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ABSTRACT
Feminist theories in sociology reflect the rich diversity of general theoretical
orientations in our discipline; there is no one form of feminist theory. The development of these theories over the last 25 years has only recently begun to
influence the mainstream theory canon, which has much to learn from their insights. This chapter demonstrates why feminist versions of the following theory types should be more fully integrated into mainstream sociological theory:
neo-Marxist, macro-structural, exchange, rational choice, network, status expectations, symbolic interactionist, ethnomethodological, neo-Freudian, and social
role. Feminist standpoint theory, an epistemological critique of mainstream sociology, is discussed at the beginning, and the chapter concludes with a brief
account of the newly developing effort to theorize the intersection of race, class,
and gender.
INTRODUCTION
The term feminist theory is used to refer to a myriad of kinds of works, produced by movement activists and scholars in a variety of disciplines; these are
not mutually exclusive and include: (a) normative discussions of how societies
and relationships ought to be structured, their current inequities, and strategies to
achieve equity; (b) critiques of androcentric classical theories, concepts, epistemologies, and assumptions; (c) epistemological discussions of what constitute
appropriate forms, subject matters, and techniques of theorizing from a feminist
perspective; and (d ) explanatory theories of the relationship between gender and
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1996, Etzkowitz & Glassman 1991, Waters 1994, Wallace & Wolf 1995) have
begun to include some discussion of feminist theory, but they vary widely in the
extent and nature of their coverage of the topic. These texts typically confine
discussion of feminist theory to its own chapter or chapter section. This practice is problematic both because it allows scholars and students to easily skip
the topic and because it makes the contributions of feminist theorists appear
more narrow and homogeneous than they are. In addition, many texts still omit
feminist theory altogether, and a number of important contemporary theorists
(e.g., James Coleman, Jeffrey Alexander, Peter Berger, Anthony Giddens) have
ignored both feminist theoretical insights and the very topic of gender in their
general theories (Seidman 1994:304).
Some feminists focus on those contemporary theories and texts that ignore
the contributions of feminist theories and the topic of gender and conclude that
feminist contributions remain largely ghettoized within our discipline (e.g. Ward
& Grant 1991, Alway 1995). My view is that, while progress has been made
in integrating feminist concerns and insights into the disciplines theoretical
discourse, much work remains to be done. This chapter demonstrates the
abundance and variety of feminist theoretical insights that can and already have
to some extent contributed to a more robust theoretical understanding of social
life, one which reflects the centrality of gender in virtually all sociocultural
contexts. It also demonstrates that feminist theories emanate from, critique, and
revise the rich array of theoretical traditions that define our discipline. Space
limitations preclude much discussion of precisely how feminist theories can be
better integrated with mainstream ones. Rather, I focus attention primarily on
reviewing the central insights of feminist theories in order to better inform those
sociologists who may be unfamiliar with much of this body of work about the
rich array of theoretical ideas that are at their disposal.
EPISTEMOLOGICAL ISSUES
Much of the literature that is labeled feminist theory consists of epistemology
and epistemological critiques of malestream sociology. Its foundations reflect
several nonfeminist traditions, especially Marxs and Mannheims discussions
of ideology, Foucaults work on knowledge and power, and phenomenological
and ethnomethodological approaches, the exact mix of influences varying by
author. While this work makes important contributions to these traditions, for
two reasons I believe that it is a misnomer to call this work feminist epistemology
(or theory). First, the issues raised are not in any fundamental way different
from those raised by many scholars who have worked in these traditions but have
not been interested specifically in women or committed to feminism. Feminists
extend their insights in important ways, but this does not constitute a uniquely
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knowers in order to express a Black womens standpoint (p. 16). Smith recommends that we explore the world as insiders by making the everyday world
problematic (1990, p. 26). In a tour-de-force examination of textual material,
Smith (1990) demonstrates how the data used by sociologists are prepackaged
by agencies and other professionals (e.g. physicians, police and courts, social
workers) in ways that express and reinforce the relations of ruling and therefore must be eschewed in favor of examination of the direct experiences of the
people whose lives we seek to understand.
Smith appears to assume that the process of thoroughly critiquing and deconstructing textual material created by sociologists and other agents of the ruling
system, based on the female sociologists own lived experience, will suffice
to lead to new concepts and general (theoretical) understandings that reflect
womans standpoint. While she explicitly rejects a completely subjectivist
sociology that avoids all abstraction, she does not explicate any method for
moving from the realm of personal experience to a more abstract, systemic
level of understanding, a level she presupposes by talking about patriarchy and
capitalism.
Collins gives somewhat more concrete advice by outlining three specific components of an Afrocentric feminist epistemology, in addition to the emphasis on
beginning with experience. First, knowledge claims should arise from dialogue
and stress connectedness between and active participation of researchers and
their subjects, not from adversarial relations between knowers and the objectification of research subjects. Second, personal experience, emotions, and
empathy are central to the knowledge validation process (p. 215); emotion
is not separate from intellect (a point seconded by Smith). Third, Collins calls
for an ethic of personal accountability among sociologists; knowledge claims
should be evaluated in terms of what one knows about the character (values
and ethics) of the knower (p. 218). Nonetheless, it remains unclear in Collins
work exactly how the Afrocentric feminist sociologist should move from the descriptive level of womens everyday experience to the more abstract, theoretical
level she presupposes by talking about African-American womens oppression
within a system that is patriarchal, racist, and classist.
Ultimately, their rejection of abstraction as a masculine activity prevents
Collins, and especially Smith, from proposing an epistemology that can inform feminist conceptual and theoretical development, beyond the prescription
that it must be thoroughly inductive. This shortcoming they share with nonfeminist sociologists who share their critique of positivism in sociology and
opt for thorough immersion in the world of everyday experience (e.g. most
ethnomethodologists and some symbolic interactionists). However, wherever
these male approaches are discussed in the sociological canon, Smiths and
Collinss work deserve serious consideration as well. They add rich discussions
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reflect the either/or thinking explicitly rejected by Collins, yet implicit in her
logic. One can legitimately talk about average differences between females and
males on individual-level variables, but care must be taken to avoid reification
by delineating the average differences in experiences/opportunities/constraints
that account for them and by explicitly recognizing the range of within-gender
variation and between-gender overlap. Moreover, a dichotomous conceptualization of gender can be a theoretically meaningful aspect of social structure, such
as when one talks about the degree of male-female occupational segregation or
the extent to which an ideology devalues females relative to males.
Conceptual Problems
Treating differences of degree as differences of kind is also manifest in macrolevel concepts employed by many feminist theorists, especially patriarchy,
exploitation, and oppression. One rarely reads statements that contain varying levels of these phenomena (e.g. society A is less patriarchal/oppressive/
exploitative than B). They are usually treated as constants, and the emphasis is
placed on understanding the particular form of patriarchy/oppression/exploitation in a given time, place, and/or within a specific socioeconomic structure
(usually capitalism). Yet the empirical literature clearly demonstrates considerable cross-societal variation on those dimensions that can be taken as indicators of the level (not simply form) of gender inequality (e.g. Martin & Voorhies
1975, Sanday 1974, 1981, Blumberg 1978, 1984, Chafetz 1984).
These terms are infrequently defined, and when they are, their definitions
are often too broad, thereby obscuring the dynamics of gender stratification
systems. Patriarchy, for example, has been used to refer to some combination of the following: a type of family structure, an ideology (religious and/or
secular), and one or more properties of the economy and/or polity. This kind
of truth-asserting definition obscures questions of the extent to which and how
these various phenomena are related to one another by assuming their empirical
isomorphism. Patriarchy is often reified by the use of an active verb, as in
patriarchy causes/creates/requires . . . . When this happens, the explanatory
content evaporates completely. Regardless of conceptual problems, in the remainder of this chapter I use the vocabularies employed by the theorists whose
works are being reviewed.
NEO-MARXIST THEORIES
Marxist-inspired feminist theory, most of which today is called socialist-feminist, differs from orthodox Marxism (and orthodox Marxist feminism) by insisting that the nonwaged labor that maintains and reproduces workers, and is done
overwhelmingly by women, is equally as important as waged labor, and that
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oppression for women results equally from patriarchy and from class structure,
not simply as a by-product of class relationships. It differs from other feminist
theories by insisting that, while not sufficient to bring about the demise of patriarchy, the abolition of capitalism is a necessary condition, inasmuch as capitalism derives numerous advantages, hence support from patriarchal institutions,
ideology, and practices. While recognizing that patriarchy predated capitalism, and scarcely disappeared in twentieth century socialist nations, Marxistinspired feminists argue that within capitalist systems, patriarchy assumes
unique forms that are interwoven with capitalism in mutually supportive ways.
Within capitalist systems, the division of labor by gender makes women responsible for the unwaged maintenance and reproduction of the current and
future labor force, variously termed domestic work, production of use value, or
necessary labor. Women may also be involved in what is variously termed production of exchange value, social labor, or surplus value through waged work,
as are men. The nonwaged work done by women is crucial and profitable for
capitalists, who get its benefits for free, and, therefore, such labor is exploitative
and oppressive for women. Although earlier in the history of capitalism most
women were denied the opportunity to become social adults through waged
labor (Sacks 1974), more recently they have been sought by capitalists as a
source of cheap labor in a highly gender-segregated labor market (Eisenstein
1979). The gender inequities women experience in the labor market are linked
both practically and ideologically to their responsibility for nonwaged domestic
work (Eisenstein 1979, Vogel 1983, Shelton & Agger 1993). The dual exploitation of women within the household and in the labor market means that women
produce far greater surplus value for capitalists than do men (Shelton & Agger
1993).
An ideology of patriarchy, or male supremacy, fostered by capitalists, undergirds and sustains both forms of female oppression. This ideology justifies
womens nonwaged domestic responsibilities with reference to biologically
rooted reproductive differences between men and women and justifies genderbased labor market inequities with reference to womens domestic obligations
(Eisenstein 1979). In turn, working class men derive advantages both within the
household (free domestic services and subservience from their wives, resulting
from their economic dependence) and in the labor force (better paying jobs are
reserved for men). No or low wages tie women to their better paid husbands in a
subordinate position, and therefore to domestic labor, which in turn suppresses
their wages (Hartmann 1984, Sacks 1974). Sacks (1974) argues that in this
manner capitalists compensate men for their subordination to capitalist domination, which impedes the development of class consciousness among workers,
reinforcing capitalist domination (also Shelton & Agger 1993, Sokoloff 1980).
Wives economic dependence also ties men more securely to wage-earning jobs,
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self-reinforcing power advantage over their wives because of what Curtis (1986)
defines as a contractual inequality based on the husbands provision of gifts and
favors. These incur a debt for the wife which is unspecified, diffuse, and can
be infinite in effect (p. 179.) However, as Parker & Parker (1979; also Chafetz
1980) note, as the gender division of labor outside the family changes, mens
resource advantage and therefore the nature of spousal exchanges do as well.
Unlike some uses of exchange theory, in the hands of feminist scholars the macro
level environment, which shapes the distribution of resources and therefore the
opportunities/constraints of exchange partners, is taken as the explicit starting
point in understanding the nature of microlevel exchanges, which, in turn, are
often analyzed in terms of their feedback impact on macrolevel phenomena.
The use of exchange theory by feminists therefore exemplifies what Risman &
Schwartz (1989) refer to as a microstructural approach to understanding gender
inequality.
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group members as inappropriate (Meeker & Weitzel-ONeill 1977). The outcomes of mixed-sex groups will therefore usually reflect the preferences of
its male members. Moreover, the process of group interaction will typically
enhance the status and power of the male members, which is often the basis
on which many of the societys rewards of power, position, and respect are
distributed (Ridgeway 1993:193), that is, the basis of gender stratification.
Smith-Lovin & McPherson (1993:223) assert: In one sense, it is impossible
to have a network theory of gender because the theory is concerned with the
nature of relationships between actors, not actor characteristics. Nonetheless,
in the only explicit theoretical discussion of gender differences and inequality from a network theory perspective, these authors convincingly argue that
gender-related characteristics, usually viewed as essential differences developed through socialization, in fact result from the long-term impact of seemingly inconsequentially small differences in the network positions and structures
in which boys and girls are typically located. Beginning with an analysis of
single-sex childhood networks, they call upon a wealth of empirical literature to
demonstrate how gender homophilous networks cumulate over the life course
to create even greater gender differences in adult networks, which foster gender
differences in aspirations, opportunities, and behaviors. Because they reflect
ongoing network phenomena, these outcomes are amenable to change in response to changes in the nature of, and locations within, network structures
for women and men, and therefore to public policy intervention. The authors
also review some of the current inadequacies of the network literature for understanding gender segregation and inequality, weaknesses that, if addressed,
would strengthen the general theory. These include: a focus on small, unrepresentative populations that are almost entirely single-sex; a focus on elites
that are almost always male; a focus on ego nets that loses sight of the organizational context within which networks evolve; and a focus on one network in
isolation from others in which actors are simultaneously involved (pp. 24344).
Together, feminist versions of rational choice, exchange, status expectations,
and network theories emphasize the importance of sociocultural structure for
understanding the gendered nature of interaction and individual choice, and the
patterned gender differences and inequalities that result from such interactions
and choices. They thereby contribute important insights into the general theoretical issue of the nature of macro-micro linkages.
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processes, both between and within the sexes. This perspective is succinctly
captured in West & Zimmermans term (1987) doing gender, which refers to
the work done during interactions in order to constantly recreate the partners
sense of their own and the others gender (also West & Fenstermaker 1993,
Fenstermaker et al 1991, Fenstermaker Berk 1985, Goffman 1977). Gender
is an emergent feature of social situations (West & Fenstermaker 1993:151),
not a static feature of structure or set of individual-level traits.
Gender is omnirelevant in that any action can be interpreted as exemplifying it (West & Fenstermaker 1993). Given the taken-for-granted view that there
are two and only two sexes, and everyone belongs in (only) one of them, people
characterize self and others by sex (gender attribution) and then interpret and
respond to virtually any kind of behavior according to its normative gender appropriateness. The nature of masculinity and femininity varies, but the notion
that men and women are fundamentally different does not. People are constantly
creating the sense of gender difference and defining self and others through that
lens (Kessler & McKenna 1978, Goffman 1977). West & Fenstermaker (1993:
157) assert: persons engaged in virtually any activity can hold themselves
accountable and be held accountable for their performance . . . as women or as
men . . . and will be legitimated or discredited accordingly. A major corollary
is that, while the specific relevance of gender is always contingent upon the
interaction context in which behavior occurs (Fenstermaker et al 1991), it is no
less relevant to single-sex than to cross-sex interactions (Gerson 1985).
Doing gender not only (re)produces gender difference, it (re)produces gender inequality. One very important medium through which gender-construction
work occurs is conversation. Numerous analyses of male-female conservation
and language usage have been conducted (e.g. Fishman 1982, Mayo & Henley
1981, McConnell-Ginet 1978, West & Zimmerman 1977, Lakoff 1975). They
conclude that conversation between men and women reinforces gender inequality, primarily because the definition of what is appropriate conversation becomes mens choice. What part of the world [they] . . . maintain the reality of,
is his choice . . . (Fishman 1982:178). Men dominate conversations; women
work hard to keep them going; women use verbal and body language in ways
that weaken their ability to assert themselves and, therefore, reduce their power
(McConnell-Ginet 1978, West & Zimmerman 1978, Lakoff 1975, Mayo &
Henley 1981).
Another major mechanism by which gender inequality is reproduced through
interaction is scripting (West & Fenstermaker 1993). The social scripts for many
tasks are specifically associated with gender, and people do gender as part
and parcel of doing them. Fenstermaker Berk (1985, also DeVault 1991) shows
how the division of household labor, which numerous studies demonstrate is
highly inequitable, provides the opportunity for both spouses to do gender
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and reinforce their own and their partners gendered identities. Hochschild
(1983) develops the concept of emotional labor, which refers to the need to
hide or fake ones feelings in order to please others, in discussing the gendered
scripts associated with many traditionally female jobs. Kasper (1986) expands
upon this concept, seeing it as integral to the scripts for female behavior in a
variety of interaction contexts and as functioning to deny women an integrated
autonomous identity of their own (p. 40). In turn, this impedes womens ability
to achieve in the public sphere.
Schur (1984) uses an offshoot of symbolic interactionism, labeling theory,
to demonstrate that femaleness constitutes a devalued and stigmatized master
status that results in women being selectively perceived and reacted to primarily
in terms of stereotypes about femaleness (p. 25). This leads to objectification of
women, or their treatment as things rather than as persons, which allows others
to treat them in degrading and exploitative ways. The result is a self-fulfilling
prophecy, whereby women come to see themselves as inferior and to suffer
from low self-esteem, passivity, in-group hostility, and identification with their
(male) oppressors.
In an application of George Herbert Meads concepts, Ferguson (1980)
argues that men possess the power to define both specific situations and the
generalized other. Women, therefore, are defining themselves by reference
to standards that brand them as inferior (p. 155), thereby undermining their
self-identity and producing self-blame for their problems. In addition, powerlessness forces women to become highly adept at taking the role of the (male)
other, anticipating male wants in order to avoid negative sanctions; it prompts
women to please, flatter, and acquiesce to men for the same reason (pp. 16162).
The result is that male power is buttressed.
Feminist versions of ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism focus
on the microlevel processes by which gender differences and inequality are
constantly (re)created in everyday life. By demonstrating that both cross- and
same-sex interactions normally entail doing gender, they suggest that gender
is a fundamental feature and outcome of all interaction, one that should comprise
a central component of general interaction theories.
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are vastly different because only girls share the sex of their primary love object.
Because girls need not separate form their mothers to attain a gendered identity, they grow into women whose primary concern is with connection to other
people. Given a different-sex primary love object, boys develop a gendered
identity through separation, resulting in men who focus on individuation and a
denial of affect. The gender-specific psychological orientations that result from
the fact that women mother children of both sexes underpin male misogyny and
dominance. Gilligan (1982) uses Chodorows theory to refute Kohlbergs levels
of moral reasoning. She argues that womens morality is different from (not
at a lower level than) mens because it is based on personal relationships and
obligations rather than abstract principles (which Kohlberg privileges). These
two works are widely cited by feminist sociologists, despite extensive critique
of their essentialist logic, psychological reductionism, and other problems (see
Williams 1993 for a review of those critiques, and see Lorber et al 1981).
Like socialization explanations, feminist neo-Freudian theory makes genderrelated changes all but impossible to explain. A different kind of criticism of
Chodorows theory is developed by Johnson (1988), who concludes that it is
fathers, not mothers, who reproduce gender differentiation in children and gender inequality among adults. Children of both sexes become human through
interactions with their primary love object, a mother figure, who tends to minimize gender difference. Fathers differentiate their children much more on the
basis of gender. In addition, children observe their mothers playing the wife
role, which models gender inequality in relationship to their husbands.
CONCLUSION
The Newest Trend in Feminist Theorizing
The hot topic in the 1990s among feminist scholars is the intersection of race,
class and gender. Edited books (e.g. Anderson & Collins 1995a, Rothenberg
1992), special journal issues, program sessions, and a new section of ASA
have been devoted to it. The central contention of this emerging focus is that
the three forms of oppression are not separate and additive, but interactive
and multiplicative in their effects. However, to date, very little theory has
been produced on the topic; the growing literature remains overwhelmingly
descriptive, and too often descriptive of a sample of women of only one race
and class (or even specific occupation).
One exception is Collins (1990), who suggests several interesting ideas about
how to theorize one overarching structure of domination that includes age, religion, and sexual orientation in addition to race, class, and gender (p. 222). She
argues that people can simultaneously be oppressed and oppressor, privileged
and penalized; that no one form of oppression is primary, although individuals
and groups often define one as more fundamental and others as lesser; and that
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the matrix of domination has several layers (e.g. persons, group or community
culture, social institutions), all of which are sites of potential resistance to domination. Moreover, different systems of oppression may rely on varying degrees
of systemic versus interpersonal mechanisms of domination (pp. 22627).
West & Fenstermaker (1995) reject the mathematical metaphor involved in
Collinss (also Almquist 1989, Glenn 1985, Anderson & Collins 1995b) idea
of intersecting systems of inequality. They point out that no one can experience gender without simultaneously experiencing their other statuses, so all
outcomes are simultaneously gendered, raced, and classed. Using an ethnomethodological approach, they argue that these are all ongoing accomplishments whose relevance cannot be determined apart from the context in which
they are accomplished. Collins et al (1995) respond that West & Fenstermaker
reduce oppression to difference and lose sight of the structural inequities that
are fundamental to these statuses.
These efforts constitute the barest beginnings of theorizing about how various
forms of inequality relate to one another. The recently developing queer theory
(e.g. see Seidman et al 1994), which deals with the social construction of
sexual identity and preference labels, especially those that are marginal, is
also interwoven with feminist theories. It is, however, beyond the scope of this
chapter to discuss the theory. Both of these new issues reflect the perception
by many feminists that prior theoretical efforts have been too middle class,
white, and heterosexist, and that feminist theory must recognize diversity among
women and therefore account for the multiplicity of forms of oppression, not just
that experienced by otherwise privileged white women. Theoretical progress
on the topic of how various systems of inequality interact could revolutionize
the sociological understanding of social stratification, which, for too long, has
theorized narrowly about inequality in terms of social class/status.
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theories that have resulted from the masculine blinders their authors have worn.
They have developed revisions of those traditions that broaden and deepen the
disciplines understanding of social life. Gradually, albeit too slowly, these
perspectives are becoming incorporated into the mainstream theory canon. It
is my hope that this review may hasten that process.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the following people for feedback on a draft of this chapter:
my departmental colleagues Helen Rose Ebaugh, Joseph Kotarba, and David
Klinger; also Dana Dunn, Paula England, Randall Collins, Ruth Wallace and
an anonymous reviewer.
Visit the Annual Reviews home page at
http://www.annurev.org.
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