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Cybernetics Revolution
with Genetic Epistemology
Gastn Becerra
468
with Piaget and Garcas genetic epistemology, I will argue that the revolution
the former discerns is more comprehensive. Additionally, since the latter differ
from cybernetic and radical traditions in
their philosophical assumptions about
society and its conditioning on knowledge, I will suggest that these assumptions must be considered to explain each
constructivist programs achievements
and challenges.
Constructivist Foundations
vol. 11, N3
knowledge, and in particular scientific knowledge, on the basis of its history, its sociogenesis,
and especially the psychological origins of the
notions and operations upon which it is based.
(Piaget 1970: 1)
For Piaget, such a project entails integrating several disciplines and methods: on the
one hand, it resorts to formalizing analysis
to deal with matters of knowledge validity,
and on the other, to historical-critical and
genetic analysis in the fields of history of science and developmental psychology to deal
with the issue of knowledge constitution.
Genetic epistemology holds that the explanations constructed around the development of individual knowledge can shed light
on the development of scientific knowledge.
The core hypothesis is that there is a functional continuity between both domains
that would enable their transformation to be
explained by resorting to the same constructivist processes and mechanisms (Piaget &
Garca 1982: 31).
6 The underlying question furthering Piagets project can be grasped via
a terminological clarification. As Garca
(2000: 25f) recalls, Piaget used the term
pistmologie in its French sense, which
Second-Order Cybernetics
modulating the intrinsic activity of a cognitive system (Garca 1992: 31). According to
this view, knowledge evolves by reorganizations fed by the exchanges between the (cognitive) system and its (social) environment
(Garca 1999: 179).
11 Eventually, with Garcas revision
(2000), the scope of his analysis of constructivist theory was widened, which makes it
possible to state different ways of analyzing
the epistemic framework (Becerra & Castorina 2015).
12 A first type of analysis is the one
Piaget & Garca (1982) called sociogenetic,
which is intended for the history of science
field. Here, the epistemic framework refers
to a worldview (Weltanschauung) resulting from philosophical, religious and ideological factors that influence the contents of
theorization by enabling or inhibiting our
questions (Piaget & Garca 1982: 228234).
Garca provided an example:
Ohm, in Germany, discovered the first quan
titative law in electricity The reaction of the
Naturphilosophers was very consistent: What was
the point of measuring such phenomena? Electricity is something very immaterial how can
one measure it? Experiments and mathematics
were considered entirely irrelevant to obtaining
a true understanding of Nature. This was the
Weltanschauung involved in the Romantic movement In this case, a particular cultural pattern
enters in a very concrete way into the shaping of
science in a particular society at a particular time.
In the case we are considering, it acts as an epistemological obstacle, to use Gaston Bacherlards
expression. Here, the social component is not
merely providing directionality to scientific research; it enters deeply into the conceptualization
of science. (Garca 1987: 136)
This raises the question of whether a similar conceptualization has been developed by
second-order cybernetics.
13 A second analysis relates to the
psychogenetic field covering the development of knowledge from childhood to adult
thinking. The epistemic framework here
refers to the social meaningfulness and cultural practices that make certain phenomena or objects visible or invisible in a shared
social world (for a similar idea, see Overton
1994). Surprisingly, Umpleby has not given
further consideration to social context and
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