November Report: Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE
OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

NOVEMBER 2015 REPORT
MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS
NOVEMBER 2015 REPORT
Published by
African Centre for Media Excellence
Plot 124 Nanjala Road (Bunga-Soya), off Ggaba Road
P. O Box 11283 Kampala, Uganda
Tel: +256393202351
info@acme.org
www.acme-ug.org
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Twitter: @ACME_Uganda
CopyrightACME 2015
Layout and Design
Harriet Anena
hanena@acme-ug.org
November 2015 Report
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This report is published with support from the Democratic
Governance Facility (DGF), which has funded ACMEs project on
monitoring media coverage of the 2016 elections. We are grateful for
the partnership with DGF.
Several individuals have contributed to the report and we single
out a few. Project Manager Mohles Kalule Segululigamba, technical
advisor George Lugalambi, and statisticians Yusuf Mulumba and
Brian Ssenabulya. We also recognise the contribution of ACME staff
Peter G. Mwesige and Harriet Anena.
ACME would also like to thank the panel of advisors that reviews the
findings every month before they are shared with the public. Panel
members are David Ouma Balikowa, Charlotte Kawesa Ntulume,
William Tayeebwa, Patricia Litho and Joseph Ssemakula.
ACME further thanks the coders who tirelessly entered data and the
research assistants who recorded broadcast content.
ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................3
Background..................................................................................................3
The Media and Elections..........................................................................................4
Monitoring Media Coverage....................................................................................5
Media Coverage of Previous Elections.................................................................7

Monitoring/Research Questions...........................................................................9
METHODOLOGY....................................................................................11
Scope of the Monitoring.........................................................................................11
Sample and Sampling Methods............................................................................11
Methods of Data Collection..................................................................................15
THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................18

Legal Framework.......................................................................................................18
Media Ownership and Diversity........................................................................21
Standards and Quality of Reporting...............................................................24

Experience.........................................................................................................25
Freedom to Report....................................................................................................26
FINDINGS.........................................................................................................27
Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................27

Type of Election Covered........................................................................................29
Space Allocation to Elections................................................................................30
Most Covered Presidential Aspirant...................................................................32
Front Page Coverage................................................................................................37

Most Covered Topics................................................................................................39
Tone.............................................................................................................42
Reporting Approach.................................................................................................47
Issues vs. Personalities...........................................................................................50
Background and Context in Reporting...........................................................53
Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises.........................................56

Sources of Information in Election Reporting.............................................59
Gender of Sources.....................................................................................................63
Number of Sources...................................................................................................66
CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................69
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper coverage
of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
November 2015. Following are the key findings:
The volume of election stories continued to grow, driven largely by

the intensification of political activities such as the nomination of
presidential candidates earlier in the month and the start of official
campaigns. The number of newspaper stories grew to 920 from 493
in November. The five television stations monitored produced 488
stories, an impressive return that translates into an average of three
stories per station per day. Radio, however, somehow lagged behind.
The 33 stations monitored carried 1,175 stories, which translates
into an average of just one story each per day.
The presidential election continued to attract more coverage than
the parliamentary election, taking up 72% of newspaper coverage
and 85% of television and 67.6% of radio time alloted to elections.
Incumbent Yoweri Museveni turned the tables and was the most
covered presidential candidate in November across all three media
platforms (in terms of space and time). He took up 39% of newspaper
space, 32.8% of TV and 39.3% of radio airtime. Mbabazi, who came in
second, took up 25.7% of newspaper space, 24.2% of TV and 27.5%
of radio airtime.
UBC TV accorded the biggest percentage of its airtime (43.9%)
to Museveni. The public broadcaster is mandated by law to offer
equitable coverage to all presidential candidates. This did not
happen in November.
President Museveni also received the most front page coverage
(31.5%) in November, followed by Mbabazi (28.8%) and Besigye
(21%).
Politics was the most covered topic in November, taking up 28.1%

space in newspapers, 29.7% of time on television and 41.8% on radio.
However, there was a notable drop in the proportion of attention
dedicated to politics among newspapers as other issues such as
economy, education and infrastructure gained traction.
The tone of coverage was mostly neutral across all the three media
platforms. The neutral tone took up 56.4% of the coverage, on
television it was 62.1% and on radio 60%.
The conventional reporting approach was dominant across all

three media platforms 75.3% in newspapers, 84.9% on television
and 73.3% on radio. All three offered little by way of investigation,
enterprise, and interpretation.
The percentage of election stories that did not contain background
and context was alarming, particularly on radio where it was 47.6%.
In a majority of election stories, journalists did not interrogate

claims and promises made by the presidential candidates. Among
the newspapers, claims were not questioned in 62.2% of cases, on
television it was 70.8%, and on radio 70%.
Presidential candidates were the most cited sources in newspaper
(33.6%), television (45.6%) and radio coverage (37.8%). Party
officials, ordinary persons, and parliamentary candidates were
among top source categories.
Women remained largely on the margins as sources, within men
continuing to dominate the election conversation. Men featured as
sources 84.9% in newspapers, 87.4% on television, and 88.6% on
radio.
These findings suggest that the enthusiasm that the media have shown in
covering the elections needs to be matched with a similar dedication to
providing depth and perspective, to holding the candidates accountable
to the public, and to putting the voter first.
INTRODUCTION
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper coverage
of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
November 2015. Comprehensive findings on the quantity and the quality
of coverage in nine newspapers, five television stations and more than
two dozen radio stations are presented and discussed.
Background
In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

funding from the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF) to monitor
media coverage of the 2016 elections. This specialized effort is part of
CEON-Ugandas observation of the elections, which has been funded also
by DGF. CEON-Uganda comprises 18 civil society organisations led by the
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative. The overall objective of CEON-U
is to enhance the integrity of the election process through deterring and
exposing irregularities. CEON-Us specific objectives are:
1. To regularly and objectively document and expose issues related
to or affecting the integrity of the electoral process.
2. To raise awareness and engage key stakeholders on electoral observation findings and recommendations.
3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

women and men in the electoral process.
4. To mitigate the potential for election-related violence.
As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

noted, given the key role the media play in elections, any observation
effort should pay significant attention to the activities of the media and
their coverage of elections.1 Media monitoring can document whether
1 OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (2012). Handbook on Media Monitoring for Election
Observation Missions. Warsaw, Poland.
coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted the process.

But it can also be a process of constructive intervention whereby gaps
in, and concerns about, coverage are addressed before the elections.
ACME intended this project to do both.
The purpose of ACMEs media monitoring project, therefore, is to assess
the nature of media coverage of the 2016 elections, document whether
it contributes to a free and fair election or subverts the electoral process,
and promote professionalism in media coverage. The goal is to contribute
to accurate, fair, impartial and balanced coverage of the 2016 elections.
The specific objectives are:
1. To monitor, document and share trends in media coverage of the
2016 general elections.
2. To monitor media compliance with election reporting guidelines
and regulations.
3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

information that is more accurate, impartial and fair.
4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

professional standards in media coverage of elections.
Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

the elections, the innovation with this project is that ACME will issue
monthly reports that will be discussed with stakeholders ranging from
senior media managers to political party representatives well ahead of
the elections.
The media and elections
Fully functioning democracies are associated with periodic free and fair
elections where all contesting political viewpoints are fairly and equitably
communicated through the media so that voters have an opportunity to
make informed choices/decisions as to who their leaders will be. Media
coverage of elections from the process of making electoral laws, the

campaigns, voting, through to the post-polling period is critical in any
democracy. When the media get it right, voters are able to understand the
issues and choices before them by hearing all the different viewpoints.
Voters are also given an opportunity to discuss the issues and express
themselves.
For an electoral process to qualify as free and fair, not only must the
election unfold in adequate political and administrative conditions,
but citizens must also have access to sufficient information about the
parties, candidates and voting procedures to ensure that they will make
an enlightened and valid choice. Elections will only be free if all players
candidates, political parties, citizens, civil society and, of course,
journalists can express themselves on all matters of public concern.
The media play five essential roles in the electoral process:
Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

opinions amongst the different contending groups and citizens.
Acting as a watchdog for fairness during election campaigning
and polling.
Educating the public about election processes.
Providing voice to the voters.2
Monitoring media coverage
Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards

that are expected to help the media perform the essential roles already
identified. The standards include, but are not limited to, the following:
2 Marie-Soleil Frre (2010). The Media and Elections in Post-Conflict Central African Countries. Brussels: University
of Brussels.
Accuracy of reporting
Dedication of space and time to elections
Distinguishing between news and opinion

Use of and reliance on multiple sources
Corrections and the right of reply
Focus on a diversity of issues
Equitable coverage of the candidates

Balance and fairness in reporting
A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage

Interrogation of candidate promises and claims
Provision of adequate background and context
Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the voters

Rejection of bribery of journalists
Independence of media houses and journalists
Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

for Media Coverage of Elections in Uganda against which the media
monitoring was benchmarked. Based on international standards and
best practices but sensitive to the Ugandan context, these guidelines,
which were published by ACME, highlight the responsibilities and
obligations of the media regarding election coverage and reporting. They
were developed through a participatory process, and most media houses
signed on to them. In August and September 2015, ACME engaged media
owners and managers in order to generate consensus on the use of the
guidelines as the yardstick for media coverage and monitoring.
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Media coverage of previous elections

Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that
the media often fall short of the roles and standards already outlined. In
particular, the following gaps have been observed in media coverage of
elections in Uganda.3
Disproportionate coverage of the incumbent (president) and ruling
party on state/public media
Although both the Constitution and electoral laws provide for equal
access to candidates on state or public media, in all previous elections
the latter have been accused of paying disproportionate attention to
the activities of the incumbent and ruling party at the expense of the
challengers and the opposition. This practice denies the viewing/
listening public access to adequate information against which to judge
all sides in the election.
Denial of access to state/public media by opposition candidates
State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

opposition candidates in complete violation of the Constitution and
electoral laws. This was one of the grounds cited by opposition leader
Kizza Besigye in his unsuccessful petition against the re-election of
President Yoweri Museveni in 2006. During the campaigns ahead of the
2011 elections, Dr Besigye, the main challenger, was again denied access
to public/state broadcaster UBC and the campaign advertisements he
had paid for were never featured. Again, this practice denies the viewing
public access to adequate information against which to judge all sides in
an electoral contest.
3 See e.g. Memonet (2011). Uganda media coverage of the 2011 elections: final media
monitoring report. Kampala.
Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage

The media have also been accused of focusing more on the drama and
daily routine of the election campaign at the expense of the issues. They
also tend to report the election as an event rather than a process. This
practice denies the public not only information but also the context
within which to judge candidates, parties, electoral authorities, as well
the process.
No serious interrogation of candidate claims and promises
The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

promises made by candidates similarly denies the public access to
complete information against which to judge those offering themselves
for public office.
Disproportionate attention to candidates and political parties at the
expense of voters
It has been said that voters are the most critical players in elections.
Unfortunately, it has been pointed out that media coverage in Uganda, as
in many other countries, tends to pay far more attention to the candidates
and their parties than to the voters. Lost in this kind of reporting, for
instance, are the issues that matter most to the voters as well as their
own evolving evaluation of the electoral process.
Attempts by political actors, especially those in government, to influence
visuals in newspapers and on television
The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

from political operatives to overplay visuals of certain candidates.
In the last two elections, for instance, the New Vision was accused
of overplaying, under pressure, pictures that showed huge crowds
at President Musevenis rallies and downplaying those of his main
opponent, even where Dr Besigye had attracted similar or higher
numbers of people. This practice denies voters the complete picture of
the real popularity of candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.

Lack of fairness and balance
Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

all candidates and parties in a fair and balanced manner. For instance,
the media are supposed to give candidates the right to reply to attacks
from their opponents. They are also supposed to give candidates and
parties similar opportunity to respond to issues. This has not always
been the case in the coverage of elections in Uganda.
Other concerns and gaps in media coverage of elections have revolved
around the following:
Bias.
Inaccurate reporting.
Bribery of journalists.
Self-censorship.
Poor portrayal of women candidates.
It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor comprehensively

media coverage of the 2016 elections.
Monitoring / Research questions
The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.
1. What is the operating environment for the media ahead of the elections?
2. What topics do the media focus on in their coverage of the elections?
3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

opinion, features/special reports, etc)?
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4. What is the nature of the reporting (conventional, interpretative,

investigative)?
5. Who are the sources in media coverage (ordinary people, party
officials, candidates, regulators, civil society, diplomats, religious
leaders, central government officials, local leaders, police/security,
etc)?
6. What is the number and gender of the sources?
7. Which political parties are focused on in media coverage?
8. Which presidential candidates are focused on in media coverage?

9. How much time or space is dedicated to each party?
10. How much time or space is dedicated to each presidential candidate?

11. What is the tone of coverage?
12. What is the frequency of personal attacks in media coverage?

13. Do media houses offer the right of reply?
14. How often do news stories interrogate candidate or party promises?

15. How often do news stories include background and context?
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METHODOLOGY
This section presents the scope of the monitoring exercise, the sample
and sampling methods, methods of data collection as well as the tools
that we used.
Scope of the monitoring
ACME set off to monitor a purposive sample of print, electronic, and

online media, focusing on coverage related to the presidential and
parliamentary elections during the pre- and post-electoral periods from
1 September 2015 to 29 February 2016.4 The election-related content
being monitored across the media landscape has been defined in terms
of, and broadly classified under three genres: news, current affairs, and
commentary.
Inevitably, however, there will be variations in the emphasis and breadth

of the monitoring exercise because of the differences among, and unique
elements of, the media platforms from which the data were drawn. In
other words, whereas certain variables are applicable to all the content
of interest news, current affairs, and commentary some are
inapplicable to particular media platforms. For the electronic media,
for instance, the primary content of interest comprises news bulletins
and current affairs talk shows that do not, by the nature of TV and radio
content, bear the same characteristics as print media content. Similarly,
the unique features of social media messages necessitate a different
approach that recognises the specific characteristics of this form of
political discourse.
Sample and sampling methods
The sample of channels selected for monitoring represents print,

electronic, and social media platforms and is composed of nine
newspapers, five television channels, 33 radio stations, and Twitter. This
4 Due to logistical delays in setting up the electronic media monitoring infrastructure, the first two reports
focus on newspapers only.
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choice of channels constitutes a purposive sample designed to capture

all facets of the election coverage that the electorate in its diversity is
exposed to.
Print media
All the major national and regional publications (eight newspapers

and one magazine) are included to ensure a balanced representation,
to the extent possible, of every major language group. There are five
English-language publications and one each in key regional languages
and language groupings: Luganda, Ateso, Luo, and Runyakitara. Five of
the newspapers in this sample (New Vision, Bukedde, Etop, Rupiny and
Orumuri) are published by the Vision Group, a listed company whose
ownership is split more or less equally between the government and
private shareholders. The nine titles together account for nearly all
mainstream print media circulation in Uganda. The Vision Group
publications arguably control about three-quarters of the national
readership or market.
The titles that make up the newspaper sample, with their publication
cycles, are:
1. New Vision (daily; national)
2. Daily Monitor (daily; national)

3. The Observer (tri-weekly; national)
4. The Independent (weekly news magazine)
5. Red Pepper (daily; national)
6. Bukedde (daily; central)
7. Etop (weekly; eastern)
8. Rupiny (weekly; northern)
9. Orumuri (weekly; western)
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Television
The five TV channels included in the sample collectively cover the whole
country. All but one broadcast primarily in English. Bukedde broadcasts in
Luganda and is one of the platforms owned by the Vision Group. Uganda
Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) is the public broadcaster. The rest of the
stations are privately owned. The channels included in the TV samples are:
1. Bukedde
2. NBS
3. NTV
4. UBC
5. WBS
Radio
The radio stations selected for monitoring collectively cover the entire
country and represent Ugandas seven major regions: Kampala, central,
eastern, western, south-western, northern, and North-Western/West Nile.
This sample constitutes about 13% of the 250 or so stations in operation
across the country. The selected radio stations generally accommodate all
audience profiles as defined by social class, language, religion, ethnicity, and
geography/geo-politics. Except UBC, the public broadcaster, all the other
channels are either private, faith-based, or community radio stations. The
stations that make up the radio sample are presented by region on Page 14.
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Table 1: The radio stations monitored

REGION
MEDIA
FREQUENCY
Kampala (5)
Capital Radio
KFM
Top Radio
Simba FM
UBC Blue Channel
FM 91.3
FM 93.3
FM 89.6
FM 97.3
FM 98
Baba
Open Gate
Rock Mambo
Kioga Veritas
Voice of Teso
Signal FM
FM 87.7
FM 103.2
FM 106.8
FM 91.5
FM 88.4
FM 88.1
Central (5)
Eastern (6)
Western (5)
South-Western (2)
Northern (4)
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Radio Sapientia
Voice of Africa
Central Broadcasting Services
Buddu
Spice FM
Kasese Guide
Voice of Toro
Bushenyi
Bunyoro Broadcasting Services
Radio West
Rukungiri FM
Voice of Kigezi
Mighty Fire
Dokolo FM
Mega FM
Rhino
North-Western/West Nile (6) Radio Amani

Nile
Voice of Life
Radio Paidha
Arua One
Radio Pacis
FM 94.8
FM 92.3
FM 89.2
FM 101.9
FM 89.9
FM 100.5
FM 101
FM 92.2
FM 98.2
FM 100.2
FM 96.7
FM 89.5
FM 91.5
FM 102.4
FM 102.1
FM 96.1
FM 89.1
FM 94.1
FM 100.9
FM 87.8
FM 88.7
FM 90.9
Social media
Twitter will be monitored in the coming months. It has been selected
over other social media platforms on pragmatic grounds. The objectives
is to ascertain the extent to which the main presidential candidates use
Twitter as an alternative media form during and after the campaign
season as well as to assess candidates use of Twitter to listen to and
respond to queries, demands and debates from the electorate online.
Methods of data collection
The monitoring has relied on quantitative content analysis, although

where appropriate and possible, informant interviews have been
conducted to provide context for the findings.
Content analysis
Content analysis provides a detailed and multi-faceted picture of the

nature and extent of election coverage in the media as measured on
various journalistic and content dimensions of quantity and quality.
The universe of interest consists of election-related articles that fell

under any three of the primary content genres: news, current affairs,
and commentary. Stories are coded and analysed for the degree to
which they reflect various pre-determined characteristics of election
coverage. Specifically, stories are coded on a number of variables ranging from manifest characteristics (size, format, prominence, sources,
and location) to the latent features of the reporting (tone, interrogation
of candidate promises, background and context).5
A standard coding scheme is employed. It outlines the categories or
aspects on which monitoring information was needed and how that
information was to be captured. Coders are instructed to select an
appropriate digit known as a code that is entered on the coding form,
5 The research (monitoring) questions outlined in the Introduction section will be the foundation of the media
content analysis, which will be based on a systematic coding scheme.
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which is the primary data collection instrument. Coders underwent

training before they embarked on coding. A sample of media content
was coded under a pilot to ensure that the measures and definitions
were reliable before the full-scale coding started. Standard inter-coder
reliability tests were conducted to ensure that the findings were
dependable.
A detailed codebook contains definitions of all the content categories
that were to be monitored.
Coding is done manually and electronically by trained coders and the
data entered directly into an MS Access database where it is stored and
retrieved for statistical analysis.
In short, the coding procedure involves a rigorous and methodical
process of identifying and analysing election-related stories.
Print media content
The census method of sampling was employed in selecting the

newspaper content included in the monitoring of print media
coverage of the presidential and parliamentary elections. This implies
that all content that fell within the universe of interest was tracked
and analysed. For news content, the story was the unit of analysis.
Accordingly, each story was treated as a unique record and the findings
will be primarily and whenever applicable presented in terms of how
the stories play out on the different measures of election coverage or
variables of interest. Similarly, for comment, the opinion article or letter
to the editor was the unit of analysis.
Radio and TV content
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For radio news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most
important daily news bulletins broadcast around the top of the hour
during the morning and evening prime listening times between 7 a.m.
9 a.m. and 7 p.m. 9 p.m.
For TV news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most

important daily news bulletins broadcast at the top of the hour during
the morning and evening prime viewing times between 7 a.m. 9 a.m.
and 7 p.m. 10 p.m. The scheduling of these programmes generally
varied by TV station within those time segments.
With regard to radio and TV talk shows, a systematic random sampling

approach has been used to select the shows to monitor for those stations
that run daily talk shows.
Twitter
ACME plans to pay for and receive comprehensive analytics from the
online monitoring company, Social Bakers as well as internal Twitter
analytics. Areas of interest will include number of followers, change in
followers over time, incoming and outgoing interactions, as well as total
and frequency of tweets.
Key Informant Interviews
Key informant interviews provide insight into the environment under

which journalists and media houses are operating as well as the
patterns in coverage that the results of the content analysis reveal. For
the latter aspect, the interviews will continue to be informed by the
issues, observations, and insights generated by the content analysis.
The interviews provide an opportunity to interrogate and illuminate
the pertinent issues with the perspectives of individualsjournalists,
civil society activities, political party workers, and regulators who are
familiar with the election-related issues under investigation.
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THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT

The media landscape in Uganda continues to be characterised by a
liberal regime of investment, and (at least on paper) stringent regulation
across print, radio and television channels. Online and social media
are increasingly becoming a major source of information and debate
for middle class Ugandans, and the government is beginning to closely
watch what is going on in the digital space.
Radio remains the biggest source of information for most Ugandans (55
per cent of households receive information through radio, according
to the 2014 census report)6 although newspapers are influential
agenda-setters for the public, political class, as well as other media.
Although Uganda has some of the most vibrant media in east and
southern Africa, in the last five years, the country has been characterised
by Freedom House as partly free. In one of its more recent reports,
the international press freedom watchdog concluded that although the
countrys constitution provides for freedom of expression and press
freedom, several laws negate these guarantees, and the government
continues to crack down on critical journalists and media houses using
both subtle and blatant methods7.
Legal framework
The Constitution of Uganda provides for the rights to freedom of

expression as well as access to information, although the enabling laws
continue to attract criticism for derogating from these onstitutional
guarantees. The media in Uganda are governed mainly by the Press and
Journalist Act (Cap 105), the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act,
2005, and the Uganda Communications Act, 2013, which merged the
6 http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/2014%20National%20Census%20Main%20Report.
pdf
7 Uganda, Freedom of the Press 2012, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2011/uganda
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Electronic Media Act (Cap 104) and the Uganda Communications Act,
1997.
These laws provide for statutory regulation and establish the Media
Council as the primary regulator of the print media but also aspects
of broadcast media, and the Uganda Communications Commission
as the regulator of electronic media and telecommunications. All
journalists are supposed to be licensed by the Media Council, which is
by law required to recognise only those enrolled under the National
Institute of Journalists of Uganda (NIJU). Journalists require university
degrees to become full members of NIJU. These regulations have not
been followed strictly in the last 15 years although they continue to
attract criticism from media freedom watchers, who also fault Ugandas
regulatory regime for not having the necessary independence from the
government.
The fourth Schedule of the Press and Journalist Act provides for a
professional code of ethics that lists nine commandments:
1. No journalist shall disseminate information or an allegation without
establishing its correctness or truth.
2. No journalist shall disclose the source of his or her information; he or she

shall only divulge the source in the event of an overriding consideration of
public interest and within the framework of the law of Uganda.
3. No journalist shall solicit or accept bribes in an attempt to publish or
suppress the publication of a story.
4. A journalist shall not plagiarise the professional work of others or
expropriate works or results of research by scholars without acknowledging
their contribution and naming his or her sources of information.
5. A journalist shall obtain his or her information through the skillful
application of journalistic principles and shall never bribe or offer
inducements to his or her source.
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6. No journalist shall deny any person with legitimate claim a right to

reply to a statement. Corrections and rejoinders are to be published in
appropriate form without delay and in a way that they will be noticed by
those who have received the original information.
7. A journalist shall at all times strive to separate his or her own opinions
from factual news. Where personal opinions are expressed, the public shall
be made to know.
8. A journalist shall take the necessary steps to correct any damaging
report he or she has made on any individual or organisation.
9. A journalist shall not originate or encourage the dissemination of
information designed to promote or which may have the effect of promoting
tribalism, racism or any other form of discrimination.
Schedule 4 of the Uganda Communications Act on the other hand
provides for minimum broadcasting standards. It states:
A broadcaster or video operator shall ensure that
(a) any programme which is broadcast
(i) is not contrary to public morality;
(ii) does not promote the culture of violence or ethnical prejudice among
the public, especially the children and the youth;
(iii) in the case of a news broadcast, is free from distortion of facts;
(iv) is not likely to create public insecurity or violence;
(v) is in compliance with the existing law;
(b) programmes that are broadcast are balanced to ensure harmony in
such programmes;
(c) adult-oriented programmes are appropriately scheduled;
(d) where a programme that is broadcast is in respect to a contender for
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a public office, that each contender is given equal opportunity on such a

programme;
(e) where a broadcast relates to national security, the contents of the
broadcast are verified before broadcasting.
Ugandas electoral laws also have some specific provisions relating to
the media. For instance, Article 23 of the Presidential Elections Act,
2005, provides for equal treatment, freedom of expression and access
to information of candidates. Clause 1 of that article enjoins public
authorities and institutions to give equal treatment to all candidates
and their agents. Article 24 provides that All presidential candidates
shall be given equal treatment on the State owned media to present their
programmes to the people.
Media ownership and diversity
Ugandas media industry continues to be dominated by two

conglomerates with interests in radio, television, print and online
the majority state-owned Vision Group and Nation Media Group,
a Nairobi-based privately owned company. In addition to the two
market leaders, there are a number of smaller privately owned entities:
Red Pepper, a daily tabloid whose affiliates include Kamunye, Entatsi and
Hello!Uganda publications, and Juice FM; the tri-weekly The Observer;
and weekly news magazine The Independent.
According to the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) third

quarter report of 2015,8 there were 292 operational FM radio stations,
a jump from 253 in the second quarter of the same year. Media experts
say that the large and sudden jump was the function of licence owners
who had dormant stations reviving them to target election money that
was bound to come through adverts and paid-for talk shows and other
8 See http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Q3-Market%20Report%20%20for%20Third%20Quarter%20
-%20July-September%202015.pdf.
21
such programming. The same report says there were 33 operational TV

stations (28 analogue, 3 digital terrestrial, and 2 digital satellite). The
state-run UBC has the widest TV and radio reach, broadcasting in multiple
local languages as well as in English and Kiswahili across the country.
Its FM radio affiliates include the community station Mega FM, based
in Gulu, and the Kampala-based Magic FM, a sports and music outlet.
Although UBC was expected to have transformed into a public broadcaster, it remains very much a state entity that is largely subservient to
President Museveni9 and the ruling party and rarely provides for views
critical of the government.
Concerns remain that many private stations are owned by politicians

in the NRM or business people who were close to the ruling party.
Although the regulator puts radio ownership by politicians at about
15 per cent, some media watchers contend that it could be well over
70 per cent, especially in the countryside.10 Such ownership patterns
have raised concerns about media diversity, especially given that many
radio stations owned by politicians have been known to turn away
members of the opposition and other voices of dissent. For example,
on 21 July 2015, Baba FM in Jinja was taken off air after 15 minutes of
an hour-long interview with presidential challenger Kizza Besigye. The
station managers blamed a technical glitch; Dr Besigyes campaign said
it was sabotage. Within days the station, owned by a ruling party MP,11
had suspended the journalists involved in the talk show. There have
been such occurrences over the years.12
Threats to diversity do not only emanate from ownership patterns. In loud
and quiet ways, the government uses the regulatory regime to influence
coverage. Broadcast regulator UCCs tactics have drawn scrutiny.
9 The bias shows more during election period. See http://observer.ug/news-headlines/42308-report-ubc-denies-opposition-airtime
10 Report of the International Mission on Freedom of Expression in Uganda, September 2010.

11 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Radio-goes-off-air-15-minutes-into-Dr-Besigyes-talkshow/-/688334/2803274/-/kcvksr/-/index.html
22
12 https://hrnjuganda.org/?p=1438
Similarly, there are also fears that conglomeration could in future

undermine the media pluralism and diversity that democracy demands.
On the new media side, a growing number of Ugandans are turning to

the Internet as a major source of information. By June 2015, according
to UCC, the number of Internet users stood at 13 million, representing
37 per cent penetration. The number of users stood at 8.5 million a year
before.13 Freedom House has reported that this growth is partly due to
the proliferation of smart phones, especially as Ugandas mobile phone
usage has spiked dramatically from less than one million users in 2001
to 22 million as at June 2015. The June 2014 number was 19 million.14
This has been accompanied by lower mobile phone tariffs and cheaper
bandwidth costs.
Social media platforms such as Facebook, Google+, Twitter, Instagram,
LinkedIn, WhatsApp are among the 15 most popular sites in Uganda.15
Journalists are one section of Ugandans increasingly embracing social
media to enhance their reporting, and this has come to the fore in this
electioneering season. But government actions continue to affect how
much freedom Ugandans have in using social media. It announced in
2013 that it was setting up a social-media monitoring centre to track the
spread of content that potentially harms national security. In June 2015,
the police arrested and put on trial Mr Robert Shaka16, a USAID employee
it suspected to be Tom Voltaire Okwalinga17 or TVO18, an indefatigable
yet anonymous Facebook critic of President Museveni, his key political
and family figures, and his government. His offences are promotion of
sectarianism under Section 41 of the Penal Code Act, and misuse of
13 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf
14 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf.
15 http://www.contadorharrison.com/social-media-use-in-uganda/
16 http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38278-who-s-tom-voltaire-okwalinga-tvo
17 https://www.facebook.com/tom.okwalinga?fref=ts
18 https://www.facebook.com/Tvo-Uganda-654610647943658/?fref=ts
23
computers, in contravention of Section 25 of the Computer Misuse Act.19

However, while Mr Shaka (Maverick Blutaski on Facebook) was being
held, the Tom Voltaire Okwalinga Facebook page stayed active, carrying
posts that mocked the government for holding the wrong person.
Although journalists have increasingly embraced social media to enhance

their reporting, the opportunities offered by the Internet and new
media are yet to be exploited fully. In particular, the many initiatives to
harness the public voice and hold the government accountable through
social media and digital platforms are often not amplified through the
mainstream media, especially radio, which remains the major source of
information for a majority of Ugandans.
Standards and quality of reporting
The major media houses in Uganda show some degree of professionalism

through the kind of content they produce. They are often comprehensive,
bold and independent in their reporting. This is especially true for
newspapers and some television stations.
Broadly, however, the quality of Ugandan journalism could improve.

Concerns persist over professionalism and ethical standards. Most
stories still contain little enterprise, depth, analysis and investigation.
Elementary mistakes, single-source stories, poor news judgement, and
glaring inaccuracies in the news coverage of many media outlets as well
as cases of brown envelope journalism undermine the credibility of
media institutions.
In-depth reporting and investigation of public affairs such as health
care delivery, education, energy, human rights, land use, environment,
infrastructural development, corruption, and local governance is
rare or inconsistent. Perhaps with the exception of the output of the
Uganda Radio Network programmes, radio news is very often full of
episodic event-based reporting that does not interrogate issues. Radio
19 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Lawyers-demand-release-of-social-media-critic-/-/688334/2747382/-/r3f7qaz/-/index.html
24
stations continue to pay disproportionate attention to music and

entertainment-based programming over public affairs programming. The
quality of television news has improved with the growing competition
engendered more recently by the massive rebranding of NBS Television,
but in-depth reporting and investigation are still not common.
The Ugandan media also rely too much on politicians, government
officials and business executives in their reporting. The voices of civil
society and ordinary people are not often dominant in media coverage.20
Ugandan journalists cite poor pay, lack of knowledge/skills and pressure

not to publish as the biggest obstacles to their work.21 Pressure not to
publish comes from both the government and major advertisers. Lack
of resources and limited access to information are also cited as major
hindrances to investigative journalism and public affairs reporting. The
glorification of private profit at the expense of the public interest has
also been blamed for the average quality of Ugandan journalism.
Experience
The rate of occupational mobility in political reporting, and Ugandan

journalism generally, remains high. Many experienced journalists
have moved on to other fields such as marketing and public relations.
Commentators note that such haemorrhage weakens institutional
memory and diminishes the intellectual capital and credibility of news
organisations.22
20 Mwesige, P.G. (2006). The Media and Civil Society in Uganda: Exploring Relations and Possibilities.
Paper Presented at Breakfast Meeting for Media Owners Hosted by the Civil Society Capacity Building Programme. Kampala, November 15, 2006
21Colmery, B. et al. (2009). There Will be Ink.

22 Mwesige, P.G & D.K. Kalinaki (2007). East Africa: 50 years of media, in E. Barratt & G. Berger (Eds.). 50
Years of Journalism: African media since Ghanas independence. (pp. 97-109). Johannesburg: African Editors Forum,
Highway Africa, and Media Foundation for West Africa.
25
Freedom to report
Although a majority of journalists that ACME interviewed reported that
they were free to cover the electoral process, a significant number did
not feel free because of threats and intimidation. The major threats to
independent political reporting, according to the informants, come from
media owners, ruling party and government officials, candidates or their
agents, as well as police officers.
The other threat to independent journalism during the electioneering

period includes bribery of journalists by candidates or political
parties. Although most journalists do not support the practice, many
openly admit to receiving money from political parties, candidates or
their agents during the election season. In most cases, the money is
described as transport refund or facilitation.
Although the media hardly interrogated claims and promises by presidential candidates as our
reports show, the Daily Monitor, through its Fact Checker initiative, did a commendable job in this
regard. Courtesy Photo.
26
FINDINGS
Volume of election stories
Although the media monitoring is for both presidential and parliamentary
elections, these results mainly focus on the presidential elections as they
continued to dominate media coverage in November.
Newspaper stories analysed nearly doubled from 493 in October to 920

in November. The television sample had 488 stories while radio stories
analysed were 1,175.
Among the newspapers, Daily Monitor published the biggest number
of election stories (25.8%), followed by New Vision (22.7%) and Red
Pepper (18.3%). Perhaps as expected, the weeklies - Etop, Rupiny, and
The Independent - had the least number of stories on elections.
Figure 1: Number of election stories newspaper
27
For television coverage, NTV Uganda had the biggest number of election
stories (30.3%) followed by NBS (27.3%). WBS TV had the least number
of election stories (9.6%) followed by the national broadcaster, UBC
(11.7%).
Figure 1-1: Number of election stories - TV
For radio coverage, Voice of Africa FM had the highest number of election
stories. On average, the bigger radio stations carried two election stories
per day, while smaller ones aired only one.
28
Type of election covered

Once again, most of the coverage focused on the presidential election.
Television had highest proportion of coverage dedicated to the presidential
election (85.5%) followed by newspapers (72.1%). Perhaps because
of its localised nature, radio paid more attention to the parliamentary
election than television and newspapers.
Figure 2: Type of election covered by media type
29
Space and time allocation to elections

Overall, newspapers dedicated 585,541.80CM2 space to election coverage.
TV allotted 4,202.75 minutes (70 hours), while radio allocated 4,352.1
minutes (72.5 hours) to election coverage. Given the big difference in the
number of stations monitored (5 TV vs 33 radio stations), the findings
suggested radio dedicated far less time to news than television.
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows that New Vision
provided the most space to election coverage (24%), followed by Bukedde
(22.3%) and Daily Monitor (19.4%).
Figure 3: Space allocation to elections by newspapers (%)
30
For television coverage, NBS provided more time to coverage of elections

(31%), followed by NTV Uganda (26.9%). WBS TV provided the least
amount of time (7.6%) to elections.
Figure 3-1: Space allocation to elections by TV
31
Most covered presidential candidate

Stories on incumbent Museveni took up more space in newspapers
(39%), followed by those on Mbabazi (25.7%) and Besigye (21.1%).
This was a reversal from the months of September and October when
Mbabazi stories consumed more space.
Figure 4: Most covered presidential candidate - newspaper
32
A breakdown by newspaper shows Rupiny (67.8%), New Vision

(49.5%), Red Pepper (44.6%) and Orumuri (40.3%) gave more space to
Museveni stories. The Observer, Daily Monitor, and Bukedde had better
balance in terms of space dedicated to coverage of the three major
candidates. Bukedde also gave a bigger proportion of space to the minor
candidates.
Figure 4-1: Most covered candidate by newspaper
33
Museveni stories also consumed more time on television (32.8%), followed

by those on Mbabazi (24.2%) and Besigye (19.1%). Baryamureeba led
the minor candidates in terms of time dedicated to his TV stories in
November.
Figure 4-2: Most covered presidential candidate TV
34
A breakdown of the results by TV station shows that UBC gave far more of
its election time to Museveni (43.9%) than to other candidates. The low
proportion of time given to FDCs Besigye (3.8%) particularly stood out.
NTV had the most balanced distribution of time to the major candidates,
followed by NBS.
Figure 4-3: Most covered presidential candidate by TV station
35
Museveni also led the other candidates in terms of time allocated to his
stories on radio. They took up 39.3% of the time, compared to 27.5%
for Mbabazi stories and 17.4% for those on Besigye. Independent
candidate Elton John Mabirizi (1.7%) and Benon Biraro (1.7%) of the
Uganda Farmers Party received the least amount of TV coverage in
November.
Figure 4-4: Most covered presidential candidate - radio
36
Front page coverage

In another reversal from the previous months, Museveni led the other
candidates in front page appearances in November (31.5%), followed by
Mbabazi (28.8%) and Besigye (21%). Baryamureeba (6.1%) received the
highest frequency of front page coverage among the minor candidates.
Figure 5: Front page coverage of presidential candidates
37
Vision Groups Rupiny (42.9%) and Bukedde (40.9%) gave Museveni a

much higher proportion of front page coverage while Etop was the most
balanced, giving each of the three major candidates 25% of its election
coverage on page one. Only Red Pepper and Observer gave more front
page coverage to another candidate (Mbabazi) than Museveni.
Figure 5-1: Front page coverage of presidential candidates by publication
38
Most covered topic

Politics was the most covered topic across all three media platforms
monitored in November. It took up 28.1% of the coverage in
newspapers, 29.7% on television and 41.8% on radio.
For purposes of this study, an election-related story was coded as politics

if it focused on electoral competition, power play, the gamesmanship of
political contest (e.g. campaign strategies of the different candidates or
parties), and/or the contention between candidates or parties, without
being specific to a sector or particular public policy/public affairs issue.
Stories on (the demand for) electoral reforms and relevant election
administration actions/issues by regulators such as the Electoral
Commission and Parliament would also fall under politics.
Among the newspapers, the top four topics after politics were economy,
education, infrastructure and security.
Figure 6: Most covered topic - newspaper
39
Although the order differed slightly, the top five issues that dominated
newspaper coverage were also attracted the most attention on television.
These include politics (29.7%), economy (10.9%), infrastructure (10%),
education (8.9%) and security (8.2%).
Figure 6-1: Most covered topic TV
40
The same five issues that topped newspaper and television coverage
were also highest on the radio agenda. However, compared to the other
platforms radio paid far more attention to politics in November.
Figure 6-2: Most covered topic radio
41
Tone
This is the general character portrayed by the story. For purposes of this
study, it applies only to stories that focus on presidential candidates and
parties.
The tone is negative when the article in general paints the candidate or
party in bad light, or is critical of or questions the candidate, party or a
particular issue raised by these actors.
The tone is positive when the article expresses promise about or

celebrates a particular candidate or party or in general paints the
candidate or party in good light.
The tone is neutral when the article is neither negative nor positive.
The findings show that the tone of coverage in November was mostly
neutral for all three media platforms newspapers (56.4%), Television
(62.1%) and radio (60.2%). Among newspapers, the percentage of
stories with a negative tone went down significantly to 13.2% from 30%
in October.
Figure 7: Tone of coverage by media type
42
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows that Orumuri (96%)

and The Independent (83.3%) had the highest frequency of neutral
stories by far. Etop had the highest proportion of stories with a negative
tone (31.6%), followed by Red Pepper (18.5%). Bukedde had the highest
percentage of stories with a positive tone (57.9%).
Figure 7-1: Tone of coverage by publication
43
On television, a breakdown of the findings shows that NTV Uganda

carried the highest percentage of stories with a neutral tone (80.4%),
while UBC had the highest proportion of stories with a positive tone
(54.4%). WBS had the highest percentage of stories with a negative tone
(19.1%).
Figure 7-2: Tone of coverage by TV station
44
Among the newspapers Besigye had the highest number of stories

with a negative tone (16.7%). He was followed very closely by Mbabazi
(15%). Baryamureeba attracted the highest frequency of newspaper
stories with a positive tone (37.7%), followed by Bwanika (35.6%) and
Museveni (35.4%).
Figure 7-3: Tone by presidential candidate newspaper
45
On television Kyala (12.5%) and Mbabazi (12.2%) attracted the highest

number of stories with a negative tone. Biraro had the most positive
coverage (40.7%).
Figure 7-4: Tone by presidential candidate by TV station
46
Reporting approach
We monitored the style in which the election stories were reported using
four approaches. Conventional reporting tends to focus on events (hard
news) with fact-reporting as the dominant posture. In interpretive
reporting, explanation is the dominant posture. Under the enterprise
reporting approach, the journalists own initiative and effort are critical
in originating the story, whereas in investigative reporting, exposition
is the dominant posture (i.e. the reporting uncovers information that
an individual or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny,
or information that an individual or entity may have had an interest in
keeping out of the public domain).
The findings show that conventional reporting remained the dominant
style across all three media platforms. It took up 75.3% of newspaper
news coverage, 84.9% on TV and 73.3% on radio. In other words, there
was limited investigation, enterprise and interpretative reporting in
Novembers election coverage.
Figure 8: Reporting approach by media type
47
Among the newspapers, a breakdown of the findings by publication

shows that Bukedde had the highest proportion of conventional stories
(91.9%), followed by its English sister publication New Vision (80.2%).
However, Vision Groups Rupiny led on frequency of coverage based
on investigative reporting (30.8%), while Etop topped on interpretive
reporting. The Independent had the highest proportion of stories based
on enterprise (38.5%).
Figure 8-1: Reporting approach by publication
48
Among the television stations monitored, Bukedde TV had the highest

and most alarming proportion of conventional stories at 99% while WBS
had the least (73.9%). There was very little enterprise and investigation
on TV.
Figure 8-2: Reporting approach by TV station
49
Issues vs. Personalities

Although the percentage of newspaper stories focusing on issues
dropped slightly to 33% from 35.1% in October, issue-based reporting
was dominant on both television (39.9%) and radio (40.5%).
Personality-based reporting also reduced in newspapers, and remained
relatively low on radio and television.
Figure 9: Issues vs. Personalities by media type
50
Among the newspapers, Bukedde had the highest proportion of

issue-based stories (42.9%), while its sister publication, Etop, paid a lot
more attention to personalities.
Figure 9-1: Issues vs. Personalities by publication
51
Among the television stations, NTV Uganda had the highest proportion
of issue-based stories (55.8%), followed by UBC (51.8%). WBS had the
highest percentage of personality-based stories (34%).
Figure 9-2: Issues vs. Personalities by TV station
52
Background and context

Although most of election stories across all three media platforms
monitored contained background and context, the proportion of coverage
without it remained worrying. The problem was especially pronounced
on radio where 47.6% of the stories did not contain background and
context.
Figure 10: Background & Context by media type
53
Among the newspapers, a breakdown of the findings shows Rupiny

did not provide background and context in any of the election stories
it published in November. The Observer had the highest proportion of
stories with background and context (84.2%), followed by Bukedde
(76.4%) and Etop (75%).
Figure 10-1: Background and context by publication
54
Among TV stations, UBC carried the highest proportion of stories that

provided background and context (82.4%). Bukedde TV had the biggest
percentage of stories without background and context (51.6%).
Figure 10-2: Background and context by TV station
55
Interrogation of candidates claims and promises

By interrogating claims and promises made by candidates or parties,
the media act as watchdogs for voters, verifying the accuracy of what
politicians say and also holding them to account.
Unfortunately, most election reporting in November did not interrogate

the candidates claims, promises or propositions where it was required.
Among the newspapers, 62.2% of the stories did not question
the candidates or what they said, while on radio and television, the
frequency was higher - 69.7% and 70.8% respectively.
Figure 11: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by media type
56
The Observer (56.3%), Etop (50%) and Rupiny (50%) topped in providing
background and context while Orumuri (6.7%) and New Vision (26.4%)
were the worst performers on this front.
Figure 11-1: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by publication
57
Among the television stations, NBS returned the highest percentage

of stories that interrogated candidates claims and promises (43.2%),
while Bukedde TV had lowest (12.6%).
Figure 11-2: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by TV station
58
Sources of information in election reporting

Presidential candidates were the top most sources cited in election
stories by newspapers (33.6%), TV (45.6%) and radio (37.8%).
Among the newspapers, there was more growth in the use of ordinary
people as sources (19.2% compared to 10.6% in October). The other top
categories of sources in newspaper coverage were party officials and
parliamentary candidates.
Figure 12: Sources of election stories newspaper
59
On TV, party officials (14.9%), parliamentary candidates (8.6%), ordinary

persons (6.6%) and EC officials (6.1%) were the other top categories of
sources.
Figure 12-1: Sources of election stories TV
60
UBC TV carried the highest proportion of stories that relied on presidential

candidates as sources (62.8%) and also the lowest frequency that used
ordinary people (1.1%).
Table 2: Sources of election stories by TV station, n=671
SOURCES
BUKEDDE
NBS
NTV
Uganda UBC
WBS
TOTAL
Anonymous
4.8
1.6
0.0
0.0
0.0
1.3
Election Observer
0.0
1.1
1.8
1.1
0.0
1.0
Army
Candidates Agent
Electoral Commission Official

Executive
Expert
Judicial Officer
NGO/CSO Official
Ordinary Person
Parliamentary Candidate
Party Official
Police Representative
Presidential Candidate
Religious Leader
Total
0.0
1.6
4.0
0.8
0.8
0.0
0.0
4.0
6.4
16.0
3.2
57.6
0.8
100
0.0
1.1
6.3
2.6
7.9
2.6
1.1
8.9
8.4
15.8
1.6
40.5
0.5
100
0.9
1.4
6.4
0.0
3.7
0.9
3.2
7.8
13.3
16.1
5.5
37.2
1.8
100
1.1
5.3
6.4
0.0
2.1
0.0
0.0
1.1
3.2
10.6
3.2
62.8
3.2
100
0.0
0.0
9.1
0.0
20.5
0.0
4.5
9.1
4.5
11.4
2.3
38.6
0.0
100
0.4
1.8
6.1
0.9
5.2
1.0
1.6
6.6
8.6
14.9
3.4
45.6
1.3
100
61
Other than presidential candidates, the other most quoted sources in

radio coverage were party officials (20.1%), followed by parliamentary
candidates (12.5%), and Electoral Commission officials (6.7%).
Figure 12-2: Sources of election stories radio
62
Gender of sources
The marginal improvement registered in newspaper coverage in October
was wiped away with women accounting for 15.9% of sources, down
from 17.8%. In all three platforms, men remained the go-to sources,
accounting for 87.4% on TV and 88.6% on radio.
Figure 13: Gender of sources by media type
63
A breakdown of the findings by newspapers, shows Orumuri had the

highest frequency of stories with female sources (32.3%), followed by
Rupiny (25%), and New Vision (20.1%). Their sister publication, Etop,
used only male sources for its election reporting in November.
Figure 13-1: Gender of sources by publication
64
Among the television stations, NTV Uganda topped in the use of female
sources, but even then, it was only 14.7%. The national broadcaster,
which is by law required to have more diversity, had only 6.5% of stories
with women as sources.
Chart 13-2: Gender of source by TV station
65
Number of sources
Single-sourcing remained a major problem across all the media platforms
monitored. Among the newspapers, 62.1% of the stories relied on a
single (human) source and on television, the percentage was slightly
higher (63.3%). The problem was more pronounced on radio where
78.1% of the stories carried only one source.
Figure 14: Number of sources by media type
66
Orumuri had the highest number of single-sourced stories (81.8%)

while The Independent had the highest percentage of stories with three
or more sources, followed by Rupiny.
Figure 14-1: Number of sources by publication
67
On television, WBS had the highest proportion of stories with single

source (77.1%), followed by UBC (70.9%). NTV Uganda had the highest
frequency of stories using three or more sources.
Figure 14-2: Number of sources by TV station
68
CONCLUSION
November saw a huge increase in the volume of election stories as well
as space given to the coverage, especially in newspapers where both
nearly doubled. The total number of stories on the five television stations
monitored suggests that on average each station ran three election
stories a day, which is commendable. Radio, which most Ugandans rely
on for political news, paid less attention to the elections.
Below are the other key highlights of the November findings:
The media continued to pay more attention to the presidential than

parliamentary elections. Radio, which is more localised, gave the
parliamentary elections a little more attention than newspapers and
television did.
Museveni received more coverage than his opponents across all three
media platforms monitored. He also led in front-page coverage in the
newspapers. This represented a turning of the tables, as Mbabazi had
led on both fronts in September and October. Besigye had also been
ahead of Museveni in coverage generally.
The national broadcaster gave incumbent Museveni far more time
than was given to his main challengers.
Politics continued to be the dominant topic of coverage, but its

proportion went down as more topics such as economy, education,
and infrastructure gained traction.
The tone of media coverage remained mostly neutral, with
newspapers registering a marked drop in the proportion of negative
stories.
Issue-based coverage generally trumped personality-based reporting.
The conventional straight news reporting approach continued to hold

sway, with newspapers, radio and television all offering very little by
69
way especially investigation and enterprise.
The percentage of stories that did not contain background and context
remained alarming. This problem was most pronounced on radio, the
source of political information for most Ugandans, where 48% of the
stories did not have background and context.
The reporting across all three platforms monitored did not, for the
most part, question the claims and promises made by candidates.
Women remained marginalised in media coverage of the elections, as
men continued to be the go-to sources.
Although candidates and party officials were the dominant sources,

ordinary people continued to register gains in this area, especially in
newspapers and on television.
The problem of single-sourcing persisted.
There appears to be a logical pattern to the November coverage. Once

the presidential nominations took place and candidates formally started
campaigns across the country, most journalists looked at the public
rally as the main source of election news. Unfortunately, many also chose
the easier and safer route: covering the stump speech without infusing
background and context, asking questions, or analysing. As a result, most
stories ended up having single sources - the candidates.
By and large, it appears, the level of media interest in the 2016 elections
is such that the keen Ugandan will get information about what is going
on. But those who are looking for perspective and depth have fewer
outlets across the different platforms to turn to. Whereas these pockets
of excellence must be celebrated and recent innovations in electoral
coverage applauded, the media have to do better if they are to make a
difference in these coming elections.
70
ACME 2015

November Report: Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections

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November Report: Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections

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MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

November 2015 Report

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The Media and Elections..........................................................................................4

Monitoring Media Coverage....................................................................................5

Media Coverage of Previous Elections.................................................................7

THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................18

Media Ownership and Diversity........................................................................21

Standards and Quality of Reporting...............................................................24

Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................27

Space Allocation to Elections................................................................................30

Most Covered Presidential Aspirant...................................................................32

November 2015 Report

Front Page Coverage................................................................................................37

Issues vs. Personalities...........................................................................................50

Background and Context in Reporting...........................................................53

Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises.........................................56

November 2015 Report

The volume of election stories continued to grow, driven largely by

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Politics was the most covered topic in November, taking up 28.1%

The conventional reporting approach was dominant across all

In a majority of election stories, journalists did not interrogate

November 2015 Report

In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted the process.

3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

November 2015 Report

coverage of elections from the process of making electoral laws, the

Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

Monitoring media coverage

Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Dedication of space and time to elections

Distinguishing between news and opinion

Equitable coverage of the candidates

A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage

Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the voters

Independence of media houses and journalists

Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

November 2015 Report

Media coverage of previous elections

State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage

The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

November 2015 Report

the real popularity of candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.

Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

Poor portrayal of women candidates.

It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor comprehensively

The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.

3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections