Child Abuse Review Vol.

18: 372383 (2009)

Published online 9 November 2009 in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/car.1094

Maddy Coy*
Child and Woman Abuse Studies
Unit, London Metropolitan
University, UK

Sexualisation
narrows girls
space for action,
their aspirations and
achievements by
re-defining femininity
and beauty as of
most importance

A subject of
academic and
populist commentary
and an emerging
issue of policy
debate

Milkshakes,
Lady Lumps and
Growing Up to Want
Boobies: How the
Sexualisation of
Popular Culture
Limits Girls Horizons
This article explores research evidence on the harmful impact of
sexualised popular culture on girls and young women, and draws
implications for the Every Child Matters (ECM) framework (Department
for Education and Skills, 2004). The key theme is how sexualisation
narrows girls space for action, their aspirations and achievements by
re-defining femininity and beauty as of most importance, but also the
negative impact on sexual relationships and interactions, with a
specific focus on portrayal of black girls and young women in terms
of the intersection of race and gender. Recommendations are made
for a gendered analysis of sexualisation to be incorporated into ECM
indicators and relevant policy measures. Copyright 2009 John Wiley
& Sons, Ltd.
KEY WORDS: sexualisation; gender; girls; Every Child Matters

he sexualisation of contemporary Western culture is

currently a subject of academic and populist commentary and
an emerging issue of policy debate. This article discusses the
sexualisation of girls and young women and how it limits the
range of identities and aspirations open to them, referred to here
as their space for action (Lundgren, 1988). A particular focus
on the portrayal of black girls and young women is included.
Implications of sexualisation in terms of the outcomes of the
Every Child Matters (ECM) agenda and gendered child harm are
explored throughout the article.

* Correspondence to: Dr Maddy Coy, Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit, London
Metropolitan University, Ladbroke House, 62-66 Highbury Grove, London N5 2AD, UK.
E-mail: m.coy@londonmet.ac.uk
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Accepted: 9 August 2009

Sexualisation of Popular Culture and Girls Horizons

373

Definitions and Understandings

The term sexualisation of culture describes the current saturation of erotic imagery, particularly of women, in popular culture,
for example, advertising and music videos (Gill, 2007; Levy,
2005). These sources disseminate several themes that Rosalind
Gill (2007, p. 149) defines as prevailing in contemporary mass
media: that women can use their bodies for profit as a means to
power; the importance of individual choice; makeovers as reinventions of the self; and a focus on biological differences
between men and women. All are stratified by social factors such
as race, class and age, and all fundamentally reinforce heterosexual norms. An influential report by the American Psychological Association (APA) (2007) more specifically defines
sexualisation as any one of the following: personal value based
only on sex appeal; the equation of physical attractiveness with
being sexy; construction as an object for others sexual use; inappropriate imposition of sexuality. The same report concludes that
sexualisation results in negative outcomes for girls and young
women in terms of a lack of diminished educational achievement,
as well as normalising abusive practices towards children.
While there is a tendency within some critiques of the sexualisation of culture to draw on notions of morality, particularly
those influenced by abstinence discourses that seek to confine
sexuality to the private realm of monogamous heterosexual
relationships (Buckingham and Bragg, 2003), this article is
based on a feminist perspective. Here, the sexualisation of culture
is identified as a context that reinforces gender inequality
by designating women as sexually available and objectified,
perpetuates associations of masculinity and predatory sexual
prowess, and justifies sexual violence. Research demonstrates
that young people, particularly boys, who are exposed to sexualised media are likely to perceive women to be sex objects (Peter
and Valkenburg, 2007). This is incompatible with the aims of
the ECM agenda, enshrined in law by the Children Act 2004, to
enable children to enjoy good physical and mental health; be
protected from harm and able to care for themselves; get the
most out of life and develop broad skills (Department for
Education and Skills (DfES), 2004). In addition, exploring the
impact of sexualisation demonstrates that the gender neutral basis
of ECM obscures the differences in lived experiences for boys
and girls (Daniel et al., 2005). As this article will argue, sexualised media transmit messages about girlhood and womanhood
that constrain the range of opportunities open to girls and young
women, while the impact of sexualised cultures on boys and
understandings of masculinity also affects young womens space
for action.
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

All fundamentally
reinforce heterosexual norms

Particularly boys,
who are exposed to
sexualised media are
likely to perceive
women to be sex
objects
The gender
neutral basis of
ECM obscures the
differences in lived
experiences for boys
and girls
Child Abuse Review Vol. 18: 372383 (2009)
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374

Young girls are

adultified and
adult women are
youthified

Coy

While both girls and boys are often exposed to sexualised

material aimed at adults, the marketing of products to children
that are either sexualised (such as Bratz dolls) or implicitly associated with the sex industry (e.g. Playboy stationery and bedding
and the sale of pole-dancing kits in supermarkets, high-street
stores and childrens toy departments) is a more recent development and is distinctly gendered (Rush and La Nauze, 2006). In
December 2006, pole-dancing classes for children from 12-years
old were introduced in Northumberland (BBC News, 2006).
However, the background noise of sexualisation that is directed
at adults but available to, and absorbed by, children has also
multiplied exponentially (Australian Senate Committee, 2008).
The APA (2007, p. 13) review suggests that in this context young
girls are adultified and adult women are youthified. It is this
cumulative and multi-faceted sexualisation, referred to by Brown
et al. (2006) as a sexy media diet, that is increasingly thought
to be harmful to girls (APA, 2007; Australian Senate Committee,
2008). Some critical commentators have suggested that the media
have replaced families and professionals as educators, assuming an authority of cool that renders it a super peer (Levin and
Kilbourne, 2008), thereby amplifying absorption by children
and young people.
Childrens levels of understanding are central to debates
around the absorption and interpretation of socio-cultural
messages, with very young children less developmentally
equipped to recognise sexual meanings (Lamb and Brown, 2006).
While beyond the scope of this article to discuss the differing
significance of developmental stages, experiences of sexualised
imagery from a very young age are nevertheless essential to its
normalisation.

Narrowing Space for Action

A picture of
womanhood that
narrows girls
horizons whilst
appearing to stretch
them into limitless
possibilities
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The concept of space for action has been used by feminist

researchers to explore how social norms, expectations and experiences shape possible routes for behaviour and thus constrain
womens ability to act autonomously (Jeffner, 2000; Kelly, 2005;
Lundgren, 1998). Here, it is used similarly to suggest that the
ubiquity of sexualised images of women and the meanings attributed to them paint a picture of womanhood that narrows girls
horizons whilst appearing to stretch them into limitless possibilities. As the ECM agenda hinges on enabling maximum opportunities, it is essential to its successful implementation that the context
of sexualisation and the impact on girls space for action are
critically interrogated.
Child Abuse Review Vol. 18: 372383 (2009)
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Sexualisation of Popular Culture and Girls Horizons

375

Lamb and Brown (2006, p. 3) suggest that one of the key ways
in which sexualisation of girls is harmful is by the false promises
of choicesselling an identity story that they [marketers] call
girl power, characterised by the consumption of beauty products and clothes, and social popularity. Girl power is a popular
term for embracing a focus on appearance and femininity as
emblems of empowerment. Lamb and Brown (2006) draw particular attention to the Disney version of girlhood based on princessdom, baring midriffs, arching backs and an obsession with
mirrors, which they suggest parallels the fantasy woman of pornography. This is also reflected in a contemporary emphasis in
advertising and popular culture which depicts women as actively
celebrating sex-object status (Gill, 2007). Yet, pursuing these
ideals often prevents girls developing other skills and activities,
limiting their interests and opportunities (Rush and La Nauze,
2006). For younger girls, the preoccupation with shopping,
crushes on boys and attention to physical appearance potentially
limits creativity and identity exploration to a narrowly defined
version of femininity (Levin and Kilbourne, 2008). As this sexualised identity story is often regarded as not only gender appropriate but also an indicator of contemporary female empowerment,
where expressing a sexualised self and selling femininity/beauty
are manifestations that women can do and achieve anything they
choose, there is little scope to engage in discussions of it as
harmful to girls personal and social development.
Some, perhaps many, young women may find that a sexualised
identity gives them confidence and a sense that they are able to
take control of their lives by defining themselves in a way that
can be socially rewarding (Buckingham and Bragg, 2003;
Reay, 2001). However, for girls who do not identify with WAGS
(wives and girlfriends, typically used in relation to wealthy
footballers) and Bratz dolls, there are few voices offering
equivalent personal and social authority (Buckingham and Bragg,
2003). Young womens options for developing intellectual,
athletic, creative identities that do not embrace hyper-femininity
are stunteda process that Lamb and Brown (2006, p. 20) refer
to as girl typing. This is empirically demonstrated by Diane
Reays (2001) research with seven-year olds in UK schools,
which found that girls who adopted identities based on girl
power through overt heterosexuality were able to exercise
more social power than those identifying as nice girls or
tomboys. The tomboy position itself was dependent on belittling feminine characteristics and did not challenge the association of power with boys/masculinity. In other words, only by
being sexualised could girls occupy a space to misbehave and/or
be assertive (Reay, 2001). In light of this, aims for children to
develop self-confidence under the make a positive contribution
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Pursuing these
ideals often prevents
girls developing
other skills and
activities, limiting
their interests and
opportunities

Young women may

find that a sexualised
identity gives them
confidence and a
sense that they are
able to take control
of their lives

Child Abuse Review Vol. 18: 372383 (2009)

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376

These values are

encroaching further
and further into
childhood due to the
marketing strategy of
age compression

It fixes sexualisation
as such a normal
route that there is
little space outside
of it

Coy

strand of ECM (DfES, 2004) may be limited for girls to selfconfidence based on sexualisation.
These values are encroaching further and further into childhood
due to the marketing strategy of age compression, where previously adult/adolescent products are aimed at younger and younger
children in order to guarantee more consumers (Lamb and Brown,
2006; Levin and Kilbourne, 2008). Perhaps the most extreme
example of this is the recent launch of the Heelarious range of
soft high-heeled shoes for babies from birth to six months. Eight
styles are available, some adorned with rhinestones and leopard
print, marketed as offering babies fun, hilarity and glamour (see
www.heelarious.com). One result of this age compression with
respect to sexualised products is that the transformation of the
sexualised self has become a development of the sexualised self.
When six-year olds are wearing jeans with princess across the
rear, having hair extensions, or singing about their lady lumps and
growing up to want boobies displaying a sexualised identity is no
longer a milestone of impending adulthood, but an integral part
of identity development itself. This is how sexualisation limits
girls space for actionat the same time as it seems to offer
opportunities for material gain, personal achievement and sociocultural acceptance, and thus widen girls choices, it fixes sexualisation as such a normal route that there is little space outside
of it. The ECM agenda includes under the enjoy and achieve
outcome the aim to achieve personal and social development
(DfES, 2004), but this is undoubtedly inhibited by this prescription of sexualised femininity.
The following section discusses how surveys show that increasing numbers of girls and young women seek careers reflecting the
values of sexualised culture: using the body as profit and selfimprovement through makeovers (Gill, 2007).

Sexualised Ambitions

63 per cent
considered glamour
model and 25 per
cent lap dancer
their ideal profession
from a list of choices
including teacher,
doctor
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In a recent BBC (2008) documentary, an 11-year-old girl seeking

to be a beauty queen cited the glamour model Jordan as her idol
and showed off bleached hair, makeup, hair extensions and artificial tan. When asked about her self-image and future, she
described herself as blonde, pretty, dumbI dont need brains
(Sasha: Beauty Queen at 11, BBC, 2008). A 2005 UK online
survey of almost 1000 girls aged 1519 years found that
63 per cent considered glamour model and 25 per cent lap
dancer their ideal profession from a list of choices including
teacher, doctor (Deeley, 2008). Glamour-modelling agencies
report dramatic increases in the numbers of young women wishing
to register with them (Coy and Garner, in press). The 2008 BBC
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Sexualisation of Popular Culture and Girls Horizons

377

documentary series Glamour Girls followed young women hoping

to establish their careers in topless modelling, primarily in search
of a self-image of desirability and celebrity lifestyle (Coy and
Garner, in press). Here, sexualisation was not viewed as harmful,
but decadent and pleasurable: a means to a standard of living
characterised by material consumption, pursuit of leisure and
self-improvement. While the ECM framework does specify
access to material goods under economic well-being (DfES,
2004), this does not supersede other outcomes regarding health
and a sense of self, or negate the potential for sexualisation to
compromise them.
Sashas comment about not needing brains also illustrates
another possible impact of sexualisation on girls education.
Young women aspiring to be footballers wives or glamour
models (a girls tee shirt sold on the high street in 2008 proclaimed When I grow up I want to be a WAG) are less likely
to see the value or relevance of academic achievement. This
potentially undermines the goals of ECM to enhance attendance
and enjoyment at school and go on to further education and training (under outcomes enjoy and achieve and achieve economic
well-being) (DfES, 2004).
Similar messages are disseminated through the popular television show Americas Next Top Model (ANTM) (The CW Television Network, 20032009), which offers young women the
opportunity to become supermodels. The show is regularly
repeated on cable channels in the late afternoon and has just been
launched as a video game. In previous cycles of the show, young
women have been required to pose as if they are dead
murderedwhile semi-nakedbut still sexydescribed by
one judge as broken down dolls . . . busted up, marionettes.
A frequently expressed sentiment from the show host Tyra
Banks is sometimes modelling is about pretending youre a ho,
but bringing it back to fashion. The ANTM video game is
rated suitable for players aged three years, promoting both the
hyper-sexualised model look and the ambition to model to very
young girls.
Linked to these ambitions are ways in which young women pay
close attention to how their selves and bodies match up to the
airbrushed, surgically enhanced images of the media (Gill, 2007).
Evaluating the female body against these glossy photographs cultivates a sense of personal shortfall that is regarded as part of
femaleness, an ordinariness of anxiety about the body that Angela
McRobbie (2007) terms normative discontent. This affects girls
developing sense of self since in todays media it is possession
of a sexy body that is presented as womens key (if not sole)
source of identity (Gill, 2007, p. 149). The APA (2007) report
concludes that sexualisation is linked to eating disorders, a lack
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Less likely to
see the value or
relevance of
academic
achievement

Evaluating the
female body
against these
glossy photographs
cultivates a sense of
personal shortfall

Child Abuse Review Vol. 18: 372383 (2009)

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378

Girls space for

action is therefore
shaped by expectations and ideals that
limit their life

Coy

of self-esteem and depression, as well as a sense of dissatisfaction

with the body that leads to low self-confidence and anxiety. To
the extent that this is the case, the ECM outcome of being
healthy, specifically physically, mentally and emotionally
healthy, is acutely compromised. For instance, one large UK
cosmetic surgery company reported a 500 per cent increase in
breast augmentation procedures on 18- and 19-year olds from
2006 to 2007, with young women citing a desire to resemble
celebrities as the motivation (Templeton, 2008). Yet young
women are, as Bordo (1997) highlights, fixing inadequacies
(breast size, hair colour, skin tone, eyelash length) that popular
culture has created, and perceiving that they have taken control
of a personal, not social, situation. Girls space for action is therefore shaped by expectations and ideals that limit their life, career
and self-aspirations, and the relationship with their body, to those
plastered over advertising billboards, music videos and reality
television, with few alternatives presented as desirable.
The next section discusses how the impact of sexualisation
resonates through young peoples relationships and in doing so
prescribes roles for girls that also reduce their autonomy.

Sexualised Relationships

Young people use

pornography as an
instruction manual
for their own sexual
relationships

A review of
sexualisation has
been commissioned

Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Studies indicate that young people use pornography as an

instruction manual for their own sexual relationships, with one
finding that it influences young mens expectations of sexual
relationships, lead[ing] to pressure on young women to comply
(Redgrave and Limmer, 2005, p. 22). This section considers the
impact of what Lamb and Brown (2006 p. 151) refer to as watered
down porntalk or visuals about sex that dont actually
show body parts but imply sex other ways: stripping, moaning,
pole dancing and jiggling. A recent report by the Independent
Advisory Group on Sexual Health and HIV identified the sexualisation of toys and product advertising as direct influences on
young peoples sexual behaviour and values (Department of
Health (DoH), 2007). The role of sexualised culture regarding
ECM aims to ensure children and young people are sexually and
emotionally healthy is currently unacknowledged in policy and
practice. However, a review of sexualisation has been commissioned as part of the Westminster Governments wider strategic
work on violence against women (Home Office, 2009).
For instance, the current policy climate concerning young peoples sexuality is limited to sexual health and teenage pregnancy,
and as such formation of respectful relationships, issues of gender
equality and sexual coercion are neglected. The gap this leaves is
revealed by research highlighting that young people draw on
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Sexualisation of Popular Culture and Girls Horizons

traditional notions of male sexual need, despite claims of

female empowerment (Buckingham and Bragg, 2003; Holland
et al., 1998). A recent survey found that that almost a quarter of
14-year-old girls have been coerced into sexual acts (WAFE/
Bliss, 2008). The role of mass media in transmitting messages
about appropriate and healthy sexual norms is significant.
Researchers in the US found a connection between listening to
sexualised music lyrics and early sexual activity (Martino et al.,
2006). Given that early sexual activity is associated with teenage
pregnancy and poor sexual health, media sources that influence
young people to engage in early sexual relationships are at odds
with the ECM outcomes to reduce teenage conception, be sexually healthy, and enable children to develop socially and emotionally. Almost 40 per cent of young people in the UK report having
had sex by the age of 15, compared to between 1528 per cent
for 16 other countries including most of Europe and Canada
(UNICEF, 2007). Addressing sexualisation may contribute to
enabling young women to resist pressure to engage in early sexual
relationships and provide new meanings of masculinity for young
men that are not based on sexual conquest.
A crucial aspect of the connection between sexualised music
lyrics and early sexual activity is that the causal factor is not just
whether the music lyrics are sexual, but also degradingdefined
by the researchers as sexually insatiable men pursuing women
valued only as sex objects (Martino et al., 2006, p. 437). These
lyrics are only part of young peoples sexy media diet (Brown
et al., 2006), since they are also likely to be watching music
videos with their frequent accompanying images of sexualised
dancing (Martino et al., 2006). Some recent examples in music
videos include rap artist Nelly swiping a credit card through a
young womans buttocks (Tip Drill) and women being walked on
leashes (P. I. M. P. by 50 cent) (Levin and Kilbourne, 2008).
The mainstreaming of pimp/ho chic through rap and hip-hop
music has sharpened attention to the portrayal of black girls and
young women. Lamb and Browns (2006) survey of girls in the
US concluded that black girlhood is constructed in such a way
that childhood innocence is disallowed; instead young women are
bounced into the world of jiggling butts and cleavages (p. 148).
Here, there are opportunities for young men and young women
to align themselves with the commercial hip hop trinity of
gangsta/pimp/ho as a form of developing personal and social
power, but these figures reflect racialised stereotypes (Rose,
2008). For instance, masculinity is constructed so that young
black men are depicted as predatory and young black women are
limited to being hyper-sexual; power is restricted to attracting
male attention and approval (Hill Collins, 2006; Rose, 2008). The
recent launch of a black Disney princess may be an indicator of
Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

379

Almost a quarter of
14-year-old girls have
been coerced into
sexual acts

These lyrics are

only part of young
peoples sexy media
diet

Young black men

are depicted as
predatory and young
black women are
limited to being
hyper-sexual; power
is restricted
to attracting male
attention and
approval
Child Abuse Review Vol. 18: 372383 (2009)
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380

Sexual stereotypes
of racialised gender
subordination

Coy

greater cultural diversity, but in terms of the girl power values

it carries the view that it is a great step . . . [and] could help black
children see themselves more positively (Adesioye, 2009) fails
to address how it will reinforce messages of sexualisation for
black girls.
Research with African-American girls aged 1418 years concluded that where they viewed (hetero) sexual stereotypes of
racialised gender subordination (defined as black women being
fondled, controlled by black men, or using sex for material gain)
in rap music videos they were more likely to have multiple sexual
partners, use alcohol and drugs, and have a negative body image
(Peterson et al., 2007). Where this impact on young women is
evident, the ECM aim to ensure optimum physical, sexual and
emotional health are compromised, and so is the staying safe
outcome that includes keeping children safe from violence, sexual
exploitation and discrimination (DfES, 2004).

Implications for ECM

Sexualisation leads
to poor self-image
and a lack of
confidence in girls
that affects health
and capacity to
reach potential

Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In summary, the five outcomes of the ECM agenda (be healthy;

stay safe; enjoy and achieve; make a positive contribution; economic well-being) (DfES, 2004) have a number of indicators
under which the sexualisation of girls can be addressed. Early
sexual activity and conception rates, prevalence of bullying and
educational achievement are all found by research to be affected
by sexualisation. The Office for Standards in Education, Childrens Services and Skills inspection criteria with respect to
healthy lifestyles, physical and mental health, and safe environments (Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF),
2007) are, at the minimum, relevant here, particularly as sexualisation leads to poor self-image and a lack of confidence in girls
that affects health and capacity to reach potential. Further research
is needed to explore how far issues discussed in this paper resonate in Black and Minority Ethnic communities, where sexualised
messages may intersect with cultural codes regarding sexuality
and influence girls space for action differently.
The national Childrens Plan (DCSF, 2007) refers to reducing
risk to children from potentially harmful media content but unless
sexualisation of girls is defined as harmful, in line with extensive
evidence from the US and Australia, there will be a missed opportunity here. For instance, the focus on improving young peoples
sexual health within the Childrens Plan is restricted to conception and infection, despite the knowledge base outlined here on
how sexualisation affects the age of sexual activity and sexual
behaviours (DoH, 2007).
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Sexualisation of Popular Culture and Girls Horizons

381

Conclusions
Are there paths through the forest of sexy diva princess pink shopping
hotties? (Lamb and Brown, 2006, p. 263.)

The evidence base on the dimensions of harm from sexualisation

of popular culture and links with early sexual activity, values that
demean young women and lead to poor self-confidence, suggest
a strong counter policy steer is necessary. Some countries have
introduced measures with this aim. For instance, the investigation
by the Australian Senate Committee (2008) culminated in a new
Childrens Code for advertising standards that has specific provision about the sexualisation of children. Some countries ban
(Norway and Sweden), or restrict (Denmark, Greece and Belgium)
advertising to children under 12 (Levin and Kilbourne, 2008).
Given the diverse forms of media that children are exposed to,
such measures have a limited (although welcome) reach.
The APA (2007) report suggests that harmful consequences of
the sexualisation of girls can be mitigated by a range of strategies:
media literacy programmes in schools to enable children to critically analyse media messages; increasing access to sport and
other activities; more holistic sex education; campaigns to enable
parents and carers to address the impact of sexualisation. These
recommendations fit with the five ECM outcomes and should be
incorporated into the delivery aspects and inspection criteria of
being healthy, staying safe, enjoying and achieving, and
making a positive contribution (DfES, 2004). Developing media
literacy is also an aim of the national Childrens Plan (DCSF,
2007) and there is scope here to include challenging sexualised
messages. Crucially, these measures should also be based on a
gendered analysis.
The most significant challenge is to develop socio-cultural climates without sexualisation of girls and young women: to landscape the terrain in a slightly different way, so that certain
topographical features will stand out against the ones that are
currently so prominent to obscure all else (Bordo, 1997, p. 68).
Individual young women may find paths through the forest of pink
shopping hotties; but the majority will find their paths navigated
by the topographical features of sexualisation and a limited space
for action, unless others trees of positive ways to be girls and
women are planted and nurtured.
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Copyright 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

A strong counter
policy steer is
necessary

Being healthy,
staying safe,
enjoying and
achieving, and
making a positive
contribution

Their paths
navigated by
the topographical
features of
sexualisation and
a limited space
for action

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382

Coy

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