Education for a changing Myanmar

Children on their way to school on the back of a flat-bed truck in Yangon. (Maro Verli / Frontier)
02 Jul 2016

The reform of the education system is providing opportunities for

innovation and collaboration between Myanmar and international
educators.
By DARYL ORCHARD | FRONTIER
Myanmar is not unlike any other frontier market across the globe. As the country continues
its rapid political, cultural and economic transition, keeping educational reform at the heart
of these changes is essential. With the new government seeking to make significant
improvements to Myanmars educational framework, experimentation is not something to be
afraid of, but embraced.
As a basic principle the new National Education Law is correct to highlight the need to attain
an international standard for the Myanmar education system. To achieve this aim, it should
seek to learn from international best practice through a variety of joint programs with
overseas institutions and by establishing a series of visiting professorships, with foreign
academics attending Myanmar universities and Myanmar professors visiting their peers
overseas.

The development of beacon schools in the Myanmar system will allow new education
practices and techniques to be pioneered and perfected, with evolving best practice
systematically spread throughout the whole education sector. This freedom for innovation
within a framework of accountability will subsequently play a major role in advancing
student achievement.
These initiatives will in turn provide opportunities for respected international education
providers to enter Myanmar, enhancing the current educational offering and providing
greater scope for collaboration between the Myanmar and international models of
education.
Inspirational teachers help create inspired students. In fact, research shows that the quality
of a teacher is the most important school-related factor influencing student achievement. It
is therefore critical for the Myanmar government to pay close attention to the training and
development of both current and future teachers. Significant investment in this area is
urgently required, as teachers are a major catalyst for development and change in
education systems.
Training for education administrators is also key and should be undertaken by providing
current administrators with the opportunity to experience, observe, learn from and question
best-practices elsewhere. These initiatives, combined with the development of an effective
accreditation system for schools and education authorities in Myanmar, will ensure that
exacting standards are maintained and serve as a platform for even greater improvements
in the longer term.
Inviting locally-established international education providers with a proven record of success
outside the country to develop innovative partnerships with select Myanmar curriculum
schools is another area worthy of consideration. Such endeavours would showcase how
both sides can learn from the other to the mutual benefit of their students. The chosen
programs could be academic, sporting, musical or artistic in nature.
Special educational needs is one area where international schools can draw upon years of
pedagogical research and development to advise and support their Myanmar colleagues
who may have less experience in the field. All in all, the culturally-sensitive sharing of
educational knowledge can nurture the development of a modern education system to serve
the needs of all the countrys children and adult learners.

In addition, international education will act as a critical element in the soft infrastructure
development of Myanmar and support positive changes within the countrys reforms.
International education, whether in the form of international schools, foreign curricula
programs, or overseas tertiary and vocational education partnerships, offers the opportunity
for local and foreign nationals to develop together with the development of the nation being
the overriding principle.
While significant strides have been made towards achieving national priorities for
educational reform and engagement, looking at ways to increase the private sectors role in
education can have several potential benefits.
When implemented correctly, the private sector can increase efficiency and expand access
to education services, particularly for areas with limited access to schooling options,
especially for marginalised groups. The World Bank says that to increase access and
improve quality in education, many governments are finding it effective to separate the
financing of education from its provision.
As the schools that I oversee in Yangon develop, under the guidance of the Dulwich College
International group, we are excited by the prospects of becoming an integral element of the
educational landscape in Yangon. We believe firmly that the appropriate exchange of ideas
and opinions is healthy, and stimulates creative debate enabling new solutions to be
identified.

Myanmar National Education Law 2014

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

National Education Law 2014

Pyidaungsu Hluttaw

Enacted by

Thein Sein

Date enacted

30 September 2014

Status: Current legislation

Myanmar National Education Law (Burmese: ), enacted on 30 September 2014,

is designed to reform the countrys outdated education system. Drafted in March 2014, the bill was
passed after being sent back to the floor byPresident Thein Sein with 25 proposed changes, 19 of
which were accepted. From the beginning of its drafting process, the law faced criticism from
students and teachers unions as well as various civil society groups. Concerns over the law later
turned into protests, which were eventually cracked down by the government.

National Education Law 2014[edit]

Section 1 includes definition of terms used in the law.[1]
As laid out in Section 2, the main objectives of the law are to train students to become critical
thinkers; to nurture students to become law-abiding citizens with democratic principles; to enable
students to become citizens who could pass down their ethnic languages, traditions, literature and to
value historical heritage and environmental sustainability; to enhance human resources in
preparation for economic development and higher standards of living; to provide a learning
environment that is up to date with international standards and to improve teaching, learning and
research by using technology information and communication information; to help students excel in
their own fields of interest; and to promote sportsmanship and school health projects. [2]
Section 3 of the law covers the fundamental policies of the law that include providing education for
students with disabilities; providing education relevant to the lives of the students; and granting
autonomy of colleges and universities.[3]
Section 4 outlines the formation of National Education Commission that will consist of ministers from
related sectors, experts from nationality groups and relevant individuals. The duties of the committee
include providing guidelines on implementation of the objectives and the policies of the law; setting
policies to ensure the quality of education; working with the government and local administration to
get funding for the education sector; making policies regarding shutting down or opening of domestic
as well as international schools; and working with relevant departments and ministries on short-term
and long-term educational goals. Article 7 of the Section 4 also states that the commission should
not interfere with the management of institutions of higher education but only assist with policyrelated issues for their development.[4]
Section 5 states that public education will be divided into primary education, vocational education
and higher education. The section also talks about formal and informal education as well as selflearning education.[5]

Section 6 covers the different types of schools that include public schools, private schools, monastic
schools, volunteer schools, regional schools, government-funded schools, special schools and
emergency mobile schools.[6]
Section 7 is about curriculum and it states that National Education Commission has to ensure
curriculums used in the country have boundaries and standards and guarantee autonomy of
curriculum formations if it meets these standards. Ministry of Education will set the standards of
National Education Curriculum with approval from the Commission. Schools can teach in either
Burmese or English or both languages and if necessary, an ethnic language and Burmese can be
used in primary education. It also mentions that in States and Regions, ethnic language and
literature program can be implemented through state and regional governments starting from
elementary level and upgraded step by step.[7]
Section 8 details educational duties and benefits and explain the roles of parent(s) or guardian(s)
and local and regional administration.[8]
Section 9 focuses on requirements for and quality of teachers.[9]
Section 10 covers monitoring and accessing the education quality and states that in every level of
education there must be a quality assessment scheme.[10]
Section 11 is on management and administrative duties of education. In Article 56 (a), it states the
Ministry of Education, relevant ministries and Higher Education Committee will work together to
manage related institutions of higher education based on this law and existing laws. [11]
Section 12 covers budget[12] and Section 13, Article 66 states that existing schools before the
implementation of the law must operate according to the law by five years of its enactment. [13] Section
14 covers more general issues including that the law does not govern schools that only teach
religion.[13]

Background[edit]
In March 2014, Education Promotion and Implementation Committee (EPIC) drafted the National
Education Bill,[14] which went through both houses of Hluttaw on July 30, 2014.[15] While the bill was
waiting for the approval from President, students and teachers unions as well as the civil society
groups raised concerns over whether the bill was drafted democratically . They claimed that even
though the government held meetings to seek advice from the public, it ignored their
recommendations.[16] Thein Sein sent back the bill to the parliament with some 25 proposed changes.
On September 26, the parliament accepted 19 of the proposed changes but denied 6 one of which is

to delay the full implementation of the law to 2027[17] and it became enacted on September 30. The
next step is for Hluttaw to pass by-laws in the coming months to supplement the enacted law.[18]

Controversy[edit]
Opponents of the law claimed that the government didnt seek advice from the students adequately.
They were also unsatisfied that minority ethnic languages would not be taught at institutes of higher
education.[17] They also stated that under the new law, universities would not be independent
from Ministry of Education[19] and most of all, they point out that the law will not recognize the
formation of student and teacher unions.[18]
On the other hand, members of Hluttaw responded that institutions of higher education would remain
independent from central control. Khin Maung Yi, the secretary of the Joint Bill Committee, asserted
that universities would have autonomy over creating their own policies. He also accused that
protesters had little understanding of law.[17] Yin Yin Nwe, a member of the President Education
Advisory Group, remarked that complete decentralization of education would be impossible. The
advisory group also stated that government committees that would be established as mentioned in
the law were not designed to control universities but just to allocate budget. [20]
Interestingly, The National League for Democracy, the main opposition party led by Aung San Su
Kyi, was rather silent on the issue. In fact, the party distanced itself from the student protests stating
explicitly that they would not follow National Network for Education Reform and did not endorse its
criticism of the law (behind the student protests). Moreover, Phyo Min Thein, one the NLDs Pyithu
Hluttaw Representatives, said that the current law was practical given the political constraints. [21]

Main Opponents of the Law[edit]

National Network for Education Reform[edit]
NNER is one of the most vocal opponents of the national education bill since its drafting stage. It is a
coalition of civil society groups that include 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, members of
teachers unions, Buddhist monks and ethnic education groups.[18] It was formed in 2012 and had
held several discussions across the country to seek opinions from the public on the current
education reform process and in June 2013, it held a nationwide conference, attended by 1200
participants.[18] During the drafting process of national education bill, NNER met with several
government representatives and was even invited to meetings held in Naypyidaw. However, later it
was left out from the discussion on the crafting of the bill. [22]

Student and Teacher Unions[edit]

The two most eminent student unions involved in opposing the education law are All Burma
Federation of Student Unions and Confederation of University Student Unions and Middle Myanmar
Student Unions. These organizations are also the major force behind the student protests against
the law.
MTF (Myanmar Teachers Federation), a nationwide teacher union, is also one of the major
opponents of the bill. It released a statement on September 15, 2014 to publicly assert their position
on the issue:
We would like to announce to the people that we strongly believe that the National Education Law
will affect not only the education sector but [also] the entire country and the people. Therefore, the
Myanmar Teachers Federation will fully cooperate with the student unions across the country who
are pushing for the education reform that will benefit the country.[14]
In the same statement, MTF also criticized the government for investigating the students protests
against the law and called for the drop of criminal charges.[16]

Student Protests[edit]

Initial Protest: May 2014 - Sept 2014[edit]

The earliest protests against the National Education Law came even before the passage of the bill.
In Mandalay Region, students at colleges and universities had held ongoing protests since May
2014. The protests were, however, postponed in early September due to upcoming exams but the
students continued holding public talks to voice why they opposed the bill. [16] Initially, protesters also
linked their campaigns against the bill to the arrest of an ABFSU member, Phyu Hnin Htwe, charged
for allegedly kidnapping two Chinese workers from Letpadaung Copper Mine.[17] Government
authorities also initiated criminal investigations against these protests based on the ground that they
were held without prior government approval.[17]

Emergency Student Meeting: October 13 Nov 2014[edit]

On 4 October 2014, three days after the law was enacted, an organizing committee was formed
composed of 10 members of ABFSU and 10 members of CUSU. On 10 October, ABFSU announced
that they would be holding an emergency meeting with student representatives from across the
country in November.[19] The plan was to have a two-day meeting to discuss about the National
Education Law on the first day and then make plans on how to proceed on the next day.[19] Later, the

meeting was held in Yangon from November 12 to 13, which concluded with the formation of Action
Committee for Democratic Education - 15-person group that consists of members of ABFSU, CUSU
and MMSU - in charge of planning the four-day protest in Yangon.[23]

The Four-Day March: Nov 1417 2014[edit]

On November 14, about 350 students gathered in front of Maha Bandula Park in
downtown Yangon to stage a protest against the National Education Law.[21] The students also later
held subsequent protests at Yangon University and Shwedagon Pagoda.[21] Moreover, Kyaw Ko Ko,
the chairman of ABFSU, declared that the protest was just the beginning of the fight to reform
National Education Law.[23] He also stated that the main concern against the NEL is the formation of a
National Education Commission composed of ministers and government officials that could limit
students opinions and further reinforce the government control over higher education. [23] The protest
also coincided with United States President Barack Obamas second visit to Yangon although Kyaw
Ko Ko claimed that it was not intentional.[23] He added, though, that the students would be ready to
seize the opportunity to raise awareness about issues on education. [23] The Action Committee for
Democratic Education then requested the government to convene a quadripartite meeting with its
members, NNER, members of Parliament and the government to discuss the students concerns.
[23]

On 17 November, the students announced a 60-day interval for the government to respond to their

demands and also threatened that they would stage a nationwide protests if the government didnt
respond within the deadline.[23]

60 day Ultimatum: Nov 18, 20 14 Jan 20, 2015[edit]

On November 18, a day after the students announced an ultimatum, Ministry of Education held a
press conference, urging the students to attend a negotiating meeting with Education Promotion and
Implementation Committee (EPIC), which drafted the legislation.[20] At the conference, Khin San Yee,
the Minister of Education, said:
I want them to negotiate freely and transparently. Every parent cannot fulfill all of the demands of
their children. So think of us like the parents and demand and negotiate with us and we will do. But if
the parents cant afford it, the children should understand it
.
On November 20, President's Education Advisory Group held a meeting at the Diamond Jubliee Hall
at Yangon University, to assert their stance on the current controversy over National Education Law.
While acknowledging the voice of the students on the importance of decentralization of education,
the group claims that there are limits to how independent universities could be. It further claims that

the formation of National Education Committee is the solely on the purpose of budget allocation but
not to centralize control over institutions of higher education. [20]
Zaw Htay, the Director General of Higher Education Department (Lower Myanmar) stated that
negotiations were still open, after the students rejected a meeting with the ministry. He also said that
students, parents and experts would be consulted in the process of crafting by-laws [21] Shwe Mann,
the speaker of Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, also agreed to accept written submissions to the parliament
while EPIC also offered to serve as an intermediary.[21] The students, however, announced that they
had no intention to write submissions to the parliament because they were waiting for the
quadripartite meeting.[24]
On November 26, the Action Committee for Democratic Education announced that they were
planning a seminar on National Education Law in mid-December and would invite experts
unaffiliated with the government or the protesters. They also had plans to stage two more protests in
the upcoming week and had held three in the previous week.[24]
On November 27, about fifty students from Mandalay, Sagaing, Monywa and Myingyan staged an
unauthorized protest in front of City Hall in Mandalay to reiterate their demand: to convene a
quadripartite meeting.[25] The police at first stopped the students from exiting Eaindawyar Pagoda,
their initial meeting point. The students, however, convinced the police that the officers children
themselves would benefit from the protests and were able to march to the City Hall and ended their
protest at Mahamuni Buddha Temple, a history significant place where 17 Burmese proindependence leaders were killed during the colonial era.[25]
On December 1, six students were threatened to get arrested for unauthorized protests that took
place on November 29. They were told that they would be arrested for a day and then be eligible to
be bailed out.[26] The police left to inform the superiors and never returned after the students told
them that they would not accept the release on bail but would rather get arrested. [26] The six accused
students, also the members of ABFSU, waited at Taungoo train station until 10 pm for the police to
show up but then left.[26]
On December 12, the Ministry of Education formed a teacher union consisting of two teachers from
each department of Yangon University of Foreign Languages. Myanmar Teachers Federation
promptly rejected the ministrys attempt to form a union stating that it violated the internationally
accepted principles of freedom of association.[27] A statement released by MTF also said that the
ministry failed to recognize MTF even though Burma had agreed to adhere to 1955 International
Labor convention that guaranteed the formation of union and the right to organize and despite MTF's
compliance with the current Burma's labor draft law.[27]

The 404-Mile March: Jan 16 Jan 31 2015[edit]

After the 60-day ultimatum to convene a quadripartite expired on Jan 16, students from far afield
as Pakokku, Sagaing and Monywa set out to join the march from Mandalay to Yangon.[28] On Jan 20,
more than a hundred students left Mandalay as the march began.[28] The students also had plans to
join other student protesters on their 404-mile journey to Yangon that they were planning to finish in
15 days.[28] They also said that they would set up a camp after arriving in Yangon to urge the
government to consult with students and teachers on future amendments to the law.[28] Immediately
after the march began, President Thein Sein, announced in a state-run newspaper on Jan 21 that
the parliament should reconsider some parts of the National Education Law and said that
amendments would lead to stability and allow the students to resume their studies. [29]
On January 23, in a statement released by the parliament mentioned that it had agreed to consider
changing the National Education Law and ordered the Ministry of Education to urgently come up with
a draft that would incorporate inputs from both houses of the parliament, related government
committees and commissions as well as relevant individuals.[30] On January 24, ACDE released a
statement that outlined the 11 issues that the students wanted to discuss at the quadripartite
meeting:
1. Inclusion of representatives of teachers and students in legislation process of
education policies and laws, by-laws and other related laws,
2. The right to freely establish and operate student and teacher unions and legal
recognition for them,
3. Establishment of National Education Commission and University Coordination
Committee mentioned in the approved National Education Law
4. Self-determination and self-management on educational affairs of individual
state/regions and schools
5. Modifying current examination and university matriculation system
6. Modifying teaching methods to such that ensure freedom for thinking and selfstudying of students
7. Inclusion of a provision in National Education Law that ensure freedom for the
practice of ethnic languages and mother tongue based multi-lingual education for
ethnic populations and tribes

8. Inclusive education for all children including children with disabilities

9. Resumption of enrollment for students previously expelled from schools due to the
student uprisings
10. Allocation of 20 percent of national budget for education
11. Regulating of free compulsory education up to middle school level rather than
primary level[31]
On January 28, the student representatives and the government had a meeting in Naypyidaw
attended by ten student representatives, two members of parliament and Minister Aung Min as
well as Deputy Education Minister Thant Shin.[32] The government and the student leaders then
released a joint statement announcing that they had agreed to stop the march to Yangon after
the quadripartite meeting which would be held at the Diamond Jubilee Hall at Yangon
University on February 1.[32] The statement also said that 11 demand-points from the students
would also be discussed at the meeting on February 1. Meanwhile, the students declared that
until they met with their representatives who went to Naypyidaw for the meeting, they would still
continue the march.[32] On the other hand, the protesters in Pakokku and Dawei who were
planning to join the march suspended their plans.[32]

The Quadripartite Meetings: Feb 114, 2015[edit]

On February 1 as the quadripartite meeting was taking place, the NLD publicly announced that
Thein Lwin, its central committee member and the chairman of National Network for Education
Reform, did not represent the party or its policies. [33] It further mentioned in the statement that the
NLD could take legal action against Thein Lwin for violating party rules regarding asking
permission to participate in organizations independent of the party. Han Tha Myint, a central
committee member of the NLD, also stated that Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairman of the NLD, did
not support Thein Lwin as his actions could be construed as representative of the partys stance
on the issue.[33] The ACDE promptly responded to that statement the next day by accusing the
NLD for attempting to undermine the student protests at such a critical moment. [33]
The first quadripartite meeting ended with the students reaching an agreement concerning eight
preconditions on further negotiations although the government denied the request to ensure
security to demonstrators.[34] However, Aung Min, a Presidents Office Minister, told the students
that he would ask permission from the president the responsibility of the students' safety until
they arrived in Popa in Mandalay Region.[34] The first three preconditions from the students
issuing a public statement after every meeting, having information on education reforms

available to the public, making sure all the parties involved in the meeting have equal
opportunities to participate were readily accepted while agreement on officially recognizing
student and teacher unions was reached after four-hour long discussion albeit many details
pending for further discussions.[34]Furthermore, the meeting ended without any discussions on
the eleven-point demands that the ACDE issued even though the students reached to an official
agreement to continue the negotiations on February 3. [34]
On February 3, in front of Ministry of Education headquarter in Naypyidaw, the students
announced that they would be resuming their nationwide protests.[35] Earlier that day, the
government declared that the second quadripartite meeting was postponed after refusing to
allow extra attendees who came along with the students to the meeting. [35] During the meeting,
Aung Min read out a letter, which he claimed to have just received from the president. [35] The
letter suggested that the meeting should be postponed and the government representatives
decided to follow the presidents advice after a discussion.[35] That early afternoon, the Ministry of
Information released photos of government delegates standing in an empty room with a caption
saying that the students did not show up to the meeting.[35] Later that day, the government
announced that the meeting would be postponed until February 12.[35] The student leaders,
meanwhile, declared that they have students ready to continue marching to Yangon from
different parts of the country, including Mandalay in the north, Pathein in the southwest and
Dawei in the south.[35] On the same day, Aung San Su Kyi confirmed her opinions on the current
protests, asking Thein Lwin to resign from his position in the central executive committee if he
wanted to pursue his work with NNER.[36] Initially silent on the topic, U Thein Lwin said in a press
conference on February 3 that he would accept NLD's decision.[36]
On February 4, the student demonstrators from Ayeyarwady Region have arrived
near Kyaunggon after they received a welcoming reception from the town residents. About 800
people also temporarily joined the students marching from Mandalay on their way
to Taungdwingyi after the leaders gave a speech at Magwe Computer University. The students
also planned to stay and protest in Pakokku for three days starting February 5 before they
resumed their march to Yangon. At the same time, a committee representing about 260 civil
society groups released a statement urging the government to continue quadripartite meetings
and to refrain from the use of violence against student protestors.[37]
On February 5, it was confirmed that students from Ayeyarwady Region and Taninthayi
Region had continued marching to Yangon to join other protesters. That same day, the
government announced that some political organization with intentions to destabilize the country
were behind the student protests even though it did not identify them. It further urged the public
to remind themselves of riots resulting in instability in the past.[38]

On February 7, Ko Ko, Minister for Home Affairs, said in the interview that some political
extremists were manipulating students to use methods of confrontation and that in some cases,
most of them were supported by foreign organizations.[39] Ye Yint Kyaw, a member of the ACDE,
retaliated by accusing the government of having the same mentality as the former military
regime.[39]
On February 9, the NLD released a statement saying that Thein Lwin, a member of NNER, was
suspended from his position in the partys central executive committee indefinitely.[40] Another
statement released by the NLD also announced the suspension of its Central Education
Committee chaired by Thein Lwin.[40] Aung San Su Kyi, the leader of the NLD, also said that it
was a conflict of interest for a party member to be involved in an organization independent of the
party. Thein Lwin responded by saying that he believed student demands are righteous. [40] The
statement came out as Thein Lwin along with other education advocates and student
representatives attended the third quadripartite meeting with Deputy Minister of Education and
reached an agreement to resume further talks on February 11 at Yangon Region Parliamentary
building.[41] At the same time, the students marching from Mandalay were
approaching Pyay in Bago Region and were about a mile away from a barricade set up by 200
riot police and 100 Swan Arr Shin members.[40] About 300 residents from nearby towns
accompanied the students to protect them due to rumors of a possible crackdown. [40] Meanwhile,
the students marching from Tanintharyi Region arrived in Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon
State the day before and held several demonstrations joined by the locals (thein lwin
suspended).[40]The third group leaving from Ayeyarwady Region reportedly arrived in Maubin,
about 100 miles away from Yangon.[40] In Dedaye, in the northwest of Maubin and about 56 miles
from Yangon, around 400 riot police were deployed.[42] The student protesters called for
negotiations with the police in case of a potential confrontation and the police informed that they
were there to provide security not to stop the protests.[42] Moreover, the fourth group of around
300 students left Pakokku, following the path that the group from Mandalay took several weeks
ago.[40]
After ten-hour long meeting on February 11, the government accepted all the demands from the
students.[43] The students and the government delegates released a joint-statement, saying that
the government generally agreed on the 11 demands and that the meeting would be reconvened
on February 14 to further discuss the details.[44] The plan was to send the proposed bill to the
parliament on February 16.[44] Despite the agreement, the student protesters announced that
they would continue the march since the parliament had not passed the amendments. [45]
To the students surprise, the government released a statement on February 13

[45]

announcing

that it would not allow the students to enter Yangon and that it would take measures to restore
stability if the students did not halt their march.[46] The students immediately held a meeting that

evening to decide whether they should continue.[45] The day before on February 12, the students
sent a delegate to meet with Aung San Su Kyi who then told the students that it would be
impossible to achieve all their demands and that was just the nature of democracy.[46]

Post-quadripartite Meetings: Feb 15 March 1, 2015[edit]

As the fourth quadripartite meeting on February 14 went without any issues, the student leaders
and NNER began to craft the proposed amendment bill, which they finished on February 15.
[47]

and the bill was submitted to the parliament on February 16. [47] Student groups from

Ayeyarwady Region and Tanintharyi Region decided to suspend their march after hearing the
result of the meeting. Student organizers also stated one of the reasons they decided to go back
was because of Ashin Nyanisarra, one of the most respected monks in Myanmar, who told them
to take pride in what they achieved and go back to continue their education for the future of the
country.[47] In another statement, Ashin Nyanisarra told the government to forgive the students
and to accept their demands.[47] Meanwhile, the main group of protesters from Mandalay
continued to march from Minla to Letpadan in Bago Region and planned to arrive in Yangon in
ten days [47] despite announcement by the government the day before that it would be taking
legal actions against the protesters if they continued their march to Yangon. [48]
On February 19, the protesters from Ayeyarwaddy Region stalled their march and set up
temporary camps in Maubin and Pathein Townships as they waited for the decision from the
parliament while giving public talks on the latest updates on the agreements they had with the
government and the content of the proposed amendment bill.[49] That day, Union Nationalities
Alliance announced that they were in support of the student protests and donated $1000 while at
the same time urging the parliament to quickly pass the amendments.[50] Meanwhile, some 30
students from Dagon University in Yangon staged a sit-in in front of the rectors office from 9:30
am to noon after they were unknowing invited to a campus event earlier that week that
condemned the student protests.[51] The sit-in was also a response to the article featured in The
Mirror, a state-owned newspaper that claimed that students had organized the event by
themselves.[51]
On February 20, the main column of student protesters from Mandalay announced that they
would take a break from marching until March 1 due to primary and middle school exams
coming up at the end of February.[52] The students also stated that they wanted to give time to the
parliament and see how it would handle the amendment bill.[52]
On February 22, at a press conference in Yangon, the students accused the government for
violating the agreements as the government submitted the Ministry of Educations version of the
amendment bill alongside with the one agreed upon at the quadripartite meetings. [53] Earlier that

week on February 17, the Ministry of Education presented two proposed bills, claiming that the
ministry crafted one of them.[53] The bill that that Ministry of Education proposed, according to
Thein Lwin, the chairman of NNER, was the one presented at first at the quadripartite meeting
but agreed to be discarded by the government.[54] The competing drafts in the parliament might
delay the process and could take up to a month according to Phyo Min Thein, a member of
parliament representing the NLD.[54] Despite concerns from the students, the two proposed bills
seemed to have some features in common. They both stated that schools and universities will
be independent from the National Education Commission; that the school system would cater to
students with disabilities; that the students would have the right to choose subjects they want to
study except for those mandatory to pass the matriculation; that students and teachers would
have the right to form unions and if necessary with financial help from university administration;
that schools would be able to choose which language to teach; and that the government would
increase the funding to 20% of the national budget in five years. [54]
Meanwhile, on February 24, the Amyotha Hluttaw (the Upper House) invited six major groups of
stakeholders - the NNER, the ACDE, some 20 political parties, relevant members of the public,
civil society groups and individuals who submitted the suggestions to the parliament - on the
current issue to attend public hearings between March 5 15. [55] Later that day, the State Sangha
Maha Nayaka Committee (SSMNC) a body of government-appointed monks in charge of
regulating Buddhist monks in Burma issued a statement to the parliament publicly accusing
that the proposed amendment bill that recognized unions will result in confusion between
religious and political issues, leading to the demise of the roots of Theravada Buddhism]].
[56]

Arkar Moe Thu, a member of NNER, however, pointed out that according to Article 68(a),

schools that only teach religion are not governed by the law.[56] Meanwhile, the students
confirmed that they would continue marching on March 1, accusing the parliament for
intentionally delaying the process of passing the amendment bill.[56]
On February 25, in response to the accusation from the students, Khin Maung Yi, the
chairperson of Joint Bill Committee, stated that the committee was not just buying time. [57]He also
claimed that the committee was putting all necessary effort to finalize the bill in the current
parliamentary session amidst other important bills such as the budget bill, the taxation bill and
the national planning bill.[57] Moreover, since the education bill is not under the category of bills
that will go directly to the Union of Parliament, it has to go through the Lower House and the
Upper House before it could be passed.[57]
On February 27, the students met with Shwe Mann, the Speaker of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw and
the Joint Bill Committee to voice their concerns over the competing bills but they were told that
the bills were already submitted to the parliament.[58] Nanda Sit Aung, member of the ACDE, said
that it was the violation of the quadripartite agreements because the bill that was submitted as

the one proposed by students and the NNER was actually the one that everyone agreed at the
quadripartite meeting.[58]
On March 2, as the students prepared to resume their march to Yangon from Letpadan, the
police surrounded the monastery where they were staying.[59] The students then agreed to delay
their march and were joined by another group of students that pushed through a barricade of riot
police.[59]
On March 3, a confrontation broke out between the student protesters and the police when a
group of female students went to sit in front of the monks who were on hunger strike. [60] The
police misinterpreted the move as the students attempting to push through the line and came
charging toward the students.[60] The issue was later resolved when student leaders came to
calm down the situation.[60] Earlier that day, students negotiated with Bago Region Border and
Security Affairs Minister Col. Thet Htun who urged them to halt their march.[60] The students
offered a compromise and stated that they would disperse in Yangon if the minister agreed on
the eight-point conditions: to march toTharawaddy, the nearest town; to fly banners and use
megaphones after they embarked on vehicles to Yangon; and to have the police forces keep a
distance from them.[60]However, they did not receive any response from the minister.[60]
On March 4, the students woke up to find that the government had reinforced the blockade with
barbed wire.[61] The riot police also stopped a group of student protesters who left [Pyay] to join
the students in Letpadan.[61] The truck the students were on was checked on its way to Letpadan
and was not allowed to continue.[61] A police officer said that they were ordered to stop the
protesters and that the students should wait for the results of the negotiation scheduled for the
next day.[61] Police Lt. Col. Nanda Win also said that he wanted the issue to be resolved
peacefully that did not intend to use force.[61]

The Crackdowns: March 5 10 2015[edit]

On March 5, the student representatives boycotted the parliamentary hearings due to police
blockade of the protesters in Letpadan.[62] On that day, the protest staged right outside of Yangon
City Hall to show solidarity with the student protesters in Letpadan was cracked down by the riot
police and civilians with duty armbands.[63] There were in total about fifty protesters and eight
people were arrested - five students and three members from 88 Generation Peace and Open
Society.[64] Instead of detaining them in a police station, they were taken to the former office of
Ministry of Agriculture in Yankin Township.[65]
On March 6, all eight students were released but they were charged under Article 18 of Peaceful
Assembly Law for organizing unlawful protest, which could result in up to one-year prison

sentence.[65] The same morning, another five student protesters near the town market in
Letpadan were arrested and the Letpadan local police also announced that 11 people present at
a rally two days earlier would be charged under the same article used to arrest protesters in
Yangon.[65] There were also two rallies that day, one near the Yangon University campus and one
at the entrance of Mandalay University campus to criticize the governments violent crackdown
of the protests a day earlier in Yangon and to urge the government to let the students continue
their march from Letpadan.[66]
On March 9, the students after going a hunger strike since March 3 announced the deadline at
10 am on March 10, asking the government to bring an end to the standoff in Letpadan and to
allow them to continue marching to Yangon.[67]
On March 10, as the deadline expired, the students began to remove the barbed wire set up by
the police but their attempt was futile.[67] After their second attempt an hour later, the police
declared that the protest was illegal and ordered the students to evacuate the monastery five
persons at a time and not to leave Yangon in one group.[67] The students refused and turned
themselves in for peaceful arrests.[67] The police then initiated an assault on the protesters
including those inside the monastery.[67] The exact number of injured people was not confirmed
but the estimate was around 100.[67] The police also attacked on volunteers working to escort the
injured.[67] Zar Zar Tun from Free Funeral Service Society, an organization in support of the
movement from the beginning, announced that the first ambulance provided by the organization
transported six men and two women one of whom suffered a severe head injury. In a statement
released by the Ministry of Information, a total of 127 people 100 men and 27 women were
arrested.[67]The Myanmar Council also released a statement later that afternoon condemning the
arrest of the journalists during the crackdown.[67] At 2:30 pm on the same day, a group of
students marching from Hledan junction in Yangon to downtown was also dispersed using force,
minutes after the protest began. Several people were injured and initially one of the protesters
was handcuffed but later released at the scene after the students plead and agreed to disband.
[68]

The Letpadan crackdown received criticism from the European Union as well as the NLD, which
was not in support of the current student movement. The EU that had funded about $11 million
on trainings to enhance the countrys police force witnessed three student crackdowns as the
first phase of EU-funded training came to an end.[69] NLD also released a statement calling for
independent government investigation on the reasons behind the use of violence

[7