sity
there
The "com-
de Luca were to go
which
revolutionaries
rank-and-file
all
of PB than
on the working
of
isolating
1974.
into
Ricardo
to keep in with
these
like
itself
organisationally
the provision
without
goals
over
in
in
failed
programme to go with
itical
less
the
dramatically
Moreover,
themselves.
of
the Movement.
and political,
that
assuming
the participation
in
positions
The alternativistas
Moreover,
Associations,
in an attempt
social
incorporate
with
attracted
quite
Combativos
only
the
class
unionism,
massively
Peronism.
along
ly
trade
than
alternativista
alternativismo
of the working
minority
the Argentines,
wings,
unequivocally
As a tendency,
component.
class-conscious
base than
Perlin
- 493 -
a difficult
during
It
undermined.
must
the Left.
in
of alternativismo
ism losing
the
store:
support
having
tween movimientismo
however,
had,
icipatory
domination
sectors
clasista
being
a mass level,
the Left
helped
tendencies
left-wing
were merely
groups
Peronism
in
a democratic
of healthy
set
the
partbut here
organisaup by the
of Peronism
the
18 years
of opposition,
bureaucratic
without
Peronist
rank-and-file
groups
of activists
authorisarevolutionary
who identified
with
of a mass organisation.
part
the alternativistas'
when conducted
struggle
political,
was essentially
even
it
was limited
by the fact
that
Peronism
mass political
structure.
The Left,
both
movimien-
the
and alternativistas,
their
meant that
rank-and-file
Since
lacked
also
Peronist
"be"
unions
The amorphousness
during
in
coherent
organisations
could
However, 'this
tion.
the
the bureaucracy.
in
for
- except
There
rank-and-file
with
the establishment
government
methods.
prevented
against
in
Peronism
mass organisations
be-
position
to attempting
controlled
at base level
forms
tional
ing
It
structures.
intermediate
repressive
lacked
by the end
collapsed
to increasingly
from
own version
movement.
as Peronism
attached
own unidades
unions,
attempted
bsicas
to
as a lesser
only
clasismo
been problems
consideration
bureaucratic
tistas
and resorted
turn
all
in
labour
of their
out
and non-Peronist
always
under
period
at
fallen
a Movement structured
work in
the
over
the
experienced
had their
intervention
military
if
the bottom
the military
that
to be
the government,
of or control
As organisations,
of 1974,
fact
loyalties
Peronist
they
to support
of the
aware
acutely
that
government,
Many continued
their
for
period
be noted
also
of Peronist
limitations
evil,
economic
at
to rectify
grass-roots
this
level
situation
from
late
by creat1972 onwards
494-
but
this
initiative
branches
that
was frustrated
by`the
time,
Provisional
all
by the
did
an organised
its
it
(i.
Peronist
count
with
from which
"independent"
party
in mid-1973.
bAsicas,
to recruit.
down.
organisation,
It
had to build
an arduous
of the
aspect
At
which
were closed
a mass political
from scratch,
organisation
the
of Peronism
Council
rank-and-file
enhanced
of left-wing
closures
therefore
not
own rank-and-file
though
Superior
"mixed"
the
by the
task
even
"independent
alter-
native".
Rank-and-File
labour
movement than
cadres,
irrespective
It
however,
did,
of workers
ing
Peronism,
for
its
more clearly
of the rank-and-file,
which
with
polarisation
in
wing
Peronism.
than
ivismo,
longer
Moreover,
take
his
place
This
within
were it
feel
would
that
the
come into
the mass
speak-
would
class
of unions.
already
have already
limitations
he would
PB underestimated
as the
in
that
lesser
that
Peronism
devoid
organisation
Though impossible
of
to have "failed"
organisations
identification
PB saw Per6n's
did
would
revolutionary
in
it
control
far
lead
the rapidity
open,
to opt
for
political
the
enemy
loyalties.
specific
new
ly
though
than he did.
contradictions
would
can be said
rank-and-file
the working
the
that
there
the movimientistas,
Peronist
defining
Both
for
it
with
forgetting
own programme,
movement for
broad
brought
the
in
roots
upon developing
emphasis
the revolutionary
alternative"
"gone beyond"
due to its
this
of whether
the whole
an "independent
the Montoneros
exaggerate
with
had stronger
qualitatively,
their
they
expressions
did
and then
not
of Peronism.
become massive
go on to create
of the limitations
to measure
of alternat-
were complete-
the rank-and-file
495
-
Kork
put
base-level
by PB made a significant
in
the Rank-and-File
Trade
its
did
former
nature
cadres
the
prime
-
remain
tentative,
development
union
means negligible,
in
leaders,
of leadership
economic
one can at
of militant
subsequent
of the labour
to assume,
a degree
military
in
Though greatly
1976.
post-1976
likewise
plans.
least
rank-and-file
and history
a leading
played
movers
seem reasonable
been providing
PB certainly
organisations.
workers'
to the development
contribution
of the
struggles
in
role
that
is
probability
of the
organisations
of
same
second half
of
of the
this
type
defection
Though conclusions
say that
PB's
workers'
it
or impris-
of organisation
against
on this
contribution
organisations
it
has
the
point
must
to the
was by no
CONCLUSION
It
Peronist
of the movimientists
for
a socialist
desire
for
lay
radical
change,
of Perbn.
the propensity
Moreover,
in
their
estimation
of the potential
formations,
seen especially
the national
limitations
Per6n from
to fall
of the
to share
Peronist
their
on the
of bourgeois
their
class
hand,
other
Peronism,
support
was a vague
in
with
the
contemporary
"experience
popul-
of the
by an over-optimistic
trans-
radical
expectations
state
socialist
of working-class
underestimation
organisational
for
a long
development
of the economy.
of working-class
time
have a realistic
did
They accurately
analysis.
of the national
of
initially
would
Their
that
the
since
lay
a policy
1950's
in
The alternativistas
for
the working
an exin
and conversely
their
concenlabour
attentions
an impor-
not materialize,
own weakness
attachment
of
exempted
predicted
bourgeoisie
economism.
lacked
they
view
class
as a
whole.
However,
can be divorced
were
by
was countered
unrealistic
even if
but
that
were channelled
Movement for
totally
both
sectors
The strength
Though there
line
was flawed
performance
fact
such realism
into
capitalist
their
of the
1973.
same time,
phase of independent
trated
and
aspirations
tant
aggeration
the movimientistas
bourgeoisie.
Alternativistas,
the
in
an attempt
in
the
and weaknesses.
recognition
most popular
tendency
strengths
their
At the
of this
tendencies,
was limited
revolution
the direction
people".
in
and ideologically
organisationally
of two major
consisted
the alternativistas.
both
operating.
no evaluation
of the
performance
from an understanding
The failure
of the conditions
of the Peronist
496
-
of these
Left
could
two tendencies
in which
only
be
they
497
-
to their
solely
attributed
tina
of 1973-76
sent.
In fact,
that
the situation
in
movement,
and shifts
the dominant
bourgeoisie
class
was still
ialism
problems
found
their
failure
to really
utionary
situation.
question
as rather
Argentina
It
shared
itself
create
politics
This
alternativistas,
not
only
Left
ideology,
the
was not
the Left
as has
their
solely
impact
the
and ide-
for,
however,
and a belief
was
a revol-
this
vital
of foguismo
of the Peronist
sections
own
social
of what constitutes
has indicated
politics
petty-bourgeois
that
in
Left
this
a fairly
would
and forms
component
to practise
ideologists,
strong
of the Montonerosbut
the desertion
to movimientismo.
also
to be mainly
There
in-
the reformist
guerrilla.
of many petty-bourgeois
the
of
wing
whole
of a
Equally,
corr-
of struggle.
as was seen in
Armed Forces
of
situation.
nationalist
of movimientismo
was true
Peronist
for
a solid
radicalism,
of political,
and here
one,
by soc-
than
Though sectors
most considered
to armed struggle
class,
by radical
that
appear
would
of the Peronist
between
of the working
ways.
then,
the question
a revolutionary
Left,
popular
of the
to forge
their
distinct
was a commitment
espondence
years,
the immaturity
an academic
study
trying
in recent
quite
answer
was crucial.
This
in
conditions.
the bulk
bourgeoisie.
of the Peronist
but reflected
responsibility
However,
the
by sectors
and petty
in
expression
The failure
ological
class
say
were encountered
were radicalised
classes
one cannot
were present,
class.
were pre-
influenced
of the working
been seen,
left
to the
conditions
revolutionary.
power bloc
the Argen-
one regarded
revolutionary
conditions
and working
and great
alliance
both
certain
was potentially
divisions
petty
in which
as a country
though
if
own inadequacies
to a
498
the predominantly
for
tendency
in Rank-and-File
Peronism,
tise
revolutionary
independent
look
and to
they
stages,
as it
-vis
the
did
this
and the
tants,
or at least
ary
Peronist
the
indivisibility
little
they
encountered
in
and imperialist.
guerrilla
of the unity
Here the
though
about
the
liberation
It
struggles
was not
those
of
of their
belief
Their
revolution
that
that
in
owed
the opponent
was "indivisibly"
surprising
mili-
of the Revolution-
and socialist
industrial
than
inadequacies
experiences
the
to ideological
Alternativista
of Trotsky
their
in
actions.
something
of national
to the reading
a capitalist
leaders,
conceptions
faith
owed less
experiences.
practical
vie-
generally
the idea
left,
in-
position
which
group
take
them as
serving
more influential.
probably
part
objective
Peronism
their
their
and small
was far
indirectly,
their
in
the individualism
of the Peronist
to workers'
than
to form
them a privileged
in
or
nationalist
though no longer
reflection
revolution
the petty-
hoped to gradually
was not
offered
gained
of Rank-and-File
movimientismo
former
still
of individual
and social
radicalism
influence
class
and,
It
system which,
proletarians
of Cooke
which they
Moreover,
efficacy
Among the
works
old
class.
working
of national
on paper
to the theory
short-term,
promotion.
previously,
characterises
warfare
struggle,
objective,
this
alliance
generational
to smash the
well
the
reformist
of a multi-class
terests
class
susceptibility
a stronger
whether
In
mentors.
through
to prac-
even though
of struggle,
as a long-term
to socialism
demonstrated
sectors
of revolutionary
over
ideas,
emphasized
which
organised
to armed struggle.
Though committed
Stalinist
politics
or mass forms
to collective
subscribed
bourgeois
those
sectors,
working-class
both
C6rdoban car
- 499 Workers,
ital,
in
workers
form
should
against
an economic
a bastion
were by their
employers
The youthfulness
phasized,
Equally
ety.
it
since
ionalist
they
if
this
those
ious
in
life,
the
over
the pre-
and post-1955
ience
of the Revolutionary
ected
its
basic
Left
ivista
revolutionary
ally
onist
imacy
this
behaviour
inevitable,
Movement.
which
this.
that
period.
given
of Peron in
by the Left
that
they
They continued
bestowed
their
attempts
This
in
student
the
the
case of some
of feelings
of vicar-
to Peronism
predecessors
lessons
which
but failed
Here,
the
quiet
about
the years
to play
those
it
which
was entirely
considered
to analyse
They resurrPerbn's
vital
man-
alternat-
and maintained
followed.
understandable
it
exper-
of the loyalty
as
their
At the same
and practic-
to work in
up to Peron because
rich
responsible,
manoeuvre kept
flattery
sinners.
Peronists.
as banners
some extent
wasto
of Perbn's
a result
time,
in
all
Peronist
documents
behaviour
ipulative
past
periods.
ignored
The movimientistas
their
of reformed
of 1973-74.
of their
the
made in
here had
decline
"discover
and loyal
naiv-
and nat-
opposition
blinkered
Catholic
they
the zeal
complex
and retreats
new to political
guilt
guilt
must be em-
by socio-economic
Movement.
with
cap-
them struggles
activists
right-wing,
to compromises,
many leading
themselves
frequent
system did
to Peronism
-one recognises
to portray
turn
the Peronist
took
then
that
the political
for
of the movimientistas
to their
fact
by foreign
anti-imperialist.
and embrace
history,
nature
in anti-Peronist,
from
Only
was the
organisations.
people"
very
important
because
tendency
and inexperience
participated
originally
of this
dominated
totally
sector
the Per-
of
500
a highly
economistic
working
to
made a concession
to the
Left
the
he might
that
idea
class
and also
at that
be used again,
given
substance
by the Left
to some extent,
in
the future.
level,
At a more general
the continuing
in
ially
late
iod
from
opponents
breadth
this
of economic
to satisfy
maintainable
to appear
able
united,
feet,
it
ised
that
being
unity,
be preserved.
the Left,
not
ultimately
accept
experience
interests
adversely
while
Argentine
all
by imperialist
affected
spheres
mouthing
of life.
out
Those affected
to work together
that
loose
Movement
and
their
raison
under
his
once he real-
of the Left
supporters.
that
a unity
of a shared
penetration
however,
and disintegrate
demonstrated
arise
Perrin
exiled
renouncing
without
of his
had been
many concessions
after
the persecution
to satisfy
the
the
of
to keep his
tried
Though Perlin
which
with
a per-
were unable
of Peronism
In office,
men.
In
integrants
The breadth
to all
order.
so.
governments
was in opposition,
things
he was unable
political
The recent
tive
Peronist
d'Stre.
doing
and
prevented
support
institutional
from
Peronism
taken
The social
union
alternative
a stable
poles.
Peronism
could
compromises,
trade
firm
and its
- espec-
managed by the
also
the 1973-76
was on a basis
it
1955 but
country
had already
as all
not
could
unity
also
and reconcile
while
after
prevented
adversity,
process
new sectors
establishing
reflected
experience
national
survived
of Peronism
breadth
However,
only
to attract
1960's
political
its
not
Left
in a dependent
of nationalism
strength
Peronism
place.
the Peronist
during
condition
of a country's
by this
never
of objec-
arrived
process
at
a "national
of
econ-
in Argen-
programmatic
liberation"
stage
in
to
failed
geoisie
a period
lived
up to movimientista
of economic
State
popular
"National
dynamic
in
economic
Yet in
and mobilisation.
organisation
that
pro-
needed a pawer-
a State
turn
the
the national
It
areas,
to
sacrifices
Moreover,
back successfully.
fight
not
could
to intervene
Reconstruction".
bour-
of them because
expectations
needed working-class
penetration
economic
alone
they
crisis
of
The national
by the movimientietas.
envisaged
bolstered
by
had socialist
this
implications.
To the national
tionist
State
which
might
to repeat
trated
out
the
cessions,
expense
the
its
Communist Parties
national
which
cess
issues
both
which
sought
controversy
or the
history
desire
of the workers
conmeans.
attempting
more than
the
at
having
lends
to support
roads
had locked
espoused
indeed
ironic
that
one
Left
ten-
the
no support
is
to socialism,
horns
latter
had fought
the strength
the
in
half
in
over
whatever
to lead
by the
stages
It
separated
China in
and Mensheviks
bourgeoisie
bourgeoisie
of revolutionary
"national"
over
Leninists
concen-
by violent
suppressed
discredited.
was further
and Trotsky
1955 Argentine
ional
theory
the
Stalin
which
and instead
a number of initial
was a national
the expense
attempting
capital.
of the fundamental
over
years
at
position
of foreign
which
After
1973-76
In the process,
dencies,
interests.
process
years
popular
to improve
Peronist
own narrow
a Cuban-type
of unleashing
of the early
interven-
of a popular-based
They therefore
of control.
strategy
on their
danger
the
contained
get
the idea
bourgeoisie,
the
was the
same one
Communist Inter-
of the
1920's,
and
and before
1917.
Post-
to the idea
of the
nat-
an anti-imperialist
pro-
sectors.
502
-
However,
tremendous
problems
bourgeois
the
reasons
that
for
extraction
the revolution
onwards
their
equation
by the methodology
that
to conclude
of militancy
did
and non-Peronist
typical,
was indeed
utionary
potential.
that
In a few isolated
Left
was strong,
or at
was so.
Constituci6n
where highly
to freely
the
totally
equat-
level
was nevertheless
but
where the
though
great
not
revol-
Cordoba and
political
choose their
strikes,
a problem
took
(leftown
leaders.
Economism at a broader
of
mistaken
class,
case in
was
levels
this
had exhibited
of the work-forces
than
places
appears
This
this
armed struggle,
the working
least
of the
strikes
that
rather
was not
in
were not
Furthermore,
fervour
had to be-
employed
and organisation.
revolutionary
in Villa
with
for
of struggle
in reality.
Peronist
the right
to indicate
politics
revolutionary
with
efforts
and general
characteristics
consciousness
ion
union
to recognise
per-
their
insurrections
of revolutionary
provided
wing)
for
the
understand
seemed superficially
of revolutionary
for
and was
was unable,
there
than that
and that
was near
definition
place
which
went from
rather
the provincial
1960's
to some extent
In Argentina,
due to the
was partly
They tended
class.
but
non-
class.
to fully
and membership,
reason
revolutionary
This
contingent
working
the
Left,
petty-bourgeois
illustrated
an alternative
by the working
the-labour
by the
has also
Moreover,
vain.
led
had to be revolutionary,
was,
As in
to forge
Another
late
attempts
of the Argentine
Peronism
lieve
face
up to publicly
of class
labour
class
Left
alliance
of a large
sonality
the
Peronist
of economism in
faced
presence
of the
which
revolutionary
problem
never
analysis
which
503
the
prevented
emergence
bourgeois.
petty
Just
to opt for
classes
and short-term
having
thing
which
front
though,
it
could
forms
This
for
organisations
reinforce
was a class
problem
petty-bourgeois
of struggle,
was aggravated
only
of workers
alliance
as critical
different
goals.
separate
of a revolutionary
these
which
of these
political
strategies
by the Montonero
policy
different
social
differences.
groups,
the limited
reflected
of
some-
Fundamentally,
as much as the
proletarianisation
and
progress
of
movement.
Conclusions
urban
guerrilla
guerrilla
the
strong
class
there
masses as it
political
and the
develops.
Moreover,
impact
it.
Guerrilla
repressing
not
struggles
of the
the guerrillas
deeds,
warfare
only
its
labour
though
desired.
above,
Peronist
a result
of the
the
has to be clan-
successful
and,
moreover,
isolated
from
the
in no way implied
they
for
from
developed
involved
the immediate
and escalated,
demonstrated,
Far from
in repressive
but
a moveneeds
movement.
forces
conservative
practitioners
it
level
both
struggle
of armed struggle,
which
revolutionary
were divorced
with
stemmed from
and partly
organisations
guerrilla
which
at a military
The
exempt from
case of those
By definition,
of
general.
were never
to become increasingly
as the guerrilla
effect
to
it
in
As argued
to be militarily
Saltos
for
actions
collective
catalytic
for
Left
even in the
itself.
and secretive
advances
towards
Peronist
the role
about
violence
organisations
struggle
a tendency
study
of guerrilla
illegal
is
by the
of guerrilla
this
political
isolation,
towards
composition
destine,
the
launched
isolation
nature
and about
of guerrilla
orientation
guerrilla
ment
warfare
campaigns
problem
be drawn from
can also
the
labour
did not
inspiring
violence
with
the
have
the masses
to counter
a pretext
for
movement as well.
- 504 -
The backlash
but
guerrillas
helped
grew with
to legitimise
not
which
once enacted
of the
in Brazil
as the highest
Left
Peronist
of the
in
and did
could
the backlash
of the
form
of revolutionary
far
use violence
also
No major
By selecting
would
of violence,
a major
place
them
of the
the forces
forms
For
section
had to be exceedingly
whereas
more widely.
act-
guerrilla
ultimately
they
more authoritarian
seeking
powers"
destruction
total
struggle,
mass support,
deployment
their
guerrillas
"emergency
Montoneros.
To attract
status
a disadvantage.
discriminate
and Uruguay
since
the
which
repealed.
to the subdual
place
with
to tolerate
liberals
In Argentina,
and led
have taken
struggle
at
were never
guerrillas.
organisations
It-led
cope.
repression
the
only
Armed struggle
beyond it.
and those
of State
not
and affected
Salto
periphery
a level
ultimately
The result
ions
their
also
could
each guerrilla
of government
General
Videla,
"A terrorist
is not just someone with a gun or a bomb but
that
to
Western
ideas
contrary
are
spreads
someone
who
also
1
civilization".
and Christian
For his
General
colleague,
Vilas,
thus
that
and attacking
it
defects
is
used as a pretext
fictitious
Videla,
of urban
"industrial
guerrilla
for
in the Times
1.
2.
declaration
in Bahia
General Vilas,
International
the
Amnesty
in
quoted
(c. 1977).
in Argentina
as a form
(London),
of struggle
the intelligentsia
terrorising
guerrillas",
General
quoted
warfare
which
4th
in
turn
January
weakens
1978.
505
-
the potential
its
social
isolation.
Once a government
it
has nothing
pendent
feels
to lose
upon popular
and its
Peronist
of the
Left
to harness
the
of the repressive
by revolutionaries
rather
than
which
machinery
the
the masses,
services
those
the
State
enemy to
against
them.
unleashed
superior
and financial
than
was unable
struggle
with
sections
rather
enabled
of
military
major
might
to a military
reduced
intelligence
supports,
strength
weaponry,
ultim-
win.
same time,
At the
certain
under
conditions,
disintegrate,
The Peronist
1966-73
urban
divided,
time
the
such
as the
Cordobazo,
more instrumental
the
early
though
in
1970's.
it
can play
public
had already
the military
a part
be stressed
to a political
baptisms.
that
its
in
to retreat
downfall.
of the
the regime
solution,
Collective
beginning
already
to the demise
contribute
should
looking
sectors
had their
guerrillas
did
is
regime
warfare
experience
guerrilla
when a military
formations"
regime,
with
the Argentine
guerrilla
"special
;
military
already
in
is
of struggle,
but
down
shooting
war between
upon which
power of labour
politics
ately
in an uneven
periph-
guerrilla
issue.
When revolutionary
logistics
before
form
power
upon economic
periphery,
chose a battlefield
economic
force
solely
the
a militaristic
right
force
combatant
de-
to hammer both
potential
support,
Whereas those
terror.
resting
can afford
In selecting
apparata.
those
and imagined
of the
what remains
State
upon popular
rest
cannot
do to some extent
methods,
real
it
by unleashing
that
support
counter-insurgency
to
or increases
and preserves
by the
rebellions,
barracks
was
506
It
is
not
in Argentina
only
has demonstrated
and guerrillerismo
(E. T. A.
Ta Azkatasuna
that
Moiahaddin-e-Kha1Q
in
its
win
a genuine
basis
always
been in
organising
that
capacity
for
cumstances
has not
weakening
been able
to take
but
regimes
guerrilla
certain
cir-
however,
has
warfare
due to its
of the political
advantage
Euzkadi
Moslem
and under
Guerrilla
support.
Iranian
The problem,
of support.
the
of nationalism
authoritian
Both
and the
Fedavan-e-Khala
warfare
of nationalism
forcefulness.
and Marxist
blend
the potent
military
nature
have
which
openings
ensued.
The political
benefits
to the Peronist
beneficiary
least,
Left
of the
E. T. A. for
urban
and thus
effective
at
least,
their
developing
armed actions
proved
with
In
the main
Iran,
initially
Padre
exiled
at
Eterno.
have cause
to
thank
The inability
of
in
cases
will
these
the
politically-motivated,
of political
such
organisation
and
who are.
among national
movements
those
support
went not
of channelling
capable
mass struggles
in
that
support
a consistent
and
manner.
their
into
fora
organisations
popular
support
political
though
of popular
have not
Urban guerrilla
organise
political
degree
run.
campaign
Shah was,
may well
the long
to tasks
suited
leave
Party
that,
the
previously
specific
of the fact
are not
guerrilla
against
- another
to impose its
and fusing
Khomeini
armed campaign in
guerrilla
struggle
campaign
their
organisations
1969-73
guerrilla
the Ayatollah
And in Spain,
but,
but
of the
is
large
through
abandoning
organisations.
been able
have only
to actually
armed struggle
at least
All
and
perform-
showed that
of that
the
potential
N4
507
-
rapidly
when that
evaporated
at a higher
level.
military
Montonero
fortunes,
for
between
the
sectors
of the labour
Montoneros
Had they
clandestinity,
a stronger
labour
maintained
a political
they
well
the
in
authority
labour
was,
guerrilla
with
the result
nature
more than
For
of the Montoneros.
regarded
who merely
This
leave
the
1970-73
fighter
medals
heroic
for
bravery
political
conceptions,
was just
a revamped
1973.
can with
strategy
a mistake
it
were not
a group
in
and later
and bureaucratism
of the
went so far
uniform
- rather,
method.
inability
their
the cult
to promote
that
the
Peronists
of radical
practising
be
of
method to employ
as the best
through
hindsight
wan a confirmation
command structure
mystique,
of
a situation
pressures.
project
They continued
years.
and their
combatants
militarised
the authoritarian
behind
in
they
armed struggle
they
conflict
weak political
moreover,
of their
1975 Aut&ntico
of a militaristic
but
seen as a mistake,
their
of rank-and-file
had proposed
The resumption
of that
from
have strengthened
to a freezing
their
that
of what they
version
led
the
warfare,
advantage
orientation,
as a result
warfare
and broad
base.
themselves
radicalised
of taking
in
developed
clashes
By resuming
other.
albeit
point
Right,
possibility
might
important
afterwards
and Peronist
all
turning
was a fundamental
movement on the
renounced
and of gaining
This
shortly
government
organisation
to
of
guerrilla
as to award
when attend-
1
ing
international
1.
Montonthe
developed
within
After
this thesis
a split
was written,
Long
Fernandez
Pablo
and
Galimberti,
Rodolfo
leadership
when
ero
other
his
among
supporters,
Juan Gelman denounced Firmenich
and
March
1979,
26th
Guardian,
the
See
for their
things,
militarism.
mimeo),
by
signed
1979
February
letter
22nd
the
of
open
and
leaders
dissident
the
Long,
in
Fernandez
Galimberti
which
and
Party,
Montonero
the
from
for
their
reasons
resigning
explained
Army
Montonero
and abandoning
in
the
their
commissions
up
giving
Movement.
in the Montonero Peronist
their
political
events
and meetings.
508
It
is
that
certainly
true
of instances
so much of it
that
the history
of heroism
now resides
in
of the Peroniet
and self-sacrifice.
graveyards.
Left
has
The tragedy
APP11mTZ
1)
PERONIST
M. N. R. T.
Josh ("Joe")
Luis Baxter
Jorge Norberto
Caffati
Mario Hector Duaihy
Carlos Fuentes
Jose Luis Nell
Gustavo Jose Posse (sympathiser)
Lorenzo Andres Posse
(Yugoslav)
Tomislav Rivaric
Horacio Francisco
Rossi
Ricardo
Sergio Rambn Viera
law student
student
student
student
conscript
soldier
employee
employee
student
"criminal"
senior medical practitioner
trader
post-office
employee
teacher & literature
student
ex-seminarist,
worker
ex-seminarist,
worker
law student,
employee
public
employee
state airline
employee
trader
doctor
insurance
employee
lawyer
medical student
sociology
student
student
student
student
engineering
2
PERONIST ARI4ED FORCES (FAP)
Juan Eugenio Bertelli
Carlos Caride
Amanda Beatriz
Peralta
de Dieguez
Gerardo Ferrari
Arturo
Ferre Gadea
Envar El Kadri ,
Hernfin Ceferino
Laredo
Edgardo Olivera
Josb Luis Rojas (ea-II ur
co)
Samuel Leonardo Slutzsky
N&stor Rail Verdinell1
Miguel Zavala Rodriguez
3
(FAR)
REVOLUTIONARYARMEDFORCES
Carlos Heriberto
Astudillo
Maria Antonia Berger
Alberto
Miguel Camps
Raquel Liliana
Gelfn
Alfredo
Elias Kohon
and metalworker
1.
2.
3.
the policlinico
to members captured after
April
Ocurrib,
1964; and La Razbn, 25th
509
510
Juan Pablo Maestre
Carlos
Enrique
Olmedo
Marcos Osatinsky
Roberto Jorge Quieto
Sabelli
Maria Ang6lica
then Gillette
student,
sociology
employee
then Gillette
student.
thilosoDhv
employee
employee
then lawyer
law student,
and teacher
student
teacher
then journalist
metalworker,
railway
worker
sociology
student
engineering
student
bank employee
student
teacher
photographer/TV
cameraman
worker
student
medical student
car worker
student
agronomy student
student
company
worker in publicity
student
priest
state employee
student
secondary student
then lecturer
student,
doctor,
politician
journalist
theatre/cinema
producer,
actor
politician
telecommunications
worker
student
employee
municipal
worker in chemical industry
employee
public
1
MONTONEROS
a)
Combatants
b)
Leaders
of
Mass Fronts
leaders and
to military
Montonero data refers
and mass front
"
del
MPA...,
"La
drawn
is
from
ibid.;
conducci6n
martyrs,
and
Superior
Movement
Peronist
Montonero
El Autentico,
op. cit.;
Resistance
Leads to Victory,
Council,
undated document; Montonero
Unity,
Movement, Victory
Peronist
undated
is Born with People's
document.
state employee
worker
ex-textile
poet, journalist
state gas employee
car worker
priest
law student,
poet,
politician
student
historian,
author
state employee
journalist
lawyer
secondary student
transport
worker
worker
ex-oil
student
journalist,
author
essayist
NON-PERONIST
2)
1
PEOPLE'S GUERRILLA ARMY (EGP)
Fernando
Agustin
Alvarez
Enrique
Bollini
Campos
Alfredo
del Carril
Salvador
Rail Davila
I
Victor
Eduardo FernAndez
Ral Frontini
Federico
Garrido
Santiago
Pedro Gonzfilez
Oscar del Hoyo
Juan Jouve
Jorge Ricardo Masetti
Mendez
Federico
Hermes Pea
Lazaro Pena
Name unknown
""
""
""
1.
Roca
- printing
-
engineering
worker
student
painter
radio interviewer
unemployed
employee
professional
photographer
worker
book-seller
builder
student
journalist
mechanic
Cuban professional
revolutionary
waiter
medical student,
unemployed mechanic
unemployed mechanic
bank employee
bank employee
unemployed oil driller
philosophy
student
medical student
flower' vendor
merchant marine
-512-
urban
support
apparatus
of EGP
professional
revolutionary
businessman
student
doctor
former owner of factory
student,
making pyrotechnical
articles
Mario Emilio
Delfino
Ledesma
Juan Eliseo
Domingo Menna
Luis Pujals
Mario Roberto Santucho
Luis
student
economics student
sugar worker
then public
economics student,
accountant
engineering
student
Fiat car worker
medical student
economics student
then public
economics student,
accountant
then public
economics student,
accountant
student
teacher of plastic
arts
2
PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARYARMY (ERP)
Sbedico
Ulla
Jorge Alejandro
Ana Maria Villarreal
de Santucho
Though the
above data
is
"martyrs",
the
of petty-bourgeois
guerrillas
which
of evidence:
Montonero
stand
trade
whereas
pattern
it
the
fact
rest
that
and mainly
suggests
strongly
union
the
incomplete
predominance
is
on the 31st
columns
of the
only
took
tendency
pertains
supported
August
21
took
to leaders
and
among Argentine
by two other
pieces
the
minutes
1.
2.
3.
"Peron lleg6
El
Descamisado,
to
a su pueblo, " special
supplement
4th September 1973, p. 6; La Raz6n, Ist September 1973.
513
admission
Party
(PRT),
in social
1.
of Mario
political
composition
Roberto
Santucho
leadership
(only
that
the Workers'
30% factory
workers)".
"The Revolutionary
Mario Roberto Santucho,
23rd August 1974, in Santucho, Argentina:
(Oakland,
Power
California:
Revolutionary
Publications:
nd , p. 29.
Revolutionary
from
"weaknesses
Party, "
Worker's
Power.
Bourgeois
Resistance
APPENDIX B
EARLY RADICAL PERONIST PROGRAMMES
PROGRAMME
OF HUERTA GRANDE (1962)1
1.
Nationalisation
2.
State
3.
Nationalisation
production,
steel
4.
Expropriation
5.
Non-recognition
of international
the backs of the people.
6.
A ban on all
imports
7.
A ban on all
direct
8.
Workers'
9.
10.
Integral
priorities
of the banking
control
of key sectors
meat-packing
without
control
trade.
foreign
over
system.
of the economy:
plants.
compensation
which
financial
compete with
and indirect
over
of land
capital
oil,
electricity,
owned by the
agreements
national
oligarchy.
made behind
products.
exports.
exportation.
books so that
costs
can be
of
DECALOGOREVOLUCIONARIO
Peronist
Movement Programme (1964)2
Revolutionary
1.
Nationalisation
of all key sectors
of the economy so as to ensure
iron. and steel,
energy, public
subsoil,
national
sovereignty:
banks, foreign
trade,
enterprises.
monopolies and foreign
services,
2.
Agrarian
reform:
compensation.
3.
State take-overs
industrial
and commercial
of all financial,
big,
the
anti-national
of
of
groups
all
companies
and
monopolistic
dependent on foreign
bourgeoisie,
totally
capital.
or partially
4.
trade.
Rigorous taxation
The abolition
of all industrial,
of secret
A ban on all direct
financial
and commercial
and
enterprises.
indirect
Workers'
of production.
exports
of capital.
control
expropriation
of lend
from
the
oligarchy
without
515
5.
Integral
State planning
of the economy so as to promote harmonious
development.
An industrialisation
programme based upon State
intermediate
industries,
energy,
goods
of extractive
exploitation
Stimulation
inof national
and the machine and tool industry.
Improved
foreign
dustry
competition.
against
and its protection
communications.
6.
Urban reform,
7.
"Dignification"
Just
ation.
medicine.
8.
An education
and promote the developprogramme to spread literacy
Encouragement of national
consciousness".
ment of "national
State support for sport.
culture.
9.
Defence of national
and a foreign
sovereignty
to self-determination
and the equality
right
especially
house building.
of the worker
rewards according
based on the
policy
of peoples.
10.
Solidarity
imperialism
Rico, the
Islands.
1.
Source:
Ernesto
2.
Source:
Supplement
Gonzlez,
op.
to En Lucha,
cit.,
no.
p.
156.
18 (September
1974),
p. 4.
APPENDIX c
SOURCES
This
portant
were the
of which
themselves
largely
is
thesis
Here,
produced.
reviews
Left,
Peronist
material
on the
Peronist
early
In more recent
Peronism.
were indispensable
performed
provided
Cooke,
William
organ
of the
special
its
the
during
for
mention
its
supplements
special
of the Resistance
by the Peronist
offered
Non-Peronist
and Guevarist
when the
lacked
latter
y Revolucl6n
which
were also
and the
key interviews
(September
John
editor,
Peronism.
En Lucha,
deserves
also
of Gustavo
Reatre
and
of the history
outline
Peronist
Movement to be
the unity
of the Peronist
Left.
reviews
Left
1974
(1954-55)
of its
the best
1975),
June 1973-July
contained
E1
alternativistas,
De Prente
of early
and Revolutionary
period
the
of the ideas
provision
which
the
thought
Revolutionary
October
17th
years
crisis
of
The first
of the political
an illustration
organisations
(September-December
covering
same function.
for
reading
own reviews,
For
sources.
movimientista
the
youth
the Montoneros'
Militancia
period,
radical
Left
on the Revolutionary
particularly
El Aut&ntico
and later
1974 period,
was vital
El Peronista
Descamisado,
September
years,
the Peronist
which
(1963-65)
Compa1ero
sources,
promoted
useful,
they
for
published
Left
organs of their
1966-September
of information
on Catholic
principal
source
valuable,
Nuevo
Hombre, especially
too
was
as
September
1974) series.
-516-
apart
radicalism,
its
in
Here,
own.
1971),
basic
first
documents,
periods
Cristianismo
from being
the
was immensely
(September
1971-
517
The political
general,
Left
ist
as seen by those
batiente,
Roia,
reviews,
left-wing,
closure,
within
the
Newspapers
was examined
Opinion
1976.
papers.
and could
ed newspapers
the restriction
ation
declared
(Montoneros).
act
because,
to publish
In recent
events
specific
the post-1955
1975-October
about
constructured
often
for
to refer
being
Argentine
to guerrilla
(ERP)
The Montonero
in
though
of radical,
guides
a background
constructing
La Naci6n,
thoroughly,
once the
(1974-
movement.
period.
basic
Herald
as was La
just
pre-1966
detailed
had been
chronology
as a guide.
was circumnavigated
illegal"
union
1966-October
an English-language
years,
provided
polit-
Politica
its
until
paper,
guerrilla
operations
governments
have not
Herald
it
than
was
other
even allow-
organisations
by their
names,
by references
to "the
organis-
and to "the
newspaper
self-proscribed
Noticias
El Com-
and Estrella
Non-party
and Carta
was a source
source
January
Herald
information
and trade
the entire
for
of July
Buenos Aires
often
were an essential
of events
chronology
(PRT),
events
on political
parties
political
Party
Army (ERP).
The former
(1963-1976),
(PST),
Party
(1973-76)
Left
of the Peron-
Nacional
Workers
Revolutionary
the latter
whereas
These were
Izauierda
Revolutionary
consulted.
commentary
ured
journal,
such as Cuestionario
were also
not
People's
of the
organ
Left
of the Workers
organ
by Marxism.
were
the Argentine
within
of the Socialist
organ
Left.
Socialista,
Avanzada
divisions
influenced
Left
revolutionary
the Peronist
of
of the
isolated
and also
here
items
ical
critiques
to an understanding
crucial
in
their
for
consulted
also
of the non-Peronist
organs
and the
though
organisation"
pro-ERP El Mundo
-518were both
of Noticias,
copies
for
research
ical
thesis
from
there
were numerous
value
were regular
a former
with
were also
Armed Fbrces
reasons
the first
post-1955
from
were never,
value
of
that
Of particular
and a couple
of meetings
Movement combatant.
People's
journalists,
Peronist
guidance
academics
anonymity
There
Revolution-
their
guerrilla
activists.
Some useful
with
secret
the bibliography,
Youth,
Revolutionary
a desire
books written
Here,
utility.
extent
Peronist
information
be respected
for
of security.
Finally,
the
with
and sympathisers.
of whom expressed
all
in
October
the polit-
in
cited
Nationalist
with
inside
and obtaining
two Montoneros
with
Revolutionary
activists
discovering
interviews
also
ents
Left,
discussions
meetings
17th
when the
as a means of clarifying
the formal
discussions
former
from a few
apart
by 1975-76
available
organisations
informal
Tacuara
several
Army,
ary
valuable
and guerrilla
Apart
documents.
not
of the Peronist
political
was undertaken.
were also
conceptions
about
unfortunately
this
Interviews
in
items
the Peronist
were the
two chapters.
period
partisan
superficiality,
therefore,
due to their
the views
by or about
relied
provision
of political
distortion
upon as basic
of pertinent
tendencies.
All
Left
had some
ideological
works
political
histories
of these
suffer
or factual
sources,
quotations
though
cited
of
to some
errors.
They
were of some
and as illustrations
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The lists
the text
in
cited
are arranged
and do not
Peronist
view,
due to the
ed in
the chronological
in
eight
Left
major
lished
Interviews,
from
Periodicals;
Signed
the
presentarticles
and unsigned
falls
into
Interviews;
and Pub-
of Speeches.
of Buenos Aires)
January
July
1966-October
editions
1955-1976.
editions
1975-October
1976.
1955-1976.
La Razbn,
numerous
editions
Noticias,
3rd-11th
June 1974.
PERIODICALS
Buenos Aires,
Avanzada Socialista,
Carta
Buenos Aires,
Politica,
October
Comrafero,
Confirmado,
September
August
15th August
Buenos Aires,
Buenos Aires,
1961, nos.
1968, no.
1-16.
4.
1965, nos.
December 1975-August
-519-
1975, nos.
1.
1973, no.
June 1963-February
104-131.
1974, nos.
1974-September
1960-November
Buenos Aires,
Buenos Aires,
May-December
the
and Editorials;
Articles
Personal
Documents;
are
though
The bibliography
each other.
from
appeared,
order.
are
Sources
items
These reviews
they
which
material.
section
under
Letters,
numerous
La Opini6n,
together
in alphabetical
listed
Newspapers;
in which
and Supplements;
NEWSPAPERS (all
the articles
are listed
order
sections:
Pamphlets
in
items
contain
background
large
them are
Books;
only
surplus
thugh
reviews
are segregated
articles
include
alphabetically,
major
published
below
1-77.
1976, nos.
401-411.
7-30.
-520 -
Con Todo,
Buenos Aires,
late
Y Revoluci6n,
1-30.
Cristianismo
nos.
0&2.
nos.
Buenos Aires,
Buenos Aires,
Cuestionario,
1968,
bases
September
March 1974-June
1976, nos.
Buenos Aires,
Pero nistas),
(Un testigo
de Is realidad
De Frente
insobornable
Buenos Aires,
March 1954-October
1955, nos.
Buenos Aires,
El Autentico,
El
(de la
Caudillo
no. 68.
El Combatiente,
February
El Combativo,
Buenos Aires,
May 1973-April
En Lucha,
Buenos Aires,
Estrella
Federal,
Estrella
Roia,
n. p.,
1974,
July-September
October
La Causa Peronista,
Buenos Aires,
July-September
Cultural,
Liberacin,
July
Buenos Aires,
Buenos Aires,
27th
July
Buenos Aires,
May 1974-August
April
1974- May
12-18.
5-6.
22-25.
1976,
nos.
1974, nos.
1973-March
1973, no.
1975,
1-46.
nos.
1963-March
(Peronista
Militancia
Para la Liberacibn),
March 1974, nos. 1-38.
Nueva Hora,
9-114;
1973, nos.
Buenos Aires,
La Opinion
nos.
1974, nos.
1978, nos.
Nacional,
Izouierda
October
1.
November 1973-September
Buenos Aires,
1-9.
15th
Buenos Aires,
August-September
1974,
mundial),
2-85.
1974,
Buenos Aires,
May 1974-July
Buenos Aires,
posici6n),
1971,
11-38.
1975, nos.
Buenos Aires,
June 1968-April
1976, nos. 204-205.
El Descamisado,
El
September-December
tercera
1966-September
4-44.
1-9.
1974.
7.
Buenos Aires,
1975, nos.
June 1973-
141-190.
Obrera,
Buenos Aires,
30th
Peronismo
v Liberaci6n,
Buenos Aires,
August
Peronismo
y Socialismo,
Buenos Aires,
September
Posici6n,
C6rdoba,
January-1974,
no.
11.
364.
1974, no.
1.
1973, no.
1.
Todo es Historia,
Buenos Aires,
(de la Juventud
Trinchera
nos. 1-4.
Ya (es tiempo
521
-
April
1971-February
Peronista),
de pueblo),
1976, nos.
Buenos Aires,
Buenos Aires,
48-105.
May-September
16th August
1973, no.
1973,
8.
De Freute,
Cooke,
John William
Cooke)
de los
John William.
"Capitalizaci6n
No. 48 (7th February 1955): 3.
de los
"E1 equilibrio
1954): 4.
.
44-45.
destino
"El
futuro
"El
sabotaje
del
No. 45 (17th
"
papelero.
"Paneslavismo,
comunismo e imperialismo
(22nd November 1954):
18-21.
.
Compafiero
"Patria
y proletariado.
(Editor:
Juan Garcia
"La unica
Gustavo.
Rearte,
3.
February 1965):
"5 de agosto:
jornada
"Dos batallas
"Falsa
opci6n.
"Interesado
"
No. 14 (10th
"No habrk
perd6n. "
No. 71 (3rd
consigns.
"
"Peronismo
y revoluci6n.
"Reorganizacibn
rojo.
August
February
1964):
"
1955):
3.
3.
No. 37
3.
1964):
1964):
1.
1.
February
1963):
November 1964):
September
No. 17 (16th
October
1.
September
No. 63 (8th
"
August
No. 32 (4th
justa.
1955):
No. 59 (11th
No. 34 (18th
"La lines
"Nuestras
v&lida.
June 1963):
"
confusionismo.
"
"
No. 58 (4th
No. 1 (7th
"
January
March
Elorrio)
historica.
"
1955):
respuesta
fundamentales.
de Is farsa.
"E1 fin
"
July
No. 81 (3rd
"
insobornable.
linea
"Nuestra
No. 70 (11th
CGT. "
"
y salarios.
precios
de la
trabajadores.
1.
1.
1.
1964):
October
No. 16 (9th
1964):
1.
1963):
October
1.
1963):
1.
1.
of
522 -
la
"Salta:
"IIn desaffo
hist6rico.
El
No. 38 (11th
"
No. 24 (5th
"
(Editor:
March 1964):
December 1963):
Dardo Manuel
Cabo)
No. 26 (13th
Dante
Gullo,
Juan Carlos.
"El
Peronista? " No. 8 (10th
"Ante
la muerte
"Atentar
pals
July
contra
organixacibn
1.
a Perbn. "
CompaAeros."
November 1973):
pueblo.
No. 13
2-3.
1973):
No. 34 (8th
"
No. 51
Qu& es la Juventud
se pregunta:
1973): 10-13.
6.
1.
'eliminar'
November 1964):
pretenden
se une a Prigerio:
(16th June 1964): 3.
Descamisado
No. 71 (3rd
en marcha. "
juventud
2-3.
January
1974):
2-3.
Dorrego:
la Juventud
"Balance de Operativo
No. 25 (6th November 1973): 27.
"Carlos
Menem: Nuestro
(12th June 1973):
"Chau militares!
reaseguro
8.
est
en la
"
Peronista
la aurora
"Con el pueblo
"Construir
hacia
el poder
"
No. 4 (12th
el
"El
Per6n presidents;
final
de una batalla:
" No. 19 (26th September
liberacibn.
"El
pacto social:
endencia. "
"FAR y Montoneros:
1973): 2.
"Hacia
Is
instrumento
No. 44 (19th
apoyar,
toma de la batuta.
"
No. 4
September
1973):
June 1973):
pueblo
2-3.
2-4.
ya march al culpable.
el comienzo
1973): 2-3.
de otra:
de la Liberacibn
o instrumento
16-19.
March'1974):
defender y controlar.
"
No. t7
(11th
"
libertad.
No. 16 (4th
Perlin. "
popular.
de la
juventud.
a trabajar.
5.
fue
"
de dep-
September
1973):
11.
"
523
-
Sabino Navarro:
un trabajador,
No. 12 (7th August 1973): 30.
"Josh
un montonero,
"
un peronista.
"La Agrupacibn
Peronista
Evita de la Rama Femenina del Movimiento
" No. 25
izb un acto en homenaje a Is madre peronista.
(6th November 1973): 28-31.
"La JP tome Is
No. 19 (26th
"
iniciativa.
No. 40 (19th
"
de un peronista.
"La historia
Nacional.
"La JP y Is Reconstrucci6n
September
presente.
No. 19 (26th
"
presente,
mi general.
"La unidad
No. 18 (18th
No. 22 (16th
"
de FAR y Montoneros.
"La Universidad
al borde de la opc16n:
No. 43 (12th March 1974): 7-8.
del
"La universidad
"Las
"Las
pueblo
urnas
triunfar.
villas
Dorrego.
"Operativo
No. 43 (12th
n. "
No. 22 (16th
"
"
movilizar....
"Organizar,
(16th
controlar,
movilizar,
October 1973): 8.
"Paco:
"Peron:
di6
Is vida
la reconquista
"Renunciamos
4-8.
a los
"Soy leal,
total,
social?
"
del
Dia
-
incondicional
"Soy peronista
como se es hincha
(10th July 1973): 9.
"Telef6nicos:
27.
combativos
October
No. 43 (12th
"
de Gardel
o vandoristas?
1973):
"
25.
14.
"
February
No. 22
1974):
23.
June 1.973):
December 1973):
March 1974):
2-3.
February
September
No. 9 (17th
o de Boca. "
No. 16 (4th
11-15.
2-3.
No. 38 (5th
No. 17 (11th
a Per6n. "
1974):
28-30.
No. 5 (19th
No. 31 (18th
gorila.
12-14.
apoyar....
No. 40 (19th
Montonero.
1974):
1973):
no a la lucha. "
honoree,
1973):
26-27.
6-7.
1973):
10-11.
custodiar,
"
1973):
July
October
gobierno.
11 de marzo. "
"Quo votamos
"7 de setiembre
del
September
October
January
"
25.
o continuismo
No. 24 (30th
"Organizar,
intermedios.
sin
"
de aire.
'revantaron'....
25.
1973):
liberaci6n
No. 7 (3rd
."
1973):
4-7.
7.
1973):
permanante,
September
"
1974):
"
Contacto
"La Juventud Peronista
y Perbn:
No. 10 (24th July 1973): 2-7.
"La mujer
February
organ-
July
1974):
1973)f
1973):
5-8.
12.
No. 8
September
1973):
"
524
-
"Torrijos:
un general
o del
"Universidad:
22-24.
"I
esto,
y la lucha
Nos cerca
14-19.
el
pare llegar
gobierno
No. 2 (21st
"
"El
enfermedad
1973): 7-9.
movimientismo,
(26th July
ya lo
"Eva revolucionaria.
"
June 1973):
del
infantil
"Ha muerto
Gustavo
"
"La Burocracia.
Rearte.
"
October
Clasista
"La nueva CGT Peronista
(2nd August 1973): 10-11.
"Las mujeres
10-11.
"Liberacibn
"Militancia
"Per6n,
"Peron
"Perlin
la
4-7.
ola
de Evita
dijeron
o dependencia.
entre
y is
"
guerra.
"
No. 6 (19th
No. 19 (18th
July
1973):
intoaicaciones.
1973):
10-11.
de Salta.
September
1973):
4-6.
1973):
4-7.
" No. 8
November 1973):
No. 38 (28th
1973):
8-9.
16-17.
No. 22 (8th
"
July
"
35-48.
1973):
1973):
"
4.
No. 7
No. 6 (19th
July
October
No. 9
No. 33
peronista.
July
"
No. 14 (13th
guerrilla
"
y otras
Antiimperialista
-
presente.
No. 34 (7th
"
peronismo.
1973):
el ahogo y la clausura.
juventud
presidente.
"
July
No. 4 {5th
No. 19 (18th
No. 33 (31st
"
14-15.
L. Duhalde)
No. 4 (5th
poder. "
March 1974):
de la Tendencia.
pueblo
de clasea.
imperialismo?
al
6-8.
1974):
2-3.
1973):
"E1 apoyo al
"El
Ortega
"Discusibn:
(9th
"El
October
Rodolfo
"Argentina
impotente:
February
1974):
No. 45 (26th
o de nadie. "
pueblo
(Editors:
Militancia
Dri,
peronista.
No. 21 (9th
"
19-230
March 1974):
August
1973);
3.
525
"Puiggrbs
"Righi:
"11
del
y el avance
el nuevo
informe
pueblo.
"
El Peronista
(Editor:
sin
July
"
7.
1973):
No. 35
de retorno.
aviso
de Kloosterman.
entierro
16-20.
41-48.
1973):
1973):
y la violencia.
"Semana politica:
entre la definici6n
(21st February
1974): 4-9.
"Semana politica:
No. 33 (31st
July
No. 5 (12th
"
revolucionario.
orden
Gelbard.
No. 5 (12th
"
"
"
(9th
No. 9
Lizaso)
Miguel
"Nuestras
diferencias
" "Mi afecto
Firmenich,
Mario Eduardo.
politicas;
Padre
Carlos Mu ca; " "La provocacibn
de deal
y agradecimiento
(21st
"
No.
May 1974): 4-8.
5
dividirnos.
recha no puede
Lizaso,
"General:
Miguel.
(4th May 1974): 2-4.
el
peronismo
de acuerdo.
no est
de
del
29
"C6rdoba:
mayo, un montonero
a cinco anos
bazo. " No. 6 (28th May 1974): 26.
De Frente
(Editor:
Oribe, Edmundo.
32-36.
Vicente
de un afo
"El
modelo argentino.
"El
del
significado
"La federacion
Oscar del
"Opiniones:
los
"A un aflo de gobierno:
Socialista.
la Patric
"Balance
grfica
"Peronismo de Base:
8-10.
No. 2 (9th
"
"
No. 4 (23rd
grficos.
los
Conformes
"
May 1974):
June 1974):
de IVISA. "
es de los
Capital.
el
cord-
No. 1
May 1974):
No. 7 (20th
triunfo
cuenta
No. 3
Hoyo)
10 de mayo. "
el
de gobierno.
"
20 Congreso
Peronistas,
55-57.
de Inquilinos
March 1974):
"Movimiento
(19th
"
26-37.
12-17.
No. 2 (9th
29.
burgueses...
por
"
50.
May 1974):
5-7.
-526 (Editor:
La Causa Peronista
Rodolfo
"La milicia
Galimberti)
peronista.
"
1974):
Caride,
Carlos.
"Escribe
Carlos Caride:
To la muerte del general
la
send como la muerte de un compaEero. " No. 1 (9th July 1974):
42-43.
Framini,
Andrts.
"Habla Andr&s Framini:
Hacia
chba Perbn. " No. 1 (9th July 1974): 46.
Galimberti,
(3rd
Rodolfo.
September
"Unidad nacional
'Gran
o
.
(23rd July 1974): 2-3.
"Carlos
Nacional'.
Acuerdo
No. 9 (3rd
Aramburu. "
September
"Mendoza.
(6th
Intervenci6n:
August 1974):
el vandorismo
22-24.
.
"Montonero
Emilio
La Calera.
trabajadores
" No. 3
Quien vot6
peronistas.
trabaj6
Navarro.
Volvers
1974): 9-11.
"
L6pez
Rega?
-
El Autentico
(Editor:
ese guerrero
Miguel
"Este gobierno
Mario.
(12th November 1975): 6.
"Congreso
Nacional
del
PPA. "
cosa. "
Zavala
en brazos
pueblo.
July
June 1974):
No. 6
1974):
22-23.
de tu pueblo.
August
La muerte
del
"
1974):
"
2-3.
de Jos& Alonso.
No. 5 (6th
"
"
August
Rodriguez)
traicion
al
No. 4 (29th
No. 1 (17th
pueblo
16.
pare
No. $ (27th
"Quienes,
c6mo y por que lo ejecutaron.
No. 8 (27th August 1974): 25-29.
Ortega Pena:
"Rodolfo
1974): 20-21.
montonera.
No. 2 (16th
"
por montonero,
1974): 22-23.
25-31.
No. 2 (16th
"
No. 9
a los
Maza:
1974):
de Smata. "
"Fidelidad
gobernan? "
Capuano Martinez,
por compaAero, por peronista,
(20th
de
tu
"
No.
7
August
ya sos entrafia
pueblo.
"Como murib
Aguirre,
la unidad
ya
October
1975):
6.
September
1975):
6.
29.
527
"Coordinadora
cuento
1975):
'La guerrilla
de Gremios en Lucha:
"
para'perseguir
a los trabajadores.
6.
de is Triple
"Historia
ember 1975) &8
"La ccduccibn
defensa
A. "
(24th
industrial,
No. 8 (23rd
con trajectoria
" No. 2 (1st
un nuevo
December
7 (10th
Dec-
de lucha en
October 1975):
and Editorials
Other
Articles
Alberte,
Bernardo.
"Dictadura
(September 1968): 3.
Alberti,
o revoluc16n.
"
Tercer
Mundo
de is 'ejecuc16n'
de Aram25 (September 1970): 5-11.
" Cristianismo
del reformismo
"Aportes
John William.
en la Argena is critica
(July-Decem(Buenos
Aires),
2-3
Presente
Pasado
tina. "
nos.
v
ber 1973): 373-401.
Cooke,
"El
.
liberacibn
pp. 33-77.
(1964).
Cooke,
La
lucha
In
"
Perbn,
de
por is
retorno
Granica Editor,
2nd Ed. Buenos Aires:
1973,
national.
(1959).
"
"La lucha por la liberaci6n
national,
La luchs vor la liberation
national,
pp. 9-32.
(1967).
"
"La revolucibn
y el peronismo,
.
national,
pp. 79-107.
vor is liberaci6n
Emilio.
Corbiere,
Cuestionario,
Oscar,
In Claudio
New York:
Cornblit,
- Regular articles
1975-76.
on the Argentine
In Cooke,
In Cooke,
La luchs
Socialist
Party.
in Argentine
Industry
"
"European Immigrants
and Politics.
in Latin America.
The Politics
Veliz,
of Conformity
ed.,
Press, 1970, pp. 221-248.
Oxford University
"Alienaci6n
Ruben R.
y liberaci6n.
(November-December
1970):
26
no.
Eguren
no.
(Buenos Aires),
"Nuestra
Pbro. Rolando.
Concatti,
opc16n por el peronismo.
(September.
28-36.
30
1971):
Revolucibn,
no.
v
Dri,
4.
de Cooke, Alicia.
Nuevo Hombre, no.
" Cristianismo
59-64.
y Revoluci6n,
de John. "
"Notas pars una biografia
September 1971): 10.
9 (15th-21st
- 528 -
Elorrio,
Juan Garcia.
"
"The Sign of the Revolution.
The Rebel Church in Latin America.
Great
brant,
1974, pp. 304-307.
Goldar,
Arregui,
Juan Jost.
1 (September 1973):
and editorial
nuestra revista.
Jaime,
Armando.
.
(list
board. "Aclaraci6n
sobre
" Peronismo y Liberacibn,
"E1 Peronismo.
" Posicibn,
de nombre de
el caibio
(August
1
1974): 5.
no.
in Peronist
"Power and Politics
James, Daniel.
Affairs,
World
Studies
Interamerican
and
of
February 1978): 3-36.
Kendell,
Laclau,
17-20.
50
Left,
1955-1975. " Journal
of Latin
(1976):
2
273-296.
8,
vol.
no.
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Ernesto.
New Left Review, no.
Imperialist
62 (July-August
Strategy
1970):
" Latin
"Peronism and'Revolution.
.
(London & Leeds), no. 1, Spring 1973:
"Towards a Theory
.
in Marxist
and Ideology
pp. 143-198.
Lenin,
1974):
"The Peronist
.
American Studies,
y Socialismo,
11 (January
no.
GheerPenguin,
o Cristo
rey? "
1971): 39-41.
Peronismo
Editorial.
5.
In Alain
Britain:
American
117-130.
Review
of Books
'
Politics
1977,
Draft
"Preliminary
Y. I.
of Theses on the National
and Colonial
In Lenin on the National
QuesQuestions, " (1920).
and Colonial
Peking:
F6reiga Languages Press, 1970, pp. 20-29.
tions.
"The Re(1920).
ort of the Commission on the National
and Colonial
In Lenin on the National
QuesQuestions, "
and Colonial
tions,
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Little,
in
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Peronist
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4 (November
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),
"
Peronism.
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Rock
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Century.
London: Duckworth,
1975
"
Munck,
Ortega
Times
Class
American
Arregui,
ImperPlus Ultra,
en el tercer
and Duhalde, Eduardo L. "Peronismo Revolucionario
(15th"
Nuevo
Hombre,
9
de
W.
Cooke.
de
is
John
no.
muerte
aft
21st September 1971): 8-9.
Pelayo,
la tendencia
Ariel.
"Del Sitrac-Sitram
El
nacional
clasista.
a
(22nd-28th
September 1971): 2-4.
Nuevo
Hombre,
10
"
no.
poder obrero.
to En Lucha,
Rearte,
Gustavo.
"Por que fracasb
(September 1974): 3.
18
no.
Rock,
Radical
in Buenos Aires and the Argentine
"Machine Politics
David.
Party,
1912-1930. " Journal
vol. 4,
of Latin American Studies,
(November
233-274.
1972:
2
part
Rojo,
"
in Argentina.
"Guerrillas
Ricardo.
Che. New Tork: Grove Press, 1968, pp.
"La ideologia
Salas, Horacio.
Aires),
no. 15,3rd-16th
In Ricardo
147-162.
" Discusi6n
de is violencia.
14-17.
April-1975:
Political
Snow, Peter G. "The Class Basis of Argentine
(March
63
1969):
Review,
Science
ican Political
Strafford,
ber
Peter.
1977.
"The Church
Rojo,
of Change. "
Times
My Friend
(Buenos
Parties.
163-167.
(London),
" Amer-
2nd Decem-
" La O, ini6n
(ed.
)
In
Dorothy
"
Day
Christians.
Camilo
"A
Message
to
Camilo.
Torres,
London: Shoed and Ward, 1968,
Priest
Torres:
and Revolutionary.
pp. 72-74.
Torres
de las guerrillas
Ramon. "La etapa actual
Molina,
argentinas.
(June
Revoluci,
29
1971): 17-19.
Cristianismo
n, no.
y
Walsh,
to Jorge Ricardo
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Rodolfo.
Editorial
Buenos
Aires:
lioran.
los
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"
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10-16.
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105
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Poder
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" Denuncia
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Z Revoluci6n,
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28
no.
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11
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531
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Ta
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Evita viviera
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Che, no.
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400
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18
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April
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26 (6th
13 (6th
no.
December 1973):
46.
Berisso,
Ensenada. Communigue of 5th January
(17th
January 1974): 44-45.
31
no.
obrera
1973):
Communique. El Descamisado,
12
"Aportes
de la situaci6n
para el anlisis
(16th
August 1973): 19-21.
10
no.
"A la clase
FAP 17 de Octubre.
(4th
October
17
cia, no.
.
August
1973):
Cristianismo
22 (8th
no.
no.
4 (5th
(6th
September 1973):
13
no.
29.
no.
communique.
En Lucha,
y al pueblo
46-48.
peronista.
no.
16 (4th
no.
20 (February
" Militan-
September
1973):
1975):
2. " Cristianismo
1-2.
y
29.
-541de los
juego
"La JP no se presta al
Juventud Peronista.
1964).
Companero, no. 42 (14th April
traidores.
de Santa Fe denuncia
"La Juventud Peronista
.
(26th
Compafiero,
May 1964).
"
48
no.
gentes.
"
Press
release.
La Causa Peronista,
"Una estrategia
"
October 1963).
no.
a fallos
1 (9th
" Companero,
revolucionaria.
diri-
July
no.
1974):
sindical.
Communique. Militancia,
no.
"Gan6 el estudiantado,
19th December 1975.
univer-
Peronismo
gan6 el
"Material
Cooke-Pujadas.
Montoneros,
Column de Recuperaci6n
(28th
March 1974): 20-22.
"
Militancia,
38
no.
cusi6n.
.
(3rd
--.
"Cartilla
January
"Cartilla
(21st February
pars militantes
1973): 43-44.
pars
1974):
militantes
20-22.
pars. militantes
1974): 30-33.
24th
Communique
of
.
1973): 22-23.
July
de dis-
" Militancia,
1. " Militancia,
no.
20.
no.
30.
5. " Militancia,
no.
35.
no.
no.
1973. Militancia,
14
frenar
que intents
20 (2nd October 1973):
"Cartilla
.
(25th October
"
Communique. El Descam-
Peronista.
"Bases pars, la reconstruccien
Juventud Universitaria
(12th
July 1973): 18-19.
5
"
Militancia,
no.
sitaria.
Paid advertisement.
.
" La Ovinl6n,
Autentico.
41.
16 (9th
Juventud Trabajadora
Peronista.
"Propuestas
gara el trabajo
(4th
September 1973): 30-31.
Militancia,
16
no.
Metaliirgica
Agrupaci6n
17 de Octubre.
(12th
March 1974): 15.
43
sado, no.
"
no.
no. 32
8 (2nd August
Peronista.
"El MRP fija
Revolucionario
Movimiento
su posicin
en la hors
(April
Revoluci6n,
28
"
1971): 49.
Cristianismo
no.
Y
actual.
Partido
"El Partido
Comunista apoya Is. decComunista de la Argentina.
de un gabinete
de la CGT y reclama la formacin
ision
civico6th
"
La
Opinien,
democrtica.
July 1975.
de
coalici6n
amplia
militar
Socialista.
PB de Tucumn. "Por una Argentina
(September
57-64.
30
1971):
no.
uc16n,
Cooke. " Communique of 12th
PB "John William
(18th
October 1973): 46-47.
19
no.
" Cristianismo
October
1973.
y RevolMilitancia,
542
-
of Speeches
Texts
Firmenich,
Mario Eduardo. "Atlanta.
" Text of speech made on 22nd August
(30th
August 1973): 26-29.
1973. Militancia,
12
no.
"Etapa y conjuntura.
" Typescript
of speech
.
Peronist
Youth cadre schobt in January 1974.
delivered
at a
Luis.
Text of speech at a PB rally
16 (27th September 1973): 19-21.
Quieto,
Roberto.
26th July
in
C6rdoba.
Militancia,
no.
El Descamisado,
SPANISH TERMS
Arrupaci6n
Group
For
Peronist
the
Left,
or
grouping.
a
within a trade union
activists,
group of their
or broader political
party or movement.
Alternatirismo
(principally
Peronist
Left
tendency
the
-A
Peronist
Armed Forces and Rank-and-File
Peronism) which argued that only the workingsectors
of Peronism were
class and left-wing
really
revolutionary
and had to be organised
independently
of the leadership
of the
Movement.
Alternativista
One
who subscribes
ismo.
Aramburazo
Montonero
kidnapping
The
May
1970
and subsequent
"execution"
Aramburu.
of former President
Blandos
Peronist
-
Cerco
Peronist
In
and traitors
in order to
lationship,
masses and
Cipayo
lackey;
Noun:
imperialist
adjective:
somebody
and dependent
or something which is servile
to an imperialist
in relation
power.
Comandante
the
highest
Guerrilla
rank
commander;
Montoneros during the early years.
Comando
Commando
or guerrilla
-
Cordobazo
May
The
1969
student-worker
the city
of Cordoba.
Delegado
Degegate;
trade
rank-and-file
union representPeron's representatives
irrt Argentina
tive;
.
during his 1955-73 years of exile.
Descamisado
Shirtless
-
Digitismo
Peronist
"fingering"
to
principle,
according
to nominate
which the leader has the authority
than them
rather
people to command positions,
being elected.
to
the
"soft-liners";
ideas
of alternativ-
conciliatory
reformists.
one; Peron's
543
-
in
the
unit.
insurrection
in
followers.
544
Peronist.
Duro
Hard-liner;
-
Foco
- guerrilla
Foauismo
The
theories
Debray
guerrilla
associated
with
to which armed struggle
and Guevara, according
can help to create revolutionary
conditions.
Corila
Reactionary,
officer.
Corilitas
Young
gorilas.
-
Intervenci6n
trustee
The
by
of
a
appointment
a government
leadership
to take over the
or party/union
of a province,
university,
running
party branch,
union branch,
etc.
Interventor
trustee
-A
vencion.
Linea
Peronism;
"hard-line"
The
of
combative Peronists.
dura
militant
band or camp.
often
a military
anti-Peronist
when there
appointed
is
an inter-
militant
or
Movimientismo
(principally
Peronist
Left
tendency
the
-A
Montoneros and their
mass front
organisatMovement as
ions) which viewed the Peronist
in terms of "National
a whole as revolutionary
Liberation"
tasks.
Movimientista
One
who subscribes
ismo.
Operacin/Onerativo
-A
Re
Regional
organisational
Left tendencies.
ona2
guerrilla
to the
ideas
of movimient-
action.
unit
of Peronist
Resistencia
Peronist
The
post-1955
Years
of
early
oppositto anti-Peronist
ion and resistance
and nonPeronist
governments.
Salto
Literally,
a shift
warfare.
Socialismo
Naeioaal
usage,
a leap or jump; in guerrilla
to a higher level
of revolutionary
Left,
Peronist
For
the
a national
Right,
for the Peronist
socialism;
by Hitler.
Socialism
as understood
road to
National
545
Sureracin
leading
to
of
contradictions
resolution
-A
through a process of diala new synthesis
development.
Used especially
in
ectical
that Peronism could develop into,
arguing
or had developed into,
a revolutionary
movement.
socialist
Tresvasamiento
ieeneracional
Perbn
Term
by
to
denote
used
a generational
Movement through
rejuvenation
of the Peronist
the promotion
to command
of young activists
positions.
Unidad
emit
- Basic political
Party.
or Peronist
bAsica
of the Justicialist
Vendepatria
Traitor
interests
Verticalismol
Verticalidad
Peronist
principle
of authority
and command,
to which all Peronists
are expected
according
to obey orders emanating from the leader and
his official
representatives.
Villa
Shanty-town.
-
miseria
prepared
to his
to sacrifice
own.
national
546
-
ABBREVIATIONS
(Argentine
AAA
Alianza
Alliance)
AB
Asociacin
-
AC
Acci6n
-
AJES
acin
-Au
(Justicialist
APA
del
ac1on
-Au
Grouping)
APEGE
Asamblea
Permanante
- (Permanent
Assembly
ARP
Accin
Action
ATE
Asociacin
Association
de Traba
ATSA
Asociacin
Argentine
CAOP
Confederac16n
Confederation
C de 0
Comando
de
Organizaci6n
-
CGE
Confederacin
Confederation)
Anticomunista
Ar
ntina
(Bank Employees
Bancaria
(Catholic
Cat6lica
Justicialista
Secondary
Anti-Communist
Association)
Action)
de Estudiantes
Secundarios
Students
Grouping)
(Authentic
Autentico
Peronismo
Peronist
Gremiales Em resarias
de Entidades
Entities)
of Entrepreneurial
Revolucionaria
(Peronist
Peronista
del
adores
Estado
Revolutionary
(State
Workers
Argentina
Ortodoxos Peronistas
de Asociaciones
Associations)
of Orthodox Peronist
(Organisational
Command)
General
Econmica
(General
General
del
(General
o
Trabs
Economic
Labour
CGT
Confederaci6n
Confederation)
CGTA
de
Argentinos
del
los
General
Trabs
Confederacin
o
- (General
Labour Confederation
of the Argentines)
CGTR
del
Trabs
Is
Resistencia
General
Confederacin
o
en
(General Labour Confederation
in the Resistance)
CGU
Confederacin
Confederation
CICSO
Ciencias
de
Investi
Centro
en
ciones
Social Science Research Centre)
CNFC
Federaciones
Centros
Nacional
de
Conse
o
Council of Centres and Federations)
CNP
Nacional
Comando
-
CNU
Concentraci6n
Concentration)
CONINTES
Interna
Conmoc16n
civil
use against
General
Universitaria
Peronista
Nacional
(Peronist
Universitaria
del Estado
disturbances
(General
University
Sociales
(National
National
(University
Command)
National
(The Frondizi
provisions
and insurgency)
for
547
-
(Centre
de la Resistencia
COR
Centro
de
Operaciones
Resistance
Operations)
CRA
Revolucionaria
Corriente
ary Current)
CSP
Comando
Superior
-
EGP
E16rcito
-
Guerrillero
ENR
Arcito
-E
Army)
Nacional
ERP
ercito
-E
Army)
Revolucionario
PAL
Fuerzas
-
Armadas de Liberaci6n
PAP
Fuerzas
-
Armadas Peronistas
PAP
Nacional
Nacional
Comando
Peronistas.
Fuerzas
Armadas
Command)
Armed Forces, National
PAP 17
FAR
(Peronist
Pueblo
(Armed Forces
of Liberation)
Universitarias
de
Frente
Au
aciones
University
Groups Front)
Left-Wing
Urfica
(Peronist
Armed
Armed Forces)
(Socialist
or el Socialismo
FAUDI
Estudiantil
(Peronist
(Revolutionary
Frente
Antiirr
Anti-Imperialist
Frente
-
Armed Forces)
17 de Octubre
FAS
PEN
Revolutionary
Revolutionary
(Peronist
erialista
Front)
Army)
(People's
Armadas Revolucionarias
Fuerzas
Command)
Guerrilla
(National
Pueblo
del
Revolution-
Superior
(People's
Revolucionario
Armadas Peronistas
17th October)
Fuerzas
Forces,
-
del
(Argentine
Argentina
Peronista
of
de Iz uierda
Nacionalista
(Nationalist
Bonaerense
(Buenos Aires
Student
Front)
Printers
FGB
Federaci6n
Federation.
PIP
Frente
-
FOETRA
de la Re bTelef6nicos
de
Obreros
Empleados
Federaci6n
(Federation
lica
Argentina
of Telephone Workers and EmpRepublic)
loyees of the Argentine
FORJA
de la Joven Ar
Radical
Orientaci6n
de
Fuerza
Orientation)
Youth Force of Radical
Argentine
de Izouierda
Prente
Front)
Justicialista
FRP
Frente
Front)
Revolucionario
FR 17
Revolucionario
Frente
Front)
utionary
FREJULI
FUA
Federacion
Federation
Universitaria
Popular
(Popular
(Revolutionary
17 de Octubre
Argentina
Front).
ntina
(Justicialist
de Liberacin
Peronista
Left
(17th
Liberation
Peronist
October
(Argentine
Revol-
University
- 548 -
(Lanusse's
CAN
Gran
Acuerdo
scheme)
GNR
Guardia
Nacionalista
Guard)
alist
,
JAEN
Juventud
Argentina
Youth for National
JEC
Jnventud
Youth
Estudiantil
JOC
Juventud
-
Obrera
JP
Juventud
-
Peronista
JPA
Juventudes
-
JPRA
blica
Juventud
Peronista
de
la
Re
Youth of the Argentine
Republic)
JRP
Juventud
Youth
Revolucionaria
JSP
Juventud
-
Sindical
JTP
Juventud
-
Trabaiadora
JUC
Juventud
-
Universitaria
JUP
Universitaria
Juventud
Youth - pro-Montonero)
JUP
Juventudes
Universitarias
Youth - pre-Montonero
MASA
Socialismo
Movimiento
Antiirr
or
el
erialista
Movement for Socialism
tina (Anti-Imperialist
MIP
Movimiento
Movement)
de In uilinos
Kip
Movimiento
Movement)
de la
MLN
Movimiento
Movement)
de Liberaci6n
MNA
Movimiento
-
Nueva Argentina
MNRT
Nacionalista
Movimiento
Nationalist
Revolutionary
Revolucionario
Movement)
MOR
de
Orientaci6n
Movimiento
mist Orientation)
Reformista
MPA
Movimiento
Movement
Nacional
National
or la Emanci acin
Emancipation)
(Cathlic
(Peronist
Polfticas
(Argentine
Secondary
Working
Student
Youth)
Youth)
(Argentine
Argentinas
Working
(Catholic
Cat6lica
Revolutionary
(Peronist
Peronista
Peronistas
Youth)
University
(Peronist
Peronista
(Peronist
University
en la Ar enin Argentina)
(Peroniat
Tenants
Peronista
(Peronist
Youth
(National
(New Argentina
Autentico
Youth)
University
Peronistas
Nacional
Youth)
(Peronist
(Peronist
(Peronist
Peronista
Political
Argentina
Peronista
Juventud
Nation-
Nacional
(Catholic
Catlica
Agreement
(Restorationist
Restauradora
Catlica
Peronista
Great
Liberation
Movement)
Tacuara
(Tacuara
(Movement of Refor-
(Authentic
Peronist
-549-.
(Montonero
Montonero
Peronista
Peronist
MPH
Movimiento
Movement)
MRA
Movimiento
Revolucionario
ary Movement
Argentino
(Argentine
MRP
Movimiento
Revolucionario
ist Movement)
Peronista
(Revolutionary
MR 17
Revolucionario
Movimiento
Movement)
Revolutionary
MSB
Movimiento
Movement)
Sindical
de Base (Rank-and-File
MSC
Movimiento
Movement)
Sindical
Combativo
MVP
de
Villeros
Movimiento
Movement
Dwellers
NACLA
North
-
Congress
American
(Combative
on Latin
OCPO
Comunista
Or
nizacibn
Communist Organisation)
OLA
Liberacion
la
Organizaci6n
Para
Organisation)
Liberation
OLAS
Organisation
-
PB
Peronismo
-
PB
Nacional
Nacional
Base
Comando
de
Peronismo
Command)
ism, National
PB 17
Octubre
de
de
Base
Peronismo
17
17th October)
PCA
Partido
Party
Poder Obrero
Comunista
de la Argentina
Revolucionario
(Rank-and-File
(Rank-and-File
(Argentine
PI
Intransigente
(Intransigent
Party)
Pi
Partido
-
Justicialista
(Justicialist
Party)
Partido
-
N.ontonero
(I"Iontonero
Partido
-
Peronista
Autentico
Peron-
Peronism,
Communist
(Revolutionary
Partido
-
PRT
(Argentine
Peronism)
Comunista
PRC
Power
Solidarity
Partido
Party
PPA
Armed Organ-
ntina
PCR
PM
Union
Shanty-Town
(Workers'
de Ar
de Base (Rank-and-File
Trade
(Peronist
Or
izaciones
isations)
American
October
America
OAP
Latin
Peron-
Trade Union
(Peronist
Armadas Peronistas
for
(17th
de October
Peronistas
Revolution-
Communist
Party)
(Authentic
Revolucionario
Partido
ian Party)
Cristiano
Revolucionario
Partido
Party
Revolutionary
de los
Peronist
(Revolutionary
Traba
adores
Party)
Christ-
(Workers'
550
(Argentine
PSA
Partido
-
PSIN
de
Partido
Iz
Socialista
Is
uierda
Left
Party of the National
PSRN
Revoluci6n
de
Partido
Socialists
la
Revolution
Party of the National
PST
Partido
Party
Socialists
de los
PSV
Partido
-
Socialists
de Vanguardia
SITRAC
de
Sindicato
Trabs
Union - C6rdoba)
SITRAM
de
Trabs
Sindicato
Union - Cordoba
62 de Pie
62
de
Pie
Junto
-
SMATA
de
Hecanicos
Sindicato
Car Workers Union
Socialista
Arpentino
Sindicato
-
UCR
Uniion
Civica
-
adores
del
(Radical
UCRI
Civica
Uni6n
Civic Union
Radical
Intransi
UCRP
Uni6n
Civica
Union
Radical
del
Pueblo
Secundarios
UES
Union
-
UNES
Nacionalista
Union
Students Nationalist
UOCRA
Obrera
Union
(Construction
UOM
Metalrgica
Obrera
Uniion
-
UTA
Tranviarios
Unibn
-
de Estudiantes
Union)
Party)
Workers
(Materfer
Workers
Perlin)
Transporte
(University
Automotor
Law Union)
Union)
Civic
me
Workers
Socialist
(Concord
de Derecho
Radical
de Estudiantes
(Vanguard
de Materfer
Universitario
SUD
(Socialist
Trabaladores
Afines
(Socialist
Nacional
adores
Party)
(Socialist
Nacional
de Concord
a Perlin
Socialist
(Intransigent
(People's
Radical
Radical
(Secondary
Civic
Students
Secundarios
Union)
(Secondary
de is Re blica: Ar ntina
de la Construccin
Republic)
Workers Union of the Argentine
(Metalworkers
Automotor
(Transport
Union)
Workers
Union)