http://www.philippinecountry.com/philippine_history/marcos_time.

html

The Marcos era and Martial Law (1965-1986)

Diosdado Macapagal ran for reelection in 1965, but was defeated by former partymate, Senate President Ferdinand E. Marcos, who had switched to the Nacionalista
Party. Ferdinand E. Marcos, who succeeded to the presidency after defeating
Macapagal in the 1965 elections, inherited the territorial dispute over Sabah; in
1968 he approved a congressional bill annexing Sabah to the Philippines. Malaysia
suspended diplomatic relations (Sabah had joined the Federation of Malaysia in
1963), and the matter was referred to the United Nations. (The Philippines dropped
its claim to Sabah in 1978.) The Philippines became one of the founding countries of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. The continuing need
for land reform promoted a new Huk uprising in central Luzon, accompanied by
mounting assassinations and acts of terror, and in 1969, Marcos began a major
military campaign to control them. Civil war also threatened on Mindanao, where
groups of Moros opposed Christian settlement.

As president, Ferdinand Marcos embarked on a massive spending in infrastructural

development, such as roads, health centers and schools as well as intensifying tax
collection which gave the Philippines a taste of economic prosperity throughout the
1970's. He built more schools than all his predecessors combined.

In Nov., 1969, Marcos won an unparalleled reelection, easily defeating Sergio

Osmea, Jr., but the election was accompanied by violence and charges of fraud,
and Marcoss second term began with increasing civil disorder. However, he was
unable to reduce massive government corruption or to create economic growth
proportional to population growth. The Communist Party of the Philippines formed
the New Peoples Army while the Moro National Liberation Front fought for an
independent Mindanao.

In Jan., 1970, some 2,000 demonstrators tried to storm Malacaang Palace, the
presidential residence; rebellions erupted against the U.S. embassy. When Pope Paul
VI visited Manila in Nov., 1970, an attempt was made on his life. In 1971, at a
Liberal party rally, hand grenades were thrown at the speakers platform, and
several people were killed. President Marcos declared martial law in Sept., 1972,
charging that a Communist rebellion threatened. The 1935 constitution was

replaced (1973) by a new one that provided the president with direct powers. A
plebiscite (July, 1973) gave Marcos the right to remain in office beyond the
expiration (Dec., 1973) of his term. Meanwhile the fighting on Mindanao had spread
to the Sulu Archipelago. By 1973 some 3,000 people had been killed and hundreds
of villages burned. Throughout the 1970s poverty and governmental corruption
increased, and Imelda Marcos, Ferdinands wife, became more influential. Congress
called for a Constitutional Convention in 1970 in response to public cry for a new
constitution to replace the colonial 1935 Constitution.

An explosion during the proclamation rally of the senatorial slate of the opposition
Liberal Party in Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila on August 21, 1971, prompted
Marcos to suspend the writ of habeas corpus hours after the blast, which he
restored on January 11, 1972 after public protests.

Martial Law (1972-1981)

ferdinand marcosUsing the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a

Communist insurgency as justification, Marcos declared martial law on September
21, 1972 by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Martial Law remained in force until
1981, when Marcos was reelected, in the midst of accusations of electoral fraud.
Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties; closed
down Congress and media establishments; and ordered the arrest of opposition
leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics Senator Benigno
Aquino, Jr. and Senator Jose Diokno. Initially, the declaration of martial law was well
received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. Crime rates
plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. Political opponents were
given the opportunity to go into exile. But, as martial law dragged on for the next
nine years, excesses by the military emerged.
Constitutionally barred from seeking another term beyond 1973 and, with his
political enemies in jail, Marcos reconvened the Constitutional Convention and
maneuvered its proceedings to adopt a parliamentary form of government, paving
the way for him to stay in power beyond 1973. Sensing that the constitution would
be rejected in a nationwide plebiscite, Marcos decreed the creation of citizens'
assemblies which anomalously ratified the constitution.

Even before the Constitution could be fully implemented, several amendments were
introduced to it by Marcos, including the prolongation of martial law and permitting
himself to be President and concurrent Prime Minister. The economy during the

decade was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product
rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to
the economy's growth. The number of tourists visiting the Philippines rose to one
million by 1980 from less than 200,000 in previous years. A big portion of the tourist
group was composed of Filipino balikbayans (returnees) under the Ministry of
Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.

The first formal elections since 1969 for an interim Batasang Pambansa (National
Assembly) were held in 1978. In order to settle the Catholic Church before the visit
of Pope John Paul II, Marcos officially lifted martial law on January 17, 1981.
However, he retained much of the government's power for arrest and detention.
Corruption and nepotism as well as civil unrest contributed to a serious decline in
economic growth and development under Marcos, whose health declined due to
lupus.

After the Feb., 1986, presidential election, both Marcos and his opponent, Corazon
Aquino (the widow of Benigno), declared themselves the winner, and charges of
massive fraud and violence were leveled against the Marcos faction. Marcoss
domestic and international support battered and he fled the country on Feb. 25,
1986, finally obtaining refuge in the United States.

The Fourth Republic (1981-1986)

The opposition boycotted presidential elections then developed in June 1981, which
pitted Marcos (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan) against retired Gen. Alejo Santos
(Nacionalista Party). Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million votes, which
constitutionally allowed him to have another six-year term. Finance Minister Cesar
Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.

On Aug. 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. was assassinated at
the Manila International Airport upon his return to the Philippines after a long period
of exile which encouraged a new, more powerful wave of anti-Marcos dissent. This
coalesced popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began a succession of events,
including pressure from the United States that ended in a snap presidential election
in February 1986. The opposition united under Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, and
Salvador Laurel, head of the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO).
The elections were held on February 7, 1986. The election was blemished by

widespread reports of violence and tampering with results by both sides of the
political fence.

The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared

Marcos the winner. According to COMELEC's final tally, Marcos won with 10,807,197
votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. By contrast, the final tally of NAMFREL, an
accredited poll watcher, said Marcos won with 7,835,070 votes to Aquino's
7,053,068. The allegedly fraudulent result was not accepted by Corazon Aquino and
her supporters. International observers, including a U.S. delegation led by Sen.
Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), denounced the official results. Gen. Fidel Ramos and
Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile declared that they no longer supported Marcos.

A peaceful civilian-military uprising forced Marcos into exile and installed Corazon
Aquino as president on 25 February 1986.
The Aquino Administration (1986-1992)

Corazon Aquino's statement into power marked the restoration of democracy in the
country. She immediately formed a government to normalize the situation, and
provided for a transitional constitution. A new permanent constitution was approved
and enacted in February 1987. The new constitution crippled presidential power to
declare martial law, proposed the creation of autonomous regions in the Cordilleras
and Muslim Mindanao, and restored the presidential form of government and the
bicameral Congress.

Under Aquino's presidency, progress was made in stimulating democratic

institutions and respect for civil liberties. However, the administration was also
viewed as weak and fractious, and a return to full political stability and economic
development was hindered by several attempted coups staged by disaffected
members of the Philippine military.

On June 12, 1991, Mount Pinatubo in Central Luzon erupted, after being inactive for
over 600 years. It was the second-largest volcanic eruption of the 20th century and
cooled global weather by 1.5C. It left more than 700 people dead and 200,000
homeless.

In 1991, the Philippine Senate discarded a treaty that would have allowed a 10-year
extension of the U.S. military bases in the country. The United States turned over
Clark Air Base in Pampanga to the government in November, and Subic Bay Naval
Base in Zambales in December 1992, ending almost a century of U.S. military
presence in the Philippines.

The Ramos Administration (1992-1998)

In the 1992 elections, Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos (Lakas-NUCD), authorized

by Aquino, won the presidency with just 23.6% of the vote in a field of seven
candidates.

Aquino declined to run for reelection and was succeeded by her former army chief
of staff Fidel Ramos. He immediately launched an economic revitalization plan
premised on three policies: government deregulation, increased private investment,
and political solutions to the continuing insurgencies within the country. His political
program was somewhat successful, opening dialogues with the Marxist and Muslim
guerillas. However, Muslim discontent with partial rule persisted, and unrest and
violence continued throughout the 1990s. In 1999, Marxist rebels and Muslim
separatists formed an alliance to fight the government.

Early in his administration, Ramos declared "national reconciliation" his highest

priority. He legalized the Communist Party and created the National Unification
Commission (NUC) to lay the groundwork for talks with communist insurgents,
Muslim separatists, and military rebels. In June 1994, Ramos signed into law a
general conditional amnesty covering all rebel groups, and Philippine military and
police personnel charged of crimes committed while fighting the insurgents. In
October 1995, the government signed an agreement bringing the military
insurgency to an end.

A peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front, a major separatist
group fighting for an independent homeland in Mindanao, was signed in 1996,
ending the 24-year old struggle. However, an MNLF fragment group, the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front continued the armed struggle for an Islamic state.
The Estrada Administration (1998-2001)

Vice President Joseph Estrada, a former movie actor, was elected to the presidency
with a landslide victory in the 1998 elections, pledging to help the poor and develop
the agricultural sector. Under the cloud of the Asian financial crisis which began in
1997, Estrada's wayward governance took a heavy toll on the economy.
Unemployment worsened, the budget deficit grew, the currency fell. Eventually, the
economy recovered but at a much slower pace than its Asian neighbors.

In late 1999, Estrada waged an all-out war against the separatist Moro Islamic
Liberation Front in Central Mindanao, which displaced half a million people. In March
2000, the bandit group Abu Sayyaf kidnapped to Basilan 21 hostages, including 10
foreign tourists, from the Sipadan Island resort in neighboring Sabah, Malaysia. They
were freed in batches after over $20 million ransom were reportedly paid by the
Libyan government.

In October 2000, Estrada was charged of receiving millions of dollars in illegal

gambling payoffs. He was impeached by the House of Representatives, but his
impeachment trial in the Senate broke down when the senate voted to block
examination of the president's bank records. In response, masses of people
protested and demanded Estrada's resignation. Estrada's cabinet resigned en
masse and the military and police withdrew their support. On January 20, 2001, the
Supreme Court declared the presidency vacant and swore in Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo as the country's fourteenth President.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_Philippines_(1965-86)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Corazon_Aquino
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Fidel_Ramos
Philippines 2000[edit]
Main article: Philippines 2000
During his administration, Ramos began implementing economic reforms intended
to open up the once-closed national economy, encourage private enterprise, invite
more foreign and domestic investment, and reduce widespread corruption. Ramos
was also known as the most-traveled Philippine President compared to his
predecessors with numerous foreign trips abroad, generating about US$20 billion
worth of foreign investments to the Philippines. To ensure a positive financial
outlook on the Philippines, Ramos led the 4th Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) Leaders' Summit in the Philippines on November 1996. He also instituted
reforms in the tax system which includes a forced increase on VAT (E-VAT law) from

4% to 10% mandated by World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.[citation

needed]
Under his administration, the Philippines enjoyed economic growth and stability. His
visions of 'Philippines 2000' led the country into a newly industrialized country in
the world and the "Tiger Cub Economy in Asia".[4]
Philippines 2000 Five-Point Program:

Peace and Stability

Economic Growth and Sustainable Development
Energy and Power Generation
Environmental Protection
Streamlined Bureaucracy
s in land use conversion.
Republic Act No. 8532 (Agrarian Reform Fund Bill) Provided an additional Php50
billion for CARP and extended its implementation for another 10 years.
Pardons[edit]
President Fidel Ramos issued pardons to the following:

Actor Robin Padilla (1998) - convicted for illegal possession of firearms.[2]

Domestic policies[edit]
Economy[edit]
Overview[edit]
Ramos embarked on an ambitious development plan dubbed "Philippines 2000".
Under the plan, several industries critical to economic development were privatized,
such as electricity, telecommunications, banking, domestic shipping, and oil. The
taxation system was reformed, and external debt was brought to more manageable
levels by debt restructuring and sensible fiscal management. By 1996, the country's
GNP and GDP were growing at a rate of 7.2 percent and 5.2 percent respectively.
The annual inflation rate had dropped to 5.9 percent from its high of 9.1 percent in
1995. By the late 1990s, the Philippines' economic growth gained favorable

comparisons with other Asian countries such as Taiwan, Thailand, South Korea, and
Malaysia.

The Philippine economy took a sharp downturn during the Asian financial crisis of
1997. Its fiscal deficit in 1998 reached P49.981 billion from a surplus of P1.564
billion in 1997. The peso depreciated (fell in value) to P40.89 per U.S. dollar from its
previous rate of P29.47 to a dollar. The annual growth rate of the GNP fell to 0.1
percent in 1998 from 5.3 percent in 1997. Despite these setbacks, the Philippine
economy fared better than that of some of its Asian neighbors, and other nations
praised the Ramos administration for its "good housekeeping."[3]

Philippines 2000[edit]
Main article: Philippines 2000
During his administration, Ramos began implementing economic reforms intended
to open up the once-closed national economy, encourage private enterprise, invite
more foreign and domestic investment, and reduce widespread corruption. Ramos
was also known as the most-traveled Philippine President compared to his
predecessors with numerous foreign trips abroad, generating about US$20 billion
worth of foreign investments to the Philippines. To ensure a positive financial
outlook on the Philippines, Ramos led the 4th Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) Leaders' Summit in the Philippines on November 1996. He also instituted
reforms in the tax system which includes a forced increase on VAT (E-VAT law) from
4% to 10% mandated by World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.[citation
needed]

Under his administration, the Philippines enjoyed economic growth and stability. His
visions of 'Philippines 2000' led the country into a newly industrialized country in
the world and the "Tiger Cub Economy in Asia".[4]

Philippines 2000 Five-Point Program:

Peace and Stability

Economic Growth and Sustainable Development
Energy and Power Generation

Environmental Protection
Streamlined Bureaucracy
Power crisis[edit]
When Ramos was elected in May 1992, the Philippines had been experiencing
widespread rotating power outages, known as "brownouts", for nearly a year; this
happened suddenly when growing customer demand exceeded the reliable supply
of electricity, which was mostly provided by the government-owned Napocor. It had
been caused by the age and condition of the existing power plants, as well as the
long-term lack of continuing investment in the energy sector. During his State of the
Nation address on July 27, 1992, he requested that the Congress enact a law that
would create an Energy Department to plan and manage the Philippines' energy
sector. Congress not only created the Department of Energy, but gave the president
special emergency powers to resolve the power crisis. Using those powers, Ramos
issued licenses to independent power producers (IPP) to provide additional power
plants within 24 months. Ramos issued supply contracts that guaranteed the
government would buy whatever power the IPPs produced under the contract; the
contracted prices were denominated in U.S. dollars to entice foreign investment in
local power plants. Following the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis however, this structure
became a problem, as the Philippine peso lost half of its value, and the local price
for the contracted electricity essentially doubled. This resulted in the Philippine
price of electricity becoming the second-highest in Asia, after Japan.[citation
needed]

The country was already considered risky by investors due to previous attempts by
military adventurists led by Gregorio Honasan, during the term of President Aquino;
the almost daily brownouts lasting 412 hours also developed then. The perceived
political instability and the reduced power supply severely limited investments and
modernization in the country. During Ramos' term, the Philippines became a pioneer
in the use of Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) schemes to spur development, where,
with limited government financial capability to do such, private investors are invited
to build certain government projects (i.e. tollways, power plants, railways, etc.),
operate them for a set period of time, and then transfer ownership to the
government. There was little literature or previous experience with such schemes at
the time; with the later unfavorable changes in the exchange rates and the business
environment, some charge that these contracts put a large and undue amount of
risk on the government and consumers.[citation needed]

Death penalty[edit]

Main article: Capital punishment in the Philippines

While campaigning for the presidency, Fidel Ramos declared his support for
reinstating the death penalty. Capital punishment was abolished for all crimes in
1987, making the Philippines the first Asian country to do so. In 1996 Ramos signed
a bill that returned capital punishment with the electric chair (method used from
1923 to 1976, making Philippines the only country to do so outside U.S.) "until the
gas chamber could be installed".[5] However, no one was electrocuted nor gassed,
because the previously-used chair was destroyed earlier and the Philippines
adopted the lethal injection. Some people were put to death by this means, until the
death penalty was reabolished again in 2006.

Peace with separatists[edit]

Ramos, a military general himself, made peace with the rebel panels. He was
instrumental in the signing of the final peace agreement between the government
and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari in 1996. He also
ordered the resumption of peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF) led by Salamat Hashim and the Communist Party of the Philippines-National
Democratic Front, which operates the New People's Army, led by Jose Maria Sison.
[citation needed]

Although he battled Communist rebels as a young lieutenant in the 1950s, Ramos

made a bold move when he signed into law Republic Act 7636, which repealed the
Anti-Subversion Law. With its repeal, membership in the once-outlawed Communist
Party of the Philippines became legal.[6]

Agrarian reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines
The Ramos administration speeded the implementation of the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) of former President Corazon Aquino in order to
meet the ten-year time frame. However, there were constraints such as the need to
firm up the database and geographic focus, generate funding support, strengthen
inter-agency cooperation, and mobilize implementation partners, like the nongovernment organizations, local governments, and the business community.[7] In
1992, the government acquired and distributed 382 hectares of land with nearly a
quarter of a million farmer-beneficiaries. This constituted 41% of all land titles
distributed by the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) during the last thirty years.
But by the end of 1996, the DAR had distributed only 58.25% of the total area it was

supposed to cover. From January to December 1997, the DAR distributed 206,612
hectares. That year, since 1987, the DAR had distributed a total of 2.66 million
hectares which benefited almost 1.8 million tenant-farmers.[7]

One major problem that the Ramos administration faced was the lack of funds to
support and implement the program.[7] The Php50 million, allotted by R.A. No. 6657
to finance the CARP from 1988 to 1998, was no longer sufficient to support the
program. To address this problem, Ramos signed R.A. No. 8532 to amend the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL) which further strengthened the CARP
by extending the program to another ten years.[7] Ramos signed this law on
February 23, 1998 - a few months before the end of Ramos' term.[7]

Charter change[edit]
Among the proposed changes in the constitution included a shift to a parliamentary
system and the lifting of term limits of public officials. Ramos argued that the
changes will bring more accountability, continuity and responsibility to the
"gridlock" prone Philippine version of presidential bicameral system. Some
politically active religious groups, opposition politicians, business tycoons and left
wing organizations opposed the Charter change process that was supposed to lead
to a national referendum. Critics argued that the proposed constitutional changes
for one would benefit the incumbent which during that time was Ramos. On
September 21, 1997, a church organized rally brought in an estimated half a million
people to Rizal Park.[8]

Furthermore, on September 23, 1997, charter change advocates suffered a setback

when the Supreme Court, under Chief Justice Andres Narvasa, narrowly dismissed a
petition filed by the People's Initiative for Reform, Modernization and Action (PIRMA)
that sought to amend the Constitution through a signature campaign or "People's
Initiative". The Supreme Court dismissed the petition on the grounds that the
People's Initiative mode does not have enough enabling law for the proposed
revisions or amendments in the 1987 constitution. Had the petition been successful,
a national plebiscite would have been held for proposed changes.[8]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Joseph_Estrada
The Presidency of Joseph Ejercito Estrada in the Philippines spanned for 31 months
from June 30, 1998 to January 20, 2001. Estrada reached the pinnacle of his political
career when he was elected President of the Republic in the May 11, 1998 national
elections. With almost 11-million Filipinos writing his name on the ballot, his margin
of victory was the biggest ever registered in Philippine electoral history. Speaking

before millions gathered at his inaugural address in Manila, the newly elected chief
executive said his presidency would serve the Filipino masses whose welfare had
long been neglected. A line from his speech, "Walang kaibigan, walang kumpare,
walang kamag-anak", was a stern warning against anyone who would attempt to
undermine his administration with influence-peddling. Determined to bring his propoor platform to every facet of the government's operations, he immediately
ordered the removal of all sovereign guarantees on contracts for public projects
which would require the sovereign Filipino people to assume the financial losses of
private companies doing business with the government. Records will show that until
January 20, 2001, he did not sign a single government contract with a sovereign
guarantee. Committed to cleaning the bureaucracy of undesirable elements, he
ordered the immediate relief of corrupt officials in the military and police hierarchy.
He ordered a wide-ranging investigation of all government contracts entered into by
the previous administration to ensure these were above-board and directly
advantageous to the citizenry. He ordered the investigation of suspected big-time
tax evaders even if some of these individuals had contributed to his presidential
campaign. His pro-poor program of government bore fruit in less than two years,
with a significant improvement in the country's peace and order situation. This
likewise elicited a proportionate rise in the approval rating of the Philippine National
Police. The Estrada administration undertook an aggressive housing program on a
national basis, targeting low-cost homes for the poor. Agriculture received greater
priority, while the national government likewise took steps to bring down the cost of
medicine. Foreign investments grew exponentially, benefiting greatly from the
unsullied and esteemed reputation of the best and the brightest chosen to be part
of his Cabinet, and even more from his reputation as a strongly nationalistic yet
progressive president.

The Senate impeachment trial, a constitutional process initiated to determine the

truth behind the allegations of corruption hurled by the false witness, ended
abruptly in mid-January 2001 when prosecutors staged a walk-out after senators
voted against the opening of a document which had no bearing whatsoever on the
cases filed before the tribunal. With the second highest official of the land and her
husband working secretly with this group and courting the military sector's support,
things came to a head on 20 January 2001 with the leave of absence filed by Joseph
Estrada and his temporary departure from Malacaang. Following the Supreme
Court's decision upholding the legality of the Macapagal-Arroyo presidency, he was
arrested at his San Juan home in the afternoon of April 25, 2001 on the strength of a
warrant of arrest issued by the Sandiganbayan for the crime of plunder filed by his
political enemies.
Economy[edit]

President Joseph Ejercito Estrada (7th person from right) during the APEC summit in
2000.
In 1998, Joseph Estrada was elected president. Even with its strong economic team,
the Estrada administration failed to capitalize on the gains of the previous
administration. His administration was severely criticized for cronyism,
incompetence, and corruption, causing it to lose the confidence of foreign investors.
Foreign investors' confidence was further damaged when, in his second year,
Estrada was accused of exerting influence in an investigation of a friend's
involvement in stock market manipulation. Social unrest brought about by
numerous bombing threats, actual bombings, kidnappings, and other criminal
activities contributed to the economy's troubles. Economic performance was also
hurt by climatic disturbance that caused extremes of dry and wet weather.[9]
Toward the end of Estrada's administration, the fiscal deficit had doubled to more
than P100 billion from a low of P49 billion in 1998.[10] Despite such setbacks, the
rate of GNP in 1999 increased to 3.6 percent from 0.1 percent in 1998, and the GDP
posted a 3.2 percent growth rate, up from a low of 0.5 percent in 1998. Debt
reached P2.1 trillion in 1999. Domestic debt amounted to P986.7 billion while
foreign debt stood at US$52.2 billion.[11]

Masa format on radio[edit]

During his term, Estrada ordered to the National Telecommunications Commission by the adoption
of Filipino language-based radio format known as masa. Named for his iconMasa (or Masses), all
radio stations adopted the masa format effective since 1998, as DJ's wanted to replace English
language-based stations immediately to air OPM songs and requests. After his term in 2001, several
FM stations adopted the masa format nationwide until this day.

Saguisag Commission[edit]
With the purpose of investigating the alleged anomalies of the Ramos administration, President
Joseph Ejercito Estrada created the "Saguisag Commission" headed by former Senator Rene
Saguisag.[12] Ramos, however, refused to appear before the commission for he argued that the
jurisdiction lies in the court.[12]
In the so-called Centennial Expo scam, Mr. Ramos claimed the Senate committee that conducted
the probe "never closed the case" because it did not issue any final report. Instead, he rued, former
President Estrada created an administrative fact-finding commission headed by former Senator
Rene Saguisag. But six former government officials during his administration who were implicated in
the Centennial Expo scam were subsequently "exonerated" by the Ombudsman in October 1998.

Former Vice President Salvador Laurel, who chaired the Centennial Expo and was among the
principal accused in this case, however, died before he could be exonerated, Mr. Ramos rued. [12]
In the Smokey Mountain case, he said, he appeared in 2000 before the public hearing of the House
committee on good government chaired by then Rep. Ed Lara whose panel cleared the project as
valid and legal. Subsequently, he said, the Supreme Court ruled 13-0, with 2 abstentions, in favor of
the project. The SC also upheld the legality and constitutionality of the project and dismissed the
petition filed against it by Sen. Miriam Defensor Santiago.[12]
In the questioned Masinloc power project, he said, the Joint Congressional Oversight Committee
looked into the privilege speech of then Sen. Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. on Ramos' alleged influence that
this power plant be sold to a consortium connected with former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir
Muhammad.[12]

Agrarian reform[edit]
The Estrada administration widened the coverage of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program
(CARP) to the landless peasants in the country side. [13] The latter's administration distributed more
than 266,000 hectares of land to 175,000 landless farmers, including land owned by the traditional
rural elite. (Total of 523,000 hectares to 305,000 farmers during his 2nd year as President). [14] On
September 1999, he issued Executive Order (EO) 151, also known as Farmer's Trust Fund, which
allows the voluntary consolidation of small farm operation into medium and large scale integrated
enterprise that can access long-term capital. President Estrada launched the Magkabalikat Para sa
Kaunlarang Agraryo or MAGKASAKA. The DAR forged into joint ventures with private investors into
agrarian sector to make FBs competitive.[15] In 1999 a huge fund was allocated to agricultural
programs.[16] One of which is the "Agrikulturang Maka Masa", through which it achieved an output
growth of 6 percent, a record high at the time,[11]thereby lowering the inflation rate from 11 percent in
January 1999 to just a little over 3 percent by November of the same year.[11]

Anti-crime Task Forces[edit]

In 1998, by virtue of Executive Order No.8, President Estrada created the Presidential AntiOrganized Crime Task Force (PAOCTF) with the objective of minimizing, if not totally eradicating, car
theft and worsening[17] kidnapping cases in the country.[17] With the help of this task force,
the Philippine National Police for the first time in history achieved a record-high trust rating of +53
percent.[11] Panfilo Lacson was its first head. He also created the Philippine Center on Transnational
Crime (PCTC) in 1999, with the objective of formulating and implementing a concerted of action of
all law enforcement, intelligence and other government agencies for the prevention and control of
transnational crime.[18]

However, in November 2000, during the Juetenggate scandal of President Estrada, high officials of
the PAOCTF Cesar Mancao, Michael Ray Aquino, Glen Dumlao, and PAOCTF chief Panfilo
Lacson - were implicated in the murder of publicist Salvador Dacer and his driver Emmanuel Corbito
at the Cavite province.[17] Dacer at that time was accused to be behind a black propaganda against
President Estrada[17] a charge Dacer denied.[17]

Death penalty[edit]

Estrada administering the oath to Florentino Floro.

The death penalty law in the Philippines was reinforced during the incumbency of Estrada's
predecessor, Fidel Ramos. This law provided the use of the electric chair until the gas
chamber (method chosen by government to replace electrocution) could be installed. However, the
electric chair was destroyed some time prior due to a typhoon, leaving only a blackened scorch
mark. Some sources have said it had burnt out the last time it had been used.
However, the first execution by injection took place under Estrada's administration. On February 5,
1999, Leo Echegaray, a house painter, was executed for repeatedly raping his stepdaughter. He was
the first convict to be executed since the re-imposition of death penalty in 1995. [19]
His execution sparked once again a heated debate between the anti and the pro-death penalty
forces in the Philippines with a huge majority of people calling for the execution of Echegaray. That
there was a strong clamor for the imposition of the death penalty should be viewed from the point of
view of a citizen who is desperately seeking ways to stop criminality.
The Estrada administration peddled the death penalty as the antidote to crime. The reasoning was
that if the criminals will be afraid to commit crimes if they see that thegovernment is determined to
execute them.[19] The opposition maintained that the death penalty is not a deterrent and that there
have been studies already debunking the deterrence theory. Legislators and politicians refused to
heed the recommendation of the Supreme Court for Congress to review the death penalty riding on
the popularity of the pro-death penalty sentiment.

Six years after its re imposition, more than 1,200 individuals have been sentenced to death and
seven convicts have been executed through lethal injection. Yet today, there are no signs that
criminality has gone down.
From February 6, 1999, a day after Leo Echegaray was executed, to May 31, 1999 two
leading newspapers reported a total of 163 crimes which could be punishable by death penalty. But
perhaps the best indicator that this law is not a deterrent to criminality is the ever-increasing number
of death convicts.[19]
From 1994 to 1995 the number of persons on death row increased from 12 to 104. From 1995 to
1996 it increased to 182. In 1997 the total death convicts was at 520 and in 1998 the inmates in
death row was at 781. As of November 1999 there are a total of 956 death convicts at the National
Bilibid Prisons and at the Correctional Institute for Women.
As of December 31, 1999, based on the statistics compiled by the Episcopal Commission on
Prisoner Welfare of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, there were a total of 936
convicts interned at the National Bilibid Prisons and another 23 detained at the Correctional Institute
for Women. Of these figures, six are minors and 12 areforeigners.
Because the Philippines is predominantly Catholic, Estrada called a moratorium in 2000 to honor the
bimillenial anniversary of Jesus' birth. Executions were resumed a year later.[19]

Sovereign guarantees[edit]
President Estrada immediately ordered the removal of all sovereign guarantees on contracts for
public projects which would require the sovereign Filipino people to assume the financial losses of
private companies doing business with the government. Records will show that until January 20,
2001, he did not sign a single government contract with a sovereign guarantee. [20]

Banknotes[edit]
During the Estrada Administration, the practice in use since the Commonwealth, of reproducing the
signature of the President of the Philippines over the legend "President of the Philippines" was
abandoned in favor of explicitly stating the president's name.

Charter change[edit]
Main article: Philippines charter change

Under President Joseph Ejercito Estrada, there was a similar attempt to change the 1987
constitution. The process is termed as CONCORD or Constitutional Correction for Development.
Unlike Charter change under Ramos and Arroyo the CONCORD proposal, according to its
proponents, would only amend the 'restrictive' economic provisions of the constitution that is
considered as impeding the entry of more foreign investments in the Philippines.
There were once again objections from opposition politicians, religious sects and left wing
organizations based on diverse arguments such as national patrimony and the proposed
constitutional changes would be self-serving. Like his predecessor, Estrada's government was
accused of pushing Charter change for their own vested interests.

War against the MILF[edit]

Overview[edit]

A MILF soldier trains with an M60 machine gun.

During the Ramos administration a cessation of hostilities agreement was signed between the
Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in July 1997. This was
continued by a series of peace talks and negotiations in Estrada administration. [4] However the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), an Islamic group formed in 1977, seeks to be an independent
Islamic State from the Philippines, despite the agreements, a sequence of terrorist attacks with the
Philippine military and the civilians still continued.[4] Such of those attack are 277 violations
committed, kidnapping a foreign priest, namely Father Luciano Benedetti, the occupying and setting
on fire of the municipal hall of Talayan, Maguindanao; the takeover of the Kauswagan Municipal Hall;
the bombing of the Lady of Mediatrix boat at Ozamiz City; and the takeover of the Narciso Ramos
Highway. By doing so, they inflicted severe damage on the country's image abroad, and scared
much-needed investments away. In addition to this, the Philippine government learned that the MILF
has links with Al-Qaeda.[21] Because of this, on March 21, 2000, President Joseph Ejercito Estrada
declared an "all-out-war" against the MILF. During the war the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines (CBCP) asked Estrada to have a cease-fire with MILF, but Estrada opposed the idea

arguing that a cease-fire would cause more terrorist attacks. For the next three months of the war,
Camp Abubakar, headquarters of the MILF, fell along with other 13 major camps and 43 minor
camps, and then all of which became under controlled by the government. The MILF leader Hashim
Salamat fled the country and went to Malaysia. The MILF later declared a Jihad on the government.
On July 10 of the same year, the President went to Minadanao and raised the Philippine flag
symbolizing victory. After the war the President said, "... will speed up government efforts to bring
genuine and lasting peace and development in Mindanao". In the middle of July the president
ordered the military to arrest top MILF leaders.[22]
In his state of the nation address, the President highlighted his vision for Mindanao:

The first is to restore and maintain peace in Mindanaobecause without peace, there can
be no development.

The second is to develop Mindanaobecause without development, there can be no peace.

The third is to continue seeking peace talks with the MILF within the framework of the
Constitutionbecause a peace agreed upon in good faith is preferable to a peace enforced by
force of arms.

And the fourth is to continue with the implementation of the peace agreement between the
government and the Moro National Liberation Front, or MNLFbecause that is our commitment
to our countrymen and to the international community.

In addition to this the president said his administration can move with more speed in transforming
Mindanao into a progressive economic center.[22] High on the list of priorities was the plight of MILF
guerrillas who were tired of fighting and had no camps left to report to. On October 5, 2000 the first
massive surrender of 669 MILF mujahideen led by the renegade vice mayor of Marugong, Lanao del
Sur Malupandi Cosandi Sarip and seven other battalion commanders, surrendered to President
Joseph Ejercito Estrada at the 4th ID headquarters in Camp Edilberto Evangelista, Bgy. Patag,
Cagayan de Oro City. They were followed shortly by a second batch of 855 surrenderees led by
MILF Commander Sayben Ampaso on Dec. 29, 2000.[23]
However, the war with the MILF was severely criticized by foreign and media observers. In fact
Agriculture Secretary Edgardo Angara bridled at the high cost of Mindanao specifically the diversion
of resources from military operations that eat away from the agriculture modernization program.
Angara was quoted as saying "What General Reyes asks, he gets". Moreover, the fighting in
Mindanao even destroyed more than P135 million worth of crops and 12,000 hectares of rice and
corn fields.[24]

Chronology[edit]
On March 15, a combat patrol of the Phil. Army's 26th Infantry Battalion stumbled upon MILF
guerrillas in Bgy. Inudaran, Lanao del Norte, killing two of the rebels. The following day, 700 rebels of
the MILF 303rd Brigade Camp Jhon-Mack) led by Abdullah Macapaar, alias Commander Bravo,
swooped down on nine Army detachments in Linamon, Bacolod, Kauswagan and Maigo towns.
On March 17, the rebels occupied the Kauswagan town hall, taking more than 400 residents
hostage.
The Phil. Army's 4th Infantry "Diamond" Division under the command of Brig. Gen. Roy Cimatu (now
Phil. Ambassador to the Middle East) immediately launched a counterattack.
Cimatu mobilized Task Force Inudaran from the Army 402nd Infantry Brigade and the 1st Marine
Brigade under Brig. Gen. Emmanuel Teodosio which recaptured Kauswagan on March 18. The task
force also cleared the Iligan-Dipolog highway where rebels had set up several roadblocks, and set
up covering forces to protect vulnerable town centers while far-flung detachments were forced to
hold their own against the enemy attacks.
On March 21, 2000, then Philippine President Joseph Ejercito Estrada personally visited Kauswagan
and declared an "all-out war" against the MILF. Estrada tasked Cimatu to carry out the offensive
against the MILF in the Lanao area.
From March 16 to June 12, 2000, the 4th Division captured 15 major MILF camps, 49 satellite
camps, a training base and control tower at a cost of 38 soldiers killed and 196 wounded. MILF
casualties totaled 589 killed and 916 wounded.
Cimatu outlined five major operations against the enemy. The first of these was Oplan SOVEREIGN
which called for Task Force Diamond III under Col. Felipe Berroya to attack camps and staging
areas of the MILF 303rd Brigade (Camp Jhon-Mack) checkpoint near the highway.
"I did not want the MILF to have time to regroup themselves", Cimatu said. "Time was very
essential."
Marines overran the MILF 303rd Brigade (Camp Jhon-Mack) outpost check point in Bgy. Inudaran on
March 19 and Camp John Mack, headquarters of the MILF 303rd Brigade at Bgy. Delabayen,
Kauswagan on March 20.
The following day, Task Force Diamond III captured Famous Camp Bilal, the largest MILF camp in
Lanao del Norte, located in the municipality of Munai.

Meantime, the Army's 402nd Brigade under Col. Samuel Bagasin successfully cleared Bgy.
Pacalundo after a day of fierce fighting. Apo Hill, the major MILF communications center in the
outskirts of Baloi led by Comammder Mike, finally fell to Task Force Diamond III after a month of
heavy air and artillery attack on April 26.
Following the success of Oplan SOVEREIGN, Cimatu next moved on to Operation FREEWAY
designed to clear the Narciso Ramos Highway of rebels. The 1st Marine Brigade moved on to
Pualas, Lanao del Sur while Task Force Diamond moved up to Marawi city. In a classic pincer
movement, Task Force Diamond was ordered to clear the hilly portions of the highway, the 1st
Marine Brigade the immediate vicinity of the highway while the 6th Infantry Division moved up from
the opposite direction in Matanog town.
As the northern end of the pincer closed in, the Army's 302nd Infantry Brigade under Col. Allan
Cabalquinto arrived on May 10 to secure the rear areas cleared by Task Force Diamond. On May
15, the Narciso Ramos highway was finally cleared of MILF rebels, in spite of stiff resistance
encountered by the 6th Division from rebels entrenched in bunkers and trenches along the highway.
Next on the schedule was Operation SUPREME, aimed at capturing Camp Bushra in Butig, Lanao
del Sur, the second largest camp and training center of the MILF. It is also the home of the Lanao
Area Command headquarters under MILF Vice Chair Aleem Abdul Azziz Mimbantas and
headquarters of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces 3rd Field Division.
Task Force Diamond initially made a feint against MILF camps in Marogong, then moved right
abreast of the 1st Marine Brigade which had moved overland from Balabagan. The 302nd Infantry
Brigade and the newly arrived 802nd Infantry Brigade under Col. Nagamora Lomodag followed the
two attacking brigades. On May 28, Camp Bushra finally fell to the combined air-artillery and infantry
attacks of the four brigades.
This set the stage for Operation SWEEPER, aimed at reducing the MILF sphere of influence in
Lanao del Sur, particularly in the Basak area around the eastern portion of Lake Lanao.
While the 1st Marine Brigade secured Camp Bushra and re-established government control in Butig,
Cimatu ordered Task Force Diamond, the 302nd and 802nd Brigades to clear the municipality of
Masiu and eastern side of Lake Lanao. This phase of the operation successfully defeated the rebels
capability to wage in sustained a low-intensity conventional warfare in Northern and Central
Mindanao.
Up next was Operation SUMMIT, which aimed to destroy all MILF camps north and west of Camp
Abubakar. The 1st Marine Brigade and 302nd Infantry Brigade launched the attack on Camp

Abubakar from the north while the 6th Infantry Division attacked from the south and west, with Task
Force Diamond in reserve.
On July 12, 2000, the late MILF chairman Salamat Hashim called for a jihad against all government
forces and installation but few of the Bangsamoro heeded his call. As the rebels forces broke up into
smaller, disorganized units, MILF guerrillas went on a rampage against helpless civilians, killing 21
farmers in Bgy. Sumugot, Bumbaran, Lanao del Sur on July 16, 2001 and another 13 workers of the
Maranao Plantation, Inc. in Matling, less than a week later.
With the fall of Camp Abubakar, the conventional warfare against the MILF came to an end and the
process of reconstructing and rehabilitating the war-torn areas began.
High on the list of priorities was the plight of MILF guerrillas who were tired of fighting and had no
camps left to report to. On October 5, 2000 the first massive surrender of 669 MILF mujahideen led
by the renegade vice mayor of Marugong, Lanao del Sur Malupandi Cosandi Sarip and seven other
battalion commanders, surrendered to former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada at the 4th ID
headquarters in Camp Edilberto Evangelista, Bgy. Patag, Cagayan de Oro city.
They were followed shortly by a second batch of 855 surrenderees led by MILF Commander Sayben
Ampaso on Dec. 29, 2000.
The latest and biggest batch of surrenderees formally surrendered to President Gloria MacapagalArroyo in Tamparan, Lanao del Sur on March 14, 2001, one day to the date from the start of the
Mindanao war last March 15, 2000 in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte.
The 931 surrenderees were led by Macabagol Paudak, brigade commander of the MILF Striking
Force, 308th MILF Brigade, who also formally turned over some 506 firearms, plus 20 RPGs, three .
50-cal. machineguns, three 60mm mortars and two pump boats.

Foreign policies[edit]

President Joseph Ejercito Estrada with U.S. President Bill Clinton at theoval office.

President Joseph Ejercito Estrada with Russian PresidentVladimir Putin.

The Estrada administration upheld the foreign policy thrusts of the Ramos administration, focusing
on national security, economic diplomacy, assistance to nationals, and image-building. The
Philippines continued to be at the forefront of the regional and multilateral arena. It successfully
hosted the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in July 1998 and undertook confidence-building measures
with China overSouth China Sea issue through a meeting in March 1999.[25] President Estrada
strengthened bilateral ties with neighboring countries with visits
to Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, Japan, and South Korea.[26]
The country also sent a delegation of 108 observers to the Indonesian parliamentary elections, and
engaged in cooperative activities in the areas of security, defense, combating transnational crimes,
economy, culture, and the protection of OFWs and Filipinos abroad.

RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement[edit]

Main article: RPUS Visiting Forces Agreement
On 1999 a Visiting Forces Agreement with the United States, which was ratified in the Senate. [27] The
first Visiting Forces Agreement was actually signed under President Ramos in 1998, and the second
was subsequently signed under President Estrada. The two agreements came to effect a year later.
The primary effect of the Agreement is to require the U.S. government (1) to notify RP authorities
when it becomes aware of the apprehension, arrest or detention of any RP personnel visiting the
U.S. and (2) when so requested by the RP government, to ask the appropriate authorities to waive
jurisdiction in favor of RP, except cases of special interest to the U.S. departments

of State or Defense. [28][VIII 1] (Waiving of jurisdiction in the U.S. is complicated by United States being a
confederation of states in which each individual state has its own judicial system, and the U.S.
Federal Government not being in a position to simply order a State to waive jurisdiction).
The Agreement contains various procedural safeguards which amongst other things establish the
right to due process and proscribe double jeopardy[28][VIII 26]. The agreement also, among other
provisions, exempts RP personnel from visa formalities and guarantees expedited entry and exit
processing[28][IV]; requires the U.S. to accept RP driving licenses[28][V]; allows RP personnel to carry
arms at U.S. military installations while on duty[28][VI]; provides personal tax exemptions and
import/export duty exclusions for RP personnel[28][X, XI]; requires the U.S. to provide health care to RP
personnel[28][XIV]; and exempts RP vehicles, vessels, and aircraft from landing or ports fees, navigation
or overflight charges, road tolls or any other charges for the use of U.S. military installations [28][XV].

Third informal ASEAN summit[edit]

President Estrada hosted the third Informal ASEAN summit at the Philippine International
Convention Center (PICC) from November 2428, 1999. The Chief Executive met with the leaders of
the nine Asean member-countries and three dialogue partners of the regional grouping, namely
China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The 10 Asean member-countries are Brunei Darussalam,
Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.
The Philippines is the third Asean country to host the Asean Informal Summit. The first informal
summit was held in Jakarta on Nov. 30, 1996 while the second was held in Kuala Lumpur on
December 1516, 1997. Myanmar, which joined the Asean only in 1997, was supposed to host the
Third Informal Summit but it begged of. Following the alphabetical order, the Philippines was next in
line to host the informal summit.[29]
The leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and their three
dialogue partners concluded their informal summit on Sunday, Nov. 28, vowing to further broaden
East Asia cooperation in the 21st century to improve the quality of life of peoples in the region. [29]
A joint statement issued after the 3rd Asean Informal Summit and separate top-level meetings with
the leaders of China, Japan and Korea expressed the resolve of the heads of states and
governments of Asean and its dialogue partners to work toward the attainment of peace and stability
in Asia and the Pacific.[29]
According to the joint statement, the leaders also voiced "satisfaction with the rapidly developing
relations" among their countries that is expected to pave the way to greater East Asia cooperation.

The Asean countries that participated in the summit were Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia,
Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Noting the bright prospects for enhanced interaction and closer linkages in East Asia, the leaders
said the growing interaction has helped increase opportunities for cooperation and collaboration
among their countries.[29]
Closer linkages in this part of Asia, they pointed out, have strengthened the promotion of peace,
stability and prosperity in the region.[29]
"Mindful of the challenges and opportunities in the new millennium, as well as the growing regional
interdependence in the age of globalization and information, they agreed to promote dialogue and to
deepen and consolidate collective efforts with a view to advancing mutual understanding, trust, good
neighborliness and friendly relations, peace, stability and prosperity in East Asia and the world", the
joint statement said.[29]
They likewise underlined their commitment to conduct their mutual relations under the principles of
the United Nations Charter, the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, the Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation in Southeast Asia, and the universally recognized principles of international law.[29]
The leaders further underscored their commitment to build on existing cooperative processes in the
economic, social and political fields.[29]
On economic cooperation, the leaders of the Asean countries, China, Japan and South Korea
agreed to accelerate trade, investments, technology transfer, cooperation in information technology
and promotion of industrial and agricultural cooperation, and the encourage development of growth
areas in East Asia, including the Mekong River Basin. [29]
On monetary and financial cooperation, they agreed to strengthen policy on financial, monetary and
fiscal issues, including the cooperation mechanism for finance and central banking system.
In the political-security area, they agreed to continue dialogue, coordination, and cooperation to
increase mutual understanding and trust, towards forging lasting peace and stability in East Asia. [29]
The leaders agreed to strengthen cooperation in addressing common concerns in the area of
transnational issues in the region.[29]
In other fields, the leaders also agreed:[29]

to intensify coordination and cooperation in various international and regional forums,

including the United Nations, World Trade Organization and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation,
as well as in regional and international financial institutions.

to strengthen regional cooperation in projecting an Asian point of view to the rest of the world
and in intensifying people-to-people contacts,

to strengthen social and human resources to sustain growth in East Asia by alleviating
economic and social disparities within and among East Asian countries.

to support Asean efforts in the implementation of the Hanoi Plan of Action towards advancing
economic and sustainable development.[29]

Controversies[edit]

1998[edit]
Subic Bay leadership dispute[edit]
After winning the 1998 presidential elections on May of that year, newly elected President Joseph
Ejercito Estrada issued Administrative Order No. 1, which ordered the removalRichard Gordon as
Chairman of the Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority or SBMA.[30] Estrada appointed Felicito Payumo,
Gordon's critic and congressman of Bataan as new chairman. Gordon refused to step down, stating
that his re-appointment from the Ramos administration gave him civil service protection. [31] The
removal process was not easy. Hundreds of volunteers and paid people barricated the gates of
SBMA and Gordon locked himself inside the SBMA Administrative Office Building 229. After this, he
was dubbed a dictator because of the fact that he rebelled against an executive order. The issue
sparked the interest local and foreign press known as the Showdown at Subic.
Gordon filed for a temporary restraining order before the local court. The local court of Olongapo
granted Gordon's request but Payumo's party filed an appeal before the Court of Appeals (CA). The
CA reversed the local court's ruling and it was affirmed by the Supreme Court. [31] With the Supreme
Court decision, Gordon called Payumo and turned over the reins of SBMA at the Subic Bay Yacht
Club two months later on 3 September 1998. Together with the Subic volunteers, they cleaned up
the facility.
Textbook scam intervention[edit]
In 1998, Estrada allegedly appointed a cousin, Cecilia de Castro, as presidential assistant. The
President denied knowing her in the wake of the textbook scam in 1998. The President later

intervened in the investigation of the said scam. Another is the appointment of brother-in-law,
Captain Rufino F. Pimentel, as PAGCOR director. Also a brother-in-law, Raul de Guzman, was
appointed member of the Board of Regents of the University of the Philippines. De Guzman's son
was also appointed as presidential consultant on environment and water.[32]

1999[edit]
The Philippine Daily Inquirer ads pullout[edit]
Estrada criticized the Philippine Daily Inquirer, the nation's most popular broadsheet newspaper[citation
, for "bias, malice and fabrication" against him.[33] In 1999, several government organizations, pro-

needed]

Estrada businesses, and movie producers simultaneously pulled their advertisements in the Inquirer.
[33][34]

The presidential palace was widely implicated in the advertising boycott, prompting sharp

criticism from international press freedom watchdogs.[34][35]

The Manila Times controversy[edit]
Estrada launched a libel suit against the country's oldest newspaper the Manila Times over a story
that alleged corruption in the awarding of a public works project. After a personal apology from an
owner was published, the libel suit was dropped. [34][36] Within three months the Manila Times was sold
to a "housing magnate with no previous newspaper experience"[34] and was quickly shut down.[37]
BW Resources scandal[edit]
BW Resources a small gaming company listed on the Philippine Stock Exchange and linked to
people close to Estrada experienced "a meteoric rise" [38] in its stock price due to suspected stock
price manipulation.[38] The ensuing investigation led only to further confusion when the head of the
compliance and surveillance group of the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE) and his entire staff
resigned [39][40] saying "I believe I can no longer effectively do my job." [39] The events created a negative
impression. "The BW controversy undermined foreign investor confidence in the stock market" [40] and
"also contributed to a major loss of confidence in the Philippines among foreign and local investors
on concerns that cronyism may have played a part." [39]
PCSO funding controversy[edit]
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism has reported that there are 66 corporate records
wherein President Estrada, his wife, mistresses and children are listed as incorporators or board
members. Thirty-one of these companies were set up during Estrada's vice-presidential tenure and

one when he assumed the presidency. Based on the 1998 and 1999 financial statements, 14 of the
66 companies have assets of over P600 million.
The First Lady, Mrs. Loi Ejercito, registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission on 15
October 1998 her private foundationthe Partnership for the Poor Foundation, Inc. which provides
relief and livelihood to the poor. A few months after its incorporation, the foundation received P100
million from the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office as donation. The donation far exceeded the
PCSO's combined donation of P65 million to regular beneficiaries like orphanages and hospitals.
The complainants consider this a conflict-of-interest. The donation of government funds to the
private foundation of the First Lady was also found to have been delivered to their legal residence in
San Juan.[32]
Midnight Cabinet[edit]
Estrada was reported by his Chief of Staff Aprodicio Laquian to have allegedly spent long hours
drinking with shady characters as well as "midnight drinking sessions" with some of his cabinet
members during meetings.[41] Members of the so-called midnight cabinet were:[42]

Luis 'Chavit' Singson Governor of Ilocos Sur

Luis 'Baby' Asistio Representative of Caloocan City

Dante Tan Head of the BW Resources Corp.

Ramon Lee A close associate of Dante Tan and an Estrada election contributor

Lucio Co The goateed owner of PureGold duty-free stores, who was recently accused of
being a big-time smuggler

Jaime Dichavez A fiberglass manufacturer and real estate developer who was recently
involved in the corporate coup at Belle Corporation, operator of the controversial jai-alai games

William Gatchalian Presidential adviser on overseas Filipinos

Eusebio Tanco Acquired the Tiwi-Makiling-Banahaw geothermal power plant from the
National Power Corporation. Tanco is the brother-in-law of one of the country's biggest coconut
millers, Douglas Lu Ym

Jacinto "Jack" Ng Multimillionaire, owner of Republic Biscuit Corp. or Rebisco and of some
hefty real estate

Mark Jimenez a shadowy businessman wanted for illegal campaign contributions in the
U.S. Jimenez is reportedly a mean singer at the karaoke and is an occasional "good time"
associate of Estrada

Estrada mistresses[edit]
During President Estrada's two-and-a-half year in office, the media exposed that he had many affairs
with other women.[43] During the juetenggate scandal, Estrada's critics claimed that Estrada's
mistresses received financial benefits from the President. The following are Estrada's mistresses: [44]

Guia Gomez

Laarni Enriquez

Joy Melendez

Rowena Lopez

Peachy Osorio

Hot cars scandal[edit]

Rep. Magtanggol Gunigundo II (Valenzuela) exposes the assignment of Pres. Estrada of some
seized luxury vehicles and SUVs to his Cabinet Secretaries and favored political allies through an
obscure office "Presidential Retrieval Task Force."[45] Initially Pres. Estrada resist his critics of the call
to return the "hot cars" to the Bureau of Customs, and challenged them to file a case against him.
[46]

But, by November, the President backs down from his earlier decision and instructs the Customs

to dispose the vehicles through an auction.[47]

2000[edit]
Building laws violation[edit]
President Estrada and his family reportedly violated many construction and building laws in their real
estate firms.[32]
Juetenggate scandal[edit]
Singson is known to have Estrada's fall, when in October 2000 he alleged he gave President Joseph
Estrada Php 400 million as payoff from illegal gambling profits. On October 16, 2000, he accused

the Estrada, as the "lord of all jueteng lords" for receiving 5 million pesos protection money from
jueteng every month during his term of presidency.
DacerCorbito double murder case[edit]
Salvador "Bubby" Dacer, publicist in the Philippines, and his driver, Emmanuel Corbito, were
abducted in Makati, the business district of Manila. They were later killed, and their vehicle dumped.
In 2001, a number of arrests were made.
The ultimate reasons for Dacer's murder remain a subject of debate. Fidel Ramos has publicly
accused his successor, Joseph Estrada, of giving the original order Estrada was mired in
a corruption scandal at the time, and according to some reports, Estrada believed Dacer was helping
Ramos destabilize his rule.

2001[edit]
Second envelope suppression[edit]
On January 17, 2001, the impeachment trial of President Estrada moved to the investigation of an
envelope containing crucial evidence that would allegedly prove acts of political corruption by
Estrada. Senators allied with Estrada moved to block the evidence. The conflict between the
senator-judges, and the prosecution became deeper, but then Senate Majority Floor Leader
Francisco Tatad requested to the Impeachment court to make a vote for opening the second
envelope. The vote resulted in 10 senators in favor of examining the evidence, and 11 senators in
favor of suppressing it. After the vote, Sen. Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. resigned as Senate President and
walked out of the impeachment proceedings together with the 9 opposition Senators and 11
prosecutors in the Estrada impeachment trial. The 11 administration senators who voted YES to
block the opening of the second envelope remained in Senate Session Hall together with the
members of the defense. They were chanted with "JOE'S COHORTS" where their surnames were
arranged.

Impeachment trial[edit]
Main article: Trial of Joseph Estrada

Corruption charges[edit]

President Estrada in 2000.

The Estrada presidency was soon dogged by charges of plunder and corruption. He was reported by
his Chief of Staff Aprodicio Laquian to have allegedly spent long hours drinking with shady
characters as well as "midnight drinking sessions" with some of his cabinet members during
meetings.[41] In October 2000, an acknowledged gambling racketeer, Luis "Chavit"
Singson, governor of the province of Ilocos Sur, alleged that he had personally given Estrada the
sum of 400 million pesos ($8,255,933) as payoff from illegal gambling profits, as well as 180 million
pesos ($3,715,170) from the government price subsidy for the tobacco farmers' marketing
cooperative.

Impeachment proceedings[edit]
Singson's allegation caused an uproar across the nation, which culminated in
Estrada's impeachment by the House of Representatives on November 13, 2000 which did not
succeed. The articles of impeachment were then transmitted to the Senate and an impeachment
court was formed, with Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. as presiding officer.
Major television networks pre-empted their afternoon schedules to bring full coverage of the
Impeachment Trial. There were three sets of cameras in the Impeachment Court (normally the
Senate Chamber): one from ABS-CBN, one from the GMA Network, and one (using a poor camera)
from NBN(it was then called PTV, or the People's Television Network).
During the trial, the prosecution (composed of congressmen and private prosecutors) presented
witnesses and evidence to the impeachment court regarding Estrada's involvement in an illegal
numbers game, also known as jueteng, and his maintenance of secret bank accounts. However, the
president's legal team (composed of a former chief justice, former congressman, former solicitorgeneral and other lawyers) denied such allegations including his ownership of an account under the

name Jose Velarde. However, in February 2001, at the initiative of Senate President Aquilino
Pimentel, Jr., the second envelope was opened before the local and foreign media and it contained
the document that stated that Jaime Dichavez and not Estrada owned the "Jose Velarde Account".[48]
[49]

Ilocos Sur Governor Luis "Chavit" Singson was one of the witnesses who testified against President
Estrada. The President and the governor of Ilocos Sur were said to be "partners" in-charge of the
operations of illegal gambling in the country.[citation needed] Governor Singson feared that he would be
charged and stripped of power (there have been talks about the governor making a deal with the
opposition... he was to help incriminate Estrada and he would be compensated for his service), but
he was offered immunity by anti-Estrada lawmakers. He was then asked to accuse the President of
having committed several illegal acts. Vice-President of then Equitable-PCI Bank Clarissa
Ocampo testified that she saw the President, Joseph Estrada sign the false name "Jose Velarde" on
the banking document and this was also witnessed by Apodicio Laquian. [50]
According to Transparency International in an old survey that did not fit with newer information[by whom?],
Estrada was the tenth most corrupt head of government ever, and being the second Philippine Head
of State after Marcos in terms of corruption.[51][52]

EDSA II[edit]
Main article: EDSA Revolution of 2001

Protests[edit]
On the evening of January 16, 2001, the impeachment court, whose majority were political allies of
Estrada,[53] voted not to open an envelope that was said to contain incriminating evidence against the
president. The final vote was 1110, in favor of keeping the envelope closed. The prosecution panel
(of congressmen and lawyers) walked out of the Impeachment Court in protest of this vote. Others
noted that the walkout merited a contempt of court which Davide, intentionally or unintentionally, did
not enforce.[54] The afternoon schedule of television networks covering the Impeachment were preempted by the prolongation of the day's court session due to the issue of this envelope. The
evening telenovelas of networks were pushed back for up to two hours. That night, anti-Estrada
protesters gathered in front of the EDSA Shrine at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, not too far away
from the site of the 1986 People Power Revolution that overthrew Ferdinand Marcos. A political
turmoil ensued and the clamor for Estrada's resignation became stronger than ever. In the following
days, the number of protesters grew to the hundreds of thousands.

On January 19, 2001, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, seeing the political upheaval throughout
the country, decided to withdraw its support from the president and transfer its allegiance to the vice
president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The following day, the Supreme Court declared that the seat of
presidency was vacant.

Resignation[edit]
At noon, the Supreme Court declared that Estrada "constructively resigned" his post and the Chief
Justice swore in the constitutional successor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, as President of the
Philippines.[55] Prior to Estrada's departure from Malacaang, he issued a press release which
included:

...I now leave Malacaang Palace, the seat of the presidency of this co

On January 18, 2008, Joseph Estrada's Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) placed a full-page
advertisement in Metro Manila newspapers, blaming EDSA 2 of having "inflicted a dent on Philippine
democracy". Its featured clippings questioned the constitutionality of the revolution. The published
featured clippings were taken from Time, New York Times,The Straits Times, Los Angeles
Times, Washington Post, Asia Times Online, The Economist, and the International Herald Tribune.
Former Supreme Court justice and Estrada appointee as chairwoman of the Philippine Charity
Sweepstakes Office Cecilia Muoz Palma opined that EDSA 2 violated the 1987 Constitution.[57]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Gloria_Macapagal_Arroyo
The Presidency of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo spanned two terms from 20 January
2001 to 30 June 2010. She served the remainder of her predecessor Joseph
Estrada's term after he was deposed, and she was elected to a full second term in
2004 which ended pursuant to the provisions of the 1987 Constitution.
First Term (2001-2004)[edit]
Succession[edit]

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo being sworn in as president by Chief Justice Hilario Davide

Jr. in January 2001.

Main articles: EDSA II and EDSA III

Arroyo's ascent to the Philippine presidency in 2001 is mired in controversy as much
as the ouster of her predecessor with which it is intertwined. On January 20, 2001,
after days of political turmoil and popular revolt, the Supreme Court declared the
presidency vacant. The military and the national police had earlier withdrawn their
support for Estrada. At noon, Arroyo was sworn in as President of the Philippines by
Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr.[5] Coincidentally, Arroyo assumed office the same
day as US President George W. Bush.

Join me therefore as we begin to tear down the walls that divide.

Let us build an edifice of peace, progress, and economic stability.
Gloria Arroyo,[6] January 20, 2001
While the local media and its proponents hailed EDSA II as another peaceful "People
Power," international views expressed through foreign media described it as a
"conspiracy" to oust Estrada and install Arroyo as president. The New York Times
reported that Southeast Asia-based political economist William Overholt called it a
"either being called mob rule or mob rule as a cover for a well- planned coup."[7]
The International Herald Tribune reports how the "opportunist coalition of church,
business elite and left... orchestrated the 'People Power II movement."'[8] On
Arroyo's proclamation as President, Former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan
Yew opined that there is "an assumption of power here which isn't in the
constitution."[9]

Weeks later, Estrada filed a lawsuit challenging the legal basis of the Arroyo
presidency and insisting he remained the lawful president, though adding he would
not try to reclaim his post.[10] The Supreme Court issued its decision on March 2,
2001, asserting that Estrada had resigned the presidency and relinquished his post.
[5] The court unanimously voted to dismiss Estrada's petition, reaffirming the
legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency.[5]

On May 1, 2001, a week after Estrada was arrested on charges of plunder, an

estimated 3,000,000[11] protesters sympathetic to Estrada degenerated into
violence and attempted to storm the presidential palace to force Arroyo from office.
[12] Four people died, including two policemen, and more than 100 were wounded
in clashes between security forces and rioters.[12][13] After being dispersed the
crowd had looted stores and burned cars.[12] Arroyo declared a 'state of rebellion'
in Manila and ordered the arrests of opposition leaders who led the uprising and

conspired to topple the government.[12] The state of rebellion was lifted one week
later, with Arroyo declaring "the disorder has subsided".[13]

Support for the opposition and Estrada subsequently dwindled after the victory of
administration allied candidates in the midterm elections that was held later that
month. Arroyo outlined her vision for the country as "building a strong republic"
throughout her tenure. Her agenda consists of building up a strong bureaucracy,
lowering crime rates, increasing tax collection, improving economic growth, and
intensifying counter-terrorism efforts.

2001 Midterm Elections[edit]

Main article: Philippine general election, 2001
The 2001 legislative elections and local elections were held in the Philippines on
May 14, 2001 - four months after Arroyo took office. Independent senatorial
candidate Noli de Castro, a former television anchor of TV Patrol of ABS-CBN was
announced as the topnotcher. This is the first synchronized national and local
elections held after the ouster of Former President Joseph Estrada in January due to
a military-backed civilian uprising (popularly known as EDSA II). On February 20,
2007, the Supreme Court of the Philippines ruled that Former Senator Gregorio
Honasan lost in the 2001 Philippine elections and lost to Sen. Ralph Recto but
declared constitutional the special election for the remaining three-year term of
Teofisto Guingona.

Oakwood mutiny[edit]
Main article: Oakwood mutiny
The Oakwood mutiny occurred in the Philippines on July 27, 2003. A group of 321
armed soldiers who called themselves "Bagong Katipuneros"[14] led by Army Capt.
Gerardo Gambala and Lt. Antonio Trillanes IV of the Philippine Navy took over the
Oakwood Premier Ayala Center (now Ascott Makati) serviced apartment tower in
Makati City to show the Filipino people the alleged corruption of the Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo administration. They also stated that they saw signs suggesting
that the President was going to declare martial law.

2004 Presidential Election[edit]

Although the Philippine Constitution bars a president from reelection, it allows for
the election of a person who has succeeded as president and has served for not
more than four years.[15] In December 2002, Arroyo made the surprise
announcement that she would not seek a new term in the Philippine general
election, 2004.[16] Ten months later, however, she reversed her position and
declared her intention to seek a direct mandate from the people, saying "there is a
higher cause to change society... in a way that nourishes our future".[17]

Arroyo faced a tough election campaign in early 2004 against Estrada friend and
popular actor Fernando Poe, Jr., senator and former police general Panfilo Lacson,
former senator Raul Roco, and Christian evangelist Eddie Villanueva. Her campaign
platform centered on a shift to a parliamentary and federal form of government, job
creation, universal health insurance, anti-illegal drugs, and anti-terrorism.[16]

Arroyo lagged behind Poe in the polls prior to the campaign season, but her
popularity steadily climbed to surpass Poe's.[18] As predicted by pre-election
surveys and exit polls, she won the election by a margin of over a million votes
against her closest rival, Fernando Poe, Jr.[19]

Second Term (2004-2010)[edit]

Inauguration[edit]

Arroyo taking her Oath of Office in Cebu City on June 30, 2004.
Arroyo took her oath of office on June 30, 2004. In a break with tradition, she chose
to first deliver her inaugural address at the Quirino Grandstand in Manila before
departing to Cebu City for her oath taking: the first time a Philippine president had
taken the oath of office outside of Luzon.[16]

State of Emergency[edit]
Main article: 2006 state of emergency in the Philippines
On Friday, February 24, 2006, an alleged coup d'tat plot was uncovered in the
Philippines, headed by Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim.

Wikinews has related news: Arroyo declares state of emergency

due to coup attempt in Philippines
The declaration of Proclamation No. 1017 gave Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo the power
to issue warrantless (and until then unconstitutional) arrests and to take over
private institutions that run public utilities.

The President, through the Department of Education, suspended classes in

elementary and high school levels. In response, colleges and universities suspended
classes. By virtue of PP 1017, she declared a State of Emergency for the whole
country in an attempt to quell rebellion as her grip on power began to slip, to stop
lawless violence and promote peace and stability. The government's first move after
the declaration was to disperse demonstrators, particularly the groups picketing
along EDSA. Former Philippine president Corazon Aquino was among those that
protested, along with leftist and extreme right activists. A number of public figures
were reported to have been arrested.

After the foiling of the plot and the dispersal of the rallies, PP 1017 continued for a
week on threats of military plots (such as the military stand-off of February 26 at
Fort Bonifacio headed by Col. Ariel Querubin), violence, illegal rallies and public
disturbance.

Six leftist representatives - Satur Ocampo, Teodoro Casio, and Joel Virador of Bayan
Muna, Liza Maza of GABRIELA, and Crispin Beltran and Rafael Mariano of Anakpawis
- were charged with rebellion. Crispin Beltran of Anakpawis was arrested on
February 25 on charges of inciting to sedition and rebellion. To avoid further arrest,
the other five found shelter at the Batasang Pambansa Complex.

On Saturday, February 25, the office of the Daily Tribune, a newspaper known as a
hard-hitting critic of the Arroyo administration, was raided. After the raid, an
issuance of Journalism Guideline followed, authored by the government in order to
cope with the "present abnormal situation", according to then Chief of Staff Michael
Defensor. The move to suppress freedom of the press against the Daily Tribune was
criticized by Reporters Without Borders.[20]

The decree was lifted on March 3, 2006. However the opposition, lawyers, and
concerned citizens filed a complaint in the Supreme Court contesting the

constitutionality of PP 1017. The court, on May 4, declared the proclamation

constitutional, but said it was illegal to issue warrantless arrests and seize private
institutions.

2007 Midterm Elections[edit]

Main article: Philippine general election, 2007
Legislative and local elections were held in the Philippines on May 14, 2007.
Positions contested included half the seats in the Senate, which are elected for sixyear terms, and all the seats in the House of Representatives, who were elected for
three-year terms. The duly elected legislators of the 2007 elections joined the
elected senators of the 2004 elections to comprise the 14th Congress of the
Philippines.

Most representatives won seats by being elected directly, the constituency being a
geographical district of about 250,000 voters. There are 220 seats in total for all the
legislative districts.

Some representatives were elected under a party-list system. Only parties

representing marginalized groups were allowed to run in the party-list election. To
gain one seat, a party must win 2% of the vote. No party-list party may have more
than 3 seats. After the election, in a controversial decision, the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC) changed how it allocates the party-list seats. Under the new
formula only one party will have the maximum 3 seats. It based its decision on a
formula contained in a Supreme Court decision.

Local elections for governor, vice governor, provincial board seats and mayoral, vice
mayoral and city/municipal council seats in Metro Manila and the provinces are up
for grabs as well.

Arroyo's coalition won 3 senate seats and 123 seats in the house.

The Manila Peninsula Rebellion[edit]

Main article: Manila Peninsula rebellion

The Peninsula Manila Rebellion was a rebellion in the Philippines on November 29,
2007. Detained Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, General Lim and other Magdalo
(mutineers) officials walked out of their trial and marched through the streets of
Makati City, called for the ouster of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, and seized
the second floor of The Peninsula Manila Hotel along Ayala Avenue. Former VicePresident Teofisto Guingona also joined the march to the hotel.

Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV and Brigadier Gen. Danilo Lim surrendered to authorities
after an armored personnel carrier rammed into the lobby of the hotel.[21] Director
Geary Barias declared that the standoff at the Manila Peninsula Hotel is over as Sen.
Antonio Trillanes IV, Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim along with other junior officers agreed to
leave the hotel and surrender to Barias after the 6 hour siege.[22] There was
difficulty getting out for a while due to the tear gas that was covering the area
where they were hiding.

Days after the mutiny, the Makati City Regional Trial Court dismissed the rebellion
charges against all the 14 civilians involved in the siege, and ordered their release.

Impeachment complaints[edit]
In 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2008, impeachment complaints were filed against
President Arroyo although none of the cases reached the required endorsement of
1/3 of the members for transmittal to and trial by the Senate.

On October 13, 2008, the 4th 97-page impeachment complaint against President
Arroyo was filed at the House of Representatives of the Philippines with the required
endorsements by Party list Representatives Satur Ocampo, Teodoro Casio and Liza
Maza. The complaint accuses Arroyo of corruption, extrajudicial killings, torture and
illegal arrests. The impeachment further raised the issues on "national broadband
network agreement with China, human rights violations, the Northrail project, the
Mt. Diwalwal project, fertilizer fund scam, alleged bribery of members of the House,
the swine scam under the Rural Credit Guarantee Corporation, and 2004 electoral
fraud." The opposition complainants were Edita Burgos, Iloilo Vice Governor Rolex
Suplico, Jose de Venecia III, Harry Roque, Armando Albarillo, a human rights victim,
Roneo Clamor, Karapatan deputy secretary general, Josefina Lichauco, and
representatives from civil society - Renato Constantino, Jr., Henri Kahn, Francisco
Alcuaz, Rez Cortez, Virgilio Eustaquio, Jose Luis Alcuaz, Leah Navarro, Danilo Ramos,
Concepcion Empeo, Elmer Labog, Armando Albarillo, Roneo Clamor, and Bebu
Bulchand. The justice committee has 60 days to rule upon the complaint's

sufficiency in form and substance. However, the opposition has only 28 House
seats.[23][24][25][26][27]

Under Sections 2 and 3, Article XI, Constitution of the Philippines, the House of
Representatives of the Philippines has the exclusive power to initiate all cases of
impeachment against, the President, Vice President, members of the Supreme
Court, members of the Constitutional Commissions (Commission on Elections,
Commission on Audit), and the Ombudsman. When a third of its membership has
endorsed the impeachment articles, it is then transmitted to the Senate of the
Philippines which tries and decide, as impeachment tribunal, on the impeachment
case.[28]

Estrada pardon[edit]
On October 25, 2007, Arroyo granted a pardon to Joseph Estrada, supposedly based
on the recommendation by the Department of Justice. Press Secretary Ignacio
Bunye quoted the signed Order: "In view hereof in pursuant of the authority
conferred upon me by the Constitution, I hereby grant Executive clemency to Joseph
Ejercito Estrada, convicted by the Sandiganbayan of plunder and imposed a penalty
of reclusion perpetua. He is hereby restored to his civil and political rights."

Bunye noted that Estrada committed in his application not to seek public office, and
he would be free from his Tanay resthouse on October 26, noon.[29][30][31]
Accordingly, Justice Secretary Raul Gonzales categorically stated in 2008 that an
Estrada plan to run for president in the scheduled 2010 elections is unconstitutional.
Estrada, however, disagrees, saying that he is eligible to run for president again,
based on the legal advice he gets from former Supreme Court Chief Justice Andres
Narvasa.[32]

Martial Law[edit]
Main article: Maguindanao massacre
In the wake of the massacre of 57 people in Ampatuan town, President Arroyo
placed Maguindanao under a state of martial law, Executive Secretary Eduardo
Ermita announced on the morning of December 5, 2009. In so doing, Malacaang
has suspended the writ of habeas corpus in the province except "for certain areas,"
enabling the military to make arrests without court intervention. This constitutes the

first declaration of martial law in the Philippines since 1972, when then-president
Ferdinand Marcos imposed military rule over the entire country.[33][34]

Congressional bid in Pampanga[edit]

Main article: Philippine House of Representatives elections, 2010
On November 30, 2009, after much speculation, President Arroyo announced on the
Philippine Broadcasting Service her congressional bid for the second district of
Pampanga.[35] On December 1, 2009, she filed her candidacy under the LakasKampi-CMD.[36]

Domestic policies[edit]
Politics[edit]
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on January 21, 2015 was reported in the Supreme Court
decision in the petition for disqualification of former president Joseph Estrada as the
mayor of the City of Manila to have pardoned the latter in the case where he was
convicted for plunder. The same is perceived to be one crook pardoning another.

Economy[edit]

President Arroyo, President Bush and other state leaders at the 2004 APEC Trade
Summit
Arroyo, a practicing economist, has made the economy the focus of her presidency.
Based on official (National Economic and Development Authority) figures, economic
growth in terms of gross domestic product has averaged 5.0% during the Arroyo
presidency from 2001 up to the first quarter of 2008.[37] This is higher than in the
administration of the previous recent presidents: 3.8% average of Aquino, 3.7%
average of Ramos, and 3.7%[38] average of the Joseph Estrada administration. The
Philippine economy grew at its fastest pace in three decades in 2007, with real GDP
growth exceeding 7%.[39] Arroyo's handling of the economy has earned praise from
former "friend" and classmate in Georgetown, ex-US President Bill Clinton, who cited
her "tough decisions" that put the Philippine economy back in shape.[40]

Whether the official economic figures are accurate, or how they translate to
improving lives of the citizens, however, is debatable. Studies made by the United

Nations (UN) and local survey research firms show worsening, instead of improving,
poverty levels. A comparative 2008 UN report shows that the Philippines lags
behind its Asian neighbors, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam and China, in terms of
poverty amelioration. The study reveals that from 2003 up to 2006, the number of
poor Filipinos increased by 3.8 million, with poverty incidence being approximately
three times higher in agricultural communities.[41] With regards the problem of
hunger, quarterly studies by the social polling research firm Social Weather Stations
show that the number of Filipino households suffering from hunger has significantly
increased during Arroyo's presidency. Her administration first set the record for
hunger levels in March 2001, and beginning June 2004, broke the record again
seven times. December 2008 figures saw the new record high of 23.7%, or
approximately 4.3 million households, of Filipino families experiencing involuntary
hunger.[42]

A controversial expanded value added tax (e-VAT) law, considered the centerpiece
of the Arroyo administration's economic reform agenda,[43] was implemented in
November 2005, aiming to complement revenue-raising efforts that could plug the
country's large budget deficit. The country aims to balance the national budget by
2010. The tax measure boosted confidence in the government's fiscal capacity and
helped to strengthen the Philippine peso, making it East Asia's best performing
currency in 2005-06.[44] The peso strengthened by nearly 20% in 2007, making it
by far Asia's best performing currency for the year, a fact attributed to a
combination of increased remittances from overseas Filipino workers and a strong
domestic economy.[45]

Annual inflation reached the 17-year high of 12.5 percent in August 2008, up from a
record low of 2.8 percent registered in 2007. It eased to 8.8 percent in December
2008 as fuel and energy prices went down.[46]

The managing director of the World Bank, Juan Jose Daboub, criticized the
administration for not doing enough to curb corruption.[47][48]

Early in her presidency, Arroyo implemented a controversial policy of holiday

economics, adjusting holidays to form longer weekends with the purpose of
boosting domestic tourism and allowing Filipinos more time with their families.[49]

Charter change[edit]

In 2005, Arroyo initiated a movement for an overhaul of the constitution to

transform the present presidential-bicameral republic into a federal parliamentaryunicameral form of government.[50] At her 2005 State of the Nation Address, she
claimed "The system clearly needs fundamental change, and the sooner the better.
It's time to start the great debate on Charter Change".[51]

In late 2006, the House of Representatives shelved a plan to revise the constitution
through constituent assembly.[52]

Executive Order No. 464 and calibrated preemptive response[edit]

In late September 2005, Arroyo issued an executive order stating that
demonstrations without permits would be pre-emptively stopped. Then members of
the military testified in Congressional hearings that they were defying a direct order
not to testify about their knowledge of the election scandal. There is the issuance of
Executive Order No. 464 forbidding government officials under the executive
department from appearing in congressional inquiries without President Arroyo's
prior consent.[53] These measures were challenged before the Supreme Court,
which apparently declared some sections as unconstitutional.

Human rights[edit]
A May 2006 Amnesty International report expressed concern over the sharp rise in
vigilante killings of militant activists and community workers in the Philippines.[54]
Task Force Usig, a special police unit tasked to probe reported extra-judicial killings,
by state run death squads counts 115 murders and says most of these are the
result of an internal purge by communist rebels.[55] Human rights groups put the
number as high as 830.

These violations were alleged to have been committed against left-leaning

organizations and party-list groups including BAYAN, Bayan Muna and Anakpawis.
These organizations accuse the Philippine National Police and Armed Forces of the
Philippines for the deaths of these political opponents. Arroyo has condemned
political killings "in the harshest possible terms" and urged witnesses to come
forward. "The report, which Melo submitted to Arroyo last month, reportedly linked
state security forces to the murder of militants and recommended that military
officials, notably retired major general Jovito Palparan, be held liable under the
principle of command responsibility for killings in their areas of assignment."[56]
[57] [58] [59] [60]

General Palparan who retired September 11, 2006 has been appointed by President
Arroyo to be part of the Security Council. This has alarmed left-leaning political
parties about the potential for human rights violations.[61]

An independent commission was assembled in August 2006 to investigate the

killings. Headed by former Supreme Court Justice Jose Melo, the group known as the
Melo Commission concluded that most of the killings were instigated by the Armed
Forces of the Philippines, but found no proof linking the murder of activists to a
"national policy" as claimed by the left-wing groups. On the other hand, the report
"linked state security forces to the murder of militants and recommended that
military officials, notably retired major general Jovito Palparan, be held liable under
the principle of command responsibility for killings in their areas of assignment."[55]
Stricter anti-terror laws have also caused some concern in recent years.

Under Arroyo's government, the Philippines has become second only to Iraq as the
world's riskiest place to report the news, with 23 journalists killed since 2003[62]

In her July 23, 2007 State of the Nation Address, Arroyo has set out her agenda for
her last three years in office, and called for legislation to deal with a spate of
political killings that have brought international criticism to her presidency. She
promised to bring peace to the troubled south, and also defended a controversial
new anti-terrorism legislation. Arroyo told the joint session of Congress that "I would
rather be right than popular."[63] Lawmakers and lawyers, however, were dismayed
by the SONA's failure to highlight and address this major hindrance to human rights.
Specifically, the Alternative Law Groups (ALG) echoed the lawmakers position that
Mrs Arroyo failed to take responsibility for the problem.[64]

In 2007, incidences of extrajudicial killings dropped 87%, with the decline attributed
to the creation of a special task force to handle the killings.[65]

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo visited by United States Marines.

Amnesty proclamation[edit]

On September 5, 2007, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo signed Amnesty

Proclamation 1377 for members of the Communist Party of the Philippines and its
armed wing, the New People's Army; other communist rebel groups; and their
umbrella organization, the National Democratic Front. The amnesty will cover the
crime of rebellion and all other crimes "in pursuit of political beliefs," but not
including crimes against chastity, rape, torture, kidnapping for ransom, use and
trafficking of illegal drugs and other crimes for personal ends and violations of
international law or convention and protocols "even if alleged to have been
committed in pursuit of political beliefs." The National Committee on Social
Integration (NCSI) will issue a Certificate of Amnesty to qualified applicants.
Implementing rules and regulations are being drafted and the decree will be
submitted to the Senate of the Philippines and the House of Representatives for
their concurrence. The proclamation becomes effective only after Congress has
concurred.[66]

Foreign Policies[edit]
See also: List of presidential trips made by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
Iraq War[edit]
Main article: Iraq War
The Arroyo administration has forged a strong relationship with the United States.
Arroyo was one of the first world leaders who expressed support for the US-led
coalition against global terrorism in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001
attacks, and remains one of its closest allies in the war on terror.[67] Following the
US-led invasion of Iraq, in July 2003 the Philippines sent a small humanitarian
contingent which included medics and engineers. These troops were recalled in July
2004 in response to the kidnapping of Filipino truck driver Angelo de la Cruz.[67]
With the hostage takers demands met, the hostage was released.[67] The force was
previously due to leave Iraq the following month.[67] The early pullout drew
international condemnation, with the United States protesting against the action,
saying giving in to terrorist demands should not be an option.[67]

ASEAN Summit[edit]
Arroyo's foreign policy is anchored on building strong ties with the United States,
East Asian and Southeast Asian nations, and countries where overseas Filipino
workers work and live.[68] In 2007, the Philippines was host to the 12th ASEAN
Summit in Cebu City.

Philippines-Japan Trade Deal[edit]

On August 21, 2007, Arroyo's administration asked the Senate of the Philippines to
ratify a $4 billion (2 billion) trade deal with Japan (signed on 2006 with the former
Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi), which would create more than 300,000
jobs (by specifically increasing local exports such as shrimp to Japan). Japan also
promised to hire at least 1,000 Philippine nurses. The opposition-dominated senate
objected on the ground that toxic wastes would be sent to the Philippines; the
government denied this due to the diplomatic notes which stated that it would not
be accepting Japanese waste in exchange for economic concessions.[69]

Council of Women World Leaders[edit]

In keeping with this international mission, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is a
member of the Council of Women World Leaders, an International network of current
and former women presidents and prime ministers whose mission is to mobilize the
highest-level women leaders globally for collective action on issues of critical
importance to women and equitable development.

Pardons[edit]
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo granted pardon the following:

Former President Joseph Estrada (2007) - convicted of plunder

Pablo Martnez (2007) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Claudio Teehankee, Jr. (2008) - convicted of murder
Rogelio Moreno (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of
Benigno Aquino, Jr.
Rubn Aquino (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Arnulfo Artates (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Romeo Bautista (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of
Benigno Aquino, Jr.

Jess Castro (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Arnulfo De Mesa (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of
Benigno Aquino, Jr.
Rodolfo Desolong (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of
Benigno Aquino, Jr.
Claro Lat (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Ernesto Mateo (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of Benigno
Aquino, Jr.
Filomeno Miranda (2009) - convicted for being involved in the Assassination of
Benigno Aquino, Jr.
Former Congressman Romeo Jalosjos (2009) - convicted of rape
Controversies[edit]
Fertilizer Fund Scam[edit]
Main article: Fertilizer Fund Scam
The Fertilizer Fund Scam is a Philippine political controversy involving accusations
that Agriculture Undersecretary Jocelyn Bolante diverted P728 million in fertilizer
funds to the 2004 election campaign of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Hello Garci Controversy[edit]

Main article: Hello Garci scandal
In the middle of 2005, Samuel Ong who is a former deputy director of the country's
National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) claimed to have audio tapes of wiretapped
conversations between President Arroyo and an official of the Commission on
Elections. According to Ong, the contents of the tape prove that the 2004 national
election was rigged by Arroyo in order to win by around one million votes. On June
27, Arroyo admitted to inappropriately speaking to a Comelec official, claiming it
was a "lapse in judgement", but denied influencing the outcome of the election.
Attempts to impeach Arroyo failed later that year.

Two witnesses, Antonio Rasalan and Clinton Colcol, stepped forward in August 2006,
claiming involvement in an alleged plot to alter the results for the May 2004

elections. Rasalan claimed that he was fully convinced that the election returns
presented at the House of Representatives were manufactured and had replaced
the original documents.

Colcol, a tabulator for the Commission on Elections (Comelec), said that Arroyo only
received 1,445 votes, while Poe received 2,141 in South Upi, Maguindanao during
the May 2004 elections.[70][71]

On January 25, 2008, Pulse Asia survey (commissioned by Genuine Opposition (GO)
per former Senator Sergio Osmea III) stated that 58% percent of Filipinos in
Mindanao believed that President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo cheated in the Philippine
general election, 2004. 70% also "believed that because of recurring allegations of
election fraud, the credibility of the balloting process in Mindanao was at a record
low."[72]

National Broadband Network Scandal[edit]

Main article: Philippine National Broadband Network controversy
The Philippine National Broadband Network controversy is a political affair that
centers upon allegations of corruption primarily involving Former Commission on
Elections (COMELEC) Chairman Benjamin Abalos, First Gentleman Mike Arroyo and
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo regarding the proposed government-managed
National Broadband Network (NBN) for the Philippines and the awarding of its
construction to the Chinese firm Zhong Xing Telecommunication Equipment
Company Limited (ZTE), a telecommunications and networking equipment provider.

The issue has captivated Filipino politics since it erupted in Philippine media around
August 2007, largely through the articles of newspaper columnist Jarius Bondoc of
the Philippine Star. It has also taken an interesting turn of events, including the
resignation of Abalos as COMELEC chairman, the alleged bribery of congressmen
and provincial governors (dubbed as "Bribery in the Palace"), the unseating of Jose
de Venecia, Jr. as House Speaker, and the alleged "kidnapping" of designated
National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) consultant-turned-NBN/ZTE
witness Rodolfo Noel "Jun" Lozada, Jr.

Controversial Dinner party and Ondoy[edit]

Again, a serious blow marked another controversy in the Philippines. In late July
2009, Arroyo went to New York City to dine with her friends at a lush Le Cirque
restaurant and was highly criticized for her supposed outlandish dinner at Le Cirque
with the Philippine delegation during her visit to the United States. President Arroyo
and her group reportedly had dinner for the cost of $20,000 or P1,000,000 as
reported in the New York Post (few days before Corazon Aquino died). This has been
linked to corruption and anti-Gloria protests to sprawl anger among the poor, and
more people went hungry as a result of rising hunger, and also, anti-Gloria coup
attempts. In September 2009, Tropical Storm Ondoy became devastative
throughout Metro Manila and Luzon leaving 464 people dead and resulted to
massive flooding and landslides. After Benigno Aquino III took office on June 30,
2010, he criticized Arroyo and PAGASA for lack of disaster preparedness and new
equipment in the aftermath of Ondoy, Chief Administrator Prisco Nilo was fired and
resigned for having a fool-proof forecast as the typhoon struck the metropolis.

Northrail Controversy[edit]
The Northrail project is being surrounded by a controversy since 1997, Arroyo
signed a Memorandum of agreement with Sinomach and other contractors in 2004,
to construct a rail line from Caloocan to Clark Special Economic Zone once to be
completed in 2010. Many opposition senators and congressmen opposed that the
project could cost US$500 million and this has been led to corruption in the Arroyo
cabinet and even her, and also a series of cancellations. After it was constructed
from 2009-2010, again, it eventually cancelled in March 2011, no plans and
substitute foreign support (Japan for example) to continue the project.

End of Presidency[edit]
In November 2009, Arroyo formally declared her intention to run for a seat in the
House of Representatives representing the 2nd District of Pampanga, making her
the second Philippine President - after Jose P. Laurel - to pursue a lower office after
the expiration of their presidency.[73] A petition seeking to disqualify Arroyo from
the race was dismissed by the Comelec for lack of merit, a decision which was later
affirmed by the Supreme Court.[74] With little serious competition, she was elected
to congress in May 2010 with a landslide victory.[75] After receiving final military
honors at the inauguration ceremony of incoming President Benigno Aquino III, she
headed straight to Pampanga for her own oath-taking as congresswoman.[76]

Arrest[edit]

Arroyo was arrested on 18 November 2011 after a Pasay court issued a warrant of
arrest against her. This followed the filing of a complaint for electoral sabotage by
COMELEC. The arrest warrant was served at St. Luke's Medical Center, Taguig where
Arroyo had been confined. This and others resulted to corruption charges including
her husband Mikeand son Mikey. She has been detained at the Veterans Memorial
Medical Center in Quezon City since 9 December 2011.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Benigno_Aquino_III
The Presidency of Benigno S. Aquino III began at noon on June 30, 2010, when he
became the fifteenth President of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria MacapagalArroyo. Aquino is the third-youngest person to be elected president, and the fourthyoungest president after Emilio Aguinaldo, Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand
Marcos.[2] Aquino is the first president to be a bachelor, being unmarried and
having no children.[2] Aquino is the second president not to drink alcoholic
beverages; the first president not to drink alcohol was Emilio Aguinaldo.[2] Aquino is
the eighth president to be a smoker.[2] Aquino is the first graduate of Ateneo de
Manila University to become president.[2] Aquino is the third president who will only
hold office in Malacaan Palace, but not be a resident, following Corazon Aquino and
Fidel V. Ramos.[2] Aquino is the first president to make Bahay Pangarap his official
residence.[3][4] Aquino is the third president to use his second given name, Simeon,
as his middle initial, as Manuel L. Quezon and Jos P. Laurel did.[5][2][1] Aquino is
the second president to be a child of a former president, his mother was former
President Corazon Aquino; the first president to be a child of a former president was
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who is the daughter of former President
Diosdado Macapagal.
No wang-wang policy[edit]
During the inaugural address, Aquino created the no wang-wang policy,
strengthening the implementation of Presidential Decree No. 96.[20][21] The term
wang-wang is a street lingo for blaring sirens.[22] Presidential Decree No. 96 was
issued on January 13, 1973 by former President Ferdinand Marcos, regulating the
use of sirens, bells, whistles, horns and other similar devices only to motor vehicles
designated for the use of the President, Vice President, Senate President, House
Speaker, Chief Justice, Philippine National Police, Armed Forces of the Philippines,
National Bureau of Investigation, Land Transportation Office, Bureau of Fire
Protection and ambulances.[20][21] However, despite having the privilege of using
wang-wang, Aquino maintained he would set the example for his no wang-wang
policy, not to use wang-wang, even if it means being stuck in traffic and being late
every now and then.[23][24] Aquino also traded the official black presidential
Mercedes Benz S-Guard limousine for a white Toyota Land Cruiser 200.[23] After the
inaugural address, the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority began to enforce

Aquino's no wang-wang policy, confiscating wang-wang from public officials and

private motorists who illegally used them.[21]

Launch of official presidential website[edit]

On August 16, 2010, Aquino launches his official presidential website. The
presidential website's aim is to create communication between Aquino and the
people, getting feedback from the people, telling Aquino their woes and grievances.
[38]

PAGASA Reorientation[edit]
On July 14, 2010, the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC) called an
emergency meeting in Camp Aguinaldo to assess the damage caused by Typhoon
Basyang.[39] Aquino attended the meeting to obtain information on the damage
caused by Typhoon Basyang and to personally monitor the repair and recovery work
in the aftermath of the typhoon.[39] In the meeting, Aquino criticized the Philippine
Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) for
failing to predict and to warn the residents of Metro Manila that Typhoon Basyang
would ravage Metropolitan Manila.[39][40]

On August 6, 2010, Aquino announced the removal of Prisco Nilo as administrator of

PAGASA.[41] PAGASA was directly under Department of Science and Technology
(DOST) Undersecretary for Research and Development (R&D) Graciano Yumul.[41] A
special order from DOST Secretary Mario Montejo, dated August 5, 2010, designated
Yumul as PAGASA administrator, replacing Nilo.[41] On August 7, 2010, Malacaang
announced that Yumul will be heading PAGASA temporarily, for only three months,
as PAGASA will undergo a "reorientation" to improve its services.[42] Aquino has yet
to name the new administrator who will permanently head PAGASA.[42]

Education reform[edit]
During Aquino's first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Aquino announced his
intention to reform the education system in the Philippines by shifting to K12
education, a 12-year basic education cycle.[43] K12 education is used in the United
States, Canada, and Australia.

Reproductive health[edit]

On September 30, 2010, Bishop Nereo Odchimar of Tandag, head of the Catholic
Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), said that Aquino might face
excommunication from the Catholic Church for supporting the Reproductive Health
Bill, the plan to distribute and give Filipino couples the choice to use contraceptives
for artificial birth control.[44] However, despite the possibility of excommunication,
Aquino said that he is not changing his position on contraceptive use.[44] In January
2013, Aquino signed legislation which funds contraceptives for poor individuals; the
law has been challenged in the Philippine Supreme Court.[45]
2013 Midterm Elections[edit]
Main article: Philippine general election, 2013
Legislative and local elections were held in the Philippines on May 13, 2013.
Positions contested included half the seats in the Senate, which are elected for sixyear terms, and all the seats in the House of Representatives, who were elected for
three-year terms. The duly elected legislators of the 2013 elections joined the
elected senators of the 2010 elections to comprise the 16th Congress of the
Philippines. Aquino's Team PNoy coalition won 9 senate seats and 112 seats in the
house.

Manila hostage crisis[edit]

Main article: Manila hostage crisis
On August 23, 2010, in front of the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, the site
of Aquino's presidential inauguration, the Manila hostage crisis occurred. Aquino
expressed concern over the matter and gave his condolences to the victims. Aquino
defended the actions of the police at the scene, stating that the gunman had not
shown any signs of wanting to kill the hostages.[54] Aquino ordered a "thorough
investigation" into the incident, and would wait until it is completed before deciding
whether anyone should lose his or her job.[54][55] Aquino declared that the media
may have worsened the situation by giving the gunman "a bird's-eye view of the
entire situation".[55] Aquino also made reference to the Moscow theater hostage
crisis, which, according to Aquino, resulted in "more severe" casualties despite
Russia's "resources and sophistication".[56] On August 24, 2010, Aquino signed
Proclamation No. 23, declaring August 25, 2010, as a national day of mourning,
instructing all public institutions nationwide and all Philippine embassies and
consulates overseas to lower the Philippine flag at half-mast, in honor of the eight
Hong Kong residents who died in the Manila hostage crisis.[57][58] On August 27,
2019, at a press conference in Malacaang, Aquino apologized to those offended
when he was caught on television apparently smiling while being interviewed at the
crime scene hours after the Manila hostage crisis.[59] Aquino said;

"My smile might have been misunderstood. I have several expressions. I smile when
I'm happy, I smile when I'm faced with a very absurd situation...and if I offended
certain people, I apologize to them. It's more of an expression maybe of
exasperation rather than anything and again, I apologize if I offended certain
people, who misunderstood (my) facial expression."[59]

On September 3, 2010, Aquino took responsibility for everything that happened

during the Manila hostage crisis.[60] Aquino actually has direct supervision of the
Philippine National Police, since Aquino had asked Secretary of the Interior and Local
Government Jesse Robredo to address other concerns, such as coming up with a
comprehensive plan on delivering social services to and relocating informal settlers
in coordination with the local governments.[60]
The Mamasapano clash was an incident that occurred during a police operation,
codenamed Oplan Exodus, which took place on Sunday, January 25, 2015, at
Tukanalipao, Mamasapano, Maguindanao, by Special Action Force (SAF) of the
Philippine National Police (PNP) (allegedly joined by United States Army Special
Forces) against the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The operation was intended to capture or kill wanted
Malaysian terrorist and bomb-maker Zulkifli Abdhir and other Malaysian terrorists or
high-ranking members of the BIFF.

Originally a mission to serve arrest warrants for high-ranking terrorists, it led to the
deaths of 44 members of SAF, 18 from MILF and BIFF, and five civilians, and the
death of Zulkifli Abdhir confirmed by the FBI and the PNP at 6:30 p.m. of February 4,
2015, due to a matching DNA result. He was one of FBI's most wanted terrorists.
Getulio Napeas, the relieved SAF commander, estimates about 250 deaths from
his assumption that each SAF snipers may have taken down at least 20 opponents
from the combined MILF, BIFF, and private militias during the encounter although
this was not confirmed and was met with skepticism since aside from the fact that
there was no actual body count, there is no acceptable level of evidence to prove
his claim.[17][23][24] Napenas' estimate was also debunked by the MILF and by the
local government of Mamasapano.[25][26][27]

The mission itself was declared successful since the target was neutralized but the
ensuing firefight resulted in a tactical victory of MILF forces against the PNP SAF. The
severity of the policemen's situation prompted the government peace panel to
intervene and requested a ceasefire from the MILF. The Armed Forces of the

Philippines also conducted a rescue operation to save the remaining 29 SAF

survivors who were encircled by the enemies.[28][29]

The operation caught the attention of many[who?] for the relatively high number of
police officers killed. The clash has been dubbed as the biggest loss of government
elite force in history.[30] The mission was called Oplan Exodus, initially
misattributed as Oplan Wolverine by the local media. Oplan Wolverine refers to
three of the other nine prior operation attempts targeting Marwan; Oplan Wolverine
1, 2 and 3 launched in December 2012, March and May 2014 respectively.[21][31]
by the PNP-SAF. The incident caused the Philippine Congress to halt the passage of
the Bangsamoro Basic Law, effectively endangering the peace process between the
government and the MILF.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation later participated in identifying Zulkifli's body.

On Sunday, January 25, 2015, three platoons of the elite SAF police squad entered the guerrilla
enclave of Tukanalipao,Mindanao, Philippines, with the goal of detaining two high-ranking Jemaah
Islamiyah-affiliated, improvised-explosive-device experts, Zulkifli Abdhir (also known as Marwan)
and Abdul Basit Usman. The SAF troops raided the hut where they believed Marwan was located,
and the man they believe to be Marwan engaged them in a firefight and was killed. The SAF initially
planned to take his body for identification. However, the shooting alerted the BIFF and MILF 118th
Command in the area. The SAF had no time to retrieve the body so they just cut off a finger, took a
photo, and left his body there. By 6:18 AM UTC+8 (PST), an SMS message was sent by the
Commander of SAF 61D Battalion to SAF Director Getulio Napeas that they were pinned down at
coordinates 6.92489N 124.52047E.[4] What followed was a bloody encounter that left 44 SAF, 18
MILF, and 5 BIFF dead.
On Wednesday, February 4, 2015, the FBI confirmed to the PNP that the DNA sample from the
finger matched that of Marwan's brother detained in a U.S. facility.
A MILF spokesman accused the SAF squads of initiating the firefight, claiming that the rebels acted
in self-defense, and proposed the continuation of the peace process. [32]
Abu Misri Mama, BIFF spokesman, said that his rebel group's relationship with the MILF's 105th
Command headed by Ustadz Zacaria Guma is positive. We're all family, Mama commenting on
BIFF's relationship with Guma's unit. Mama said that there is no distinction between BIFF members
and members of Guma's unit and claims that all of them are either relatives or friends of each other.

It was reported that Guma's unit would engage other MILF units over disputes such as clan feuds. It
was also reported that Guma is not on good terms with other MILF units which Guma views as
"Munafiq", or hypocrites.[11]
A ranking military intelligence officer who spoke on condition of anonymity said that BIFF
leader Ameril Umbra Kato ordered the killing of the SAF members by his group and members of the
MILF involved in the incident. The official also quoted Kato as saying Leave no one alive and take
all their firearms, ammunition, and personal belongings. A colonel from the Philippine Army, who
also spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed the information and said that SAF personnel who
were still alive but wounded were shot dead by some BIFF members.[12]
A private armed group led by Datu Bahnarin Ampatuan was reportedly among those involved in the
killings of the SAF members. Bahnarin Ampatuan, who is also implicated in the Maguindanao
massacre case, is the brother of Mamasapano mayor Benzar Ampatuan. Bahnarin and Benzar
Amputuan were rivals at the 2010 Mayoral elections. Benzar expressed doubt of his brother's
participation and believes that Bahnarin would not associate himself with such groups like the BIFF
nor to people like Abdul Basit Usman who made an attempt to kill Benzar's grandfather.[13]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Rodrigo_Duterte
The presidency of Rodrigo Roa Duterte began on June 30, 2016 following his inauguration as the
16th President of the Philippines, succeeding Benigno Aquino III. Congresswoman Leni Robredo
from the 3rd district of Camarines Sur also took office as the 14th Vice President of the Philippines
on the same day, succeeding Jejomar Binay.

Rodrigo Duterte is the first president from Mindanao[2] and the oldest person to be elected president
of the Philippines.[2] He is also the first graduate of Lyceum of the Philippines University and San
Beda College of Law to become president,[2] the first president who had his marriage annulled,[2]
the first motorcycle-riding president,[2] the second Cebuano to become president (the first being
Sergio Osmea), the third Cebuano-speaking to become president (the first being Osmea and
second was Carlos P. Garcia), the fourth Visayan to become president (the first was Osmea,
second was Manuel Roxas, and the third was Garcia)[2] and the third mayor (of Davao City in his
case) to be elected president (the first former-mayor president was Emilio Aguinaldo of Cavite El
Viejo, and the second was Joseph Estrada of San Juan, Metro Manila).[2]

Shortly after his inauguration, Duterte held his first Cabinet meeting to lay out his plans for the
Cabinet, which included the establishment of a 24-hour complaint office covering the entire country
and advancing the country's disaster risk reduction management, lamenting its current status after
recalling his personal encounter with the previous administration's failure to address the lack of basic
needs of the victims of Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) in 2013.[7] He laid out his plan to decongest the
Ninoy Aquino International Airport in Manila, the country's main gateway, by transferring the
operations of domestic flights to Clark International Airport in Angeles, Pampanga and constructing a
road network between Angeles and Manila while his government reviews the possibility of
constructing a new airport at the Naval Station Sangley Point in Cavite.[8] He also advised the Civil
Aviation Authority of the Philippines not to provide him and his Cabinet officials with special priority
treatment different from ordinary citizens.[9] Duterte pointed out the healthcare in the Philippines,
saying that the country could learn from the healthcare in Cuba and ordered his Health Secretary,
Paulyn Ubial, to travel to Cuba.[10] Occurring twelve days prior to the announcement of the outcome
of the Philippines' arbitration case against China over the territorial disputes in the South China Sea,
Duterte said that he and his Foreign Secretary, Perfecto Yasay, Jr., will study the implications of the
ruling in order to better plan any further steps taken by the government to address the issue.[11][12]
[13] Duterte also expressed his willingness to stop the online gambling industry.[14] After the Cabinet
meeting, President Duterte met with representatives from militant groups to discuss the "Peoples
Agenda for Change" plan.[15]

On July 1, 2016, a day after the inauguration, President Duterte attended the change-of-command
ceremonies for the new Philippine National Police chief Ronald de la Rosa[16] and the new Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) chief-of-staff Ricardo Visaya.[17] During the AFP's change-ofcommand rites, Duterte personally and briefly met his Vice President Leni Robredo for the first time.
[18]

Vice President Leni Robredo pays a courtesy call on President Duterte at the Malacaang Palace,
July 4, 2016
Robredo later paid a courtesy call on Duterte in the Malacaang Palace on July 4, 2016.[19] Three
days later, Duterte appointed Robredo to a Cabinet position (as the head of the Housing and Urban
Development Coordinating Council).[20] Duterte earlier said that he had no plans to appoint
Robredo to a Cabinet position due to his unfamiliarity with her and his friendship with Bongbong
Marcos, Robredo's closest rival in the vice presidential election.[21] (In relation to this friendship with
Marcos, Duterte had earlier announced on May 23 that he would make good his campaign promise
to allow the immediate transfer of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos' remains from the former

President's home province to the Libingan ng mga Bayani [Heroes' Cemetery].[22] The controversial
burial with honors has been scheduled for September).

President Duterte issued his first executive order on July 4, entitled "Reengineering the Office of the
President Towards Greater Responsiveness to the Attainment of Development Goals". In the
executive order, 12 agencies under the Office of the President who focused on anti-poverty
programs, including Cooperative Development Authority, Housing and Urban Development
Coordinating Council, National Anti-Poverty Commission, National Commission on Indigenous
Peoples, National Commission on Muslim Filipinos, National Food Authority, National Youth
Commission, Office of the President-Presidential Action Center, Philippine Coconut Authority,
Presidential Commission on the Urban Poor, Philippine Commission on Women, and Technical
Education and Skills Development Authority, will be placed under the supervision of Cabinet
Secretary Leoncio Evasco, Jr.[23]

On July 5, 2016, President Duterte bared the five top police officials who were allegedly involved in
illegal drug trade, calling them as "protectors" of drug lords and syndicates, during the celebration of
the 69th anniversary of the Philippine Air Force at Clark Air Base in Pampanga.[24] In a televised
press conference on July 7, 2016, Duterte revealed that Marcelo Garbo, one of the accused police
generals is a protector of three big time drug lords namely, Wu Tuan alias Peter Co, Peter Lim alias
Jaguar and Herbert Colangco alias Ampang.[25]

On July 8, 2016, President Duterte went back to Davao City to witness the Mindanao Hariraya Eidl
Fitr 2016 convention, coinciding with the end of the Ramadan season. The convention was attended
by different Muslim communities in Mindanao.[26] Duterte said he will end insurgency and war
conflicts in the Mindanao, before the term ends, through peace negotiations between the
government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) and other Moro groups.[27] Duterte noted that the intervention of foreign countries, including
the United States, caused the worsened war situation in the Middle East countries including Iraq and
Libya.[28]

On July 12, 2016, President Duterte has named Finance Undersecretary Gil Beltran as the "Anti-Red
Tape Czar".[29] The following day, Duterte met with House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte, Jr., and her
daughter, Quezon City Vice Mayor Joy Belmonte, the top officials of the Asian Development Bank
and Cebu Archbishop Emeritus Ricardo Cardinal Vidal for a series of courtesy calls and meetings.
[30] On July 14, President Duterte attended the thanksgiving dinner organized by his fellow alumni

from the San Beda College of Law at the Club Filipino, San Juan.[31] President Duterte has offered
former President Fidel V. Ramos to become the Philippines' special envoy to China on the planned
bilateral talks between two countries, in connection with the ongoing South China Sea (West
Philippine Sea) dispute.[32]

On July 18, 2016, President Duterte, together with Philippine Sports Commission (PSC) chairman
Butch Ramirez and Philippine Olympic Committee (POC) president Jose Cojuangco Jr., led the
send-off ceremonies for the Philippine delegation in the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil at the Rizal Hall of Malacaang.[33] After the send-off, Duterte met with Miss Universe 2015
Pia Wurtzbach for a courtesy call to discuss the possibility of the Philippines hosting next year's Miss
Universe.[34] Two days before his first State of the Nation Address, on July 23, President Duterte
signed the Freedom of Information Order that covered all offices under the executive branch.[35]

Duterte delivers his first State of the Nation Address, July 25, 2016
On July 25, 2016, President Duterte delivered his first State of the Nation Address.[36]

On July 27, 2016, President Duterte met with United States Secretary of State John Kerry, the first
foreign minister Duterte met with as president and the highest ranking diplomat he met with since his
inauguration, to discuss cooperation between the Philippines and the United States under the
Duterte administration following the Permanent Court of Arbitration's ruling in favor of the Philippines
against China's claim over the territorial disputes in the South China Sea.[37][38] Later that day, the
first National Security Council meeting under the Duterte presidency was held. It was attended by
former presidents and NSC members Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and
Benigno Aquino III, together with Vice President Leni Robredo, Senate President Koko Pimentel,
House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez, and other cabinet secretaries.[39]

August[edit]
On August 1, 2016, President Duterte led a mass oath-taking ceremony of 23 newly appointed
government officials. Shortly after the oath taking, Duterte made a press conference to the
journalists of the privately-owned media outfits, the first since Duterte announced his so-called
boycott on media.[40]

On August 7, 2016, President Duterte, who was at the wake of four soldiers killed in an encounter
with communist rebels in Camp Panacan, Davao City, delivered his I am sorry for my country speech
wherein he named local government officials, court judges and police officers who are all involved in
illegal drug trade.[41][42]