Professional Documents
Culture Documents
of political science
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reflecting the fact that there is usually a link in France between the
study of politics and the possibility of a career in the elite ranks of
the civil service. In France, the role of political science in the education of elites, notably at the Ecole Nationale d'Administration gave
it a special status in national life. Sciences Po (as the Ecole Libre des
sciences politiques is usually known) in Paris was established in
1871-2 as part of a modernization effort after France's defeat in the
Franco-Prussian war. 'Initially, "political science" as such played a
very modest part in its teaching, the use of the plural (political
sciences) being indicative of the fact that law and history, as well as
other social sciences such as economics dominated the syllabus'
(Hayward, 2000, p.25). Much political science in France is taught
in law faculties. The key political science institutions are the nine
Institut d'Etudes Politiques set up after the Second World War.
Sciences Po is technically one of them, but they are essentially a
network of provincial institutions. They have a broader mission
than conventional political science departments, teaching their
students law and some economics to prepare them for careers in
business and the civil service. Effectively, the country has only two
conventional political science departments. Similarly, in Italy, the
weakness of departments when compared with the faculties that
organize teaching undermines the institutional base for political
science.
German political science was shaped in its early post-war years by
a task of democratic re-education that had American influences, but
since then has been able to draw on a more traditional German
social-philosophical approach. Rejuvenated by the student protest
movement of the late 1960s, 'This tradition may explain the
perceived gominance of abstract and theoretical traditions over the
empirical study of politics' (Saalfeld, 2002, p.139). The variability of
national experiences within Europe is illustrated by the fact that
Dutch political science went through a particularly fierce debate
about behaviouralism, and 'Soon the discipline was in total disarray'
(Lieshout and Reinalda, 2001, p.60). One consequence was that
academics studying public administration and public policy split
away from political science to form their own departments and association. Belgian political science is split on linguistic lines, while
Denmark did not establish its first political science department (at
Aarhus) until 1959. The early development of Danish political
science was strongly influenced by American behavioural traditions
(Rasmussen, 1985, p.320).
Swedish political science was influenced first by a German tradition in the first four decades of the twentieth century, then by the
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urban middle class about what they saw as corrupt systems of city
government. Systematic ideas for reform were needed and political
scientists were called upon to provide them. It should also be remembered that law is not generally available as a first degree in the USA.
Majoring in political science is seen as an acceptable prerequisite to
attending law school and has helped to maintain buoyant demand
for undergraduate courses.
The development of the study of politics was a much more hesitant process in Britain. The London School of Economics and
Political Science was founded in 189 5 with an agenda of training an
administrative elite and, more specifically, colonial civil servants. It
was part of the 'Webbs' Fabian Socialist grand design for a meritocratic-technocratic break with the gentleman-amateur Oxford tradition' (Hayward, 2000, p.12). Oxford had established its Gladstone
chair in politics before the First World War. The degree in
Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE), which so many future
political leaders were to take, was initially established in 1921. 'In
1932 changes took place which opened the way to a great increase
in the amount of teaching required in Politics. The modern form of
P.P.E. was introduced.' (Chester, 1975, p.155). Barry saw the combination of teachers of politics usually holding their first degrees in
history, and having to teach a very wide range of courses in their
colleges, as contributing to an amateurish approach to the subject.
(Barry, 2000, p.433). This comment perhaps overlooks the contribution of Nuffield College in the 1930s onwards as a centre for
social science research.
British political studies in the 1950s was male-dominated and
characterized by a prevalent belief in the merits of British institutions. Indeed, some influential political scientists in the USA argued
that it would benefit from moving closer to the model of a disciplined party system. As the 1950s came to an end, the complacency
of political scientists was beginning to be punctured by the failure
of Westminster-style constitutions in newly independent Third
World countries. In wider political life there was an increasing realization that Britain was lagging behind the growth rates being
achieved by its continental competitors. There was a general questioning of British institutions and a demand for their modernization. Political scientists such as Bernard Crick organized the Study
of Parliament Group (which rather unusually brought together
practitioners in the shape of Commons officials and academics) and
played a leading role in calls for the reform of Parliament. Other
political scientists assisted the royal commissions and committees
set up in an attempt to reform the civil service, local government
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Dominant paradigms
Three paradigms have shaped post-war political science, especially in
the USA but also with an impact elsewhere: behaviouralism, new
institutionalism and rational choice.
Behaviouralism was the dominant paradigm in American political
science in the 1950s and 1960s and it fell away thereafter. It emerged
out of a discontent with the 'old institutionalism' which was preoccupied with the formal structures of government. This approach 'had
quite spectacularly failed to anticipate the collapse of interwar
German democracy and the emergence of fascism' (Blyth and
Varghese, 1999, p.346). Discontent with what had gone before was
not of itself enough to launch a new paradigm. However, the development of probability sampling techniques and a systematic understanding of mass surveys had opened up new areas of research for
political science, particularly in the study of what shaped electoral
choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet, 1944 ). What quickly
became apparent was that voters were less well informed and rational than classical democratic theory assumed. Funding foundations
were eager to encourage this new 'scientific' approach to political
research.
The advocates of the 'behavioural persuasion' saw 'themselves as
spokesmen for a very broad and deep conviction that the political
science discipline should ( 1) abandon certain traditional kinds of
research, (2) execute a more modern sort of inquiry instead, and (3)
teach new truths based on the findings of these new inquiries' (Ricci,
1984, p.140). What was the essence of this new paradigm? By
combining two classic accounts (Easton, 1965; Somit and
Tanenhaus, 1967) it is possible to identify eight main claims made
for beha viouralism.
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1.
2.
13.
4.
/7.
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Three of the propositions made by the proponents of behaviouralism would probably win acceptance by most political scientists
today: that the study of politics should be theory-oriented and L
directed; that it should be self-conscious about its methodology; and~
that it should be interdisciplinary. At its worst, pre-war political
science offered low level descriptions of political structures which
treated constitutions as an accurate reflection of political reality.
Methodology was often unsystematic and rarely discussed. In those
respects, behaviouralism did contribute to the development of political science as a discipline, although it was not necessary to have
been a behaviouralist to recognize the importance of theory and
method.
One response to the demiseof behaviouralism was the rebirth of
institutionalism in a seminal article by March and Olsen (1984).
They sought to argue that institutions do matter, that political
phenomena could not be simply reduced to the aggregate consequences of individual behaviour, 'that the organization of political
life makes a difference' (March and Olsen, 1984, p. 74 7). The
choices that people make are to a significant extent shaped by the
institutions within which they operate. They sought to revive the
tradition within political science that saw political behaviour
'embedded in an institutional structure of rules, norms, expectations and traditions that severely limited the free play of individual
will and calculation' (March and Olsen, 1984, p.736). It was a way
of bringing the state back into political analysis, although in Europe
it had probably never left. New institutionalism 'insists on a
autonomous role for political institutions. The state is not only
affected by society but also affects it' (March and Olsen, 1984,
p.738).
How does the new institutionalism differ from the old institutionalism? March and Olsen are perhaps most vague and opaque on this
point, stating that the new and the old are not identical and that one
could describe 'recent thinking as blending elements of an old institutionalism into the non-institutionalist styles of recent theories of
politics' (March and Olsen, 1984, p.738). One difference is that old
institutionalism generally held a more narrow definition of what
constitutes an institution, seeing it principally in terms of formal
structures. 'For example, the old institutionalism argued that presidential systems are significantly different from parliamentary
systems based upon the formal structures and rules' (Peters, 1999,
p.1). Such an explanation has some value, but by itself it is not sufficient. Current work tends to define institutions more broadly 'as a
set of rules, formal or informal, that actors generally follow, whether
morel
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Box-1.1
1. A broad undersranding of the relationsfl~p betweeh institutions and~individual behaviour, 2. An emphasis on the asymmetries 0 pow~ that arise'frorn the way in which instututions wmk.
3. !\view of institutionaldeveloprnent
that.gmphasizes path dependence
arid unintended consequences.
4. Aii.,emphasis on the integratiop-of institutional analysis with that of-~:
ideas.
Source:
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perfect) information and foresight and to be self-interested and selfserving utility maximisers.' (Hay and Wincott, 1998, p.954). Any
institutionalist version of rational choice would have to be
concerned with 'how individuals and institutions interact to create
preferences' (Peters, 1999, p.44).
At this point, values, culture and history would return in a way
which most rational choice theorists would find unnecessary or
superfluous. They would accept that they make simplifying assumptions that are sometimes distorting, but would argue that these are
necessary to construct elegant models, particularly at an early stage
of theoretical development. Even if they distort reality, their models
and methodology are more robust than the alternatives. Indeed, it
may be questioned whether the historical institutionalists have a
distinctive methodology.
One fundamental problem remains the question of how far rational choice theorists are open to alternative approaches. Almond
suggests that they neglect other social science literatures 'that display
the variety of values, preferences and goals in time and space'
(Almond, 1990, p.135). In particular he argues:
The failure to relate the economic model of rationality in any way
to the sociological, psychological and anthropological literatures
and particularly to the work of Max Weber, whose great theoretical accomplishment was an analysis of modern civilization and
culture in terms of rationality and rationalization, is the most
striking consequence of the almost complete 'economism' of the
rational choice literature. (Almond, 1990, p.134)
What is evident from our discussion so far is that political science
has been 'more eclectic than most disciplines in borrowing the
approaches of others' (Peters, 1999, p.20). Political science has to be
understood within the broader context of social science and it is to
some of the more significant methodological disputes within social
science that we now turn.
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