2nd QUARTER

POLTIKA

CRITICAL ISSUES OF PHILIPPINE POLITY

The New President:

Understanding the
Duterte Vision for
the Philippines

The Legislative:
The Composition of the
17th Congress and
their Legislative Agenda

JUNE 2016

Foreign Policy:
Duterte Policy on
the South China Sea:
Forecasting 2016

CONTENTS
ON THE COVER & CONTENTS
Credits to the following Contributors:
Prof. Victor Andres Dindo Manhit, Francesco
Pangalangan and Angelica Mangahas
Picture credits to the following: philippine-pjg.
blogspot.com, bworldonline.com,
news.abs-cbn.com, en.wikipedia.org,
channelnewsasia.com

The
New
President

The Uncertain
but Promising
Road Ahead

Legislative
Updates

Legislative
Agenda

Foreign
Policy

p.3

p.6

p.7

p.8

p.9

POLTIKA

I. The New President

Understanding the Duterte Vision for the Philippines
Rodrigo Dutertes imminent inauguration on June 30 as President of the Philippines has brought
a sense of cautious optimism across all sectors of the society, which has clamored for a swift end
to endemic corruption, inefficiency in the bureaucracy, income inequality, and the proliferation of armed
groups and other lawless elements. Dutertes rise can be understood as part and parcel of a
broader collapse of barriers-to-power, which is transforming politics both in the Philippines and
internationally. All over the world, micropowers, whether individuals, firms, or states, have found
ways to undermine established players that previously served as the gatekeepers of power.
During his campaign, Duterte positioned himself as an alternative to traditional presidential candidates.
His unorthodox demeanor appealed to many Filipinos, who saw him as unafraid to speak his mind,
even to the extent of testing the limits of so-called civilized behavior. As a result, the millions
of Filipinos that voted for him have high expectations for his presidency.
Given these expectations and the growing curiosity of foreign observers over the man nicknamed
The Punisher it makes sense to expound Dutertes three overarching policy thrusts: reestablishing
law and order, making Philippine growth inclusive, and restructuring the Philippine system of government.
These three thrusts are the means by which the Duterte administration will seek to turn his
campaign promise of Tunay na Pagbabago or radical change into lived reality.
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Reestablishing Law and Order

The centerpiece of Dutertes campaign platform was suppressing the three so-called evils: crime, illegal drugs
and corruption , which he believes are undermining security across all sectors and hampering the growth of the
domestic economy. He pledged to instill discipline with an iron fist and strengthen the countrys justice system
through means that may not be completely legal.

SULONG PILIPINAS RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Adoption of a comprehensive tax reform package
Reduce corporate income tax rate, personal income tax rate, and
capital gains tax rates
Bring down tax rates to the levels of our ASEAN neighbours or even
lower to attract more investors
Simplify the tax system particularly for micro, small, and medium
enterprises (MSMEs)
Reduce the cost of compliance and promoting voluntary compliance
to increase tax collection
Fill in the deficit by expanding definition of our luxury goods,
among others.
2. Implementation of a national I.D. system for improved targeting of
social services.
To allow government agencies to provide more targeted social
services and prevent double-counting or leakage
The system is expected to improve access health, education, food,
shelter, and conditional cash transfer programs, aside from enhancing
peace and order
3. Automating and streamlining of business permits and licensing
systems
Improve ease of doing business agenda
Automate and streamlining of business permits and licensing
processes
Reduce bottlenecks in land titling and eliminate windows of
corruption
Expand the Single Window concept
Extensions of the validity of various permits and licenses, and the
use of negative confirmation for government approvals
4. Improvement of the internet and telecommunication services
Amend the existing telecommunications law (RA 7925) and consider
passing a law to regulate the delivery of services
Remove the need for congressional franchises and the requisite for
300,000 landlines for companies to be granted international gateway
licenses
Promote internet cooperatives to ensure access in far-flung areas
Public Investment in submarine cables and rent this out to
telecommunications companies
5. Delivery of support services to farmers and fishermen (i.e. incentives,
tech, irrigation, post harvest facilities, farm-to-market roads, logistics
and credit)
Adopt value chain developments for rural-based enterprises
Provide a support system to the agriculture sector through financing
and government guarantees to farmer loans and micro-insurance
Institute IT solutions to link farmers to buyers and best practices
Improve Logistics and the integration of the supply chain such as
farm-to-market roads
6. Implementing responsible mining with local value added such as
processing and limiting raw material export
Gradually eliminate the export of mineral ore to grow value-added
processing
Move higher into value chain by developing the iron and steel
industry
7. Developing and implementing a national strategy for industries
where the country has the greatest advantages and preparing local
workforce for these industries
Pursue a National Strategy and Development Plan to identify areas
where the Philippines has the greatest advantages both domestically
and globally

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To reestablish law and order, he plans to launch

a focused, time-bound campaign against criminals,
drug lords and corrupt government officials through
the joint efforts of the Philippine National Police (PNP)
and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). This
will occur in tandem with the elevation of city-level
ordinances from Davao, such as curfew on unescorted
minors past 10 p.m. and a ban on the sale of liquor
and drinking in public spaces after 1:00 am, and so
on to the national level.
He also aspires to bring an end to the decades-long
Communist and Moro insurgencies. An early group
of his peace negotiators met with representatives of
the National Democratic Front from June 13-14, 2016.
News reports indicate that a ceasefire agreement
could be put in place even prior to the first State of the
Nation address on July 25. Duterte offered to elevate
members of leftist groups to four line departments.
At present, however, it is not certain that Duterte fully
appreciates the depth of Communist movement, its
network of political front organizations, and their end
objective.
Identify specific sectors of competitive advantage to optimize
the value and production of land, resources, and people in a
sustainable way
Remove silos to have an all-of-government approach, with
strategic partnerships with the private sector
Develop within specific regional clusters where we have
competitive advantages to lower logistics and transportation costs,
reduce energy cost, and pursue economies of scale
8. Improvement of transport network across the country to improve
connectivity
Speedily implement infrastructure projects across the country
Develop a national strategy for utilizing airports outside Metro
Manila, such as the Clark airport, and utilize Batangas and Subic
seaports to decongest Manila ports
Develop a regional airports and the Sasa port Specific projects
highlighted are the North-South railway project, C6 projects and the
Cebu bus rapid project, and Mindanao railway
9. Review Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) program
Review the CCT program as this promotes dependency in
government and must be reviewed to allow long-term interventions
Enhance social protection initiatives by including livelihood
projects and provision of supplemental feeding in schools
10. Addressing bottlenecks in infrastructure and respecting the
sanctity contracts
Promote synergy between local and national government and
implementing institutions
Address Right-of-way issues such as informal settlers
Assure that the existing and future infrastructure contracts will
be honored

The Moro groups have seen similar attention: Duterte had a joint meeting with the leadership
of both the Moro National Liberation Front and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front on June 18. Both
groups reportedly support the move toward federalism. At present, there is some uncertainty over
the implementation of the Bangsamoro Basic Law as a stand-alone measure or as part of a push
toward a federal system in the countryanother campaign priority for Duterte. Either case could
be expected to provide a greater share of autonomy to the proposed region.

Making Socio-economic Growth and Development Inclusive

Duterte has expressed his desire to build on the stellar accomplishments of the administration
of outgoing President Benigno Aquino III, particularly the latters good governance initiatives and
critical structural reforms that transformed the Philippines from being the sick man of Asia into
Asias rising tiger. Of his ten-point socioeconomic agenda revealed on Monday, June 20, for
example, his first point was to continue and maintain current macroeconomic policies including
fiscal, monetary, and trade policies.
However, he intends to depart from Aquinos legacy of instituting slow but steady macroeconomic
reform by advancing an economic agenda which seeks to upgrade, accelerate, as well as expand
access to the governments basic services, which shall render the countrys macroeconomic
environment more conducive for the flourishing of businesses, influx of investments, and conduct
of seamless trade within the country and the greater ASEAN region. Some megaprojects worth
anticipating include: (a) three major railway systems, namely the Mindanao railway, Manila-Bicol
railway, and Manila-Batangas railway; (b) Zamboanga Ecozone, Southern Mindanao Growth Corridor
(General Santos growth corridor and Davao Gulf Industrial corridor); and the South Mindanao-North
Sulawesi ro-ro link, among others.
Duterte intends to overcome the alleged structural dissonance between macroeconomic reform
which has been the hallmark of Aquinos Daang Matuwid program and concrete improvement
of living conditions and standards of Juan dela Cruz. To do so, he has talked about pursuing the
following: generation of domestic jobs; increase of employment; abolition of contractualization;
promotion of livelihood; agricultural modernization; and entrepreneurial, technological and
industrial advancement with just taxation and equitable distribution of wealth while caring for the
environment for sustainable development.15
He also plans to carry out improvement of government provision of social services which include
education, health, housing, mass transportation with special attention to the elderly, women,
children, youth, indigenous peoples and other marginalized sectors; provision of assistance to
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) and their families; and adaptation to climate change through
reducing risk, preparing for natural disasters and adopting 911 nationwide.16

Restructuring the Form of Government

Lastly, Duterte wants to overhaul the unitary-presidential system and shift to a federalparliamentary System through a Constitutional Convention.17 He desires the holding of a plebiscite
and preparing the future federal states to effect power-sharing, resources-sharing, respect-for-all
and development-for-all as key to reforming the whole bureaucracy to effect good governance.
Reforms under the new system are said to include: increasing the salaries of government workers;
fighting graft and corruption; and unleashing the full potentials of all regions and ethnic groups for
social, economic and cultural growth. Furthermore, constitutional amendment shall lift restrictive
economic provisions in the Constitution, grant more foreign ownership of property and certain
industries.
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The Uncertain but Promising Road Ahead

While Dutertes policy thrusts are intended to improve internal security and catalyze
inclusive growth in the country, one cant deny that his vision will, in reality, draw
opposition along multiple fronts. He is not only about to wage a bloody war against
the undesirables such as criminals, drug syndicates and corrupt officials who for
decades have thrived in the dark underbelly of modern Philippine society, he looks
set to wage his own revolution against what he sees as a dysfunctional political
and economic system that has created and perpetuated obstructions that bar the
Philippines path to industrialization.
However, a strong populist leadership can sometimes fall victim to parochial
thinking. Having been used to running a secondary city without serious opposition,
there is some fear that Duterte could travel down the path of arrogance toward
abuse of power at the national scale. As elected legislators have begun to fall in
line, the creation of a super majority in Philippine Congress could transform it
into a rubber-stamping body. It is imperative for the Filipino citizenry to maintain
a collective critical mindset and attitude on what his mantra truly means and how
it is carried out. While we should support security and development policies and
strategies that will help build strong institutions and genuinely democratize political
power. we ought to remain vigilant against any tendencies to build a new religion
around his quasi-messianic, strongman persona.
Nevertheless, used wisely, his strong mandate can help to institutionalize needed
government reforms, clear up regulatory gridlock and, at least for the next six
years, stabilize the policy environment. At the very least, increasing investment and
promoting growth have been identified as policy priorities for the next six years. It is
in everybodys interest to see the phenomenal rise of Duterte in the annals of history
as the moment we as the Filipino nation freely chose a humble Visayan probinsyano
from the distant island of Mindanao to instill upon us a renewed sense of national
pride and lead us to reclaim, redefine and deepen democracy, on our own terms.

II. Legislative update

16th Congress Adjourns Sine Die
On June 6, 2016, the Senate and House of Representatives (HOR) adjourned Sine Die
for the last time in the 16th Congress. Over the last three year, Congress passed a
total of 238 new laws. Among those passed were several landmark economic reform
laws, such as the Philippine Competition Act (Republic Act 10667), the amendments
to the Cabotage Law (RA 10668), the amendments to the Philippine Deposit Insurance
Corp. (RA 10846), the Right of Way Act (RA 10752) and the Tax Incentives Transparency
and Management Act (RA 10708).
Congress also passed law to make improvements in education and public health
with the passage of the Iskolar ng Bayan Act (RA 10648) and the United Financial
Assistance System for Tertiary Education Act (RA 10687) as well as the Graphic Health
Warning Act (RA 10643), Mandatory PhilHealth Coverage for All Senior Citizens (RA
10645) and the Magna Carta for Persons with Disability (RA 10754). Furthermore, also
passed into law were long awaited measures such as the Department of Information
and Communications Technology Act (RA 10844) and the Customs Modernization and
Tariff Act (RA 10863).
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Many of the measures that were passed were part of the Senate,
House and Presidential Legislative Liaison Offices (PLLO) legislative
priorities that were identified early in the 16th Congress. Over the
last three years, the leadership of both Houses of Congress met
several times to coordinate the measures each would take up in
the hopes of streamlining the process and improve the chances of
passing common priorities. The Aquino-friendly 16th Congress would
also take into consideration the Presidents legislative wish list which
was coordinated through the PLLO, or through the seldom-convened
The Legislative-Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC).
Several of the bills on the list were also on the business communitys
list of priorities. Arangkada Philippines, a major advocacy of the Joint
Foreign Chambers (JFC), came-up with a list of bills that it considered
important and of interest to the business community. The Philippine
Competition Act, amendments to the Cabotage law, Right-of-Way
Act, and Customs Modernization and Tariffs Act (CMTA), were on
their list and were all approved in the 16th Congress. However, a
majority of the business communitys priorities did not make the
cut, even though several were on the Senate, HOR or PLLOs lists.
These were bills such as the Amendments to the Economic Provisions
of the Constitution, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) Charter
Amendments, Freedom of Information (FOI), the Public-Private
Partnership (PPP) bill, Bangsamoro Basic Law, Fiscal Incentives, and
whistleblowers protection act.
Undoubtedly, the business sector will continue to push for these
bills when the 17th Congress begins in July. Furthermore, if returning
as members of the 17th Congress, the proponents of the above
mentioned bills could choose to refile these unpassed bills and argue
for prioritization, especially for those bills that reached advanced
stages of legislation in the previous Congress. Ultimately, however,
the legislative agenda of the 17th Congress will be determined by its
incoming leadership and committee chairpersons.

The Composition of the 17th

Congress and their Legislative Agenda
While incumbent Senate President Frank Drilon and House Speaker
Feliciano Belmonte of the Liberal Party will still be members of the
17th Congress, it is unlikely that they will retain their positions
in the congressional leadership. At this point, it is all but certain
that President-elect Rodrigo Dutertes party President, Sen. Aquilino
Pimentel III, will have more than enough votes to be elected Senate
President, with Sen. Franklin Drilon expected to become Senate
President Pro-tempore, Sen. Vicente Sotto majority floor leader and
Sen. Francis Escudero or Sen. Antonio Trillanes as the leader of the
minority.
Over at the House of Representatives, Davao Representative
Pantaleon Alvarez will be Speaker of the House with the support
of a growing pro-Duterte super majority currently estimated to
comprise 249 members of PDP-Laban, Nacionalista Party (NP), National
Union Party (NUP), National Peoples Coalition (NPC) LAKAS, Laban ng
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Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) and various party-lists. This will leave a

dwindling Liberal Party (LP) and United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) in the
minority.
With his brand of tough governance and his growing number of allies
in both Houses of Congress, President-elect Duterte is in a unique
position to push his priorities through the legislature. According to
Rep. Alvarez, the pro-Duterte Congress first set of priorities will be
the switch to a federal government, restoration of the death penalty
and lowering the age of criminal liability. These three bills are in line
with the Duterte administrations strong anti-crime stance which also
included a promise to end criminality in three to six months.
The shift to a federal form of government would require the convening
of either a Constitutional Convention or a Constitutional Assembly to
decide on the proposed amendments to the 1987 constitution.
For this, Congress may choose to go the route proposed by former
Senate President and federalism advocate Aquilino Pimentel Jr., who
also happens to be the father of incoming Senate President, Aquilino
Pimentel III. The proposal seeks the creation of 11 federal states that
would be created out of the existing administrative regions, so that
the identities of the proposed states would already be known by the
people. Furthermore, each of the 11 federal states would be represented
by 6 senators, with 6 more coming from Metro Manila and 9 overseas
senators, for a total of 81 senators.
The death penalty, on the other hand, was abolished decades ago, but
could be reinstated for heinous crimes with the approval of Congress.
Lowering the age of criminal responsibility would require amendments
to the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006.
According to incoming House Speaker Alvarez, other legislative
priorities would be the Freedom of Information bill, a proposed increase
in value-added tax and an increase for Social Security System pensioners.
Sen. Pimentel, on the other hand, said that Congress will ensure the
General Appropriations Act reflects Dutertes all-out war against crime,
drugs and corruption, and, at the same time, work to make food more
affordable and overhaul the income tax brackets.
In the 16th Congress, there were several bills in the Senate and
House that sought to lower income tax rates across the board, reduce
the highest tax rate from 32 to 25 percent, and to compress the tax
brackets from seven to five. The next Congress may decide to revive
these bills in the next few months as it is in line with the incoming
administrations 10-point economic agenda.
Aside from these early pronouncements, the legislative agenda will
slowly be shaped not only by inputs from the Executive branch, but
by other factors such as the yet to defined Committee priorities, the
advocacies of individual legislators, current events and inputs from
other interest groups. We can expect Congress legislative agenda to
become clearer when the 17th Congress commences on July 27, 2016
and Committee chairmanships are distributed and party alliances
finalized.
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II.I Foreign policy

Duterte Policy on the South China Sea: Forecasting 2016
A favorable outcome in the forthcoming decision from the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague
has never been expected to be a silver bullet to the disputes in the South China Sea. The court, not
authorized to determine the sovereignty of the disputed features, will rule primarily on the maritime
entitlements accorded to the disputed features. As such, the courts primary value will be to help clear
up one angle to the disputes (the maritime rights) and ideally rule as unlawful certain bases for claims
to sovereignty (such as Chinas controversial nine-dashed line). In the weeks that follow the decisions
release, the multi-state disputes themselves will not be resolved.

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Nevertheless, clarity from the decision will be an important step in defining the bounds for future
negotiated agreementsfor example, if struck down, China will not be able to use the nine-dashed line
as the basis for its claims. Even in the short term, clarity can help delimit the acceptable behaviors of
states around the territories they occupy. For example, determining whether a feature is an island or not
will impact whether or not a country can enforce a 200 nautical-mile Exclusive Economic Zone around it.
Thus, the lack of an immediate resolution to questions of sovereignty does not render the case pointless.

Short-term Instability
China has declared that it will not abide by the decision of the court, which is in line with its decision
not to formally participate in arbitration. Beyond this declaration, however, it is likely that China will
decide to tangibly demonstrate its unwillingness to comply. Experts have begun to discuss the various
forms of retaliation that China may resort to: raising an Air Defense Identification Zone in the South
China Sea, thereby requiring pilots flying through the disputed areas to seek the countrys approval
before flying over the sea; beginning to build an artificial island in Scarborough Shoal, well within the
Philippines Exclusive Economic Zone; or blockading Second Thomas Shoal, where the BRP Sierra Madre
has been grounded, have been raised as some possibilities.
Although the Philippines has not signaled its own response to such measures thus far, other countries
like the United States have begun activities to deter Chinese retaliation. These include this weeks move
by the United States to sail two so-called super carriers through the disputed areas as a warning to
China. While the Philippines is expected to be the primary target of such retaliation for having been the
country to lodge the case, other claimant countries, such as Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei, could also
react to defend the islands that they occupy through shows of military force or even by following in the
Philippines footsteps and lodge cases of their own.
As a result, the weeks that follow the release of the decision are likely to have the greatest tension, as
all interested states will want to signify their support or disregard for the ruling. These weeks will also
pose the greatest risk for unexpected escalations, as countries may miscalculate their own capabilities
and, in testing each other, miscalculate the response of an opposing side. While the Philippines should
take extra care during this period, neither should it abandon the advantage that it has, by virtue of
having lodged the case in question, of being the lead country in what could be a regional effort to enforce
the decision.
For Southeast Asia, one excellent venue to discuss the case would be the upcoming Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Foreign Ministers meeting, which will be held at the end of July and
separate meetings with the participation of ASEAN dialogue partners like China, Japan, and the United
States. Southeast Asians would ideally reiterate their strong consensus over the need to freeze all
destabilizing activities in the South Sea and request all countries to abide by the decision of the court.
Just as impactful, and perhaps even more so, would be for all the claimant countries to release a joint
statement indicating their decision over the best course to take for the resolution of the disputes in the
middle-to-long term.

Medium-term Progress
Depending on states behaviors in the short-term, medium-term prospects for resolution could look very
different. If a peaceful new normal is quickly established in the disputed areas, the stage will be set
for the Philippines to consider or even lay out the conditions under which it will enter negotiations with
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the disputing parties. These options include bilateral negotiations with China or multilateral negotiations
with different make-ups, either with all countries sitting together jointly or by dividing the large areas of
dispute into discrete areas where only the claimants with overlapping claims need negotiate.
With different options on the table, we can again expect varying levels of cooperation for each option
from the states in the dispute. Unlike in arbitration, China must agree to participate for meaningful
negotiations to take place. This will be an important time not only for the Philippines to assert its rights,
but for it and other Southeast Asian countries to reassure China that negotiations under any set-up will
occur in good faith and without collusion from the other claimants. In the past, experts have posited that
China is unwilling to enter negotiations where it feels as though it will be ganged-up on by other states.
In the near-term, the Philippines will also need to consider a means of reassuring China that does not
simultaneously put it in a disadvantageous negotiating position.

Understanding the Philippines Next Steps

Despite the various possibilities ahead for the Philippines, there has been little open discussion from
policymakers over the next steps for the country. This can be explained in part by the political transition
that is occurring in Manila from one administration to another. Thus, part of the considerations for the
Philippines options are not only what the Philippines could do, but also what the incoming Duterte
administration considers a viable and wise option.
Uncertainty born out of political transition is not unique to the Philippines but a common experience to
countries as a whole. Nevertheless, the timing of the transition complicates both short- and medium-term
options for the country because it introduces new uncertainties at period where increased diplomatic
and military activity is to be expected in the short term. Put another way, other countries may be more
liable to miscalculate the Philippine response because of poor predictions over the future of Philippine
foreign policy.
As the new foreign and defense secretaries are still in the process of being brought up to speed, the
forthcoming weeks (as in previous weeks) will not only be spent discussing policy options but also
transferring information and explaining existing policy. Yet, while these discussions occur, clues about
the future of Philippine foreign policy continue to emerge from off-the-cuff statements from the incoming
president, Rodrigo Duterte.
On various occasions, Duterte has indicated that he is willing to warm up relations with China once
more. As examples, he has indicated that some of his cabinet will travel to China to discuss trade
matters; that the South China Sea disputes are mere irritants in the Philippines-China relationship;
that he is open to bilateral negotiations (although he later said that the multilateral option was on the
table); and that China is willing to help the Philippines develop railways either from Manila to Subic or
throughout Mindanao. However, the extent to which these points of view will affect Dutertes handling of
the disputes is still up for interpretation.
In contrast to his predecessor, Duterte has demonstrated less trust in the United States. On more than
one occasion, he has questioned the United States resolve over the South China Sea disputes, asking
whether the United States would be willing to help the Philippines militarily despite previous assurances
from President Obama that the US commitment to the Philippines is ironclad. These shifts make
Philippine behavior more unpredictable, and therefore more dangerous, in both the short-term and
medium-term.

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Conclusion
There are many moving parts in the foreign policy landscape for the Philippines. It is
hard to say what other short-term moves from the incoming Duterte administration could
have as long-term an effect as its decisions in the weeks that follow the release of a
decision from the Permanent Court of Arbitration. On other issues, Duterte has spoken of
the importance of considering current political realities in his decision-making.
When it comes to the South China Sea, the current political reality is that the Philippines
is an underpowered state, sandwiched between China and the United States, that must
also contend with the politics of other Southeast Asian nations. Under these conditions, it
would be tempting to walk away quietly with a few concessions. However, the incoming
president must also weigh the extent to which the country should permit short-term
power imbalances to carve away at the countrys maritime rights and natural heritage. The
Philippines hands are not as tied as he may believe.

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ENDNOTES:

Ina Andolong, How Duterte-Cayetano will suppress crime in 3-6 months, CNN Philippines,
18 April 2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/04/15/Duterte-Cayetanoplan-crime-corruption-drugs.html.

Duterte may impose curfew on minors, ban loud karaoke, ABS-CBN News, 11 May 2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://news.abs-cbn.com/nation/05/10/16/duterte-may-impose-curfew-on-minorsban-loud-karaoke.

Carmencita A. Carillo, Communist party offered posts as Duterte Cabinet takes shape, Business World, 16 May 2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=To
pStory&title=communist-party-offered-postsbr-as-duterte-cabinet-takes-shape&id=127583.

http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/06/15/Duterte-team-peace-talks-with-NDF-Oslo-Norway.html

Edith Regalado and Aurea Calica, Philippines is Asias rising tiger, Philstar Global, 06 February 2013, accessed 05 May 2016, http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2013/02/06/905371/philippinesasias-rising-tiger-world-bank.

LIST: Dutertes 8-point economic agenda, CNN Philippines, 13 May 2016, accessed 17 May
2016, http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/05/12/rodrigo-duterte-eight-point-economic-agenda.html.

Pia Ranada, Dutertes dream legacy: 3 major train lines across Philippines, Rappler, 09 April
2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://www.rappler.com/nation/politics/elections/2016/128807-duterte-railway-systems-china-legacy.

Mike Frialde, Duterte to amend Constitution for foreign ownership expansion, Philippine
Star, 04 February 2016, accessed 17 May 2016,http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/02/04/1549659/
duterte-amend-constitution-foreign-ownership-expansion

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CRITICAL ISSUES OF PHILIPPINE POLITY

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