Fela Kuti

Fela Anikulapo-Kuti: Protest Music and Social Processes in Nigeria
Author(s): Justin Labinjoh

Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, Communication and Change in Sub-Saharan
Africa (Sep., 1982), pp. 119-134
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2783979
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FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI
ProtestMusic and
Social Processesin
Nigeria
JUSTIN LABINJOH
of Ibadan, Nigeria
University
Fela Anikulapo-Kuti'sbiographyreflectssomethingof the

underlyingnature of social realityand social processes in
Nigeria.Biographicalexperiencesresultfroma combination
of severalphenomena,one of themostimportantof whichis
his
the individual'sconsciousness,whichnot onlystructures
of the social world, but also
perceptionand interpretation
activateshis specificsocial action.Fela Anikulapowas moved
by the largerevolutionof social consciousnessthatpervaded
theblackworldin the1960s.At thattimehe choseto be a part
of the politicsof revolutionwhichwas consequentupon that
fundamentalchange.
The immediatesettingfor that revolution(and for the
shapingofFela's consciousness)was theUnitedStates,and the
immediaterevolutionarieswere Black Americans.Since he
his
was not an American,he feltit morerelevantto transfer
strugglesto his own societywheresocioown revolutionary
obviously,fromthoseof
historicalconditionsweredifferent,
theUnitedStates.He had to devisehisowntypeofrevolutionas well as the
ary strugglesuitableto his social environment
condition.
Music
was the
possibilitiesof his own existential
JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 13 No. 1, September1982 119-135
? 1982 Sage Publications,Inc.
119
120
JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 1982
instrument
he chose, and music,like othervarietiesof art,is
located in the conjunctionof structureand culture;music
influencesstructure
and cultureand theyin turnshape music.
So, a carefulexaminationof Fela's lifecan tellus something
about Nigeriansociety.The methodologicalproblemis: How
does one go about exploringa societythroughthelifeof one
individual?I propose to use the methodof the studyof life
history.
LIFE HISTORY AS METHOD
The study of life historynever gained acceptance as a

concretesociological methodperhaps for two reasons. The
firstwas the early need for grand theorizingto elevate
sociology to the level of scientificrespectability;so any
approach or theorythatsmackedof ethnology,as lifehistory
does, could notbe takenseriously.The secondreasonhas to do
withthehistoricaland ideologicalexigenciesofsociology.The
disciplinewas bornoutofcrisis-thecrisisofthedissolutionof
certainEuropeansocietiesas a resultoftheFrenchRevolution
and the IndustrialRevolution.Since those revolutionswere
caused in partbythereification
of theindividualthroughthe
philosophyof the Enlightenment
and theconsequentseparationofindividualidentity
fromthecollectiveone ofthesociety,
the earlysociologistsunwittingly
foundthemselvesrestoring
the individualback into collectivityin order to create new
conceptionsof social order(see Zeitlin,1966; Swingewood,
1970;Dawe, 1970).Individualistic
theoriestherefore
had to be
rejected.Consequently,the theoriesthat came to dominate
sociologicalthinking-structural-functionalism
and Marxism
-to the extentthattheyare holisticin approach neglectthe
lives of individualsas theyare livedday-by-day,
moment-bymoment-the individuals'affects,desires,frustrations,
and
satisfactions.
The studyof lifehistory,therefore,
can possiblybe used to
meetsuchtheoreticalweaknesses.Lifehistoryis a "deliberate
attemptto definethe growthof a personin a culturalmilieu
and to make theoreticalsense of it" (Dollard, 1934). Dollard
Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI
121
explains furtherthat it mightincludeboth biographicaland

autobiographicaldocuments,forlifehistoryis "an accountof
how a newpersonis added to thegroupand becomesan adult
capable of meetingthe traditionalexpectationsof his society
fora personofhissex and age." Dollard could haveadded that
withthe
it is also an accountofhowan individual,confronted
of his society,comesto rejectthevalues
social contradictions
upon which the traditionalexpectationsof that societyare
based. Methodologically,forDollard,
moving
The personis viewedas an organiccentreoffeeling
to himthemain
magnetically
a cultureand draining
through
appearsas a
strandsoftheculture.In theendtheindividual
ofhisculture.
ofthegroupfeatures
person,as a microcosm
the
Dollard suggestedsevencriteriaforthestudyoflifehistory,
The
subject
for
are:
(1)
of
me,
three
which,
most important
must be seen in a cultural scene, everythingcannot be
explained solelyin termsof personality;(2) organicmotives
ascribedto the subjectmustbe relatedto theculture;and (3)
the role of the familymustbe recognized.
Dollard also gave fivejustificationsfor the studyof life
history.The threemostimportantones forme,again,are: (1)
understandthe
that one needs life historyto effectively
articulationof institutions,and the relationshipsbetween
(2) thatlifehistoriesare usefulforhypothesizing
institutions;
cultural
change;and (3) thatone can betterunderstand
about
responseto thenormsofsociety,thatis,
therangeofpermitted
whatis definedas deviance.
Withtheseand otherperspectivesin mind,I spentseveral
days in theKalakuta Republic' in thesummerand December
withFela and generallymixing
of 1976,recordinginterviews
withthe membersof the group. Initially,I feltstrangein the
Maybe I was
republicbecause I somehowlooked different.
forperhapswithoutrealizingit,Fela had createdall
different;
the characteristicsof an alternativesocietyand I was an
intruder.The memberswere in theirown world, freeand
relaxed(I willcome back to thislater).I mustmentionat this
pointthatI also spentsome timewiththegroupat theCross
122
JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER
1982
Road Hotel, Ikorodu Road, in August1977aftertherepublic

I was
This timeI was not interviewing,
had been destroyed.2
simplymixingwiththegroupand watchingFela rehearsehis
new compositionswiththe band. The rehearsalsusuallytook
was
My aim,initially,
place between11:00 P.M. and midnight.
to soak up theatmosphere,to penetratethesocial psychology
noticed
I certainly
ofthegroupbeforetapingmoreinterviews.
a change in the psychicstate of the group. This was now a
communethat had been badly mauled by the power of the
society.It was a communethat looked fragile,if not disand refused
The womenwerenow morerestrained
integrated.
to talk.Fela seemedto standup wellto thestrain,buthisdaily
routinehavingbeen severelydisturbed,his compositionshad
been affected.He was lesscoherentin hisarticulationofideas
discusswithBob
thanhe used to be. I oncewatchedhimbriefly
Marley,theJamaicansinger,thewholeproblemofAfricaand
neocolonialism.He now seemed more assertive,sometimes
in thediscussionsituation.Beforeexaminingthe
authoritarian
of his styleoflife,letus look at some
sociologicalsignificance
of his experiences.
ASPECTS OF FELA'S LIFE HISTORY
Fela was bornabout 44 yearsago to a teachermotherand a

clergyfather.Two points are significantabout his family
Socioeconomic
background.The firstis its middle-classness.
alwaysconstrainmembersofvariousclassesto
circumstances
thishas implications
to thesocialstructure;
relatedifferentially
for the inskill
and
therefore
for individualdramaturgical
dividual'sperceptionofsocial reality.The workingclassadult,
social strucfor example,"receives"ratherthan"interprets"
tureas a resultof childhoodsocialization.This is because the
personwouldhavegrownup in a family
typicalworking-class
byscarcityofmaterialresources.Socialisettingcharacterized
zation patternsin such a situationare usually rigid; the
interactive
processconditionstheindividualsto playtheirroles
principallyas sets of expectationswith which they must
123
comply.Emphasisin theirlivesis always"on the imperative

naturesof moreswithoutreference
to legitimating
rationale."
The middle class, on the otherhand, "interprets"social
is interpreted,
structure,
and wherestructure
customis seenas
definingrangesof tolerablevariationratherthan the precise
contentof behavior.The individualthusinterprets
concrete
social events in the light of abstract principles.He soon
develops a "theory"of social structure(Ford et al., 1971).
Some suchconcretesocial eventsreadilyavailableto Fela as a
child in his middle-classsettingwerethepoliticalactivitiesof
thesecondsignificant
his mother;theseconstitute
pointabout
his familybackground.Mrs. Ransome-Kutiwas an activeand
respectedmemberof the earliestpoliticalpartyin NigeriatheNational Council ofNigeriaand theCameroons(NCNC).
Moreover,she led many civil rightscrusades in the forties
againstexcessivetaxationand forincreasedrespectand social
rightsof women.These wererevolutionary
activitiesindeedat
a timewhenmostwomeninNigeriawereuneducatedand were
being chronicallyexploited. Her activitieswere not only
available to herson to utilizein interpreting
social structure
but also to emulate.It is not surprising,
whenyears
therefore,
laterin the UnitedStates he readilyidentified
withtheBlack
Revolution,and laterstillwantedreformin his own society.
Fela studiedmusicin England,and came back in 1963when
he was employedby the NigerianBroadcastingCorporation
(NBC). Whereelsecould hehaveworked?The societyhad very
forsucha profession.He had hisfirsttasteof
fewopportunities
theconservative
natureofsocietyin thatorganization.A mass
is nevera revolutionary
media institution
phenomenon;to the
extentthatitis a guardianofthesociety'svaluesand ideals,itis
oftenintolerantof innovation.Fela claimedthathis attempts
to be innovative,
to playa distinctively
Africanmusic,werenot
appreciatedby the NBC. In fact,it got to thepointwherehe
was asked whyhis positionshouldnot be terminated
because
hismusicwas consideredto be "so bad." His appointment
was
in 1968. By thenhe had put togethera
eventuallyterminated
smallprivateband. He playedin severalnightclubs
to makea
living,but the goingwas hard initially.
124
1982
One reasonwhyhismusicwas "so bad" at theNBC was that

he did not reallylike to play "highlife,"and highlifewas the
popular musicin Nigeria(indeedin West Africa)at thetime.
Neitherhighlifenor European pop musicinspiredhim. The
former,he believed,had nothingAfricaninit,and wheneverhe
wonderedabout its origins,he thoughtit was probablya type
of pleasantnoisethatthewhitemanlistenedto whiledrinking
his beerand feelinghe had a "highlife."Fela himselfinitially
had to playsomehighlife
in orderto makea living;buthe soon
realizeditsshallowness.However,hewas strongly
interested
in
jazz and stronglyinfluencedby Miles Davis. He had always
wantednot onlyto play Africanmusicbutalso to explorethe
Africanoriginsofjazz. Highlife,he thought,had thebeat,but
not the depth; whereasjazz had depthbut no beat. So, he
explored the rhythmand beat in highlifeand with jazz
embellishment
came up withan innovationhe called highlifejazz. At thistimehis thoughts,he said,weretechnical,thatis,
he was ratheracademicin hisstrivings
fora uniquemusicthat
was modernand deeplyAfricanat thesametime.(This stateof
developmentwas not unlikethe academic climatethat preafterindependence.Academics,
vailed in Nigeriaimmediately
journalists, and writersof all callings prescribedvarious
ideologies for the society.Africansocialism,pragmaticsocialism,indigenouscommunism,and the like all were academicabstractionsby a people gropingforan identity.)Fela
played his innovationuntil around 1968 when soul music
arrivedin Nigeriaand challengedhis creativeefforts;it not
only underminedthe littleattentionhis music attractedbut
also temporarily
reducedhis income.Again,thisreflected
the
Africancolonialmentality
wherebyalienculturalproductsand
artifactsare uncriticallyacquired, becomingdominantover
locallyproducedones.
In the case of Fela, soul music forcedhim to rethinkhis
ideas. As a resulthe changed the name of his music from
highlife-jazzto Afrobeat.Afrobeatwas more than an appropriation;it was a concoctionof highlife,
jazz, and Black
Americansoul music.It did not take offin Nigeria,butwhen
Fela wenton tour of Ghana, he was highlyinspiredbecause
theGhanaiansrespondedto it verywell.This was in 1968.At
125
thattimeFela sang about love, men,and woman-the usual

mundanethingsthatartistsare fondof makingtheirobjects.
He had not realized that there must be a correspondence
betweenboth the lyricsand the music,fortheyboth forma
In otherwords,ifthemusicis serious,so too mustbe
structure.
was stilllow and was
thelyrics.Of course,hislevelofmaturity
stillapolitical.Toward theend of1968he started"Afro-Spots"
at Kakadu Nightclub.Beforethat he was playingwhat he
called "The Jump"at SurulereClub, but was asked to leave
because soul musichad arrivedand thelandladywantedto hire
the place out to someoneelse. Fela was upsetbecause he had
developed the SurulereClub over the previousthreeyears.
Whenhe firststartedthere,the"SundayJump"was free-just
to attractcustomers;then he began to charge a shilling,
graduallyraisingthecoverchargeto fiveshillings.It was then
he must
thequit noticecame. One can imaginehow frustrated
he
worked
hard
that
had
of
a
place
out
pushed
to
be
been
have
he
to makeeconomicallyviable.All thattime,he toldme, was
playingforsurvival.Then came the break.
He receivedan invitationfroma Nigerianresidentin the
UnitedStatesto playthereand he accepted.This was in 19691970. The ten monthsthat he spent therehad a profound
impacton himon twolevels:thatofconsciousness,and thatof
creativity.Of the firstlevel Fela himselfsaid: "The whole
atmosphereof Black Revolutionchangedme, myconsciousmy perceptionof things.I was educated."
ness,mythinking,
This is indeedtrue.The secondhalfofthesixtiessaw theheight
of the Black Revolutionin America when Afro-Americans
were challengingthe normativefoundationsof theirsociety.
What Fela reallylearned was the relationshipbetweenthe
ofthat
individualand thesociety,togetherwiththehistoricity
factorsabout thatBlack RevoluTwo significant
relationship.
tion are that, first,a great deal of informationwas disseminatedabout the Black people's contemporaryand historical situations. This was the educative aspect of the
movement.Second, structuraland historicalexplanations
were used to presentthe social, economic, and political
of theBlack people. This was thepolitical
underdevelopment
consciousness aspect of the revolutionthat was used for
126
1982
mobilization.From all these,Fela benefited.At firsthand he

watchedindividualsdirectly
thesocialsystem,
confronting
and
the social struche furtherdevelopedthe abilityto interpret
ture. Apart from Malcom X, a woman named Sandra
She gave himlectureson Black
influencedhimtremendously.
historyand thewholeBlack struggleand he triedto read a lot
on Africanhistory.
Apartfromall the above, thisyoungAfricanwas awed by
the level of economic and social developmentin American
society.He was also overwhelmed
by thevastnessand beauty
oftheplace. He said he wonderedwhy"one countryshouldbe
so greatand myown countryso small."He therefore
decided
thathe would make his own countrygreatin hisway.He also
developeda philosophy:That itis worthlessbeinga greatman
in a small country.
The second profoundinfluenceof America,as mentioned
above, was on hiswork.The Afrobeathe took to Americawas
a mish-mashof generalities.With his new consciousnesshe
began to reworkit,sittingday afterday at thepiano (Sandra's
he said,"was rough
The beginning,
piano) to challengehimself.
I
to
music."
But he kept on.
how
write
because didn'tknow
Since he was notgranteda workvisa he had to concentrateon
his music. One of the products of those effortswas an
instrumental
piece called "My LittleFrustration"-theresult
of deep, honest thinkingand high-levelinspiration.Fela
playedthe piece one nightin a club in Los Angeleswherehe
fourtimesweeklyformonths.For the
had been entertaining
firsttime the audience noticedthe Africanmusician;their
responseto the piece was tremendous.Fela was pleased and
inspiredto createmore.He thoughtthatthereasonwhythat
piece was good was thathe wrotethetune"thinkingAfrican."
That changedhim.He said: "I realizedthatyou cannotthink
Europeanand wantto writeor createsomethingAfrican.You
have to thinkAfricanin everything."
He composed a lot moretunesafterthat,workingrelentlesslyat thepiano. Bythetimehe leftAmericain 1970,he was
and withplentyofhalf-baked
a matureman,fullofinspiration
127
activitiesin his society.

ideas about his future"revolutionary"
Whenhe arrivedin Nigeriahe soon foundthatpeopledid not
appreciatethisnewthinghe was playing.He suddenlyrealized
thathe had been confrontedwithtwo battles:thefirsthe had
won in theUnitedStates-the battleofconsciousness,ofselfrealization.The otherwas thebattleforthemindsof his own
people.The averageNigerian'sattitudeto art,especiallymusic,
Fela initialand nonprogressive.
conservative,
was traditional,
went.But
he
everywhere
ovation
ly did not expecta sustained
he at leasthoped thatpeoplewould appreciatean attemptbya
fellow Africanto create somethingAfricanyet modernsomethingprogressive.
ofLagos
thestudentsoftheUniversity
He wentto entertain
be more
would
some timein 1970,hopingthatthe educated
appreciativeof his efforts.But they too were more than
A graduatetoldme:"We all thoughtthatguyFela
indifferent.
was crazy;themusicwas funnyand heand hisboyslookedlike
rascals. We decided neverto invitehim again." Three years
laterthe same people flockedto listento himand boughthis
recordswithconsumatepassion. They saw him as the new
African.Fela himselfsaid about thatexperience:"Theydidn't
understandall thesenewbeats;butI mustconfessI too did not
understandwhat I was playing.It was an experimentalstage
forme." Well, to have moved fromthe technicalstageto an
experimentalstage was indeeda meaningfulprogression;for
onlyon a completedproject.The nextstageis
one experiments
one of perfection-whichFela soon reached.
He beganto composea lotoftunes-about threea week.He
never waited for inspiration;he would simply decide to
compose and he would sit at the piano and compose.
According to him, he at that time created music out of
determination.But timeshave now changed; these days he
waitsforinspiration.Meanwhile,he said: "I havegotinvolved
in the whole black powerthing."He meta Nigerianlawyer,
Mr. Osobu; theybecamegood friends,sharingtheirpersonal
experiencesand encouragingeach other to read widelymostlyon Africanhistory.Fela began to play again at the
128
1982
Surulere Club, but again he was asked to quit, this time

because he did not pay his rent."Thingswere roughat the
beginning,"he said. He reallyhad severalroughbeginnings!
It was thenthathe decidedhe musthave a clubofhisown,a
place of identity,an "Africa Shrine." His songs were now
becoming revolutionary,identityand defiancebecame the
hallmarksof his artisticendeavors.The titlesof his songs
changedfrom"Jeunko ku[Eat untilyoudie]"to"WhyAfrica"
of changein consciousness.
or "Who Are You"-a reflection
"Fela Music"; each peice
His music soon became distinctive
was different
but the musicnow had a structureof its own.
ASPECTS OF FELA'S INFLUENCE ON

NIGERIAN CULTURE
ofsocialchangethat
Thereare certainvisiblemanifestations
are highlighted
by theexistentialbehaviorofthisartist.What
or 'movements'?Accordingto the
are those manifestations
Italian MarxistAntonioGramsci,whenstudyinga structure
to distinguish
(relatively
It is necessary
organicmovements
whichmay be termed"confrommovements
permanent)
andwhichappearas occasional,
almost
immediate,
junctural"
accidental.The aim mustbe to findthe currentrelation
[Gramsci,
betweenwhatis organicand whatis conjunctural
1971].
There are, at least,two conjuncturalmovementsFela has
The firstis themakingvisibleof whathad
helpedto identify.
and thatis a lowerclassyouthsubculturebeen subterranean,
a phenomenonthatpointsto theharshnatureofstructuration
in Nigeria as a resultof rapid economic development.The
second is the sudden emergenceand proliferationof communitarianbehaviorin Nigeria as a resultof the increased
tensionbetweenthe selfand the society-a crisisof identity.
129
LOWER CLASS YOUTHS AND

THE METAPHOR OF CHANGE
Nigeria's enormousforeignearningsfromoil in the last

decade or so have led to attemptsat vigoroussocioeconomic
development.Two consequencesof such attemptshave affectedthesocial lifeand thesocial consciousnessof thelower
in
class. The firstis the phenomenonof embourgeoisement;
Nigeria,thisis a processwherebymanyindividualsachieved
middle-classstandardsand stylesofliving,as wellas a process
wherebythose who had alreadyachievedthatpositionwere
able to consolidateit. The benefitsfromthe large influxof
wealthintothecountryaccrued,as shouldbe expected,mainly
to those advantageouslylocated in the middle level of the
The professionals(lawyers,doctors,
society'sstratification.
surveyors),the upper-and middle-leveloccupationalgroups,
and the pettybourgeoisiewithresourcesand/or social connections,all benefited.But,thesemiskilledand thebulkofthe
unskilled workers,both of whom had earlier shared the
expectationsof risingincome and betterstandardof living
withthe restof the population,soon foundthattheydid not
possess theresourcesto extractbenefitsfromthenewwealth.
Not only did they remain poor, but the increased and
conspicuousconsumptionaroundthemmadeacutetheirsense
of relativedeprivation.Afterall, class inequalitiesare encounterednotas someabstractand farawayphenomenon,but
in everydayexperiencesand perceptionsof specific disadvantage,and control.
tributionsof opportunity,
The second consequence of attemptsat socioeconomic
developmentin Nigeriahas to do withpublicredevelopment.
modernofficebuildings,hotels,and
New bridges,motorways,
attractivenew dwellingsbegan to springup, oftenbypassing
the slums
lower-classcommunitiesand therebyhighlighting
them.Sometimes,lower-classcomdown-grading
and further
munitiesweredestroyedforthosenewedifices.That evokeda
feelingof powerlessnessas the lower class realized their
These two phenomenaof
inabilityto save theircommunities.
130
withtheirsocioand urbanredevelopment,
embourgeoisement
psychologicalconsequencesofdeprivationand powerlessness,
accentuatedthe separationof thelowerclass fromtherestof
in thecultureofthat
thesociety,creatingalso a contradiction
class. The contradictionwas createdbecause the developing
gave the lower class the hope of upward
embourgeoisement
social mobility.Thathopewas notonlydashedbutthechanges
thataccompaniedthe affluencealso lumpen-izedthatlower
it.
down-grading
class, therebyfurther
The absence of welfareprogramsor benefitsdid notameliorate the lower-class situation. The existence of welfare
benefitswould have minimizedtheeconomiccrisisofdevelopment,increasingtheconsumptionpotentialof thelowerclass
itsneed intothedemandstructure
and therebyincorporating
bredfrustraThe contradiction
therefore
and policygeneration.
tionand emotionalcrisiswithinthelower-classfamilies.That
predicamentregistereddeeply on the young. Youth, like
in themediatedor
adults,experienceclass relationsprimarily
formof theconcretesocial relationstheyare involved
filtered
in at school,on thejob, in thefamily,and inthelocal area.The
youthsof theNigerianlowerclass came to sharetheirparents'
experiencesand attemptedto resolvethe contradictionsof
theirparents'livesthroughtheargotand ritualofa youthsubculture. As Cohen has argued, "The latent functionof
subcultureis to express and resolve,albeit 'magically'the
hiddenor unresolvedin theparentculture"(S.
contradictions
Cohen, 1972;P. Cohen, 1972). Moreover,everyyouthculture
is associatedwitha moralpanic.
In thecontextofNigeria,thelower-classyouthtransformed
dichotomousperceptionof thesocial structheworking-class
ture to an opposition between"us and them."Ordinarily,
"them"is a generictermforall the people who controlone's
Butinthiscase
destiniesinindustry,
politics,oringovernment.
"them"are the richand any otherpersonsperceivedby the
youthas decadentand as consitutingmoral danger.
Youth culturein Nigeriahad been in existencefora while,
it
form;likeanysubcultureanywhere,
thoughina subterranian
was waitingfortherightmoment,theappropriatesymbol,and
131
thecommandingleader.The appearanceofFela madethetime

ripe,whileFela himselfbecamebothitsleaderand itssymbol.
He projectedhimselfas the incarnationof the youthculture
values of sexuality,hedonism,and antagonismto authority.
of
ingredient
Apartfromleadership,musicis also an important
any youthculture;Fela's protestmusic,withits lower-class
languageand itstoughness,suitstheneedofthoselower-class
youths.And that is not all: The idea of one's own patch or
is also importantin any lower-classyouthculture.
territory
Clingingto a "place of our own" providesa focus for the
assertion of territorialloyalties involvingboth a unified
collectiveidentityand communityidentification.
As Cohen again notes:
whichenvironis simplythe processthrough
Territoriality
groupboun(and foci)are usedto signify
mentalboundaries
value
witha sub-cultural
daries(andfoci)andbecomeinvested
[S. Cohen,1972:27].
a
is a symbolicattemptto retrieve
So, theemphasison territory
Fela's AfricaShrinequickly
disappearingsenseofcommunity.
became Lagos' urban lower-classyouths'territory-apatch
thatenabled themto commandthe stage of public attention
for the assertionof collective
and providedthe opportunity
pointdirectlyindeedto the
identity.All thesemanifestations
of Nigeria'surban lowerclass.
agonies and contradictions
The second sociologicalphenomenonpointedup by Fela is
the new responseto Nigeria'schangingsocial formation-a
responsein the formof communitarianism.
KALAKUTA REPUBLIC:
THE ALTERNATIVE SOCIETY
A fundamental
dilemmaofsocial lifeis how a personcan be
at once moreindividualand moresolitary.It is a problemthat
has characterizedthehistoryofsocial thought,forwhetheror
not we accept it, thereis a fundamentaldissociationof the
individualand thesocial-a dissociationthatvariousreligious
132
have attemptedeitherto bridge

and ideologicalprescriptions
of realitysocial prescripworld
or deny. But in the concrete
increasein size and
tions are hard to adopt; as institutions
complexitythey lead to impersonality;as individual-state
relationshipsbecome increasinglymediated they lead to
fragmentedrelationshipsand atomization;as governments
become increasinglyremote,faceless,and intolerant,and as
the cultural and social demands for conformitybecome
excrutiating,the search for personal identityand cultural
also increases.
integrity
Men withdrawfromsociety,not into individuatingisolation,but paradoxicallyintoanothersociety-a reconstructed
traditionis an
alternative-thecommune.The communitarian
experimentthathas attemptedto createan alternativeto the
Societies of hereticsand outlaws have
majorityinstitutions.
been earlyexamplesof communes.For example,
in
withtheQmrancommunity
Fortwenty
centuries,
beginning
the Dead Sea, people . . . have soughtto escape fromthe
and social
amorphousfreedom,
tensionsof acquisitiveness,
decisions,and
towardthesharingof possessions,
heirarchy,
love[Bennett,
1975;Kanter,1972].
brotherly
Such tensionsare extemelyhighin societiesundergoingrapid
social change,forthererisingexpectationas wellas deepening
fearsare generated.On theone hand,sincemanyofthegivens
and thethreatofrejection,a
of social lifecomeunderscrutiny
sense of insecurity
and a feelingof fearare also generated.
Moreover, in such societiesthe mode of governanceasflavoras governments
nervouslycope
sumesan authoritarian
thatsmacks
withnumeroussimultaneousdemands.Anything
of
the
and
the
government
of radicalismcompounds problem
is quicklyand brutallysuppressed.
In Nigeriain thelastdecade people havebeenrespondingto
such tensionsin manyways.The mostvisibleis sectarianism:
and preach
religiousmovementsthatare nondenominational
thousandsof
separationto theiradherents.Thereare,literally,
these in Nigeria'surban centerstoday. Fela's Kalakuta Reseparatistcommunity,
publicwas a commune-a nonreligious
133
an alternativesociety.Any givencommunemay be seen as a

expressionofsome particularvalues.The values
concentrated
and freedomas
expressedby theKalakuta wereindividualism
development.
and
necessaryprerequisitesto innovation
communeshad
Accordingto two eminentsocial scientists,
had a curiouspress,
and as wildly
as deeplysinister
alternatively
Beingpresented
has conjuredup visionsof
imagination
exotic.The outsiders'
Even if
communallifewithan amazingdramaticinflation.
[Abramsand
is knowntheworstis usuallyimputed
nothing
MacCulloch,1976].
This applies withamazingaccuracyto Fela's republic;it was
actuallya well-organized,highlydisciplined,extremelytidy
settlement.Drug takingwas not as rampantas the general
was nonexistent.
public believed,and sexual promiscuity
one thing
demonstrate
to
was
trying
Fela
his
republic
In
among others: that individual life did not have to be as
constrainingas it was in Nigeria, where the tension of
acquisitiveness,generatedby the capitalistideologyofdevelopment,had almostcompletelydeniedindividual'sa senseof
Perhapshecould
ofself-fulfilment.
and thepossibility
identity
have had maximumfreedomto practicehis beliefsundera
saw partofitsmissionas
But themilitary
civiliangovernment.
a moral crusadeand foundpeople like him intolerable.
CONCLUSION
dynamics
The generaldriftof historyand thefundamental
of social change have been the heighteningof the tension
betweenindividualismand collectivism.But thattensionhas
always been resolvedon the side of the individual.In other
words,individualexistentialsituationshave tendedto be the
beneficiaryof historicalchange, with the consequence of
increasedindividualism.However, in the actual process of
developmentitself,when that tensionis quite high,it is the
themost.Thereare so many
thatsuffers
individual,ironically,
134
in theday-to-day
and deeperfrustrations
deep contradictions,
livingofpeopleindevelopingsocietiesthatconventionalsocial
sciencestudiescannotreveal.Perhapsbiographicalstudiesof
menin thosesocieties,usingthemethodoflife
larger-than-life
history(or othersimilarapproaches)willnotonlycomplement
the conventionalstudies,but also enable us to betterapprehendthe social realityof development.
NOTES
1. That was the name Fela gave his residencein Lagos.
2. In February1977 some soldierssurroundedFela's residenceand asked to be
allowedinsideso as to arrestsome of Fela's groupmembers,who wereallegedto have
and thesoldiersdowsedthearea withpetrol
offense.Fela refused,
a traffic
committed
and burnedthe residencedown,injuringFela, his aged mother,and membersof the
group.Some of the womenin the groupclaimedthattheywereraped.
REFERENCES
ABRAMS, P. and A. MacCULLOCH (1976) Communes,Sociology and Society.
London: CambridgeUniv. Press.
Theoryand Society2, 1.
BENNET, J.W. (1975) "Communesand communitarianism."
community."Working
COHEN, P. (1972) "Subculturalconflictand working-class
CulturalStudies,UniverPapers in CulturalStudies2. CentreforContemporary
sityof Birmingham.
COHEN, S. (1972) Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and
Rockers.London: MacGibbon & Kee.
DAWE, A. (1970) "Two sociologies."BritishJ. of Sociology.
DOLLARD, J. (1934) The Studyof Life History.
FORD, J. et al. (1971) "Functionalautonomy,role distanceand social class," in
School and Society.London: Routledge& Kegan Paul.
GRAMSCI, A. (1971) SelectionsfromthePrisonNotebooks.New York:InternationPress.
al Universities
and Community:Communesand Utopias in
KANTER, R. M. (1972) Commitment
Sociological Perspective.Cambridge:HarvardUniv. Press.
SWINGEWOOD, A. (1970) "Originsof sociology:the case of the Enlightenment."
BritishJ. of Sociology(June).

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Fela Anikulapo-Kuti: Protest Music and Social Processes in Nigeria

Author(s): Justin Labinjoh

Fela Anikulapo-Kuti'sbiographyreflectssomethingof the

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 1982

The study of life historynever gained acceptance as a

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

explains furtherthat it mightincludeboth biographicaland

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER

Road Hotel, Ikorodu Road, in August1977aftertherepublic

ASPECTS OF FELA'S LIFE HISTORY

Fela was bornabout 44 yearsago to a teachermotherand a

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

comply.Emphasisin theirlivesis always"on the imperative

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER

One reasonwhyhismusicwas "so bad" at theNBC was that

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

thattimeFela sang about love, men,and woman-the usual

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER

mobilization.From all these,Fela benefited.At firsthand he

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

activitiesin his society.

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER

Surulere Club, but again he was asked to quit, this time

ASPECTS OF FELA'S INFLUENCE ON

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

LOWER CLASS YOUTHS AND

Nigeria's enormousforeignearningsfromoil in the last

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 1982

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

thecommandingleader.The appearanceofFela madethetime

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 1982

have attemptedeitherto bridge

the Dead Sea, people . . . have soughtto escape fromthe

Labinjoh / FELA ANIKULAPO-KUTI

an alternativesociety.Any givencommunemay be seen as a

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / SEPTEMBER 1982

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