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The British government rejected the Congress demand for setting up a national government
on the ground that it could not contemplate transfer of their responsibilities for the peace
and welfare of India to any system of government whose authority is directly denied by
large and powerful elements in Indias national life. Nor could they be party to the coercion
of such governments into submission to such a government. The offer made three
proposals:
(i) an immediate expansion of the Viceroys Executive Council by enlarging Indian
representation,
(ii) establishing a war advisory council consisting of representatives of British India and
Indian states-to meet at regular intervals
(iii) promotion of practical steps to arrive at an agreement among Indians on the form which
the post-war representatives body should take and the methods by which it should arrive at
its conclusions, and secondly, on the principles and outlines of the constitution itself. The
Viceroy clearly stated that the moment when the commonwealth is engaged in a struggle
for existence is not one in which fundamental constitutional issues can be decisively
resolved.

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Two developments in the later half of 1941 changed the Indian situation. After
overrunning a big part of Europe, Hitler invaded Russia on 22 June 1941. In the East,
Japan attacked the American Naval fleet at Pearl Harbour and quickly swept the
British from Malaya, Singapore, Indonesia and Burma, posing a serious threat to
the security of India. The German invasion of Russia confronted the Indian
Communists with a dilemma. While the British policies in India remained repressive
and reactionary as ever, Britain now was an ally of Russia against Germany. In
January 1942, the Communist Party of India toeing the Communist line, called for
full support to the anti-fascist peoples war, even while reiterating its demand for
the independence of India and immediate national government. The deteriorating
war situation also demanded reappraisal of the Congress programmes: The Indian
leaders were worried about the safety and defence of India.

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On its part, the Congress called off the movement for the time being and offered
cooperation to the government for the defence of India provided Britain agreed to
give full independence after the war and the substance of power immediately. As
that war came nearer India day by day, Britain felt obliged to make some gestures
to win over Indian public opinion. At international level, Roosevelt raised the
question of Indian political reforms with Churchill. Chiang-Kai Shek on a visit to
India in February 1941 expressed sympathy towards Indias aspirations for
freedom. The Labour leaders of Britain also put pressure on Churchill to seek
active cooperation of the Indians in the war. To secure this cooperation, the British
government decided to send a Mission headed by Sir Stafford Cripps, a member of
the British cabinet and a Left wing Labourite to settle the terms of cooperation.
Cripps arrived in Delhi on 22 March 1942, with a draft declaration on the basis of
which he was to conduct negotiations with the leaders of the Indian national
movement.

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Sir Stafford Cripps spent three weeks in India in March-April l942. After hectic
activities and prolonged discussions, he announced his proposals in the form of a
Draft Declaration on 30 March 1942. The draft proposal in its preamble announced
that the objective was the creation of a new Indian Union which shall constitute a
Dominion associated with UK and other dominions by a common allegiance to the
Crown, but equal to them in every respect, and in no way subordinate in any
respect of its domestic and external affairs. The scheme had two parts: (i)
procedure for framing a dominion, constitution, and (H) interim arrangements
during the war period. For the first part, it was suggested that after the end of the
war, fresh elections would be held for all provincial legislatures; the members of
the lower house of provincial legislatures and the representatives of the states
would form the electoral college to elect the constitution-making body; the
constitutional body would be about 1/10 of the total members of the electoral
college and will be elected by a system of proportional representation.

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While the Quit India movement was going on, the famous revolutionary Ras Behari
Bose of the Hardinge Bomb Case fame, who had escaped to Japan and had settled
there, and Subhas Bose gave an entirely new turn to Indias struggle for freedom.
Subhas Bose, who twice (1938-39) served as the President of the Congress, resigned
from the post in early-1940 founded the Forward-Bloc, as a political party and on
January 17, 1941, secretly escaped from India and reached Berlin.
There he secured German approval for two of his proposals : he would broadcast
anti-British propaganda from Berlin, and he would raise Free India units from
Indian prisoners of war in Germany. The second item received an impetus when
Germany declared war against Russia (22 June 1941). Free India units were raised
not only in Rome, Italy being an ally of Germany, but also in Paris which was then
under German occupation. The full strength of the legion was 3,000.

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After Japans entry into the War (December 1941) Rash Behari Bose, an old Indian
revolutionary who had taken political refuse in Japan and thereafter became a
Japanese citizen, organized an Indian Independence League composed of Indians,
living in South-East Asian countries which were then controlled by Japan. The
Indian Independence League took a definite shape at a conference held at Bangkok
in June 1942; Rash Behari Bose was elected its Chairman.
Meanwhile steps had been taken by Captain Mohan Singh, an Indian officer of the
British Army in Malaya who had surrendered to the Japanese, to form an Indian
National Army or Azad Hind Fauz. The nucleus was formed by volunteers from
among the Indian prisoners of war who were handed over by the Japanese
Government to Captain Mohan Singh. By August 1942 about 40,000 prisoners
signed a pledge to join the I.N.A. under Mohan Singh. On 1 September the I.N.A. was
formally established.

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At the Bangkok Conference it was decided to invite Subhas Chandra Bose to come
to East Asia. He arrived from Germany in Tokyo on 13 June 1943. To him Rash Behari
Bose surrendered his power and position. The Japanese Government made an
official declaration to extend all means in order to help to expel and eliminate
from India the Anglo-Saxon influences and enable India to achieve full
independence in the true sense of the term.
Subhas Chandra Bose came to Singapore (which was then under Japanese
occupation) and assumed leadership of the Indian Independence League and the I.
N.A. (July 1943). He was acclaimed as Netaji. He established a Provisional
Government of Free India at Singapore (21 October 1943) which was formally
recognized by Germany, Italy and Japan.
Acting in full co-ooperation with Japanese troops who had occupied Singapore,
Malaya and Burma, the I.N.A. began its offensive in March 1944, and advanced
through Burma as much as 150 miles into Indian territory. The national tri-colour
fIag was planted at Kohima on the India soil on 19 March 1944. But the progress of
the I.N.A. was cut short by the British occupation of Rangoon in May 1945.

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The Quit India Movement temporality removed the Congress from the field of constitutional
politics. The leaders, kept in confinement, lost touch with the workers who were demoralised.
This was an important factor in strengthening the Muslim League in Bengal, Sind and Assam.
In Bengal and Sind, Muslim League Ministries were formed. In Assam a pro-Muslim League
Ministry came into office. In the provinces under Governors rule, the administration was antiCongress
and
pro-Muslim
League.
Jinnah described the Quit India Movement as a most dangerous mass movement intended to
force Congress demands at the point of the bayonet, which, if conceded would mean the
sacrifice of all other interests, particularly those of Muslims in India. Jinnah and provincial
Muslim Leagues concentrated on using their influence to keep Muslims away from the
Movement. During this period, when all Congress leaders were behind the bars in connection
with the Quit India Movement, the rapid advance of Muslim League was the most striking
political development of the closing years of the Second World War. Simultaneously, Jinnah
centralised the authority of the League in his own person.

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The Cabinet Mission, composed of three British Cabinet MinisterSir Pethick

Lawrence, the Secretary of State for India; Sir Stafford Cripps, President of the
Board of Trade and A.V. Alexander, First Lord of the Admiraltyarrived in New
Delhi on March 24, 1946. Sir Pethick Lawrence, while announcing the appointment
of the Mission had made it clear that its objective was to set up quickly a
machinery for drawing up the Constitution for independent India and to make
necessary arrangements for an Interim Government. Thus the appointment of the
Cabinet Mission was a virtual declaration of Indias independence. Its most
important task was to devise the mode or methods for the transfer of power, to
suggest measures for the formation of a Constitution-making machinery and also
to set up an Interim Government. The Cabinet Mission spent the first three weeks
in discussions with the leaders of various political parties, members of the Viceroy
s Executive Council, the rulers of Princely States, etc.

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The Congress reaction to the Cabinet Mission was that independence for
the whole of India be embodied in a constitution made by the constituent
assembly. Its plan consisted of a Federal government with a limited
number of subjectcompulsory and optional. The provincial governments
would have all the power including residuary powers. After the
completion of the work of the constitution making, the provinces would
have a right to (i) stand out of the constitution, (ii) to enter the federation
for the compulsory subjects, or (iii) to federate for compulsory and
optional subjects. For the provisional government, the Congress did not
agree for parity of Hindu and Muslim members. For the election of
members of the constituent assembly, the Congress suggested that the
provincial legislatures should be taken as electoral colleges. The states
representatives could be chosen by the Praja Mandals.

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The Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy tried to find a solution, acceptable to
both sides without giving up the unity of India but at the same time securing
the essence of Muslim demand. On 16 April, the Mission offered Jinnah two
alternatives either accept Pakistan with areas limited to Muslim majority or a
federation of autonomous provinces as part of union of India. The Congress
through Azad put forth the view that it was in favour of complete
independence and a constitution framed by a Constituent Assembly.
In the background of these conflicting demands made by different political
parties, the Cabinet Mission announced its own recommendations on May 16,
1946. Its main recommendations were:

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After the acceptance of the June 3rd Plan, it was deemed necessary to
have a body to settle the boundaries of the new dominions of India and
Pakistan. Two Commissions were accordingly constituted, the first to deal
with the partition of Bengal, as also the separation of the district of Sylhet
from Assam the second, with the partition of the Punjab. Each was to
consist of a Chairman and four members two nominated by the Indian
National Congress and two by the All India Muslim League It was
understand that all the members would have the status of High Court
Judges.
The terms of reference laid down that the commissions were to
demarcate the boundaries of the two parts of the respective provinces of
Bengal and the Punjab on the basis of ascertaining the contiguous
majority areas of Muslim and non-Muslims. The Bengal Commission, in
addition, was required to demarcate the Muslim majority areas of Sylhet
district and the contiguous non-Muslim majority areas of the adjoining
districts of Assam.
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In Bengal there were the indisputably non-Muslim majority districts of Midnapore,

Bankura, Hooghly, Howrah and Burdwan and the Muslim majority areas of
Chittagong, Noakhali, Tippera, Dacca, Mymensingh, Pabna and Bogra. Except for
them, all other areas, including Calcutta, were subject to contention and rival claims.
Similarly in the Punjab, there was a great deal of controversy over the three divisions
of Lahore, Multan and Jalandhar and a part of the Ambala division. There were
differences not only among those tendering evidence, but also among the members
themselves. Neither as regards the Punjab nor Bengal, were the members able to
reach satisfactory agreement among themselves. It was therefore, resolved that the
Chairman would give his own conclusions in both cases.
The final award itself was ready on 13 August and Lord Mountbattens original plan
was to hand it over to the two parties immediately. It was none the less clear that he
had to go to Karachi that day (13 August) to inaugurate the new dominion of Pakistan.
Thus, the earliest that party leaders could be summoned together was on 17 August.
No one, not even Mountbatten, it has been suggested, had seen the text of the award
before them.

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After the acceptance by Indian political leaders of the June 3rd Plan, Lord
Louis Mountbatten presented them a paper entitled The Administrative
Consequences of Partition. After many meetings and much argument,
the Governor General persuaded the politicians to set up a Partition
Committee consisting of Vallabhbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad belonging
to the Indian National Congress, as well as Liaqat Ali Khan and Abdur Rab
Nishtar of the All India Muslim League with himself acting as Chairman.
Later, when the provinces decided on Partition, the Committee came to be
known as the Partition Council.
The Congress continued to be represented by Patel and Rajendra Prasad
with C. Rajagopalachari as an alternate member; while M.A. Jinnah, and
Liaqat Ali Khan, with Nishtar as an alternate member, represented the
Muslim League.

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By an order of the Governor-General under the Indian independence Act

the Partition Council continued to function even after 15 August 1947. Its
composition was then altered to include two members drawn from each
dominion cabinet. India continued to be represented by its original
members and Pakistan by such ministers as were able to attend meetings
in New Delhi.
The Council functioned through a steering committee of two senior
officials H.M. Patel for India and Chaudhri Muhammad Ali for Pakistan.
The steering committee was assisted by ten expert committees of officials
representing both countries. They covered the entire gamut of
administration, organization, records and personnel, assets and liabilities,
control revenues contracts, currency and coinage, economic relations
(trade and controls), domicile, foreign relations and the armed forces. The
steering committee was meant to ensure that concrete proposals were
evolved and put up within a specified time to the Partition Council for
decision, and therefore take steps to implement them.

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Centuries before the British rule in India, the Hindus and Muslims had lived together
without any bitterness and the centurys long cordial interactions and interrelations between the two communities led to the growth of rich composite culture.
But with the coming of the British, the Indian social scenario, where all communities
had been living undiluted understanding, love and regard for each other, was caught
in the whirlpool of bitter misunderstanding and communal discord.
The communal problem in India is of recent origin later half of the 19 century.
Moreover, the communal problem at its base was more politically motivated than
religiously oriented. The founding fathers of the communal triangle in modern India
were the British rulers, who were neither the true friends of the Muslims nor the foes
of the Hindus. They were true friends of the British Imperialism and acted on the
tested the tried maxim of Divide and rule.

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Until the seventies of the 19th century it suited the Imperial interests to support
the Hindus and they did it. The British looked upon the Muslims as Chief
conspirators in the revolt of 1857. The Wahabi movement confirmed their
suspicion. But towards the 1870s, the British policy towards the Hindus
perceptibly changed, because politically more volatile Hindus posed a serious
threat to the stability of British rule in India.
During the first decade of the foundation of the League, it worked relentlessly
for the continuance of the British rule in India and to that and in view opposed
the nationalist activities of the INC. The true political idea behind this thinking
of the League was that If the British rule disappears from India, Hindus will
Lord over it and we will be in constant danger of life, property and honour. The
only way for the Muslims to escape this danger is to help in the continuance of
the British rule. Let the Muslims consider themselves as a British army ready to
shed their blood and sacrifice their lives for the British Crown.

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Shortly before the First World War the Muslim League came under the
influence of the progressive leaders and as a natural consequence of the events
of the First World War i.e. defeat of Turkey and deposition of the Sultan of
Turkey who was also Caliph of the Islamic world etc., the League came closer to
the I.N.C. It entered into a pact (Lucknow Pact) with the INC and supported the
non-cooperation movement But after the suspension of the movement, the
League became sworn enemy of the I.N.C. and came to adopt bitter communal
overtures. By 1934, M.A. Jinnah became its undisputed leader. The British
constitutional measures from 1909 to 1935, further widened the gulf between
the Hindus and Muslims and the League openly came to vigorously propagate
and work for the two nation theory.

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The Indian Independence Act passed by the British Parliament in July 1947
provided the legal provision for the transfer of power. Its provisions were:
1. Setting up of two independent Dominions...to be known respectively as
India and Pakistan on August 15, 1947.
2. The Indian Dominion would include the whole of British India with the
exception of the territories constituting Pakistan, i.e., West Punjab,
Baluchistan, North West Frontier Province, Sind and East Bengal.
3. Each Dominion was to have a Governor-General appointed by His
Majesty and represent his Majesty for the purpose of the government of
the Dominion. The Legislature of each Dominion would have full power to
make laws for that Dominion. After August 15, 1947 no Act passed by the
British Parliament would have validity in either of the Dominions.

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4. With immediate effect from August 15, 1947, the British Government would
cease to have any responsibility for the Government of India. This implied that
any terms and agreements made between the British Government with either
the Princely States or Tribal areas would also cease to exist.
5. The two Dominions along with the Provinces would continue to be governed in
accordance with the Act of 1935 till the time the Constituent Assembly made
alternate arrangements.
6. It also made provisions for the division of Armed Forces and Civil Services
between the two Dominions and each was to exercise authority over its own
sections.
7. A new Constituent Assembly was to be formed in Pakistan which would also
exercise the powers of Legislature in that Dominion.

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