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ASSIGNMENT 1

DETERMINANTS
OF FARMING

Cristina Ganuza Vallejo


Luis Eduardo Haro Barchn
Nella Sinke
Analysing Sustainability of Farming Systems
PPS-30806
23/03/2016

SYSTEMS IN
SPAIN

Index
1. Introduction2
1.1. Climatic constraints for farming systems.....2
1.2. Soil constraints for farming systems....3
1.3. Principal farming systems in the country.3
2. Farming systems in Andalusia...4
2.1. History and development of farming in Andalusia...4
2.2. Social and economic background of farming systems in Andalusia..6
2.3. Cropping calendar indicating cropping seasons in relation to climate9
2.4. Negative environmental consequences arising from the practice of agriculture and
methods for the control of these problems..10
3. Causal diagram of the principal production and environmental issues of farming
systems in Andalusia....11

1. Introduction
1.1. Climatic constraints for farming systems
Spain is a country located in the
Southwest of Europe. Its latitude
(40N), the fact that it is a
Peninsula and its complex
orogeny, result in a great climatic
variability (Castro et al., 2005;
Gallardo, 2016), which causes
different climatic constraints for
agriculture in different regions.
In general, there is a North-South
gradient of temperatures (Fig. 1)
and a Northwest-Southeast
gradient of rainfall (Fig. 2) (Castro
et al., 2005).

Figure 1. Mean annual temperature (period 1971-2000).


Modified from Castro et al. (2005)

Rainfall is the most important


climatic element in Spain, given
the modest amount that falls in
much of the territory and its high
temporal and spatial variability
(Castro et al., 2015). Production
in Spain is mainly at risk by the
lack and unpredictability of
summer rainfall (Simpson, 1995).

Figure 2. Mean annual rainfall (period 1971-2000). Modified


from Castro et al. (2005)

The Kppen-Geiger Climatic


Classification locates the Iberian
Peninsula between the warm
temperate and semi-arid regions
(Kottek et al., 2006).

The North of Spain is suitable for agriculture due to its Oceanic climate (Gallardo et al., 2016),
although the threshold of 2000-hour annual insolation is restricted to this cloudy area, as the rest
of the territory, with a Mediterranean climate, has abundant insolation (Castro et al., 2005).
The continental part of Spain is dry and cold, characterized by wide seasonal and daily thermal
ranges (Gallardo et al., 2016), with frost in winter and hot summers (Castro et al., 2005).
Precipitations (in the range of 400-600 mm/year) occurred mainly in autumn and winter, although
there is no general rainy season (Gallardo et al., 2016). Also, air humidity is low and variable,
with a winter maximum of 75-80% and a summer minimum of 40-50% (Castro et al., 2005). On
the contrary, the eastern and southern areas of the Peninsula have wild winters but very dry hot
summers, with annual temperatures that exceed 17C (Castro et al., 2005; Agencia Estatal de
Meterologa and Instituto de Meteorologa, 2011). Sequences of consecutive rainless days can
exceed 4 months in the South, while in the Mediterranean coast is common the torrential rainfall
in autumn, where 25% of the days with the biggest precipitation constitute over 70% of the annual
total, that is between 500 to 800 mm (Castro et al., 2005; Gallardo et al., 2016). Also monthly
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average rainfall varies between years, and in certain parts of the east coast the annual variation
coefficient reaches 40% (Castro et al., 2005).
Finally, the Southeast of Spain and the Central Ebro Valley have a semi-arid climate, with long
hot dry summers and cold temperatures in winter (Kottek et al., 2006; Castro et al., 2005).
Precipitations range from 150 to 350 mm/year and are irregular, usually torrential in autumn
(Gallardo et al., 2016).
1.2. Soil constraints for farming systems
Due to high human activity levels, pure soils are rarely found in Spain. Even though, ten out of
twelve soil orders stipulated by USDA Soil taxonomy can be found in Spain, up to three quarters
of its surface area is covered by either Entisols or Inceptisols, while Aridisols and Alfisols take
on a sixth. The remaining orders account for 2,5% of the total land (Gallardo et al., 2016).
One of the major constraints that Spanish soils are facing is the loss of soil organic matter (SOM),
resulting from lower plant-waste input, higher mineralization rates (mainly due to intensive
tillage) and recurrent or planned fires. Compared to forests (considered as natural or semi-natural
habitats), arable lands have half of SOM content. The northern areas of Spain, characterized by
more rainfall and humidity, are less affected by this SOM decreasing trend. The promotion of soil
compaction (agricultural machinery) and soil acidification are, among others, some of the
negative consequences of SOM loss; it implies both lower porosity and infiltration rates, and
higher surface run-off. Together with reduction of organic matter, continuous tillage and
development of crust are also contributing to soil degradation (Cerd, 2003; Gallardo et al., 2016).
Salinization is a frequent problem too, especially in arid or semi-arid regions (e.g. the Ebro valley)
where the use of irrigation in agricultural practices is common (Cerd, 2003). Soil-water holding
capacity has also been reduced and this makes harder, especially in Mediterranean areas, to
establish new vegetation (Cerd, 2003; Gallardo et al., 2016). Another major constraint of Spanish
soils, erosion (both rill and gully), is the result of intensive land practices and land abandonment
(rural-urban migration). Overland flow is a phenomenon often found in abandoned areas (Cerd,
2003). An excessive use of fertilizers and pesticides associated with intensive agricultural
methods have also resulted in soil pollution by heavy metals, organic pollutants and artificial
radionuclides (Cerd, 2003).
1.3. Principal farming systems in the country
Farming area presents 54% of the total area of Spain. Different farming systems are present, which
can be divided in the categories arable farming and livestock farming. In livestock farming cattle
and pigs are the most dominant livestock types (Fig.
3). For arable farming, specialist olives is most
prominent after that specialist fruit and citrus fruits,
21% and 16% respectively (Fig. 4).
In the southern region of Spain, Andalusia, mainly
goat milk and meat is produced, which is 51% of
total Spanish production (Castel et al., 2003). In
regions were grasslands are more rare, dairy
production is mostly substituted by sheep farming.
Also sheep milk production is an important

Figure 3. Main livestock types in Spain


(European Union, 2015)

production factor within Spain. Most of the diary sheep


population is found in the region of Castilla y Len
were 65% of the milk production is produced (Mdry
et al., 2011).
In arable farming olives turned out to be the biggest
share in farming types (Fig. 4). About 80% of those
olives is produced in Andalusia (Areal and Riesgo,
2014). Cereal production is more concentrated in the
North and North-East of Spain in total 25231810
metric tonnes of cereals was produced in 2013
(FAOstat, 2013).

Figure 4. Main types of farming in


Spain (European Union, 2015)

Organic farming is also present in Spain. On average, 1-5% of agricultural practices is organic.
However, in Castilla y Len this percentage drops below 1% and in Murcia organic agriculture
percentage is above 5% (European Commission, 2013).
2. Farming systems in Andalusia
2.1. History and development of farming in Andalusia
Andalusia is an autonomous community of the South of Spain
(Fig. 5) that accounts for the 17,2% of Spain surface and the
one with the highest population (8,402,305). The territory is
organized in eight provinces: Almera, Cdiz, Crdoba,
Granada, Huelva, Jan, Mlaga and Sevilla (Junta de
Andaluca, 2016). The main part of Andalusia is located in the
warm-temperate region, with a Mediterranean climate with
Figure 5. Andalusia (Consejera de
hot summers, but Almera and Granada reach the semi-arid Medio Ambiente y Ordenacin del
area (Castro et al., 2005).
Territorio, 2014)
In the XIX century and the first half of the XX century, Andalusia was singled out for the
underutilization of its agricultural resources, the concentration of landed property in large estates
called latifundios and the poverty experienced by much of its rural population (Simpson, 1992),
that in 1910 was two-thirds of the active labour force (Harrison, 1990). The unequal property
distribution has been a major problem. In 1930, 46% of the land belonged to 0,5% of land owners,
who provided most of the work opportunities for the local. However, the extensive farming
system used, with low wages and highly seasonal employment demand, made laborers live in
miserable conditions (Simpson, 1992).
Central Andalusia had little inter-cropping (Simpson, 1995), and the beginning of agricultural
exports in 1870s made Spanish farmers to specialize even more on crops in which they had a
comparative advantage, as olive oil, and to start a more intensive use of the land (Harrison, 1990;
Simpson, 1995). Thus, the seasonal demands for labour were accentuated. Andalusia had a
predominance of dry cereal farming and olive plantations, being the main products wheat, barley
and olive oil, that covered 80% of the cultivated area and accounted for the 70% of the total value
of arable output in 1922 (Simpson, 1992). During the first third of the XX century there was a
spread of new crops such as oranges, cotton, potatoes, rice, sugar beet and horticultural products
(Harrison, 1990), although their importance in Andalusian agriculture in that moment was
relatively low (Simpson, 1992). In general, the region experienced little changes in the first half
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of the XX century in the type of crops cultivated and technology used (Simpson, 1992). In other
areas, growers started to face considerable expenditure on the provision of irrigation schemes,
mineral fertilizers and pesticides (Harrison, 1990).
With respect to the livestock system, in 1848 sheep, goats and pigs were the most widespread
species, although in general domestic animals were scarce. The increase in productivity during
the first third of the XX century allowed farmers to devote some lands to the breeding of domestic
animals, and livestock production recovered (Cmara, 2009).
In this area of Mediterranean climate, with poor soils and long summer droughts, the use of long
rotations was essential before the introduction of machinery and artificial fertilizers, as an
economic way of resting the land. This region was pioneering in the use of modern ploughs, and
before the Second Republic (1931-1936) only a 35% of the traditional ploughs of the XIX century
remained (the arado comn or romano), in contrast to the 63% of the rest of Spain. Almost all
crops (except for small grains) were harvested by hand until the Civil War (1936-1939). Reapers
existed those days, but they were not very efficient (Simpson, 1992).
After the failure of the Second Republic, Civil War was caused in part for the different interests
of laborers and land owners in a moment of considerably hardship, with limited work
opportunities and absence of government intervention or subsidized food (Simpson, 1992). The
slow changes of the first three decades of the twentieth century that were reducing the distance of
Spain from the leading European powers (Simpson, 1995; Malefakis, 2001), were held back
during 1940s and 1950s due to the interventionist policies of the Franco regime (Harrison, 1990;
Malefakis, 2001). For example, Spain was isolated from the rest of Europe and the imports of
fertilizers and machinery were restricted (Simpson, 1995).
Only from 1950s the economy started to renew (Simpson, 1995; Malefakis, 2001), and although
the modernization in Spain was belated, it was rapid (Harrison, 1990). One reason of the slow
progress in Spanish agriculture, mainly prior to 1950, was the almost total absence of investment
in research and development. However, by the late 1960s, improved seed technologies and
cultivation methods raise yields, and the irrigated land increased a 41% between 1950 and 1965.
Also, although the poor pastures and summer droughts of the main part of the Peninsula were
unfavourable for livestock farming, new technologies allowed an intensive production of the pig
and poultry industries (Simpson, 1995). While cattle were basically kept for farm work and
transportation before the Civil War (Simpson, 1992), the production of beef and dairy products
had also a significant growth, but more
modest. The role of foreign capital and
technology were crucial in the changes and,
in just a decade, from 1960 to 1970,
livestock increased its contribution to final
agricultural output from 30 to 40 %
(Simpson, 1995). However, the relative
importance of the different livestock has Figure 6. Livestock abundance in Andalusia (Junta de
Andaluca, 2016)
remained as in the XIX century (Fig. 6).
In 1950 there was a rural exodus to cities and North Europe, decreasing the labour force in Spain
from 47,6% in 1950 to 36,6% in 1960. A reason of the exodus was the decline in wages during
the 1940s and the increasing use of new technologies such as tractors, which allowed land owners
to reduce the workforce and the associated costs. In general, sown area declined, but average
yields increased due to better fertilizing and improved tillage machinery. The extensive cereal
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crops were replaced for more intensive production systems and new crops which could withstand
mechanized cultivation techniques, as sunflowers, were introduced. Thus, cereal and olive
production, that before the war accounted for half of the total production, had fallen to a quarter
by 1956 (Simpson, 1995).
However, in the mid-1960s only 2,94% of Spanish farm workers had a tractor, mainly because
most cereal farmers in Spain had small and fragmented farms. The fall in real wheat prices that
was forcing producers to mechanize, caused a new exodus between 1960 and 1970 that reduced
labour force to a 22,8% of the active population. By 1990 Spanish agriculture employed just
10,5% of the active population, but the productivity gap between Spain and Northwest Europe
was diminishing (Simpson, 1995).
With the entry of Spain in the European Economic Community in 1986, the agricultural policy
changed and national prices were balanced with the average prices of the rest of Europe (Simpson,
1995; Infante-Amate, 2012). On one hand,
modest Spanish farmers had to face the higher
productivity of these countries (Simpson, 1995)
but, on the other hand, with the participation in
the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) Spain
received great subsidies for products as olive
oil, which increased again the proportion of this
Figure 7. Crops in Andalusia in 2011 (Junta de
Andaluca, 2011).
crop (Fig. 7) (Infante-Amate, 2012).
Furthermore, organic agriculture appeared in Spain in the mid-1970s, but the first proper
regulation that rose its use (Fig. 8) was established in 1989. By 2001, Andalusia was, with 22,14%
of the total hectares, one of the most important regions in organic agriculture (Carmona Martnez
et al., 2005). From 1986 on,
Spanish farming is guided by
the European Policies, and the
system depends more than
before on external inputs and
foreign markets (Infante- Figure 8. Evolution of organic agriculture in Andalusia (1995Amate, 2012).
2010) (Junta de Andaluca, 2011).
2.2. Social and economic background of farming systems in Andalusia
The social and economic background of farming systems in Andalusia will be analyzed through
three major sectors in the region such as horticulture, olive oil and livestock. These three cases
will allow us to explore the social and economic dimension and its role as agents of change.
The region of Almera is characterized by semi-arid conditions and soils that are not very
productive in terms of crop yield. After long time being one of the poorest regions in the country,
Almera experienced a dramatic change mainly driven by the implementation of an intensive
horticultural production system. The social and economic aspects should be here analyzed to
understand how such a change driven by agricultural practices could have arise in a region that
have always been considered poorly suitable for cropping and farming (Aznar-Snchez et al.,
2011).
Before reaching what it may now be considered a sustainable farming system, several issues were
addressed. The lack of rainfall was initially tackled with the exploitation of ground water
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resources. In the 50s, the INC (National Colonization Institute) provided the region with the
technology needed to exploit these water resources and also contributed to the development of
the electrical network of the region. Almera inhabitants were also encouraged by technical and
financial (easy access to land) meanings to abandon the traditional and low-profitable agriculture,
mainly focused on goat breeding. The harsh climatic conditions characterizing semi-arid regions
(low rainfall levels and high extreme temperatures) resulted to be useful to grow off-season
vegetables, by profiting from long hours of sunlight. To avoid the risks of high temperatures, the
enarenado technique, which consists of using artificial soils (formed by sand and manure) to
cover the soil itself, was set up (Aznar-Snchez et al., 2011).
The solution of these issues gave rise to negative consequences, especially concerning the
environmental dimension. Over time the system have shifted towards more sustainable practices
and it is now one of the most profitable farming arrangements of the whole country (GaldeanoGmez et al., 2013).
This intensive horticultural system is structured by small-scale and familiar farms (13,500 farms
and 27,000 ha, 2 ha/farm). This organization prevents the appearance of social differences in
terms of incomes and welfare, by avoiding the phenomenon of land concentration so frequently
found in the rest of Andalusia (Galdeano-Gmez et al., 2013).
The system is economically supported mainly by family investments and private capital, with a
low dependence on national and community subsidies. The farmers are organized in cooperative
entities that are responsible for the management of product distribution and marketing; these
entities have established an essential local marketing structure that allow them to compete with
larger distribution firms and to adapt to market variability and globalisation (Galdeano-Gmez et
al., 2013).
Around the production and marketing of vegetables, a major agro-industrial cluster have been
generated. Many companies related to services (handling, marketing, transport, financial systems,
agronomic assessment, etc.), industrial activities (plastics, irrigation, containers, fertilizers, etc.)
and technological inputs (seeds, agro-chemicals, biological production) have appeared, promoting
employment in the region and contributing to the maintenance of rural regions (Galdeano-Gmez
et al., 2013).
Livestock systems are also an important component of the agricultural sector in Andalusia,
although their importance have been declining over the last decades. The main livestocks handled
in the region are sheep, goats and hogs. Sheep systems can be found in three main types of
Andalusian ecosystems, the Dehesa, the mountain region and the arid region. They are
characterized by extensive grazing on natural pastures, use of local sheep breeds, low profitability
and high-quality, and highly seasonal products (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
Even though the value of sheep production system for subsistence and prevention of rural
emigration in marginal areas with semi-arid and mountainous conditions has been recognized by
European agricultural policies (e.g. CAP, Common Agricultural Policy), the latter have not
promoted employment or income increase in these areas (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
Based on several components such as land dimensions, land use and livestock diversity, a
typology of the main livestock systems in Andalusia was established with four differentiated
groups being identified. The cereal-sheep mixed system, accounting for 37% of the farms, is
characterized by small farms integrating cereals, olives and sheep. Group II farms are based on
subsistence system (28,3% of the farms) where small ship flocks graze on grasslands or forested
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areas with small areas of cereals. The extensive commercial system (22,2% of the farms) relies
on large sheep flocks and natural grasslands that represent 70% of the area. The last and least
frequent (12,5% of the farms) system is the one were sheep and hogs are mixed. This distribution
pattern is highly connected to the past of the region, as Andalusia has historically been a land of
shepherds. Nevertheless, the pattern is now changing (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
Between 1999 and 2009, the number of farms decrease (42%) for all the groups except for the
sheep-hog mixed system. This could be explained by the higher profits associated with pig
production over the last years compared to sheep and goat production. This trend related to market
demands has provoked many farms to shift towards mixed sheep-hog systems. The transfer has
mainly occurred from group II to IV. The subsistence system cannot assume large economic
losses as much as the extensive commercial system, so they are more subjected to the market
trends (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
The decrease in the number of farms was mainly explained by low farm profitability, as a result
of uncoupling sheep subsidies in 2010. Without subsidies and the main profitability of these farms
coming from meat sheep production, many of them were condemned to disappear. There was also
an increase in the costs of system inputs and a decrease in the amount of lamb consumed that may
have affected the sheep sector too (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
The surface area dedicated to natural pastures decreased in favour of orchards, vineyards and
cereal plantations (1999-2009). Policies of the European Community may have stimulated the
replacement of native rangelands for cultivated pastures, with the resulting lost of traditional
pastoral activities, development of false grazing systems and increase in undesirable species
(Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
Preservation of sheep-based systems is extremely important to avoid rural emigration and as a
way for marginal areas to develop. Production of value-added products (cheese, milk, cold meat)
and direct selling, together with the recognition of the environmental and social value, can be a
way to maintain these sheep systems (Toro-Mujica et al., 2015).
Social and economic factors may help to understand the evolution of the olive growing sector in
Andalusia. Until a few years ago, land intensive exploitation was the most widespread practice
among olive growers, specially in Jaen where the landscape was completely dominated by this
kind of perennial crop. There were mainly two olive systems, the first characterized by
small/medium farmers gathered in cooperative entities, while in the second one large olive groves
were managed by one farmer (i.e. historically, the latifundia) (Hinojosa-Rodrguez et al., 2013).
The consumer demand for high quality products is progressively changing this intensive
production model. Olive oils that not only offer high sensory qualities but which have also been
produced under environmentally friendly techniques are increasingly demanded. Olive farmers
are benefiting from making products of differentiated quality through organic farming and other
alternative production practices (Hinojosa-Rodrguez et al., 2013).
Certified quality systems (CQSs) are a tool that ensures consumers the compliance with a series
of productive practices by the farmer. Today, there is a high diversity of CQSs that depends
largely on the controlled parameters. These quality systems could be considered as an underlying
mechanism of the market and as major change agents in the agricultural sector (HinojosaRodrguez et al., 2013). Organic agriculture, Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and
Integrated Production (IP) are the mainly adopted CQSs by Andalusian olive growers. Integrated
production is being increasingly used (16,7% of the total olive area) and is associated with higher
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quality products, as it benefits from the use of improved agricultural practices (from an
environmental and economic perspective) (Hinojosa-Rodrguez et al., 2013).
While using these certifications, farming systems are subjected to compliance with a set of
standards and thus to structural changes in their components and functioning. When compared to
traditional farms, IP-olive groves are characterized by greater use of the Hojiblanca variety (it is
less expanded than Picual variety and may allow to exploit new consumer niches). From a soil
management perspective, IP-olive growers turn less to irrigation practices (17,3% vs. 31% nonIP) and make more use of soil cover extension (75,6% vs. 15,4%); besides, farms based on IP
carry out more water quality analysis (81,8% vs. 26,2%) and have reduced their reliance on aerial
fertilizers (35,3% vs. 52,9% in non-IP farms). Differences are also significant in harvesting
techniques, where IP-olive growers usually separate the olives collected from the soil and the tree
(95,3% vs. 60,8%), thereby increasing the product quality (Hinojosa-Rodrguez et al., 2013).
2.3. Cropping calendar indicating cropping seasons in relation to climate
Growing season varies across Andalusia
region. In the eastern area, cropping
season lasts around 100 days, while it can
reach 200 days in the South-West (Fig. 9).
The length of a cropping season is
determined
by
temperature
and
photoperiod. Andalusia is characterized
by an average temperature of 18-20
degrees, dry climate with low levels of
rainfall, especially in regions such as Figure 9. Length of growing season averaged over
Almera.
37 years in Andalusia in Spain (FAO, 2016)
Two main components of Andalusian agriculture are olive groves and horticulture. The former is
spread around the whole territory with a concentration peak in Jan, while the latter is mainly
found in the province of Almera (Galn et al., 2008; Areal and Riesgo, 2014).
Almera is a semi-desert area with warm and extremely dry climate, with annual rainfall of 113
mm/year, located in the South-East of Andalusia (Tout, 1990). Giving the climate conditions of
the region, the cropping season was supposed to be extremely short (Fig. 9). However,
greenhouses and irrigation have allowed to produce vegetables (cucumber, melon, tomato, etc.)
all year-long. Cropping calendar varies depending on the type of vegetable, which are sown and
grow in different seasons; e.g melon grows in winter-spring, while green bean grows in autumnwinter (Orgaz et al., 2005).
Andalusia is the largest olive oil producer region of Spain and it accounts for 80% of the market
output. The main concentration of olive groves is found within the central-eastern area of
Andalusia (Galn et al., 2008). Olive production is divided in several steps that end up with
harvesting in winter to start olive oil production. The several stages involving olive production
are highly influenced by climate. For example, the amount of pollen that will determine the fruit
yield depends on temperature. Besides, the initiation of bud formation can also be affected by
photoperiod, although this effect is not as relevant as temperature related effect (Galn et al.,
2004).

2.4. Negative environmental consequences arising from the practice of agriculture and
methods for the control of these problems
These principal agricultural activities, together with others as livestock production, have some
environmental drawbacks. For example, the intensive extensions of olive production are causing
a big soil erosion problem, especially on slopes. For this reason, soil management is essential in
these orchards. The best solution to prevent soil erosion is covering the soil with plants, but other
option is to use little or shallow tillage systems (Carmona-Torres et al., 2014).
With respect to horticultural practices in Almera, several were the problems to be addressed. The
contamination and high-use of water resources was one of the issues. New techniques were
applied to mitigate this impact: drip irrigation, hydroponics, desalination plants, reservoirs,
studies on the current state and the evolution of aquifers. Nowadays, Almera is the most
technified and efficient irrigation area in Andalusia (Galdeano-Gmez et al., 2013). The use of
sand required by the enarenado technique was having a negative impact on certain ecosystems
such as the coastal ones. This problem was tackled with soilless or hydroponic systems
(Galdeano-Gmez et al., 2013). Waste, residues and pesticides were also issues of the intensive
horticultural system of Almera. The problem has been tackled by increasing collection and
treatment of wastes and residues (Galdeano-Gmez et al., 2013).
Intensive livestock production is depending on external inputs, e.g. soya and maize from Brazil
and USA. The import of these inputs also demands the use of a high quantity of fossil fuels, which
has a negative impact on climate. Furthermore, a misbalance is created by importing these
products, because while manure is produced in Andalusia, soils in Brazil are exhausted, lacking
natural fertilization. This manure can be useful to make biogas that would reduce the dependence
on fossil fuels. However, the best solution for these problems is to make the system more
extensive and introduce grazing again, especially for sheep. Sheep flocks can be used for fire
prevention in Natural Parks, as without grazing the landscape is more vulnerable to perturbations
such as wildfires, which also can give carbon emissions and land erosion (Ruiz-Mirazo et al.,
2009).

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3. Causal diagram of the principal production and environmental issues of farming


systems in Andalusia

11

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