RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY

NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION

M 63

ROMAN PELOPONNESE III

SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE:
CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION
Edited by
A. D. RIZAKIS, CL. E. LEPENIOTI

ATHENS 2010
DIFFUSION DE BOCCARD - 11, RUE DE MEDICIS, 75006 PARIS

Cover illustration: Head of city goddess (Tyche) of Sparta

(Sparta Archaeological Museum inv. no. 7945; photo courtesy of O. Palagia)

Maps: Yvonne-Dominique Rizakis

Layout: Dionysia Rosgova

ISBN 978-960-7905-54-3
The Nationale Hellenic Research Foundation
Institute for Greek and Roman Antiquity
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Geographical map of the Peloponnese

Preface

xi

A. D. Rizakis, Peloponnesian cities under Roman rule: the new political geography
and its economic and social repercussions

M. Pirart, Argos romaine: la cit des Persides

19

P. Marchetti, Lpigraphie argienne et loligarchie locale du Haut-Empire

43

J. Roy, Roman Arkadia

59

G. Steinhauer, C. Iulius Eurycles and the Spartan dynasty of the Euryclids

75

P. Themelis, The economy and society of Messenia under Roman rule

89

S. B. Zoumbaki, Elean relations with Rome and the Achaean Koinon and the role of Olympia

111

A. D. Rizakis, Colonia Augusta Achaca Patrensis. Ramnagements urbains, constructions

dilitaires et la nouvelle identit patrenne

129

D. G. Romano, Romanization in the Corinthia: urban and rural developments

155

Chr. Hot-van Cauwenberghe, Mcanismes dacquisition et diffusion de la citoyennet

romaine dans le Ploponnse sous le Haut-Empire

173

O. Salomies, Roman nomina in the Peloponnese: some observations

193

N. M. Kennell, Citizen training systems in the Roman Peloponnese

205

D. Stewart, The rural Roman Peloponnese: continuity and change

217

I. Touratsoglou, Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

235

V. Di Napoli, Entertainment building of the Roman Peloponnese: theatres, odea,

and amphitheatres and their topographical distribution

253

M. Vitti, P. Vitti, Trasmissione ed adattamento delle tecniche costruttive romane in Peloponneso:

il caso di Trezene
267
M. Jost, Chr. Hot-van Cauwenberghe, La vie religieuse en Arcadie lpoque du Haut-Empire

291

A. Lo Monaco, Feasts and games of paides in the Peloponnese of the Imperial period

309

M. Melfi, Rebuilding the myth of Asklepios at the sanctuary of Epidauros in the Roman period

329

J.-S. Balzat, Prosopographie des prtres et prtresses des Dioscures de la Sparte

dpoque impriale

341

M. E. Hoskins Walbank, The cults of Roman Corinth: public ritual and personal belief

357

F. Camia, M. Kantira, The imperial cult in the Peloponnese

375

Y. Lafond, Concours et identit civique dans le Ploponnse dpoque romaine

(e s. av. J.-C. - e s. apr. J.-C.)

407

A. Farrington, The origin of victors in the Isthmian games

421

O. Palagia, Sculptures from the Peloponnese in the Roman Imperial period

431

GEOGRAPHICAL MAP OF THE PELOPONNESE

PATRAI: ancient city settlement

Loukou: modern settlement
Ancient sanctuaries

The internal borders of the Peloponnese as depicted on the map are an approximation only, as their precise location varied
over time.

COIN PRODUCTION AND COIN CIRCULATION IN THE ROMAN PELOPONNESE

Ioannis Touratsoglou

Abstract: The present article deals with the production and circulation of coins in the Peloponnese in the aftermath
of the Achaean Leagues surrender to the Romans, as well as during the Imperial period. In the first phase, which
comprises the period from the middle to the Late Republican period and down to the Early Principate, the partial
and selective operation of certain mints (silver and bronze coins) is most probably linked to military-political events
during Romes expansion. Thus the local mints contribute each time that the Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers of the East or fight each other in the internal Roman power-struggles which were played out on Greek
soil. The coinage of the Peloponnesian cities of the Roman period, with very few exceptions which concern colonies
founded during the Late Republican period, is largely inaugurated by Augustus and his dynasty. However, it had neither
the same lifespan, nor the same starting point, nor was it uniform for all the cities. Special stress is laid on the circulation procedure, the characteristics of which differ radically between the two periods: the cosmopolitan polyphony
of the numismatic horizon of the Late Hellenistic period becomes more introverted, while local values (Roman
Provincial coins from Peloponnesian mints) or Roman issues in precious metals [aurei, denarii (plus antoniniani)]
and heavy copper coins (sestertii, dupondii, asses) play their role according to place and era.

After the Roman victory over the Achaean League

troops and the destruction of Corinth by Lucius
Mummius in 146 B.C., the Peloponnese was meant
to undergo great social and political changes. By
employing a highly preordained plan of partition
regarding the previous status quo, the fate of each of
the cities comprising the League was regulated separately. First were dissolved the administrative authorities of the polity that governed the affairs of the
confederacy, as a union of states, which were equal,
autonomous but also complying to common goals and
obligations. Wealthy and vigorous Corinth was deprived of a part of its public land which was granted
to Sicyon, while another part after being confiscated
was turned into ager publicus. The other cities were
proclaimed free and perhaps even tax-exempt,
without this preventing Rome from any kind of intervention in the private affairs of every one of them.
Two important events affected the development
of the Peloponnese during the early Roman period
and particularly during the end of the 1st c. B.C.:
The foundation of Roman colonies first at Corinth

and at Dyme and then at Patrai, and the establishment of pax Romana after 31 B.C.
Aside from the degree that the Peloponnese was
a rich territory with extensive arable lands, pastures,
fish and timber, this region was not well known for
surplus producing or for large-scale exports. Arcadia was famous for its milk, which it was believed
to have medicinal properties. Messenia was mainly
an agrarian area. Agriculture and animal husbandry
were the main resources of the Argolid. Sicyon,
formerly renowned for its olive groves, during the
Roman times was mostly known for brick manufacturing. At Tainaron the iron mines as well as the
quarries of black and green marble were still active.
For the city of Patrai literary sources point to a significant manufacturing activity (wool workshops),
moreover with export activity, while archaeological data attest to ceramic production and more
particularly lamps. Finally, at Laconia, except for
purple dye manufacture, celebrated was also the
breeding of excellent horses, many of which were
forwarded to Rome.1

1. For the broader region see Alcock 2007, 671-97.

235

I. Touratsoglou

As soon as the Romans occupied this land they

supported the wealthy social groups, thus accordingly the affluent aristocratic families took front
stage. Granting of Roman citizenship by the emperors was confined almost exclusively to members of this class. These noblemen landowners of
vast properties, with considerable revenues and
overseas commercial transactions, which managed
huge sums were also very active benefactors.
The luxurious private buildings, like the villa of
Herodes Atticus at Eua in Kynouria, adorned with
splendid mosaics and sculptures, coexist with analogous public complexes in cities and in sanctuaries
of high status at that time. The great monument
which was built south of the theater of Argos by
Tib. Claudius Tychicus belongs to this category. As
does also the construction of the Nymphaeum at
Olympia and the embellishment of the Peirene
fountain at Corinth, which were funded by Herodes
Atticus. To the social benefactions can be also ascribed the act of C. Claudius Tychicus, founder of
the Heraia festival at Argos, to donate one denarius to every free citizen.2
Certain philhellene emperors occasionally contributed to the building projects and in the embellishment of cities and panhellenic shrines. One such
example was Nero, who built a villa and an aqueduct at Olympia. Hadrian, within his greater interest for the pilgrim sites of mainland Greece, took
great care of the embellishment of Olympia. Moreover, the latter displayed interest for the fate of
Megalopolis and attempted to breath new life to
the deserted city.
Despite the fact that the presence of Roman
businessmen (negotiatores) and particularly that of
Italian merchants in the Peloponnese is dated before
the subjugation of the Achaean League (2nd c. B.C.),
their heyday in the area, through the activities of
entrepreneurs, bankers, landowners, viticulturists
or cattle-raisers, is attested in the 1st c. B.C. The
Italian businessmen were especially active in the
great centers of the Peloponnese. Inscriptions testify
for their presence at Argos during the 1st c. B.C.,

at Mantineia and Cleitor in Arcadia, in Messenia,

at Gytheion in Laconia and at Aegion in Achaea.
At Megalopolis there were also institutions of Italian traders. Their rather insignificant activity at Patrai is noteworthy, at least until the refurbishment
of the citys harbour after the foundation of a
colony there by Augustus.3
The fact that during the early imperial period
considerable private properties existed in the Peloponnese can be deduced by the festival regulations
of Andania imposing severe restrictions against
luxury: During the festivities and the games, which
served also as an occasion for wealth display, it was
prohibited for the pilgrims to wear extravagant
clothes, of a value over 200 drachms. Additionally,
the economic affluence noticed for representatives
of the ruling class can be surmised by the rule in
the same regulations that the five high officials
of the mysteries should have at least an annual income of one talent (6,000 drachms).4
Several scholars have proposed the view that
during the period of the Roman rule, and already
from early on, the great panhellenic games dwindled into gatherings and celebrations of local caliber. In spite of the fact that after the destruction
of Corinth the responsibility of organizing the Isthmia was given to the Sicyonians and that the
Roman authorities showed an interest for the continuation of the Nemeia, proves the favourable
policy towards this tradition and its viability. Furthermore, in the early 1st c. B.C. the mysteries of
Andania in Messenia were reorganized; during the
time of the festivities many theoroi (sacred ambassadors) convened from many places.
Before the First Mithridatic War it seems that
no tribute was imposed on the Peloponnese. However, during the hostilities, on the pretext of borrowing money from the shrines of Olympia and
Epidauros, Sulla proceeded to confiscation of their
treasures. At that time (90-80 B.C.) the cities were
also forced repeatedly to contribute with human
and monetary resources, as well as to supply with
provisions the troops that had landed in Greece or

2. On Atticus see Ameling 1983. Especially for Eua: Spyropoulos 2001. For Ti. Claudius Tychicus, see RP I,
ARG 104 [3] and the article of Pirart in the present volume, supra pp. 33-34 n. 130. For Olympia, Mallwitz 1972.
For C. Claudius Tychicus, the son of the above-mentioned Ti. Claudius Tychicus, see RP I, ARG 105.
3. Rizakis 2001a, 181-97. For the Peloponnesian upper class see recently, S. Zoumbaki, The composition of
the Peloponnesian Elites in the Roman Period and the Evolution of their Resistance and Approach to the Roman
Rulers, Tekmeria 9, 2008, 25-51. For Italian traders settling in Peloponnesian poleis, see Rizakis forthcoming, n. 27.
4. Deshours 2006.
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Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

had undertaken the task of suppressing piracy. A

considerable number of inscriptions dating to 72/1
B.C. reveals the economic difficulties of cities such
as Epidauros or Gytheion in Laconia. Literary
sources probably of that era make similar references for Sparta or Tegea. Later, during the First
Civil War between the more formidable Roman
generals of that time, Peloponnesians served in the
army of Pompeius while he confronted Iulius Caesar. For the people and the economy this strenuous
situation was continued and intensified: taxes and
tributes were imposed after the mid-1st c. B.C. also
by Mark Antony, who went on to recruit soldiers
during the Second Civil War. The same was done
by Octavian, too. The economy of the region was
troubled also by piracy. It is well known that Pompey relocated Cilician pirates at Dyme.
The end of the Civil Wars, although it marks the
transformation of almost the entire Greece into
Roman provinces and the imposition of regular
taxation (27 B.C.), caused justified relief.5
It seems that new projects of urban planning
aiming at the remodelling and renovation of preexisting grid plans and the boosting of building activity in order to serve the new status quo were not
attempted before the era of Augustus. Corinth and
Dyme consist two exceptions, two colonies founded
by Iulius Caesar, the first one clearly Roman in
character. The city of Patrai constitutes an example of an urban center with rapid growth, in which
the first emperor, Augustus, settled veterans of the
naval battle that took place off Actium; the population was also increased with the relocation of inhabitants of nearby cities.
At Corinth quite an impression is caused by the
agora complex built by Attic marble and limestone;
it was surrounded by shops and there was also the
podium where justice was administered by the proconsul. Moreover, there can be mentioned the
magnificent paved avenue leading to Lechaion and
running across monumental buildings among
other things the fountain Peirene and the baths donated by the Spartan Eurykles , as well as an amphitheater unique in mainland Greece.
Argos, by the end of the 1st c. B.C., had a gymnasium in the citys center; two more were added

to that, one of them during the reign of Augustus.

Later on baths were built beside the palaestra of
the complex. Hadrian was responsible for certain
renovations on the theater, for the construction of
two large aqueducts, as well as for the building of a
brickwork odeum.6
Remarkable wealth, either in the form of land
or of money, was seemingly accumulated by certain citizens only after the consolidation of the new
world order during the early and the middle imperial period. This fact is supported by the lavishly
adorned villae urbanae and suburbanae of the 2nd
c. A.D. in the grid pattern and the periphery of Patrai. The overall prosperity is moreover attested by
the paved roads, the miliaria (milestones), as well
as by the funerary monuments.7
Until the end of the 4th c. B.C. the tetradrachms
minted in the name of Alexander the Great are
dominant in the Peloponnesian coin hoards. These
coins were used for the wages of the South Greek
mercenaries who had been discharged in 330 B.C.
(after the burning of Persepolis), or they were employed by the Athenian Leosthenes, after 324/23
B.C., as a bait for the enlistment of anti-Macedonian forces encamped at Tainaron moreover with
money embezzled by Harpalos from the treasury
of Alexander the Great.
These large denominations of Macedonian money
are found in coin hoards coming mainly from Elis
and Messenia, as well as from Arcadia and Argolis,
the areas of origin of the majority of the Peloponnesian mercenaries of Alexander the Great. On the
contrary, the limited presence in the Peloponnese
of (gold) staters in the name of the Macedonian
ruler (or his first successors) is traced in ensembles
concealed either in sites where Macedonian garrisons had been stationed (e.g. Corinth) or in areas
that had been used as fields of Macedonian troops
movement. In any case, these instances of using
gold are exceptions within the larger picture of this
areas coin circulation, where silver prevails.
Heavy coins, mostly tetradrachms, dominate the
3rd c. B.C.; these are to a great extent imported,
occasionally employed in the local monetary economy of the Peloponnese. Their existence there

5. See in genere, Larsen 1975, 436-96.

6. Corinth: Paus. II. 1-5; Argos: id. II. 16-24; Olympia: id. V. 1-21 and VI. 1-21.
7. Petropoulos 1994, 410-12. Cf. also Petropoulos 2001, 37-51 and Papapostolou 2009.

237

I. Touratsoglou

besides some cases constituting donations by the

Ptolemies, the Seleucids, the Attalids, etc. was
generated by military operations and their consequences, such as the Chremonidean War (268/67262/61 B.C.) and the Social War (220-217 B.C.),
just to mention the most important conflicts.
Any other local coinages of that time and that
kind (silver tetradrachms) are connected, according to the prevailing theory, to hostilities that took
place in this area during the second half of the 3rd
c. B.C. The minting of these short tetradrachm series, represented by very few specimens, obviously
attempted to balance the tetradrachms of foreign
issuing authorities, a couple of which played a
significant role during this period in the whole region (Macedonia, Aetolia). It cannot be ruled out,
however, that a number of these Peloponnesian
tetradrachms were used as it was done elsewhere
for the implementation of large-scale building,
artistic and defensive activities (wages for sculptors, wages for specialized personnel, expenses for
the materials employed in the construction of the
Asklepieion at Messene, expenses for the construction of the walls of Sparta).
At the same time, during the whole period from
the 4th to the third quarter of the 3rd c. B.C. (a few
years before the Battle of Sellasia in 222 B.C.), the
large denominations are accompanied by (silver)
staters of Thebes (until the end of the 4th c. B.C.),
of Aegina and Elis (almost on a standard basis), of
the Boeotian Koinon, as well as of Corinth and its
colonies (sporadically). These emissions represent
of course samples that either resonate the political
status quo of the recent past (Theban hegemony in
the Peloponnese), or refer to economic influences
through other parts (Aegina) or to the activity of
major commercial centers of particular importance in the past (Corinth).
Going through the ages, it is during this period
that the presence of smaller Peloponnesian denominations can be noted, such as those of the mints of
Sicyon and Argos (mostly triobols), as well as Corinth
(drachms, bronzes); these issues reflect the use of
money for everyday needs.
Regarding the production of mints located outside the peninsula, in the Peloponnese were diffused at this time triobols of the Opuntian Locris

and Phocis, as well as the ubiquitous tetrobols of

Histiaia (sporadically). These denominations appear alongside with those of Sicyon and Argos.
The period after the Social War (217 B.C. onwards) is dominated almost exclusively by the coin
production of the city members of the Achaean
League silver triobols and bronze coins. This
brings to mind Polybios passage (II. 37, 10-11)
concerning the use of common coinage: they
also make use of the same laws, weights, measures
and coins, and in addition to these the same magistrates, representatives and judges. According to
the prevalent view the silver triobols were put into
circulation as daily stipend for military services.
In the coin hoards now make also their appearance a few didrachms of Rhodes, as well as bronzes
of Ptolemy III [the former are obviously remains of
the Rhodian interest for Argos see G. Vollgraff,
Mnemosyne 64, 1916, 219-38: donation of 100 talents by the Rhodians in order to strengthen the fortifications of Argos (240 B.C.); the latter should be
part of money envoys sent from Egypt to Cleomenes III]. Additionally, there are found triobols
of Lamia and Ainianes, as well as bronzes of Philip
V of Macedonia, scattered pieces brought to the
south by invasions and concealed under dire circumstances.
It is evident that the retreat of the Macedonian
presence of the Antigonids had as consequence the
return of the region to the local coinages of the
cities and the koina, and of course to silver.8
The aforementioned issues, as well as those of
the previous period, disappeared rapidly after the
coming of the Romans, either because they ceased
to be struck or because they were drawn out of circulation in the subject cities (which is most likely).
Alternatively they could have been melted down
or they could have been sent abroad as loot. Some
of the issues that persisted in time, pieces survived
from the past, became readily accepted in savings
practices involving mainly bronze pieces.
A considerable number of hoards, both from
Central-Western Greece and from the Peloponnese, comprised by triobols, was assembled from the
time of the rebellion of the Achaean League (burial
date: 171 B.C. onwards), largely closing with its fall
in the Battle of Corinth in 146 B.C. (Map 1). The

8. Grandjean 2000, 323-24. An overall review of the economy of the Peloponnese in the Hellenistic period is
to be found in Rizakis, Touratsoglou 2008, 69-82.

238

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Map 1. Geographical and chronological repartition of coin hoards with Achaean League triobols.

Achaean triobols which are located in a few coin

hoards outside mainland Greece (e.g. Italy and
Crete) constitute lots assembled later, rounded-up
groups of diverse emissions that can be interpreted
as products of looting. The Agrinion Hoard, comprised by Achaean triobols, Roman denarii and
Athenian tetradrachms, stands out as an exception
regarding the geographical distribution and a confirmation at the same time of this phenomenon.
The outline of the coin production in the area
of the Peloponnese and of the coin circulation after
the defeat and disintegration of the Achaean League
can be drawn as following:

. Middle and Late Republican Times

a. Coin production dramatically ceases after the
dissolution of the League at Corinth.9 Partial and
selective operation of certain mints in the Peloponnese (silver and bronze coins) is observed only
during the 1st c. B.C. and particularly at the beginning when, most probably, and not in the 2nd c.
B.C. as it was believed by Dittenberger, Schwertfeger, Sherk and others a number of federal organizations is revived (Paus. VII. 16, 10) and in
combination to military-political events pertaining
to Romans themselves.

9. Theory launched by Thompson 1968, supported by Price 1987, 95-103 and followed by Touratsoglou, Tsourti
1991, 171-84. Opposite views concerning prolonged continuation of the Achaean League issues with no interruption
until the first quarter of the 1st c. B.C. expressed first by C. Boehringer, and supported by J. Warren, J. Kroll and C.
Grandjean are to be found in Warren 1999, 99-109 and in Grandjean 1999, 139-46. See also Grandjean, Guerra 2000,
300-05 and Boehringer 2008, 83-89. he recent monograph by Warren 2007 does not seem to follow for the bronze
coinage the low chronology previously accepted by her. Views supporting the traditional dating are expressed by
Lakakis-Marchetti 1996, 147-56; by Tsangari 2007 and recently by Oikonomides, Lakakis-Marchetti, Marchetti
2007, 379-426 (negative review of this article is undertaken by A. Walker, in ANS, Winter 2008, 53-58).

239

I. Touratsoglou

The local mints contribute each time that the

Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers
of the East or face each other, while seeking to prevail at Rome, bringing conflict on Greek territory.10 Such were the confrontations of Sulla versus
Mithridates VI of Pontos, of Pompey versus Iulius
Caesar, of Brutus versus Octavian and Mark Antony
and finally, at Actium, of Mark Antony and Cleopatra versus Octavian.11 At this point of time (87-86
B.C.) are to be dated also two coin series of the
Athenian mint (most evidently, despite some reserves), i.e. silver New Style issues (broad-flanned
tetradrachms and smaller modules); one series
bears no legend and the other (inscribed with
monograms) is probably in the name of Sullas
quaestor, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, the brother of
L. Lucullus.12 These coin series were supplementary to the other monetary revenues, in order to
finance the military operations of Sulla.
Alongside with the occasional issues, this period
is noted for the bronze issues of various cities of
the Achaean League quite worn by prolonged use
which were countermarked by their own issuing
authority in order to be revaluated for the new era:
emissions of Elis, countermarked with an eagle,
that circulated after 146 B.C.13 This feature is repeated in the mid-30s B.C. when the very worn
copper coins of Messene, struck after 180 B.C., are
countermarked on both sides (eagle and tripod). A
bit later, maybe ultimate, proofs of this practice
provide the copper coins of Messene of the years
40-30 B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C.
(Augustus head); the issues of Lakedaimon, 35-31
B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C. (Augustus
head); and the silver triobols of Elis of the years
40-30 B.C., bearing a countermark of the early imperial times. Finally, perhaps at the time of Antony,
bronze coins of Cythera of the first half of the

1st c. B.C. were countermarked with Cupid.14 This

practice, besides highlighting the lack of sufficient
metal at the time of countermarking, hints at a
prolonged circulation since the flans bear very
worn initial types. On other occasions it is probable that countermarks simply aimed at the validation of older issues.
Mutatis mutandis, a similar picture is drawn regarding Macedonia, where the royal and the civic
issues are interrupted by the fall of the Antigonids
at Pydna. The issues that follow minted for Macedonia as a Protectorate (168 B.C.) and for the
Four Regions (Merides), into which the land is divided from 168 to 148 B.C. are short emissions
underlining the events that transformed the political scene. On the other hand, as a vehicle for making war against the barbarian tribes of the north
were employed the so-called New Style Athenian
tetradrachms, which were produced in large quantities after the middle of the 2nd c. B.C. at the urge
and by arrangement of the Romans.15 Similarly, the
brief, incidental issues of the first half of the 1st c.
B.C. (silver emissions in the names of Aesillas and
Sura as well as M and LEG M, etc.) are primarily connected with specific
events and satisfy mainly needs for prestige of the
Romans as successors of the Macedonian kings.16
Likewise incidental was an issue of the inactive for
quite some time mint of Thessalonike; this emission was produced under Pompey at the instance
of colony foundation, in order to legitimize the
election of magistrates away from Rome, but on
Roman ground.17 In Macedonia, from the time of
the proclamation of the territory as Roman province
(148 B.C.) to the Late Republican period, the lack
of metal and the return to barter also led to the
production and circulation of barbarian-style coins
modelled on the last civic issues under the kings.

10. The recently published book on this subject by Benner 2008 summarizes the latest opinions on this matter
based mainly on the propositions of A. Walker in LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006.
11. See for the period Rizakis 2001b, 81-82. Especially for the minting activity of Antony in the Peloponnese see
Amandry 1982/83, 1-6. Lately, on coin production at Patrai during the Late Republican Period, see E. Haug, Local
Politics in the Late Republic: Antony and Cleopatra at Patras, AJN 20, 2008, 405-20.
12. Lucullan (flats) or Lucullan coinage: Kraay 1968, 15. Grandjean 1999, 141. Touratsoglou 2006/07, 245.
13. icolet 1992, 287-89.
14. A. Walker, LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006 (Coins of Peloponnesos. The B[asil] C. D[emetriades] Collection), nos 671, 692.1 (Elis), nos 756, 758-59 (Messene), nos 926.4, 926.6 (Lakedaimon), no. 999 (ythera).
Cf. Kroll 1996, 49-73 and id., 1997, 123-36.
15. De Callata 1991/92, 11-20. See also Dreyer 2000, 39-60.
16. Touratsoglou 1993, 18, 21-22.
17. Id. 1987b, 885-90.
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Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Issue date (B.C.)

Mints
S = Silver, B = Bronze

Issue date (B.C.)

Commentary

Historical events

Elis (B)

146=>

[Elis (B) /eagle

countermarked on
Elis (B): <=146 B.C.]

146 down to early

1st c. B.C.

90s-80s
90s-60s

Lakedaimon [S]
Sicyon [S+B], Argos [B]

Early 1st c.

Thuria [S+B], Epidauros [S],

Megalopolis [S+B], Tegea [S],
Pallantion [S], Pheneos [B]
Sicyon [S], Messene [S],
Kleitor [S]
Lakedaimon [S]
Aigeira [S], Patrai [S], Dyme
[S+B], Aigion [S], Elis [S]
Argos [S]
Argos [S], Megalopolis [S]
Lakedaimon [S]
Korone [S], Kythera [B]
Messene [S], Thuria [B],
Lakedaimon [B]
Tegea [B], Thelpousa [B]

Early 80s
mid-80s
86
80s
80s-50s
80s-60/50s
1st half 1st c.
60s-50/40s

Sulla
Mithradatic Wars
(89-86)

50-25

37/35-31

Aigeira [B]
Elis [S], Argos [B]
Messene [S+B], Patrai [B],
Elis [S], Lakedaimon [B]
Corinth [], Dyme [B]
(colony), Lakedaimon [B]
Aigion [S+B], Lakedaimon [B]

mid-30s
30s
30s

Messene [S] +[B], Patrai [B],

Aigeira [B], Elis [S+B]
Messene [B]

32/31

Patrai [S+B]
Patrai [B]

mid-20s

Messene [B]

20s

Patrai [B]
Lakedaimon [B]

mid-20s
mid-20s

Messene [B]

Late 1st c.

Civil Wars
[Pompeius - ulius
Caesar (49-48)/ Brutus ctavianus+arcus
ntonius (44-42)]

Early - mid-1st c.
mid-1st c.
40s-30s
40s
Civil War [Octavianus . Antonius (<-31)]

[Messene (B)/
eagle and tripod
countermarked
on Messene (B):
180 B.C.]
ime of Octavianus/
Augustus
[Messene (B)/head
of Octavianus
countermarked
on Messene (B):
180 B.C.]
[Lakedaimon(B)/
head of Octavianus
countermarked on
Lakedaimon (B):
35/31 B.C.]

Source: LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006 (Coins of Peloponnesos. The BCD Collection).

241

I. Touratsoglou

b. Until nowadays there are not known any coin

hoards comprised by the (silver or more often
bronze) civic issues of the Peloponnese that are
considered as incidental by research and are dated
in the 1st c. B.C. This phenomenon can be explained because these issues were rather scarce and
these coins, among else, had a local character, besides the fact that they were minted on demand of
the Roman generals, in order to pay conscripts
from the Greek peninsula, as it has been supported.
It is still a matter open to discussion whether a
number of triobols, modelled on the ante-146 B.C.
Achaean triobols and dated by a recent study in the
beginning of the 1st c. B.C., should be correlated
with a coin production of certain cities of Achaea
proper that formed the new League.18
c. Roman coins and especially Roman Republican
denarii are not easily found in Southern Greece before Sulla (88-86 B.C.). In Macedonia the earliest
coin hoard Stobi/1971 [BAR 95, 1981, 40 no.
42a] was buried in 125 B.C. or (most probably)
in 92-91 B.C.; this is an exception to the rule since
the other known hoards are dated in the years 7650 B.C., i.e. during the period that followed the defeat of Mithridates; they give however testimony
to the efforts to repel the Balkan barbarians from
the heartland of Northern Greece.19 In Southern
Greece, on the other hand, the arrival of the denarius, the new coinage from the west, is associated
with the civil war between Antony and Octavian.20
Most of the coins in this case were produced by the
wandering mints of the opponents. Undoubtedly,
the not so ample, although traceable, quantities of
denarii from Southern Greece during these early
times, do not attest a widespread use for them. In any
case, the need for applying an equivalence between
the denominations of the circulating currency, imported and local, obviously led to denoting on the
well known Messenian inscription concerning the
oktobolos eisphora (G V 1, 1432-33) of the re-

ported sums in denarii. This moment has definitely

to be placed at the period of coexistence of the two
monetary standards, i.e. between 70 and 30 B.C.21

. Imperial Times
a. The coinage of the Peloponnesian cities of the
Roman period, besides very few exceptions that
have to do with colonies founded during the Late
Republican period,22 is largely inaugurated by Augustus and his dynasty. However, it does not have
the same lifespan, neither the same starting point,
nor is uniform for all the cities. The remark, though,
that the initiation of minting for the majority of
the Peloponnesian cities is placed during the early
imperial times, in the Iulio-Claudian era, finds its
parallel in the analogous activity of the cities of Asia
Minor and not only there mainly under Augustus. However, more specifically, the visit of Nero
in the Peloponnese and the declaration of the freedom of the cities is interpreted as the starting point
for the coinages of Sicyon and Messene.23
Regarding other cases, while the initiation of
coin production for a few cities obviously coincides
and is related with the pilgrimage of the philhellene emperor Hadrian,24 the association on some occasions with Commodus remains unsatisfactory; in
spite of the suggestions by Ch. PapageorgiadouBani.25
b. Coin circulation evidence (excavation stray
finds) in association with the conclusions based on
the study of hoard evidence of the imperial period
(savings hoards, grave hoards, emergency depositions, etc) lead to the following remarks:
. From the beginning of the imperial times the
deposition therefore and the circulation of precious (gold and silver) issues is evident. This phenomenon is restricted to major urban centers
(Patrai, Messene) with intense development and
obvious close relations commercial or not to
Italy, as well as with a prosperous ruling class. Ex-

18. Cf. Grandjean 2000, 321.

19. Touratsoglou 1987a, 54 and Kremydi-Sicilianou 2004, 136.
20. Price 1987, 99. Arrival under Augustus is hinted by Boehringer 2008, 88.
21. Migeotte 1997, 51-61. Id. 2008, 229-43. Cf. also Grandjean 1998, 37.
22. Amandry 1981, 45-67. Id. 1988.
23. See Rizakis 2001a, 182-87 for the influence of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and the Flavians in the local communities of the Peloponnese.
24. Boatwright 2000. For Argos see now Flament, Marchetti forthcoming.
25. 2004, 86.
242

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Starting date of production

Mint

Iulio-Claudian Dynasty

Patrai (Augustus)
Corinth (Augustus)
Dyme (Tiberius)
Lakedaimon (Claudius)
Sicyon (Nero)
Messene (Nero)

Hadrian

Aigion
Elis
Argos
Epidauros

Commodus

Troizen

amples of the second feature can be found in the

members of the great families of Gytheion (IG V
1, 1208) and Sparta (IG V 1, 18) that offered large
sums in denarii (8,000 and 10,000 denarii respectively) for the public benefit.
. From that period and especially from the 2nd c.
A.D. onwards it seems that the heavy copper Roman
issues (sestertii, dupondii, asses), make their appearance; these coins, judging from the percentage
presented in the totals of the stray finds in Patrai,
Corinth, Kenchreai, Argos, Nemea, Lousoi, Perachora
(sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia), Sparta
and Messene (even up to 30-50% on occasion),
should have played a significant role in monetized
economy.26 The same can be said for the rest of the
provincia Achaea (Central Greece, Thessaly); on the
contrary, in the provincia Macedonia the Roman
provincial coins of the cities and of the Macedonian Koinon have the leading role. Increase of the
percentage, if not predominance of the sestertii
compared to the other copper denominations,
present also the coin hoards and the stray finds from
Gaul, Britannia, South Italy, Sardegna and North
Africa.27 It is a point to be proven whether this remark presupposes a common monetary policy
concerning trade in the productive areas around
the Mediterranean.
C. On the contrary, the presence of the local bronze
(Roman Provincial) coins seems to be rather re-

stricted in the depositions-savings and in the circulating currency in the Peloponnese. However, their
percentage and not only of the local coins in
Patrai, Argos, Nemea, Corinth, Kenchreai, Lousoi,
Sparta and Messene is not negligible and reflects
an extensive variety in provenance (mainland
Greece and Asia Minor). In any case, the coin production of Lakedaimon and Corinth (during the 1st
c. A.D.) seemingly overshadows that of the other
mints.
D. The antoniniani of the 3rd c. A.D. a currency
employed particularly for paying soldiers should
be considered to be imported and to be interpreted
as booty taken by the Goths and the Herulians in
the Northern Balkans (Danube Provinces) or even
in areas where Roman forces encamped; these
pieces were never reclaimed by their owners. Finding antoniniani in hoards alongside with the barbarians descend route (Sparta) or inside their
escape route (Patrai), could be explained as depositions or accidental losses during the desperate attempt of their owners to get away.28

c. An interesting remark is that a great number of

Peloponnesian mints became active only under
Septimius Severus and his family (A.D. 193-205/209);
very few of them (Patrai) extended their activity
also during the reign of Caracalla (A.D. 211-217).
The coin production is restricted solely on bronzes.

26. De Cou 1905; May 1962; Bellinger 1930; Edwards 1933; Hohlfelder 1978; Agallopoulou 1994; Grandjean 1997,
115-22; Hoskins Walbank 2003; Knapp, MacIsaac 2005; Oikonomides 2008, 94. Additional information was provided per
vocem, per discum electronicum or per epistulas by P. Marchetti (Argos), J. Baker (Sparta) and Kl. Sideropoulos (Messene).
27. Touratsoglou 2006, 158.
28. Touratsoglou 2006.
243

I. Touratsoglou

Hoards

Bibliography

Content

Burial date

Messene

To be published

Denarii: Republic and Augustus

A.D. 4

Patrai ca1976
(villa urbana)

CH 4, 1978, 75.

Aurei: Tiberius (22), Caius (2),

Claudius (11)

A.D. 47 onwards

Patrai 1971
(monumental Roman
building)

AD 27, 1972, Chron.

B 1, 282.

Aurei: Vespasianus (2)

Denarii: Roman Republic (2),
Augustus (1), Nero (16), Otho (2),
Vitellius (1), Vespasianus (133),
Titus (30), Domitianus (142)

A.D. 96 onwards

Patrai ca 1978
(villa urbana, burnt)

AD 33, 1978, Chron.

B 1, 84.

Denarii: Vespasianus (1),

Domitianus (1), Nerva (2), Traianus
(10), Hadrianus (5), Ant. Pius (5),
M. Aurelius (8), Commodus (8),
S. Severus (1)

A.D. 193 onwards

Gonoussa,
Sicyon 1934

NMA

Sestertii: Titus (1), Hadrianus (3),

Ant. Pius (1), Faustina I (1),
M. Aurelius (1), L. Verus (1),
Faustina (II) (6), Iul. Domna (1)

Under S. Severus
or Caracalla

Sparta 1955

BCH 80, 1956, 228, b.

Sestertii + Dupondii
(1st c. to Gordianus III)

Under Gordianus III

Lousoi

Oikonomides 2008

Sestertii (9): Hadrianus, Ant. Pius,

Sev. Alexander, Julia Mamaea,
Gordianuss III

Under Gordianus III

Patrai 1982 (I)

(baths)

AD 37, 1982, Chron.

B 1, 142.

Sestertii (49): Traianus, Hadrianus,

Ant. Pius, M. Aurelius, Commodus,
S. Severus, Caracalla, Sev. Alexander,
Maximinus, Gordianus III,
Philippus I + Roman
Provincials (2): Patrai

Under Philippus I

Chora Pylias 1953

PAAH 1953, 242.

Sestertii (13): Commodus

to Volusianus +
Antoniniani (2): Volusianus,
Macrianus

Under Volusianus

Skarmingas,
Pylia 1953

BCH 78, 1954, 99.

Sestertii (47): Traianus

to Mariniana

Under Valerianus I

Corinth 1930
(theatre)

AJA 35, 1931, 146.

Antoniniani (5): Gallienus +

Roman Provincials (24):
Nicopolis (1), Corinth (6), Aigion (2),
Argos (8), Aigeira (1), Heraia (1),
Orchomenos (1), Sikyon (2),
Phygaleia (1), Lakedaimon (1)

Under Gallienus

Corinth1936
(South Stoa)

Hesperia 1941, 145.

Antoniniani (47): Sev. Alexander

to Salonina +
Roman Provincials (3): Corinth, Patrai

Under Gallienus

Corinth

AD 18, 1963,
B 1, 5-6.

Sestertii (3): Commodus,

M. Aurelius, Gordianus III +
Antoniniani (9): Valerianus I,
Gallienus, Salonina +
Roman Provincials (23): Athens

Under Gallienus

244

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Patrai 1976
(below the citadel)

AD 31, 1976, Chron.

B 1, 88.

Denarii (3): Caracalla, Maximinus,

Pupienus +
Antoniniani (20): Elagabalus,
Pupienus, Gordianus, Philipus I,
Traianus Decius, Gallus, Gallienus

Under Gallienus

Patrai 1982 (II)

(baths)

AD 37, 1982, Chron.

B 1, 142.

Antoniniani (38): Gordianus III,

Philippus I, Traianus Decius,
Volusianus, Gallienus

Under Gallienus

Akriai
(near Gytheion)

Unpublished

Sestertii (ca 2.500): 1st to 3rd c. A.D.

Under Gallienus

Sparta
(Magoula) 1939

BCH 63, 1939, 288 =

BCH 71-72,
1947/48, 394.

Antoniniani (5,027): to Gallienus +

Roman Provincials (1):
Lakedaimon

Under Gallienus

Sparta 1964
(Akropolis)

Oikonomides 1966,
376-82.

Roman Provincials (72):

Lakedaimon

Under Gallienus

The fact that at this time (end of the reign of Septimius Severus) the bulk of the active until then mints
ceases its operation, surely indicates a major event
for the region, possibly connected to the harsh economic status of the empire and the numismatic
paucity. It remains a fact though that the Severan
coin production in Peloponnese constitutes a sizeable quantity, never seen before in the region
(Maps 2 and 3).29
The interpretation given for this overproduction
of money is that the Peloponnesian coins in question, many of which had been found in excavations
in Syria, were presumably brought (sc. into Asia)
by auxiliary troops raised to help in the defence of
the frontier against Parthia; since the mints in-

volved did not normally strike, they clearly struck

now simply to provide part of their pay for the
auxiliaries and it is hard to avoid the conclusion
that finding the metal was a burden imposed on
them. It is worth noting in passing that the mints
in question are on the whole villages, not cities;
recruiting therefore from the country, not the
cities.30
d. An impressive feature is that, from all the active
mints in the Peloponnese during the Roman period, only Argos and Lakedaimon continued their
production until the reign of Gallienus. Obviously,
of importance to this exception was the fact that
both Argos and Lakedaimon (and of course Corinth
from one point onwards, primarily during the early

Peloponnesian mints of the imperial period acting only under the Severi (A.D. 193-217)
Aigeira, Boura, Pellene
Zakynthos
Asine, Kolone, Mothone, Pylos, Kyparissia, Thuria, Tenea, Phlious
Asopos, Boiai, Gytheion, Las
Hermione, Kleonai, Methana
Heraia, Kaphyai, antineia, Psophis, Kleitor, Tegea, Megalopolis, Orchomenos, Pheneos, Phigaleia, Thelpousa

29. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann 1982/83, 39-46, pls 8-9.

30. See Crawford 1975, 572 and n. 5. Cf. also Seyrig 1957, 249 and Flament 2007, 579.

245

I. Touratsoglou

Cessation dates of the coin production of the Peloponnesian mints

Mint

Cessation date of the coin

production (Severi incl.)

Corinth, Sicyon, Aigeira, Aigion,

Boura, Patrai, Pellene

Zakynthos

Messene, Asine, Kolone, Mothone,

Pylos, Kyparissia, Thuria

Cessation date of the coin

production (Gallienus incl.)

Lakedaimon

Lakedaimon
Asopos, Boiai, Gytheion, Las

Argos
Epidauros, Troizan, Hermione,
Kleonai, Methana

Argos

Heraia, Kaphyai, Mantineia,

Psophis, Kleitor, Tegea,
Megalopolis, Orchomenos,
Pheneos, Phigaleia, Thelpousa

imperial times) were the most significant centers

of the Peloponnese.
Recapitulating on the economic and the numismatic policy in Roman Peloponnese, the following
comments can be made:

1. Just opposite to the status quo of the Classical

and Hellenistic times, when the Peloponnese, divided in independent city-states or (during other
periods) in leagues of autonomous urban centers,
was well known for its many active mints with
flourishing regular issues, the period that follows
its capitulation to the Romans as it is common in
other areas too reveals a typically occasional
activity in numismatic production. This modus
operandi cannot in any fashion be accepted as a
continuation of the previous status quo, since it serves
foreign interests and needs. The recession status is
ended with the ascendancy of Augustus to the
throne. Even later though the coin production and
diffusion (and not only the local) is not continuous.
2. The only non-local coins circulating in the Peloponnese during the imperial period are, on one
hand, the precious metal Roman issues (aurei,
denarii) and, on the other hand, the heavy copper
coins (sestertii, dupondii, asses). Additionally, the
Roman Provincial coins of Peloponnesian as well

as mainland-Greek mints while the coins of

Greek cities of Asia Minor are not absent too. The
various transactions of commercial character
seems that were done, at least during the early and
the middle imperial period in the urban centers, by
using large denominations, which on rare occasions were treasured in rich houses. Roman Provincial coins rather testify for the cosmopolitan
character of the sites where they were discovered
(harbours, major urban centers).

3. The greater part of the centers of the peninsula

ceases its coin production during the reign of the
dynasty of Septimius Severus, while a substantial
number of mints becomes active only during this
time (A.D. 193-209). The local production of Roman
Provincial coins in the Peloponnesian area besides Argos and Lakedaimon actually becomes extinct by the end of the first decade of the 3rd c. A.D.
4. The antoniniani, the coinage par excellence for
paying troops, were rather drawn to the south of
the Balkans by the barbarian hordes which in the
3rd c. A.D. reached even Sparta. Undoubtedly,
they do not represent part of the regular coin circulation in the area.31
5. The whole picture under consideration for Roman Peloponnese, based on the comparative study
of archaeological, epigraphical and philological

31. Touratsoglou 2006.

246

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Map 2. Cities off the Achean League (+) which struck Severan emissions (INJ 5, 1981).

247

I. Touratsoglou

Map 3. Roman Provincials of the Peloponnese Severan emissions (INJ 5, 1981).

248

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

testimonies, brings to light a society with large

estates, sizeable amounts of coined (on silver)
money in the possession of the established wealthy
class, i.e. the dwellers mainly of rich villae urbanae
and villae rusticae. This society was recipient of
benefactions from affluent citizens, such as the
multimillionaire Herodes Atticus, and from philhellene emperors. In a similar environment, the
monetized everyday life secured through the use of
the Roman Provincial coins, emerges to be confined or even non-existent for certain areas. Unless
the various needs of the cities and the hinderland
for copper coins were covered only by the production of specific local mints with a standard production, such as Argos and Lakedaimon, or with a
prolific production, like Corinth.

6. The organisation of the production of Roman

Provincial coins in the Peloponnese (and Mainland
Greece which formed part of the provincia Achaea)
is characterized at least during the period between the reign of Hadrian and that of Septimius
Severus by the fact that a remarkable number of
cities lying at a considerable distance from each
other struck in the same mint; this procedure, together with the realization of the same engravers
hand for a number of obverses,32 is comparable to
similar phenomena which occurred in Asia Minor
and Macedonia, and seems to constitute the basic
substructure of the mintig administration.33
Ioannis Touratsoglou
Honorary Director of the
Numismatic Museum, Athens

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