Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The Chronicle
of
Matthew of Edessa
TM
Dedication
To my mother Zepure (nee Panikian) of Bardizag
(Constantinople!Istanbul), who nurtured me in the
culture of my forebears and in the proper use of the
Armenian language;
To my father Levon of Yaraisar-Shghni (SepasdiaJ
Sivas), who inculcated in me a love for and devotion to
the native soil of my ancestral homeland;
To Mary (Mariam) Merjian (nee Ashjian), a loyal
daughter of Edessa (UrhalUrfa), who inspired me in
the writing of this tome.
...
Table of Contents
Foreword by Krikor H. Maksoudian
ix
Preface
xi
Acknowledgments
xv
Introduction
Text, Part I
19
Text, Part II
83
181
Text, Continuation
241
Notes, Part I
283
Notes, Part II
307
335
Notes, Continuation
351
Glossary
361
Maps:
Historic Armenia During the Medieval Period
Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine, 10-12th Centuries
363
364
Select Bibliography
365
Index
367
."
Foreword
The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa and that of his continuator,
Gregory the Priest, are indispensable sources on the period from the
mid-tenth to the mid-twelfth centuries. The renowned Seljuk
specialist Claude Cahen puts Matthew in the same class with
Michael the Syrian and Anna Comnena, calling him an "illustrious
writer" of Christian faith: The Chronicle serves as a primary source
not only for Armenian, but also for Byzantine, Crusader, Syriac, and
Islamic history, including otherwise unknown facts and documents.
Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, western scholars
have frequently cited Matthew's work, using partial French translations of excerpts by Chahan de Cirbied (1811 and 1812) and particularly by E. Dulaurier (1850). In 1858 Dulaurier published the entire
text, but left out certain sections. The works of both of these authors
appeared before the editio princeps (Jerusalem, 1869), which was
based on two manuscripts, and the complete edition of Vagharshapat
(Etchmiadzin, 1898), based on five manuscripts and the readings of
the Jerusalem text.
After more than thirteen decades, the French translation, long out
of print and out of date, remains the only translation available to the
western reader. The scholarly works that appeared in the past one
hundred and thirty years and the important advances in Byzantine,
Armenian, Crusader, Syriac, and Islamic studies make the notes of
Dulaurier's work obsolete. The accuracy of the translation also leaves
much to be desired.
The need for a new translation of Matthew's Chronicle was felt for
a long time, and Dostourian has come forward to fill that gap. Unlike
Dulaurier, he has used the Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin) text, which
contains much better readings, and has refrained from leaving out
any sections. Moreover, being a native speaker of Armenian and a
former seminarian, he has a much better command of Matthew's
language, which is the classical idiom mixed with words and
Claude Cahen, "Historiography of the Seljuqid Period," Historians of
the Middle East, Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, eds. (London, 1962),78.
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Preface
The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa is considered by scholars to
be a primary source of major importance for the history of the Near
East during the period of the early Crusades (tenth to twelfth centuries). The present work is the first translation of the Chronicle
from the original Classical Annenian into English. Three other
translations have been published: French, Turkish, and Modern
Armenian. Only the present work and the Modern Armenian
translation are based on the most complete and accurate text available. Therefore, this English translation of the Chronicle should be
of great benefit to those scholars working in the field of medieval
Near Eastern history who are not familiar with the original language.
The number of extant manuscripts of Matthew's chronicle is not
large. Moreover several of these manuscripts are incomplete. The
oldest surviving manuscripts date from the late sixteenth/early
seventeenth centuries, while the most recent were copied in the
nineteenth century. A number of libraries in the world have manuscripts of the Armenian historian's work, either complete or fragmentary: The Matenadaran (Manuscript Library) located in the Republic
of Armenia the library of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem,
the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris, the library of the Mekhitarist
Fathers of Venice, the library of the Mekhitarist Fathers of Vienna,
the Armenian Hostel in Rome, the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and
the British Museum in London.
The first published text of Matthew's chronicle was the Fr~nch
edition prepared by E. Dulaurier (Matthew of Edessa, Chromque,
Paris, 1858). This edition, based on the three manuscripts found in
the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, contains several gaps (see, for
example, Part I, section 48, note 4; Part II, section 54, not~ 2;
Continuation, section 7, note 3), which were due no doubt to defiCIencies in the available manuscripts. The French historian appended an
introduction and copious notes to the translation.
The first published text of Matthew's chronicle in its original
Armenian language appeared in Jerusalem in 1869 (~atthew of
Edessa, Patmut'iwn [History), Jerusalem, 1869). The edItor (whose
xii
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
name is not given) states in the preface that the two manuscripts on
which he based the text are full of inaccuracies, and therefore he had
to rely on the Dulaurier text in several cases. This edition is inaccurate in some passages and contains many gaps. The only other
published text of the Chronicle in the original Armenian was issued
in Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Armenia, in 1898 (Matthew of
Edessa, Zhamanakagrut'iwn [ChronicleJ, edited by M. Melik-Adamian
and N. Ter-Mik'ayelian). This text is based on six manuscripts found
in the library of the Holy See at Etchmiadzin (since incorporated into
the Matenadaran in Armenia). According to the editors, the best
manuscript was chosen as the basis for the text while variant
readings from the others were incorporated in the 'footnotes. The
Jerusalem text was examined, and its variants and differences were
cited in the footnotes.
At the present time there are two translations of Matthew's
chronicle in addition to Dulaurier's. A Turkish translation by H. D.
Andreasyan (Vekaye Ndmesi [952-1136J ve Papaz Grigor'un Zeyli
[1136-1162J, Ankara, 1962) is based wholly on that of Dulaurier and
inclu~es D~lau~er's notes along with some additional notes by the
TurkIsh hIstorIan M. H. Yinanch. A translation into Modern
Armenian has been prepared by H, Bart'ikyan (Matthew of Edessa
Zham~nakagrut'iwn, Yerevan, 1973) and is based on the Etchmiadzi~
text CIted abo:~. This A~enian scholar has taken great pains to
render the ongmal text mto polished Modern Eastern Armenian.
Moreover he has prepared an extensive introduction together with
notes and co~menta~. Understandably this translation is oriented
to an ArmenIan-speakmg audience,
The ~tchmiadzin text published in 1898 has been used in the
prepa~atlOn of ~he present translation. Armenian terms have been
translIterated
according to the L'b
f Congress
t
Omto
f English
'
1 rary 0
sys e~. . the varIants which have been incorporated into the
Etchmladzm text, only those which appreciably alter the meaning of
a p;ssage have been noted in the footnotes. The introduction notes
an comment~~ have been prepared for the educated layman.' rathe;
~ha~/he spec:;.hst and are designed to elucidate various parts of the
t~X geograp IC place ,na~es, historical personages, etc.), as well as
t~ompare the Chromcle s narrative of events to those provided by
~Oit:~
Ct~~d::!~~l ~:!~~~n:h:~~~:~:;c~~~~ t~~t~e:~:~lltor isa
e er un erstandmg both of the cont
PREFACE
xiii
Acknowledgements
The present work would not have been possible without the help
and inspiration of a number of people. It was my mentor and
advisor, Professor Peter Charanis of Rutgers University, who
proposed the idea of my translating Matthew of Edessa's chronicle as
a dissertation topic for a doctorate in Byzantine history. From the
inception of the work in the fall of 1962 to my completion of the
degree in 1972, Professor Charanis patiently encouraged and gently
prodded me, for which I am ever grateful. I only regret that he did
not live long enough to see the publication he initiated and so
inspired. Professor Ernest McDonnell, also of Rutgers University,
made some helpful comments and suggestions on the final form of the
dissertation.
I am indebted to Professor Isidore Twersky of Harvard University, through whom I obtained a teaching and research associateship
at Harvard for the year 1968-1969, which enabled me to write the
major portion of my dissertation. Professor Robert Thomson, Mesrob
Mashtots Professor of Annenian Studies at Harvard, gave me
invaluable assistance in my translation work. I am. also indebted to
Professor Thomson for his helpful comments and suggestions on the
introduction, commentary, and notes.
The Board Chairman of the National Association for Annenian
Studies and Research (NAASR) , Manoog S. Young, as well as the
Board of Directors, graciously consented to take on the responsibility
of publishing this work, for which I am very appreciative. I have
special thanks for Dr. Barbara J. Merguerian, NAASR's Director of
Information and Publications, who painstakingly edited, prepared,
and proofread the manuscript and made many helpful suggestions.
I would like to express my gratitute to Professor Hagop Nersoyan
of the University of Dayton and to the Very Reverend Dr. Krikor H.
Maksoudian of the Diocese of the Armenian Church for their very
helpful comments and suggestions. Lastly, my thanks to Janice
Chase of Carrollton, Georgia, for typing the final manuscript.
Ara Edmond Dostourian
.r
.'
'f
Introduction
Very little is known about the life of Matthew of Edessa except for
the meager information contained in his chronicle. The dates of his
birth and death cannot be ascertained, although it is doubtful that
the Armenian chronicler lived beyond the year 1136, when his work
ends. The Armenian historian M. Ch'amich' suggests that Matthew
died in the siege of Edessa by the Turkish ruler Zengi in 1144 but
gives no basis for this assertion. Most probably Matthew spent the
latter days of his life in Kesoun and was in that town when the
Danishmendid ruler Amr-Ghazl laid siege to it in 1136. Matthew's
native city was Edessa. According to his own testimony he was a
monk, l and he probably resided in one of the monasteries in the
vicinity of the city. He was a priest of lower rank and not a vardapet
(doctor). However, as can be discerned by his writing, he was
energetic and dedicated in the task which he undertook, the compilation of his chronicle. 2 Like most of his contemporaries, Matthew
perceived reality through religious eyes-that is, he believed that all
events occur through the foreknowledge and intervention of God.
The Chronicle, by its very nature, lacks homogeneity. The first
part, describing the events of the years 952 to 1051 A.D., is based on
the sources of others; the second, 1051 to 1101, on eyewitnesses living
in Matthew's time; and the third, 1101 to 1136, on Matthew's own
observations along with those of some others. A certain Gregory the
Priest continued the chronicle to the year 1162. According to the
lMatthew might have been the superior of a monastery rather than an
ordinary monk. The Armenian text uses vanakan and vanats' erets', which
could mean "monk," or "monk of a monastery," or "superior of a monastery."
2See Part II, section 1; Part III, sections 1, 2,3.
)
2
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
INTRODUCTION
of the Turks in Armenia (Part I, section 47), the account of the sack
of the opulent city of Artsn (Part I, section 92), the narration of the
fall of Ani to the Seljuks (Part II, section 22), and the description of
the death of a Georgian warrior at the hands of an Armenian hero
(Part I, section 10). Another element in Matthew's chronicle which
needs to be mentioned here is the folk epic, one of the traditional
genres of classical Armenian literature. Two very good examples of
the Armenian chronicler's use of this genre are the accounts of the
battle of Khach'ik and his sons with the Muslims (Part I, section 82)
and the conflict between T'ornik and Philaretus (Part II, sections 60
and 61).
In analyzing Matthew's basic philosophy, there is a tendency to
oversimplify the Armenian chronicler's viewpoints and attitudes.
Indeed some scholars have characterized Matthew as simple-minded,
intensely nationalistic, deeply suspicious, and hateful of foreigners,
as well as superstitious and credulous. There can be no doubt that
some of these attitudes can be found in his work. However, Matthew
is too complex an individual to be presented in such oversimplified
terms. His motives for writing the Chronicle are simple and clear:
to provide instruction concerning the manner of God's intervention in
history, either to punish humans for their wickedness or to reward
them for their righteousness. To use the author's own words:
spared no efforts and left this work as a record for those who
enjoy studying chronicles so that, when they begin to inquire into
past events, they may be able more easily to learn about the
times and the epochs. These persons shall also learn about the
terrible misfortunes which occurred in those times and, once
again bringing these things to mind, shall remember the divine
wrath which we received from God the righteous judge as a
penalty for our sins. Because of these many calamities-namely
the destruction of the Christians and the reprimands which our
Lord God brought upon us by means of an infidel nation-we did
not wish that such threats and warnings of God be forgotten by
us. Now it is essential to heed the admonition of our God
ceaselessly and at all times. (Part II, section 1).
Writing within the prophetic framework of the Old Testament,
Matthew warns his readers throughout his work that destruction
came upon Israel when her people strayed from the path of righteousness. Numerous examples are given of divine wrath falling upon the
Christians because of their recalcitrance: God punished the Christians because of their sins, using the Turks as an instrument of his
)
4
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
wrath (Part II, section 49); a famine is brought upon the people of
Edessa because they sinfully killed their leader T'oros (Part II,
section 130); God punishes the Greeks because of their treachery
against the Franks (Part III, section 5). Although a theological
motive permeates the work, Matthew strives to present historical
events as accurately as possible.3
Like most medieval chroniclers Matthew is steeped in religious
thinking which is sometimes noncritical. In this respect he is no
different from the contemporary Byzantine, Syrian, or Latin chroniclers. In keeping with the medieval world view, Matthew interprets
all natural phenomena either as omens of impending danger or as
miracles showing the glory and might of God. Examples of this
religious orientation can be seen in the description of the failure of
the lamps in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher to burn due to
heretical thinking on the part of the Byzantine Christians (Part I,
section 43); the miracle of the blocking of a river by the Armenian
catholicos Peter (Part I, section 50); the incident of the preservation
of the Syriac Gospels after having been cast into a fire many times
(Part II, section 2); the "red snow" which brings famine and death in
its wake (Fart II, section 10); the incident in which lightening strikes
the fortress of Vahka, presaging the death of the Armenian prince
Constantine (Part II, section 128); and the appearance of a comet
foretelling that a great ruler will reign over a vast empire (Part III,
section 32).
Matthew has been styled as a super patriot, a passionate
adherent of the Armenian church, and a denouncer of all things
foreign, whether pertaining to an alien religious tradition or an alien
cultural background. This view of Matthew does not bear up under
close scrutiny. In the first place, to call him a super patriot or
chauvinist is to attribute to him a nineteenth century concept of
nationalism which was foreign to the Middle Ages. Instead of
allegiance to a state, peoples' loyalties were based on an attachment
to a local area or to a religious community. It cannot be denied that
Matthew has strong feelings for the cultural and religious heritage
to which he belongs, but the same can be said of most of the writers
and thinkers of the time. Can anyone deny that Bar Hebraeus,
Michael the Syrian, Anna Comnena, Michael Psellus, and William of
Tyre are partisan writers? And while a number of the Byzantine and
Arab historians do not evince as intense a feeling for their religious
INTRODUCTION
,/
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
INTRODUCTION
Latins, during the onslaughts of the Muslims (Part I, section 30; Part
II, sections 2, 110, 111; Part III, section 8).
Matthew has come under special criticism for his alleged spiteful
attitude towards the Byzantine church. An analysis of his statements
on that subject does not bear this out. It is true that he hurls
invectives at the Byzantine church, but only when that church, in his
opinion, strays from the Orthodox faith (Part I, section 43) or tries to
compel his people to follow the Byzantine tradition (Part II, sections
14, 30, 57). On the other hand, he has a very high regard for his own
church and considers, its faith to be pure and orthodox (Part II,
sections 30 ff). Under these circumstances, can Matthew be labeled
any more of a religious fanatic than his Byzantine coreligionists?
Matthew is generally consistent in his attitude towards the alien
peoples with whom the Armenians were in contact during this period.
He is very critical of those he considers to have worked against the
interests of both his own people and those of the other Christians
inhabiting the area. He eulogizes and praises all individuals,
including Muslims, who act benevolently towards the Christians. In
spite of his deep devotion to the Armenian church, Matthew does not
allow his loyalty to interfere with his allegiance to the universal
church of Christ (including Greeks, Latins, Syrians, and Copts). Of
all the neighboring peoples, he seems to be most concerned about the
Greeks. In essence the relationship between the Greeks and Armenians was more than a neighborly one during this period. The
Byzantine empire's very existence and preservation depended in large
part on the coopera.tion between the two peoples. It is no wonder
that Matthew condemns policies that created disharmonies between
the two Christian peoples but praises efforts to strengthen their
relationship and cooperation. Thus, when the Byzantine rulers
attempt, successfully in the end, to annihilate the Armenian states
in eastern Anatolia, they are condemned in no uncertain terms (Part
I, sections 84, 92; Part II, section 13). Moreover, whoever threatens
the empire and its unity is likewise condemned, whether it be an
individual
rebel or an outside invader (Part I, sections 28 " 81' Part II,
,
sectIOns 57, 90). On the other hand, Matthew appears to contradict
his profession of loyalty to the empire when he severely castigates the
Greeks for their treacherous attitude towards the Latin Crusaders
(Part III, sections 4, 5). Perhaps Matthew here is follOwing the Latin
sources which maintain that the Greeks were treacherous in their
dealings with the Crusaders, rather than the Byzantine sources
which state the opposite view (cf. Part III, section 4, note 4).
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
INTRODUCTION
the period. Thomas dealt with the history of the Artsruni dynasty
from early times through the appearance of the Seljuk Turks in
Vaspurakan in the early eleventh century. Stephen Asoghik
(eleventh century) wrote a world history which in its third part deals
with the history of Armenia and the neighboring states from the
reign of Ashot I to that of Gagik I (885~1020). Aristakes of Lastivert
(eleventh century) has aptly been called the "Armenian Jeremiah" for
his account of the events in Armenia from 1001 to 1072, in which he
lamented the impending destruction of his native land by the Seljuk
Turks. Aristakes devoted a good portion of his history to the Seljuk
penetration of eastern Anatolia through the battle of Mantskert
(Manzikert, 1071); he is less successful in analyzing facts and events,
tending to attribute them to divine providence.
Four thirteenth~century Armenian historians have produced
useful accounts of some of the events included in Matthew's chronicle.
Stephen Orbelian, a scion of the famous Orbelian family, wrote a
history of Siwnik', one of the provinces of Greater Armenia. This
work includes a history of the Orbelian dynasty which ruled the
region for centuries, as well as a description of the area's topography
and geography. Vardan Vardapet (Areveltsi), in his history of
Annenia and the surrounding regions, provides an especially valuable
account of the period of the tenth to thirteenth centuries, with
emphasis on the relations between the Armenians and the neighboring peoples (Byzantines, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, Crusaders, Mongols,
etc.). 5mbat Sparapet (the Constable), a scion of the Hetumids of
Cilician Armenia, wrote a chronicle of the events in Cilicia and the
neighboring regions in the period 951~1272, which was continued to
1336 by others. The work presents a comprehensive view of the
political and socioeconomic relations of the Cilician state with the
neighboring states and peoples. Kirakos of Gandzak (Ganja) wrote
a history of Armenia in two parts: the first part a short presentation
of events in Armenia from St. Gregory the Enlightener (fourth
century) to the Mongol invasions (thirteenth century) and the second,
more valuable, section on the Mongol invasions of Armenia (1241~
1266) and their political, social, and economic effects on the land, its
people, and the surrounding areas. 5
5It is believed that Matthew died soon after his nanation ends, in 1136;
therefore he could not have utilized these Armenian historians. It has been
suggested that some of his information on the tenth and early eleventh
centuries was based on the lost Chronicle of one John of Sanahin.
10
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
INTRODUCTION
11
7The works of Michael and Bar Hebraeus were written later and could
not have served as sources for Matthew.
8Matthew could not possibly have utilized the Arabic sources (except
perhaps for Yahya of Antioch), for the Armenian chronicler is believed to
have died soon after his narrative ends, in 1136.
12
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
INTRODUCTION
13
tends to agree with or follow the Latin sources rather than the Greek
or Syriac (Part III, section 4 and note 4; section 18 and note 2, section
105 and note 2). What this indicates is difficult to say, except that
the Armenian chronicler might have relied on some Latin sources for
events pertaining to the Franks, especially outside upper Mesopotamia. 10 There is no evidence that Matthew had any firsthand
information on Caucasian events, specifically those pertaining to
Georgia and its relations with the neighboring Muslims. Perhaps his
narration of these events (Part III, sections 83 and 84, section 98 and
note 2) was based on Armenian sources, although this must remain
a matter of conjecture. A further point to be noted here is that the
Armenian chronicler relates a number of events pertaining to the
decease of various Byzantine, Muslim, and Frankish rulers, giving
details on the manner of their deaths which differ substantially from
those of other sourcesll (Part II, section 132 and note 1; Part III,
section 95 and note 6, section 102 and note 4).
It is evident that Matthew is rather inconsistent in his handling
of sources. In spite of his contention that he thoroughly investigated,
weighed, and analyzed his materials (Part II, section 1), the Armenian chronicler has not always been correct in his chronological and
factual presentation (Part I, section 1 and note 6, section 2 and note
6, section 3 and note 4, section 5 and note 4, section 16 and note 3,
section 23 and note 2, section 35 and note 2, section 36 and note 1,
section 44 and note 3; Part II, section 5 and note 7, section 51 and
note 1, section 68 and note I, section 69 and note 1). Nevertheless,
in other instances he has accurately described the events he relates.
In keeping with the mentality of a medieval chronicler, Matthew
tends to be credulous and exaggerates a great deal (Part I, section 9
and note 3, section 18, section 48; Part II, section 109), but such
shortcomings are offset by a not infrequent judicious presentation of
events and individuals.
Since medieval chronicles are basically simple catalogues of events
in chronological order, very little or no emphasis is placed on
lOOn events pertaining to the Franks in upper Mesopotamia, it is quite
evident that Matthew relied on his own observations, eyewitnesses, and
others of that region. As to the specific Latin sources on which the
Armenian chronicler might have relied, there seems to be no definite
indication.
1IActually all the sources differ on the details concerning the manner
in which these rulers died. It is indeed surprising that there should be so
much disagreement on the details.
14
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Gk
INTRODUCTION
15
~
!
I
~
,/
16
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
TEXT'
Part P
1. In those days, in the year 401 of the Armenian era [952-953],3
there was a severe famine in many places. In the southern regions,
in the land of the Muslims,4 there was much suffering, above all in
Mesopotamia. Due to the severity of the famine there was anguish
and turmoil in many places, and especially in the renowned metropolitan see of Edessa/ which the Armenian king Tigran had founded. 6
The famine stayed in that country for seven years, and the slaughter
caused by that famine was very great. In the country of the Muslims
there was much mortality, and many Christians died because of the
dreadfulness of the famine. After two years locusts, numerous as the
sands of the sea, came over that region and devastated the land. The
famine increased greatly. Many went mad, and attacking one
another mercilessly and savagely, devoured each other. The princes
and nobles fed upon seeds and berries, and many animals died.
Many villages and regions became uninhabited, and nothing else has
been built to the present day.
2. In the year 407 of the Annenian era [958-959] the nation of the
Arabs 1 collected troops in Edessa and throughout the region of the
Edessenes, and with a tremendous army crossed over the great
Euphrates River and went against the fortified town2 which is called
Samosata. The RomanS general who was called the paracoemomenus,4 a mighty and brave man, went forth in battle against them.
[The two armies]5 clashed with one another at the gates of the town,
and on that day the Muslims struck down the Roman forces and
caused a great slaughter near the gates of the town. Mter a few days
the town of Samosata, which is near the town of Edessa, was
captured. 6
21
MATTHEW OF EnESSA
PART I
20
7. Mter two months had gone by, the Roman emperor Romanus
died and left two sons, Basil and Constantine, sons of the senior
Romanus. In the year 412 [963-964] Nicephorus 1 became emperor
over the Greek nation. He was a kind, saintly, and pious man, filled
with every virtue and uprightness, victorious and brave in all battles,
compassionate to all the Christian faithful, a visitor to widows and
captives, and a protector of orphans and poor people. He gathered
together a tremendous army of troops and, crossing over the vast
Mediterranean Sea, came against the Muslims2 and was ready for a
heated combat. First he moved against Cilicia and with a great
victory captured the renowned city of Tarsus. Passing on he captured
Adana, Mamistra, and the famous Anazarba, bringing frightful and
heavy slaughter upon the Muslims up to the very gates of the city of
Antioch. Then the emperor Nicephorus turned back very victorious,
and with innumerable captives and much booty he came and entered
the imperial city, Constantinople. He kept the sons of Romanus,
Basil and Constantine, near him in the palace with great honor and
in magnificent splendor.
8. In the year 418 of the Armenian era [969-970] there was a
certain man convicted to die who was on the island used as a prison;
his name was Tzimisces. 1 The wicked and abominable empress2
secretly sent for him, and as if by order of the emperor removed him
from the island and brought him to Constantinople without the
emperor's knowledge. Secretly she made a pact with him to kill the
emperor Nicephorus, and she promised to be his wife and to install
him on the imperial throne. He agreed to do the bidding of the
wicked empress. The saintly emperor Nicephorus was seated on his
throne in the evening and was reading the Holy Scriptures by lighted
candles. The empress came and embraced the emperor and [at the
same time] tightened the strap holding the sword which was near
him. Then, rising up, she went to her accomplice in crime and with
her own hands gave him the deadly sword to be used for the shedding
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
22
23
24
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
13. A certain prince, Sari by name, who was the general of the
illustrious prince Apirat, taking Apirat's wife and children and
cavalry forces, went to the city of Ani. King John very strongly
regretted the unjust death of Apirat, the Armenian prince. The
~enian king gave lands and high positions to Apirat's sons,
AplJahap, Vasak, and Sari, and to all their troops.
14. In this period the ruler of the Delumk'l collected troops and
unexpectedly came a~d. reached the Armenian district of Nig, 2 near
the stronghold of BJll1. Vasak, the commander-in-chief of the
Armenians, with his beloved son Gregory and with other illustrious
noblemen, was making merry [in his castlel. Vasak looked at the
stony road, and 10, a man was coming in haste up the road on foot.
Upon seeing him, Vasak said: "This man is a bearer of bad news."
The man arrived at the gates of the fortress of Bjni and, raising an
outcry, said: "The whole district ofNig has been enslaved." At this
the brave general Vasak roared like a lion and, rising up, put on a
coat of mail; seven noblemen did likewise, and as they arrived other
cavalry forces [did so alsol. The noblemen fanned behind Vasak. The
brave and illustrious Philip rushed [to his sidel and with him George
PART I
25
Ch'ortuanel and certain others. These were brave men and invincible
in battle. Vasak was unable to be patient of heart until the troops
gathered together, for there were as many as five thousand men
under him. Boastful of his strength, he went forth like a lion with
five hundred men into the district of Nig and entrusted his home of
Bjni to his son Gregory. When Vasak arrived at a monastery, he and
all his troops took communion and sincerely confessed their sins to
Jesus Christ. On the road, coming up to a village, they saw that the
infidels had completely destroyed it, and that these Muslims had
surrounded the church and were ruthlessly slaughtering the faithful
who were inside. When brave Vasak saw this, he roared like a lion
and fell upon the infidel forces. Three hundred of their men were
slaughtered, and the remaining fugitives took refuge with the main
infidel force.
Then moving forth, the main bulk of the Armenian army came
against the infidel forces; when the Armenians saw the Muslim army
to be very numerous and without measure, anticipating death
together, they began to take courage in battle; like wolves among
goats or like eagles in a flock of young birds they courageously went
into battle, wounding many and felling their bodies to the ground.
Then there arose a champion from the infidel forces, a dark Ethiopian
and a brave man, who was called "Ewt'n Gayl,"3 because whatever
seven wolves were able to accomplish among sheep and among their
flock, this man was able to accomplish that much more among troops
in a battle. Lo the Ethiopian, from whose coat of mail sparks flew,
came forth like a thundering cloud and, crying out, sought after
Vasak by name. Then brave Emran looked and saw him, for he was
advancing like a fuming mountain and, turning to Vasak, he said:
"Here is an invincible and brave man, the like of whom has never
been born on earth." Vasak said: "0 lion~hearted and brave Emran,
why are you frightened at his sight? Lo, I shall go forth against him
and give to him the gift that David gave Goliath, the blasphemer of
God."4 At that moment the ferocious Ethiopian advanced, hurling his
lance at brave Vasak so that he might hang him on the end of that
weapon. But being quick, Vasak ducked and with a steel sword
struck the crest of his [attacker's] helmet and cleaved in two the
brave Ethiopian, whose members lay sprawled on the ground. Thus
the Armenians were given courage in the battle and in the impossible
task. As the combat grew intense and the sword wounds multiplied,
brave Emran disappeared; for the nobility strayed from one another
due to the extensive and difficult battle, and thus were unable to see
26
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
27
,!
28
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
29
30
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
31
PART
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
32
them or took them prisoner, bringing them before our imper~al
majesty. In the same manner, whenever our troops met .up ";lth
fugitives, they captured them. We completely destroye~ Its vmeyards, olive groves, and orchards, and we ravaged and rum.ed all of
its districts. The Mricans who were there dared to go forth m battle
against us. We attacked them and slaughtered all of them to the last
manY; After this we captured the great town of Chuel, which is
called Jabala,16 also Valania,17 and Saone/8 and even the renowned
Burzuya19 itself. Thus there remained nothing up to Ramla and
Caesarea, neither sea nor land, which had not submitted to our
imperial majesty through the strength of the Uncreated God; for we
20
subjected to our imperial majesty all the lands right up to Babylon
and made their inhabitants our servants. In this way our imperial
majesty moved about this country for seven years at the head of a
large army. We devastated the towns and districts, and even the
Amir al-Mu'minin21 did not dare go forth against us from Babylon
or send cavalry to the aid of his troops. If there had not been
excessive heat and a route devoid of water to those places which are
near that city-which even your majesty knows [to be a fact]-our
imperial majesty would have advanced right up to Babylon; in any
case we chased the Amir al-Mu'minin22 to Egypt and we were
completely victorious through the grace of God who gave us our
crown. 23
20. "Thus all Phoenicia, Palestine, and Syria have been freed from
the bondage of the Muslims and have acceded to the rule of the
Romans. l Also the great Mount Lebanon has submitted to our rule'
all the Muslims who were found there, [comprising] a very great
number, we have taken captive and handed over to our cavalry
forces. We have governed Syria humanely and benevolently; we have
removed as many as twenty thousand persons from there and
resettled them in J abala. You can clearly see that God gave a victory
s~ch as has never occurred before. In that town of Jabala we
dIscovered the holy sandals of Christ our God, in which he had
roamed ab?ut wh?n he was on earth. We also discovered the picture
: our SavlOr, whlCh had been pierced through in times past by the
e,]s, ;lood and water issuing from it immediately' [one could also
see t e spe~r wound on it. In that town we als~ discovered the
ven:ra~le haIr of ~he head of the precursor, John the Baptist;2 and
iak~g It, brought It for safe keeping to our capital protected by G d
n e month of September, with the blessings of God, we brought ~u~
33
Now we have
informed your majesty concerning all this, so that you might admire
these deeds we commanded and thus glorify the great benevolence of
God. You should also realize how many good things have been
accomplished in these times and how great the number of these has
been. For the rule of the holy cross of Christ has been expanded the
name of God being praised and glorified thl'oughout these place; [we
conquered]. Our empire has prospered because of the greatness and
strength of God, whose praises are on our lips. This empire God
brought to submission and placed under our aegis, for which the Lord
God of Israel be blessed forever.
21. "From the report l of Leon, the protospatharius 2 of Derjan3 and
military commander of Taron," we have learned that the fortress of
Aytseats',5 which you have taken for yourself, you have not given up.
Now we have written to our commander not to take the fortress and
not to seize the grain which you had agreed to deliver, because at
present we have no need of it. However, have the chrysobull 6 which
we sent, given to our commander, so that he may send it back to our
imperial majesty. In turn you shall receive remuneration for your
trouble and your crops in equal proportion to what you sowed all of
good quality. II
'
22. On another occasion the emperor wrote to the Armenian
vardapet, Leon, in this manner: "To our great philosopher Pandaleon,lpleasing and beloved to our holy majesty, greetings. We charge
you that on your return from the Muslims you be found in the holy
citY. or in Slesin, 3 after you have been to the shahnshah Ashot, our
spiritual son, and have moderated his anger against us, and after you
have taken Bagrat to Pap Hancawats'i and done the same to 5mbat4
Tornets'i, the protospathariu8. So make an effort to be in our capital
protected by God, for there we plan to conduct a splendid celebration
in honor of the [newly discovered] sandals of Christ and holy hair of
John the Baptist. Furthermore, we would be very pleased if you
would speak with our sages and philosophers; in this way you would
delight us a great deal. May God be with us and with you, and the
Lord Jesus with his servants." When the Armenian vardapet Leon
heard this, he went forth and came to Constantinople, where a
magnificent celebration in honor of the [newly discovered] sandals of
Christ and hair of the holy precursor was conducted. On that day
there was great rejoicing in Constantinople; and the Armenian
34
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
among all the living; he was merciful towards widows and captives
and rendered justice to the oppressed.
23. After many battles and victories which the emperor Tzimisces
had pu~sued, th.e f~ar of death and the terrible judgement of God fell
u~on hIm. Bnngmg to mind the unjust death of the righteous
NlCephorus and the inn~cent blood [shed by his own hands], he
la~ented a~d wept and sIghed with grief. Then he resolved to lead
a ~lrtuouS hfe, so t~at pe;haps by repenting, the blood which was
~nJus~ly shed by hIm mIght be wiped away. He had held the
Impenal t~rone of the Greeks for only seven years. While he was
rem~mbenn~ all ~his, he thought of a brilliant idea and one which
~as ~n keepmg ":lth the will of God. He sent to Vasakawan, in the
dIstnct of Handzlt, and had brought to him Basil and Constantine
the sons of the emperor Romanus whom he had taken to Spramik out
of f~ar of the wicked empress, because she was very malicious. When
~asII was brought to Constantinople, Tzimisces assembled the
Important magnates of the empire of the Greeks and an imposing
ceremony t?O~ place. in the emperor's palace. 'At that time the
emperor TZImlsces WIth his own hands took the crown from his own
hea~ and ,placed it upon the head of Basil. Then he seated him on
the I;mpenal th~one and prostrated himself before Basil, handing over
to hlm the entIre empire of the Greeks. 1 Mter he gave Basil his
ancestr~l thr~ne, he himself went into solitude, and putting on the
monastIc habIt, went and lived in a monastery, He, who yesterday
was an emperor and today was living with the poor, ended his life in
~oluntary pover,ty, so that he might inherit the blessings of the Holy
. ospels and mIght payoff his debt for what he had done to the
mnocent person of Nicephorus.2
97~tBAt.~?e ~eginning of the year 424 of the Armenian nation [975aSI reIgned as father of all. He was the son of the senior
~omanus, th~ son of Con.stantine, and one of good lineage among the
35
36
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
Ablgharib, on the other hand, was waiting in ambush with fifty men.
Derenik asked the head groom for his swift horse, and he gave him
his equipment. Then the Armenian ruler pushed forward the group
[in which he found himself], directing it to the place where Ablgharib
was hidden in the wooded gardens of Her; then, vehemently spurring
on his horse, he left the group behind and thus escaped. The emir
Abll'IHajji and his troops, seeing this, very angrily pursued him.
Derenik, trusting in God, bravely went and took refuge with
Ablgharib. However, a certain Ethiopian from the infidel forces, a
brave and mighty man, pursued and came upon Ablgharib. Ablgharib roared like a lion and, falling upon him, savagely struck him and
cut the Ethiopian in two, splitting him from the head to the groin.
When the infidels saw this, they turned in flight. Then Ablgharib
signaled his brave men and, pursuing the emir Abu'IHaiji, caught up
with him. Intent on taking the emir from his horse, he pursued him
up to the gates of the town. The emir, like lightening, entered
through the gates of the town of Her. Then Ablgharib struck the iron
gate~ of the town with a steel axe and broke through the iron,
pushmg the axe clear through to the other side. This axe has
remained unextricated until the present time and has been fixed in
place like a bolt. In this manner brave Ablgharib freed Derenik from
captivity. This event took place in the district of Chuashs in
Armenia, in a village called Bak, bordering Vaspurakan.
27. At the beginning of the year 425 of the Armenian era [976-977]
God summoned the holy Armenian patriarch, Anania, to himself.1 In
the presence of a great throng the most excellent and blessed Vahan2
was consecrated to the see of the Armenian catholicate. His lordship
Joht;, th: catholicos of the Albanians, presided over the assembly.
So, In thIS year, by order of Anania and the Armenian kings John
and Ashot,S his lordship Vahan occupied the patriarchal see of
Armenia, located in the renowned town of Argina. 4
28. In this period a certain wicked magnate called Scelerusl
rebelled against Basil, the Roman emperor. Gathering forces made
up of a large number of deceitful and wicked men, he gave the
country of the Romans over to the sword. With many troops he came
and entered Armenia, and this man, alienated from God, caused very
great slaughter there. The Armenian forces went against him and by
a .great victory van~uished th:t wicked magnate and, slaughtering
hIS troops, caused hIm to flee. But Scelerus did not dare return to
37
30. During these times the wicked and abominable Persian tyrant
Mamlan, the chief emir of the infidels, 1collected troops and, rushing
forth in his ferociousness like a bloodthirsty serpent, came against
the Christian faithful, intending to bring much slaughter upon
Armenia. He came, advancing with a formidable and innumerable
army, and filled the mountains and plains with his troops. Shaking
from fear of this wicked man, the whole land trembled, for he
enslaved many areas by sword and fire. Burning down churches, he
deprived them of the blessings of God and spoke many blasphemous
words to the heavens above, to the Most High. At that time one
witnessed the great and frightful destruction of the Christians by the
terror caused by that wicked beast, for the wrath of his deadly poison
was shed upon the faithful like venomous bile. With a very great
army he came and reached the district of Apahunik', 2in the land of
the curopalatesS David, 4 the Georgian prince. This emir wrote a letter
to the pious and saintly man of God, the curopalates David, threatening him with strong words and saying the following: ItO David, you
who are a man abominable, wicked, and decaying in your old age, let
no one deceive you; for if you do not immediately send me ten years'
tribute, the sons of your noblemen as hostages, and a written
statement promising to serve me, I will come against you, arriving
quickly with my great might, and who will be the one who shall save
you from my hands? For I will bring upon you severe and harsh
38
PART I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
39
40
...
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
39. 1 In this same year the forces of Egypt called the Maghrib
~:bs, en~ered the territory of the city of Antiodh and devastated the
PART I
41
them off to Egypt. 2 Two years after, the great Roman nation went
forth and with many troops came against Armenia. Bringing the
sword and enslavement, the Romans mercilessly fell upon the
Christian faithful and passed through the land, killing savagely like
a poisonous serpent, in this manner being no different from the
infidel peoples. When the Romans entered Armenia, the forces of the
AI'Illenian noblemen gathered against them. When the two armies
met, they clashed savagely, each side bravely fighting the other; thus
both sides fought without one side being able to vanquish the other.
At that time one witnessed violent slaughter on both sides. However,
when the fierce battle grew intense, the Roman forces were defeated
by the Armenians; and thus the Romans, narrowly escaping and
humiliated, turned in flight towards their country.
40. In this same year the Muslim emir, called "Long-Hand, "1 went
forth and with many troops subjected the territory of Edessa to
devastation and enslavement, and thus very great affliction was
brought upon Edessa. The emir crossed over the great Euphrates
River and subjected that side which is on the confines of Armenia;
then he returned victoriously to the country of the Mricans. 2
41. It happened at the beginning of the year 446 of the Armenian
era [997-998J that a certain comet arose in the heavens and it became
visible with a horrible and dreadful appearance, bright and marvel~
lous.
42
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
adverse [and opinionated] Irion. l These Greeks would not accept the
authenticated calendar of the eminent Andrew, but rather transferred
the Easter full moon from Sunday to Saturday and celebrated Easter
on the following day, which should have been celebrated after eight
days.2 Thus the whole Greek nation fell into error concerning Holy
Easter, and much affliction fell upon the holy church of Constantinople and especially upon the divinely-established city of Jerusalem,
for, puffed up with arrogance, these Greeks had transferred Easter
to the day of Palm Sunday. So the Greek nation on this matter acted
contrary to all the [Christian] nations and especially to Christ for
this nation of philosophers warred against the Holy Spirit. On that
Easter the lights of the lamps in the holy sepulcher which contained
God, in the city of Jerusalem, would not burn, because the Greeks
adhered to a fals~ opinion and thus celebrated their Easter illegally.
On that day the mfidel peoples who were in the city of Jerusalem
when they witnessed the Easter of the Christians inside the Church
of t.h~ Holy Resurrection, slaughtered with the sword all the
Chnst~ans, as many ~s ten thousand persons; thus the holy sepulcher
~f ChrIst was filled WIth the blood of those praying. To this day their
ones fill the grotto there in the western section of the city of
Jerusalem; these bones are now called "Th R l'
f th v.
People" N th'
'.
e e rcs 0
e .Loung
kW IS was the SItuatIOn the [would-be] intelligent sages
f
th
G
o e ree s brought about.
;ll1an
:St
PART I
43
Nevertheless, the clergy, being opposed to all this, did not agree with
the letter, until once again the emperor Basil sent to Armenia to the
shahnshah JohnS and to his lordship the Annenian catholicos Sargis;
through a firm request he had the Armenian vardapet Samuel, a
clever and invincible man, brought to him and had him seated in the
imperial court to speak to the Greek doctors. The Greek savants
used all the books of their tradition against Samuel, but they were
unable to move him from the truth. Then Samuel began with the
first day of creation and came to the most recent day on which this
event had occurred and before the savants he verified all the correct
reasons for the celebration of Easter, using the writings of the
theologians. Basil agreed with all the words said by Samuel.
However, the Greek savants said to the emperor: "0 sovereign
emperor, command to have brought here the eminent Hebrew doctor
who lives on the island of Cyprus, a skillful man and one erudite in
the calendar and in all the sciences since his childhood,lt So Basil
sent to Cyprus and brought over Moses, the Hebrew doctor. He, an
eloquent and imposing man, stood in the imperial court before the
emperor Basil; he began to discourse on the principles of the
calendar, shaming all the Greek savants and proving them in error,
while praising the words of Samuel, the Annenian vardapet. After
this the emperor was very vexed with the Greek doctors, depriving
them of their privileged positionsj on the other hand, he sent the
Armenian vardapet back to Armenia with splendid gifts.
45. During the reign of Basil, the Greek emperor, and in the year
452 of the Armenian era [1003~1004] a certain star, appearing in the
form of fire, arose in the heavens, an omen of the wrath of God
towards all living creatures and also a sign of the end of the world.
There was a violent earthquake throughout the whole land, to such
an extent that many thought that the day of the end of the world had
arrived. Like the time of the flood all living creatures shook and
trembled, and many fell down and died from fear of the intensity of
this wrath. After this outpouring of God's wrath a plague, called
khouik, l came upon the area and, spreading through many regions,
reached Sebastia. This plague clearly manifested itself on men's
bodies and, because of its harshness, many had no time to make their
confession or take communion. Man and beast diminished from the
land, and those remaining quadrupeds roamed about the countryside
without anyone to take care of them.
44
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
46, In the year 460 of the Armenian era [1011~1012] the emperor
Basil collected troops and went against the country of the Bulgars.
He conquered their kingdom and very fiercely devastated many
regions with the sword, He subjected the whole West 1 to plunder and
enslavement and exterminated the entire kingdom of the BuIgars,
fo~cing Alioskhan,2who was a brave man and king of the Bulgars, to
d~nk, poison, In this manner Basil took the king's life and, taking
hIS Wife and sons, brought them to Constantinople,3
47. When the year 4671 of the Armenian era [1018~1019] began
the ,di"~rine-rebuking wrath of God was awakened against all th~
ChnstIan peoples and against those worshiping the holy cross for a
fatal dragon with deadly fire rose up and struck those faithful
the
Holy Trinity, In this period the very foundations of the apostles and
prophets were shaken, because winged serpents came forth and were
mtent on spreading like fire over all the lands of the Christian
fait~ful. This ,,:as the first appearance of the bloodthirsty beasts,2
Dunng these tImes the savage nation of infidels called Turks
fathered tog~ther their forces, Then they came and entered Armenia
nh t,he, prov~nce of, Vaspurakan and mercilessly slaughtered the
C rtstlan faIthful WIth the edge of the sword.
to
~~ elde~t so~
45
David and, striking his back with his fist, vehemently forced him to
turn back. For Shapuh was a brave and mighty warrior, besides
which he had raised and educated David and, because of all this, did
not fear him. In this manner Shapuh forced David to withdraw
together with his troops. The Armenian forces went back to the city
of Ostan and related everything to King Senek'erirn, telling him
about the appearance of the infidels. 2 When Senek'erim heard this,
he became greatly distressed. He neither ate nor drank, but rather
became pensive, grief-stricken, and passed the whole night sleepless.
Sitting down, he examined the chronicles and utterances of the
divinely~inspired prophets, the holy vardapets, and found written in
these books the time specified for the coming of the forces and
soldiers of the Turks. He also learned of the impending destruction
and end of the whole world. In these books he found written the
following: "At that time they will flee from the east to the west, from
the north to the south, and they will not find rest upon the earth, for
the plains and the mountains will be covered with blood";3 and this
is what Isaiah said: liThe hoofs of their stallions are unfaltering."4
49, After this Senek'erim resolved to hand over the land of his
ancestors to the Greek emperor Basil and in its stead to obtain
Sebastia; so he immediately wrote to the emperor. When the
emperor Basil heard this, he rejoiced greatly and gave the Armenian
king Sebastia. In turn Senek'erim handed over the land of
Vaspurakan to the emperor, including seventy-two regional fortresses
and four thousand four hundred villages and the monasteries; he did
not give up, but kept, one hundred and fifteen monasteries where
prayers were said for him.l He gave all of this in writing to Basil.
Then the emperor asked the Armenian king to send him David in
royal splendor; so Senek'erim sent his son and with him the sons of
the noblemen; the bishop, his lordship Eghishe; three hundred packmules, laden with treasure and various articles; and also one
thousand Arabian horses. With such a splendid train David entered
Constantinople. The city was stirred up and everyone came to meet
him. The streets and palaces were decorated and the populace
strewed money on him [as he went forth], The emperor Basil rejoiced
greatly when he saw David and, taking him to Saint Sophia, made
him his adopted child, and the populace honored him as the
emperor's son. After this Basil gave David many gifts and sent him
back to his father, and he gave Senek'erim Sebastia with its innumerable surrounding districts, Senek'erim, going forth with his whole
46
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Bi
Installed in his place as patri~rc~e 'I and hIS lordship Peter1 was
Powerful magnate of the Greek' .n the. same year a certain
natIon, NlCephorus, surnamed
PART I
47
48
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
night. The whole land was filled with mourning, and shedding bitter
tears, all the peoples cried out to God. Then, after three days, all the
princes and noblemen gathered together by order of the Annenian
king John and came before the holy vardapet John Kozern, who was
a pious and religious man and indeed filled with the knowledge of the
apostolic and prophetic books. When the Armenian princes came to
question him and to learn about the miraculous appearance and the
omen, th~y sa~ the holy vardapet John prostrate on his face in grief
and weepmg bItterly. When they questioned him he answered them
painfully and with heart~rending groans and said:
"0 children, listen to me. Misfortune and disaster have come to all
mankind, ~or today is the thousandth year of the imprisonment of
Sat~n, .whIch our Lord Jesus Christ had brought about by his
crucIfixIOn and especially by his holy baptism in the Jordan River.
Nov.: Satan has been released from his imprisonment according to the
testlmony of the vision of the evangelist John, who was told by the
an~e1hof God that Satan would be imprisoned for one thousand years
~~s be en would be releas~d from his imprisonment. 1 Lo, today Satan
en released from his thousand- year imprisonment This is the
~:a:d::: ::dt~~Armenian era [~029-1030]; add to it the first five
thirt
y two years, whICh comes out to one thousand and
baPtrs~e~;6~~:~ :u~tract ~hirty years for the period before the
because of the fwfiIIm~n:o~ thiave 1000 years at the present. Now,
came about. Henceforth n~ 0 s p;~thec~ the rending of the heavens
of Christ and in the comma~ WI e a Ie to stand firm in the faith
bishop or priest abe'oh 2
menknts of God, patriarch or vardapet,
' 0 ay or mo
princ
I'
band together with
thieve b' d '
e or peop e. Pnnces will
take bribes and give u s'. ~gan s~ and plunderers, and judges will
wilderness and monasteri;:~n;er~lc~s. ~onks will forsake the
roam about the streets and
' tnflIng WIth worldly pursuits will
mon
and forsake the disci line
? women. They will scorn pr~yers
ways of the world anf pursuinth~~ mo~astic life, delighting in the
~at delight in diabolic son; e pra~ses of men. They will take
fnends and saying 'I know gb' bhecommg arrogant towards their
" reason they w'n
a out
not .' F
or thIS
d t armonyand me Iody and you do
There will be many despisers ~f I es ~oy the rituals of the churches
grumblers and accusers' and e~nmg, slothful and idle chatterers'
men,. for they will be stdbbornn~w ere will ~he truth appear amon~
era, Informers, liars, Prideful,' a~'~~7' despIsers of friends, slandergreedy, drunkards, and lechers ~us, p~esumptuous, conceited,
.
y chIldren, henceforth the
glorification of God by mankind will cease, and truth will not appear
among men. On the contrary, abominable and loathsome princes will
become rash and fall into error. They will forsake their concern for
the construction of buildings and for the successful outcome of their
undertakings;3 instead they will evermore dally in drunkenness
because of their love and desire for that evil and abominable disease.
The patriarchs, bishops, priests, and monks will be more avaricious
than pious. My children, henceforth the will of Satan shall be
executed among the sons of man more than the will of God. By
means of unworthy celebrants, which henceforth shall be the rule,
God shall vent his anger upon all living creatures, especially upon
those who celebrate the divine liturgy, since Christ shall be sacrificed
by the unworthy and distributed to the unworthy. Our Lord Jesus
Christ shall be wounded more by unworthy priests than he was by
his torment and crucifixion at the hands of the Jews, since Satan has
been freed from his thousand~year imprisonment in which Christ had
bound him. My children, I disclose all of these things to you, weeping
and lamenting with an oppressed heart, because many will be pulled
away from the faith, boastfully denying Christ. Thus it is because of
all these iniquities that darkness has taken hold of all creation. The
holy Armenian vardapet spoke in this manner concerning the
execution of the divine wrath. Moreover, he discoursed on many
other misfortunes which would befall the faithful; 10, all of these
things indeed came about, one after another, by the eruption of the
ferocious and savage nation of the Turks, those wicked and abomi~
nable children of Ham. 4
:r
49
1I
53. In this same year of the horrible omen [about which we have
spokenJ, the saintly Roman emperor Basil died, l having occupied the
imperial throne of the Romans for fifty-eight years.2 While he was
still alive, he summoned his brother Constantine and placed the
imperial crown on his head. He then installed Constantine on the
imperial throne and prostrated himself [before his brotherJ. Basil
entrusted his whole empire to Constantine and drew up a will in
reference to Armenia, which directed the new emperor to watch over
that nation with paternal care. Moreover, Basil entrusted to
Constantine the sons of Senek'erim-David, Atom, Abusahl, and
Constantine-and also all the princes of the Armenian nation,
enjoining his brother always to deal benevolently with the Christian
faithful. Basil reigned over the Romans for fifty-eight years. He led
a holy and chaste life and, having sincerely confessed his sins, went
50
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
to sleep in Christ Jesus and was buried next to the other saintly
emperors, leaving behind a good memory [of his life and deedsJ,
54. In this same year the Armenian king Senek'erim also died
~nd he. was ~aken to the cemetery of his ancestors where the form:r
t'
r~igned over the whole empire of ~~: an me, the brother of Basil,
kInd and pious man compa' t Romans. Constantine was a
,SSlOna e toward
'd
'
the ~ndemned-which Basil ~~~ b~~: and als.o ordered the prison of
up wlth Gr~ek magnates-burned to and whICh he had indeed filled
throne, BasIl had secretly strang1 d the ground, Out of fear for his
of tkhe Gn;ek nation; their bodies :tilIthf :odst illustrious personages
nee s on Iron hooks. Wh
'
,c 0 e, were hanging b their
and ordered that they be ~~~~nstantIUe s~w this, he wept fo; them
~e found fault with his broth and t?e prIson burned to the ground
00& he have to di
er, saYIng: "When one is t d'
.
tranSitory anyway?" eCs o cruelly, since life itself is m to .1e, Why
th R
. onstantine
f
a enaI and
e oman empire and b
peace uny occupied the th
Hha~intgJoccuPied the thr~::v~;~nhtelY gOv~rned all the faithful o~o~~dof
ns esus aft h '
empIre for fi
.
behind a good er aVlng Sincerely confessed h~ur ,years, he died in
Indeed there ~:mory [of his life and deeds] he l~ ~lUs; t~us, leaving
deprived of such S great sorrow in the co~nt JOIned ,hIS ancestors.
~=Vi;~t~:~~::h~;:::~~:~i~~!;!~I?;:;Jt~:
51
In this period two emirs resided in Edessa, Shabal and 'Utair, There
were three citadels in the city of Edessa; two citadels and two
quarters of the city belonged to Shabal, while one citadel and one
quarter of the city belonged to 'Utiar. Now each wa~ resolved, to
destroy the other. So one day 'Utiar invited Shabal to dm~er, takmg
him outside the city to a place called the Monastery of ArchlCh, where
there was a stone column right opposite the citadel. Both men had
52
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
Maniaces and handed over the citadel of Edessa to him. The Roman
commander went forth with four hundred men and at night secretly
came to the gates of the citadel. Since Salman knew of his coming,
he took the keys of the citadel and went to Maniaces; then he
prostrated himself before the Roman commander and turned over the
citadel to him. On the same night Salman took his wife and children
and passed over to Samosata.
When the Muslims heard of the coming of Maniaces, they set up
a formidable resistance against the Roman commander; numerous
companies of troops gathered against Edessa, and as the Muslims
attacked the city, many of their number who lived there left. But the
Syrians fortified themselves in the Cathedral of Saint Sophia; for,
because of their women and having much gold and silver, they did
not dare enter into the citadel, being afraid that their possessions
would be seized. Nevertheless, a few days after, many of them
together with all their possessions perished by fire. Those who
remained took refuge in the citadel with Maniaces and were thus
saved. For the Muslims had organized a great assault against the
Cathedral of Saint Sophia, placing a catapult against the northern
wall and vehemently bombarding the church until it was completely
demolished' then throwing fire inside, they had burned many to
death and thus i~numerable possessions and provisions belonging to
the city's inhabitants had been destroyed, After this episode all the
Muslims were roused and came against Maniaces, Yet the Roman
magnate trapped in the citadel of Edessa with four hundred men,
displayed tremendous courage. The most eminent emirs arrived from
their respective territories6 to the city of Edessa, from Egypt and from
the whole country of the Babylonians. Even Shabal of Harran, who
had been wounded by one of Maniaces' servants, a man called Uzar,
came; this man had come in the capacity of a messeng~r and thus
was without suspicion and, when he approached the emIr! attacked
him striking him upon the shoulder with an axe; then thIS servant
of Maniaces rushed to the moat of the town with the rapidity of an
eagle and took refuge in it, but his horse perished ~ecause of a sever~
wound. [Here are the other distinguished Mushms who n:arche
against Edessa]: the emir Salip. came from Aleppo, Mah~u~ from
Damascus, Muhammad from Horns, al-'Azlz from Egypt, ~h,from
M b' ' 'Abouliah from Baghdad, Quraysh from Mosul, N a!,l1~.-ad
n::laf; from Maiyafariqin, 'Ali from Amida, .Ba:hlr fr?m JazlratIbn-'Umar,7 APmad from Khlat', Zura8 from Bahshs ~usam fr~m Hefo
Kutan8 from Sa1mast, Ahi8 from Arzan, Ahvar from Cteslphon,
53
54
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
S
N!
PART I
55
sultan of the Persian empire, 9 the city of Edessa was captured by the
Muslims.10 Finally, after all the afflictions, hardships, and torments
which brave Maniaces had endured, Romanus replaced him and gave
the command of Edessa to Abukab, the tent-guard of David the
curopalates.
60. At the beginning of the year 481 of the era of the Armenian
calendar [1032-1033] there was a severe famine throughout the entire
land. Many people died because of this famine and many sold their
women and children for want of bread. Because of the intensity of
the hardships, whenever one spoke, he yielded up his soul. In this
manner the land was consumed by famine.
61. In the year 484 of our era [1035-1036] the emperor. R?m~nus
died1 because of a perfidious plot by his empress. For thIS ImpIOUS
woman gave the emperor poison to drink, thus killing him. 2 So
MichaelS was installed on the throne of the Greek empire by order of
his empress, 4 who was the daughter of Constantine.
62. In this period king David, the son of the ~enian ki~g
Senek' erim died and passed on his hereditary sovereIgnty t~ hIS
brother Atdm. This Atom was filled with virtue, justi~e, and samtly
conduct in Jesus Christ; moreover, he was imbued WIth ge~tleness
and graciousness, was compassionate towards the afflIcted, a
supporter of the poor, a protector o~ monks, and [last but not least]
a builder of churches and monastenes.
63 In the year 484 of the Armenian era [1035-1036] the Muslims
marched forth with many troops and came against. Edessa. They
passed over to the other side of the great Euphrates River and, : ;.the
sword and enslavement, subjected the whole land to d evas ~ I~:.
Many Christians were led into captivity to the country ~ ~
1
Muslims Moreover, the Muslims ravaged Alar and Sewa~:~ bl and
filled th~ fountai,ns and water-conduits of t~~~;~;:t~\he bf~od
Because of all thIS severe slaughter, the Ian
fi
thered
of the Christians. In this same year the Roman orces 19a the
and
. t the Mus rms
together and came agams
I,
. their genera was
ber of
2
brother of Michael, the Roman emp.eror. :~t~e ~~~~~e ~~~tened
horsemen he reached the town of M~hte~e'b ~tl When the Muslim
and did not go up against the MuslIms III a e.
Th"
what
troops heard this, they returned to their own country.
IS IS
56
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
57
to the vardapet John and up to the sixth hour of the day they did not
dare say anything or ask about the fearful omen; all those who had
come to him [merely] wept together.
Then, when the Armenian vardapet saw the lamentation of all
those who had come, opening his mouth, he began to speak, while
groaning and shedding many tears. He wept over all the nations of
the faithful; he wept over the priestly order, over the destruction of
the purity of the holy sacrament; he wept over the church of God and
over the dissolution of the divine precepts which had been kept by the
church. Then he began to speak to the Armenian princes in the
following manner:
ItO my illustrious sons, listen to these words of the distressed and
grieved John. For today the thousand years of the torments of the
crucifixion of Christ have been completed and also the releasing of
Belial, who had been confined by the Savior in the Jordan River, [has
come about]. This is what was shown to us by the first omen forty
years before, as we predicted, and now once again the omen has
repeated itself; for first the heavens were rent and the earth became
obscured. In this year the luminaries became darkened and also all
of creation; for henceforth all the nations who believe in Christ will
walk in darkness. Also henceforth the institutions of the church of
Christ will be obscured by all the nations of believers. They will
slacken from fasting and prayers and will no longer believe in the
future life. Fear for the judgement of God will be scorned, and true
faith will disappear from all the nations. Piety will grow weak;
people will loath the precepts of God and will be hostile to the words
of the Holy Gospel of Christ. Everyone will put themselves in
opposition to the holy precepts of God and will scorn the words of the
holy vardapets and will disregard the commandments of the canons
of the holy patriarchs. Because of this, many will fall from the
heights of faith and will stay away from the doors of the holy church;
because of the negligence of fasting and prayers, they will become
blind to the true religion. Many will come under the yoke of
anathemas, for they will not accede to the divine counsel of the words
of the holy prelates. Sons will be cursed by their parents because
they do not obey them, and parents will be tormented by their
offspring. The compassion of love for friends will fade from fathers
and from their children. Henceforth many schisms will enter the
church of God because of the negligence of the patriarchs; for they
will become feeble and weak and will not inquire into the faith,
rather they will become brainless as fools. For the sake of silver they
58
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
will forsake the faith, and benedictions will diminish from the house
of God. The fear and the horrible dread of God's judgement on that
fearful day, which is to come about, will disappear and be abolished
from all minds.
, "People will forget the recompense of the upright and of the
smn~rs, for they will be sinful and covetous of the evil way, With
longmg they will go to the meeting place of sin, for the land will be
p~lluted by the kings, princes, and prelates, The prelates and princes
WIll becom,e open to bribery, liars, and petjurers and, [falling] into the
hand of bnbers, shall pervert their judgments of the rights due to the
poor. Bec~use of ,this, God will be even more angry at them, since
they e:rercIse theIr. leadership and power with partiality and not
. accordI~g to [the wIll ofJ God. They will rule over the destinies [of
~en] WIth absolute power, rather than directing and teaching them
m the fe~r of God as the holy apostle Paul commanded, The princes
and th~ Judges will become whoremongers rather than godly men.
~ey WIll s~orn holy marriage and cling to the disease of harlotry and
wIl! glory In th~ ruin of people like themselves. They will honor
traItors and thIeves and will unjustly seize the possessions of
laborers; [~nal1y] they will be more strict in their judgments than is
necessary In order to carry out justice,
"My dear children, henceforth the doors of the holy church will be
close? be:au~e of the disputes between the spiritual leaders, and the
holy mstitutlOns, [?f the church] will be abolished from every nation.
Becau~e of ~vanC1ousness, they will ordain many unworthy people
a~~ W1~1 brmg all the defiled ones into the priesthood. Then the
dIvme ht~rgy of Chri~t will be in the hands of unworthy priests; and
many, WIll undeservmgly take communion from them, not for
salvatIOn but for the condemnation and destruction of their souls, In
some places and among different nations there will be found true
celebrants of the holy mystery of Christ, through whom God will have
~ercy on the world. My children, they will hurt the saintly and
VIrtuous; they will turn away the pure from the priesthood because
they do not have money and will not ordain them, As we said forty
yea;s a~o, when the, other omen appeared, many will fall away from
th~lr, faIth an~ rehgion, and the clergy will grow slack in their
rehglOU~ practIce., They shall become lecherous, longing after
perverSIOns, and WIll take great delight in diabolical songs Monks
shall fle,e from the wil~erness and scorn the holy company ofhermits.
They WIll scorn and dIshonor the habits of former religious people.
They shall become confounders of order and piety and shall eschew
PART I
59
60
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
:ft
PART I
61
and, going forth, captured from the Persians the town of Berkri, 2
located in the East. He slaughtered the whole town in toto and
consumed the forces of the Muslims with the sword. For many days
he battled against the citadel and put its occupants in dire straits,
many perishing in the moat. However, during these assaults the
Armenian troops were negligent and in a heavy state of intoxication.
Khetrik, who was the emir of the town of Berkri, seeing the disorderly state of the Annenian troops, sent a message to his townspeople to
come to his aid. The infidels gathered together and came forth and
found the Armenians totally unprepared [for battle]. In the morning
they attacked the Christian forces and severely slaughtered them.
On that day the distinguished Armenian prince, Gandzi, was killed,
and his son Tachat inherited his lands. In this way Gandzi and all
his forces perished in the town of Berkri. 3
66. At the beginning of the year 486 of the Armenian era [10371038] his lordship Peter, the Armenian catholicos, secretly left his see
and went to Vaspurakan because of some difficulties. For the king,
all the lords, and the military magnates of Annenia would not heed
the divine precepts of God. 1 His lordship Peter was in Vaspurakan
for four years and stayed in the Monastery of Dzor,2 which the holy
patriarch N erses 3 had built. There was incalculable sorrow in
Armenia due to his leaving the patriarchal see. Then King John and
all the Armenian lords wrote a deceitful letter to his lordship Peter,
saying that they were obedient to his precepts and followers of the
enlightened doctrine which he expounded, They wrote this letter,
taking a solemn oath, and they set up as mediators the Roman
commanders, who had come to the country as military governors. His
lordship Peter was deceived by their false oath and returned to his
see. When he was about to enter the city of Ani, his lordship Peter
was put in prison for a year and five 4 months by order of King John.
The king sent to the Monastery of Sanahin5 and had brought back the
distinguished Dioscorus, the superior of that monastery. He came
and was set up as the adversary of his lordship Peter. Dioscorus was
installed as catholicos on the patriarchal see of the Armenians for one
year and two months, but not in accordance with the will of God.
Because of all this, this eminent orator Dioscorus became very greatly
deceived and lost the immeasurable respect which he had [in the
past], and there was no one who would accept ordination from him,
which indeed was the prerogative of the holy see, His name was not
proclaimed in the churches with the other patriarchs, for he was
62
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
An
1.
67.
6~ ..In the year 489 of the Armenian era [1040-1041] a comet with
br~lhant appearance became visible. It appeared in the western
POrtIO~ of the sky at the beginning of the evening and moved along,
followmg a ba~kward path. It touched the Pleiades 1 and the moon
a
69. In the same year the Bulgars rose up against the Romans
The Roman emperor Michael collected troops from the whole empir~
of the Greeks and with a very great army went against the Bulgars.
Full of rage he devastated and enslaved many regions and, sword in
PART I
63
hand, reached the borders of the Bulgar kingdom. The forces of the
Bulgars in turn gathered together against the Greek emperor. On
that day a severe slaughter took place. The Bulgar forces defeated
the Roman troops and caused them to flee, pursuing them with the
sword. On that day all the plains were covered with blood, and the
emperor Michael took refuge in Constantinople. Thus the Bulgars
strengthened themselves at the expense of the Greeks, recaptured
their own country, and were delivered from servitude to the Romans.
70. In this same year the Armenian king Ashot Bagratuni,1 the
son of Gagik and the brother of John, died. He left behind his son,
named Gagik,2 who was fifteen years of age. Ashot was brough~ to
the city of Ani and was buried in the vaults of former Anneman
kings. During his lifetime Ashot did not enter the city of Ani except
on the day of his death because John greatly feared him, for he v:'as
a brave and mighty man. Mter the death of Ashot the Anneman
forces grew slack and scorned the art of war. They became subject
to the Roman yoke, they reveled in drunkenness, and they took
delight in citterns3 and in the songs of singers. They departed from
the unity [they had maintained] with one another and they no lon~er
came to each other's aid. They [merely] shed tears for the land whlch
was being put to the sword, weeping together for its destruction and
at the same time delivering up one another to the sword of the ~reek
nation; they thus despoiled their kin and went over to the SIde of
their enemies.
71. In this period the great emir of the Persians, Abii'l-Uswar,l
collected troops from the nation of the infidels, as many as one
hundred and fifty thousand. Full of rage he came and attacked the
Christians. With venomous wrath he entered the country of the
Albanians into the region held by David Anhoghin2 and brought much
affiiction to the faithful. David, fearing the enormous number of the
infidel forces, did not go forth in battle. On the other hand, the
wicked Abu'l-Uswar captured many districts and four hundred
regional fortresses. Remaining there for .on~ year, he br~ught the
greater part of the country under his subJectIOn and was ~ntent on
marching against David. David, being powerless, sent to King John,
who reigned in Ani, and said to him: "Abu'l. U swar has captured ~n
the regions of Armenia and is coming ~gainst m~. If you do. not aId
me, I will go to him in submission, WIll serve hlm as a gulde, and
thus bring desolation upon your district of Shirak. When John
113
64
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
65
zeal took hold of them and they struck at the infidels, and the infidels
in toto turned back in flight. The Armenian forces pursued them
sword in hand and for five days frightfully slaughtered the infidel
troops to such an extent that the plains and mountains were covered
with blood. They seized innumerable treasures of gold and silver and
much booty, while the remaining Persian troops, narrowly escaping
with their lives, naked and barefooted, took refuge in their own
country. The country of the Albanians stank because of their filthy
corpses. In three days David had control of all the districts which the
infidels had formerly captured and with splendid gifts sent away all
the troops who had come to his aid. From the booty [he had taken]
he distributed many articles to the bishops, priests, and to all those
who had come to him, and then sent them away. Thus peace was
reestablished.
72. In this same year a certain wicked and evil prince from the
noblemen of Senek'erim went to the Greek emperor and severely
denounced Atom and Abusahl, the sons of Senek'erim, saying: "They
are intent on rebelling against you and thus causing you annoyance
and trouble." The emperor Michael, having heard this, believed these
falsely spoken words. He sent his acolyth 1 to Sebastia with fifteen
thousand men to bring them to him so that they might not escape,
and the acolyth reached the city of Sebastia with his troops. When
the sons of Senek'erim heard this, they became stupefied and at the
same time frightened. They saw that the prudence of the acolyth was
not equal to theirs and thus were afraid to go with him.
73. Then prince Shapuh said to Atom and Abusahl: "Do you wish
me to scatter the Roman forces throughout the fields?" As he said
this, he put seven coats of mail one on top of the other and struck
them with his sword, breaking off pieces of the iron mail. The sons
of the Armenian king said: "Let it not be this way, rather we will go
with those summoning us." They gave many gifts to the Roman
general and went with him to Constantinople. Upon entering the
city, they went weeping to the tomb of the emperor Basil and threw
the paper containing the oath given to them on it. 1 Then they said:
"You have brought us to the country of the Romans, and they
threaten us with death. 0 our father, vindicate us before our
accusers!" The emperor Michael, hearing such wisdom, marvelled
greatly and ordered the denouncer done away with.
66
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
0';
Arm.eman forces, many places subm 'tt d~as hno commander for the
of this, great destruction was b
1 e
0 t e Romans; now, because
one hundred thousand Roman t rought on Armenia. At that time
of Ani and encamped before its gr~ops ~ ered against the royal city
forces gathered around th a es.
e remnants of the Armenian
1
Pahlawuni and begged him ~ :~7a;t~~m~ander-i~-chief Vahram
army, for the Roman forces h
In attle agamst the Roman
violent blaspheming and manad ~omelt to battle against them with
. forces
b ecame filled with rage' and fu y. msu 'ts. So th.e Armeman
thirty thousand men both root ~~~dS' WI h wrdhath hke ferocious beasts,
,
lers an orsemen, went forth in
Ut
PART
67
total battle array towards the gate called Tsaghik.2 Like lightening
they threw themselves upon the Roman troops and turned in flight
those very arrogant and haughty forces, pitilessly slaughtering them
with the edge of the sword. The Akhurian River, which was located
nearby, was turned into blood. Because of the cries of the ferocious
Annenian troops, the fugitives were unable to flee, but rather stood
stupefied and were delivered to the mercy of the sword. This was a
very frightful day for the Roman forces, for out of twenty thousand
men only one hundred remained. Then the saintly and distinguished
commander-in-chief, Vahram Pahlawuni, interceded and with many
supplications made entreaties to the Armenian forces through a
deputation; he was barely able to get them to agree to allow the
Roman troops to withdraw [unhannedl. In this way the remnants of
the Roman troops were saved. No longer did the Roman forces seek
to capture the city of Ani; rather they turned back humiliated and
went to Constantinople to [the emperor] Michael.
77. At that time a lad eighteen years old, named Gagik, l from the
same scion of the Bagratids, appeared. He was the son of King
Ashot, who was the son of Gagik, son of Ashot, 2son of Abas, son of
5mbat, son of Ashot the Iron. This lad Gagik was very wise, pious,
and religious. All the Armenian lords assembled before the patriarch
his lordship Peter, and Gagik was anointed king over all Armenia by
the grace of the Holy Spirit and at the behest of the distinguished
prince;3 thus at his behest the virtuous and illustrious Peter4 anointed
Gagik. This [distinguished] prince was of the lineage of Hayk and a
Pahlavid by descent. His name was Gregory like his ancestor, and
he was of the lineage of Saint Gregory.5 He shone forth as a second
Samuel, he who anointed David king over all Israel. 6 This prince,
who was very pious, religious, and invincible among learned men,
made Gagik king over Armenia. Using his wisdom, he endeavored to
establish on a firm base the throne of the kingdom of the Armenian
nation and begged God to aid him, as well as the Pahlavid dynasty.
78. At that time Gagik, supported by his troops, seized Sargis and
subjected him to various kinds of tortures, until against his will the
Armenian king obtained control of the fortresses, districts, towns, and
his entire hereditary treasury, all of which Sargis had seized. At this
time, because of the benevolent will of God, the Roman forces became
pacified, and they no longer continued to seek after the city of Ani
and to make war upon the Armenians. By that time, through the
68
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
:r
t:
PART
69
70
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
.
e Ig enmg Chnchghuk c
.
h'
'
h1m;
then, taking the horse d t dame agamst 1m and killed
Hasa~. Mter this Hasan c:e~ o~tan ~~d, he returned to the side of
forth mto battle The A
.
to IS troops and bravely rushed
and slaughtered' four tho~::~n/~~o~s turned the enemy in flight
nians, with much rejoicin t
0
elr men. Mter this the Armetheir mourning garment:' urned back and at the same time took off
71
84. In this period the wicked Sargis began to hatch his malicious
plots. Suggesting the following to Monomachus, he said: "Summon
Gagikl before you in Constantinople on the pretext of friendship and
then through trickery take the city of Ani from him. When the
emperor Monomachus heard this, he became very happy, and the
seed of malice aimed at the destruction of the Armenian kingdom
began to grow in his heart. He wrote a letter to Gagik, the Annenian
king, including with it a very solemn oath; he was so outrageous that
[with this letter] he sent to the Armenians the Christian Gospels and
a relic of the holy cross of Christ, as a proof and a guarantee [of his
sincerity]. In this manner he summoned the Armenian king on the
pretext of friendship and of meeting with him.
When Gagik heard this, he refused to agree to this duplicity, for he
well knew the perfidiousness of the Romans. However, the perfidious
Sargis and the other noblemen who had advised Monomachus came
to Gagik and encouraged him to go, saying: "0 king, why are you
afraid to go after such an oath, confirmed by the dispatch of the
Gospels and the holy relic of Christ, has been given. Have no fear
concerning us, for we will die for you." They made his lordship Peter
guarantor [of their sincerity] and on that day took a very solemn
oath. The holy sacrament of the body and blood of the Son of God
was brought forth and a pen was dipped in the vivifying blood; then
the patriarch and all the Annenian princes signed the written oath
[with this pen]. Only then did the Armenian king Gagik. go to
Constantinople to the emperor Monomachus. Very excited, the whole
city came to meet the Armenian king with great pomp. He was taken
II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
72
85. Now at the beginning of the year 493 of the Armenian era
[1044-1045] the emperor Monomachus collected troops from the whole
count~ of the Greeks and sent them as a formidable army to the
East In order to take control of the city of Ani. He appointed the
paracoemomenus, l who was a eunuch, as commander. At the head of
many troops, this man came and reached the gates of Ani. The
emper~r :was intent in establishing this eunuch as governor of
Armema In place of the brave Gagik, whom he no longer allowed in
the East.. However, the Armenians who were in Ani refused to give
up the ~lty, but vehemently clamored for their king and blasphemously Insulted the Romans. Then all of Ani in toto rose up in battle
close by the gates of the city. The Armenians turned the Roman
forces in flight and pursued them, slaughtering them [as they went];
moreover, they completely annihilated the Roman camp. Then the
73
86. In the year 494 of the Armenian era [1045-1046] the violent
wrath of God fell upon all creatures. For the Lord God looked upon
his creatures with anger, and a fearful and horrible earthquake took
place. The whole universe trembled in toto according to the words of
the prophet, who said: "Who looks at the earth and causes it to
tremble?"1 At this time all of creation shook in this same manner.
In the district of Ekegheats'2 many churches were shaken and
collapsed to their very foundations. The town called Erznka8 was
completely demolished. The earth was torn open, and men and
women sank into deep abysses; and for many days the sounds of their
screams issued forth from these places. It was summertime, and day
after day during that period the earth4 shook. We are incapable of
describing the wrath and turmoil which God brought upon all of us
living creatures because of our sins. During this same summer there
was darkness and gloom upon the earth to such an extent that the
sun and moon took on the appearance of blood, although, when the
vault of the sky appeared, it was clear. 5
87. In this same year during the days of autumn the Roman forces
moved forth and went against the city of Dvin. As they engaged in
combat, the wrath of God fell upon the Roman troops, and they were
defeated by the infidels and turned back in flight. Much slaughter
74
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
75
of Christians took place, and many of the Roman troops fell by the
sword or were taken captive. Among those Christians who were
killed in this great battle at the city of Dvin was the illustrious
Armenian commander-in-chief Vahram, together with his son
Gregory.
88. In this same year a great calamity, having its origin in Persia,
befell the Christians. There arose and came forth three men from the
court of the sultan Tughrul1 -Poghi, Puki, Anazughli2 -and with
many forces reached the country of the Muslims. s Taking countless
prisoners, they came and encamped on the banks of the Arean River"
in the territory of Mosul. Then the commander of Mosul, called
Kuraysh, [who also happened to be] the lord of that city, collected
troops and came against them with his Arab forces; a violent battle
was fought on both sides. However, the Turks defeated the Arab
forces and put them in flight, taking their women and children into
captivity. At that point the Muslim emir Kuraysh hoisted a black
standard and with a shrill cry entered into the ranks of the Arabs
collecting a great number of troops and once again coming against th~
Turks. He defeated them in a severe battle and took back those of
his people taken captive [by the enemy] and also their belongings.
!he Turks. fled to ~aghin and caused much slaughter in many places;
III t~e regIOn of T lkhum a heavy massacre of Christians took place.
Takmg very numerous captives, the Turkish forces turned in the
direction of Persia and soon reached the Armenian town of Archesh.
A Roma~ commander, who was the catepan5 Stephen, resided there.
The PerSIan emirs sent much booty to the Roman commander so that
he ~ight allow them to pass through, for they were going back to
theIr own country. However, he became arrogant and went forth in
battle ag~inst the Turks. Then the Turks defeated the Roman troops,
slaughten?g them severely and, taking the catepan Stephen prisoner,
brought hIm to the town of Her. Mter many tortures Stephen died
at the h~nd~ of ~he infidels. They then flayed the skin of his body
and, fillmg It WIt? grass, hung it from the ramparts. When his
people heard of thIS, they came and bought the body and skin for ten
thousand dahekans. 6
90. When the year 496 of the Armenian era [1047-1048] began,
once again the telarches came and descended upon the city of Dvin
with many troops. He caused much suffering and anguish in that
area and, despoiling all the Muslims with the sword and enslavement, peacefully returned to the country of the Greeks. 1
89. In the year 495 of the Armenian era [1046-1047] the Roman
76
PART I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
77
78
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
94. 2Now, when the Greek forces came to the East Cecaumenus 1
Aaron: and Gregory,3 the son of Vasak, summoned t~ their side the
Georgian .prince Liparit and they arrived at the fortress called
Kaputru, In the district of Arjovit,4 When the Turkish forces heard
79
95. In the year 499 of the Armenian era [10501051] the country
of the Greeks was shaken by violent disorders and many provinces
80
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART I
81
Peros heard what the sons of Abel had done, he collected many troops
against the fortress of Arkni. However, when the general saw the
ruggedness of this fortress, he was greatly amazed and was unable
to assault it, for it was high and seemed impregnable to an enemy
[attack]; thus it was inaccessible to him. Then Peros conceived of a
malicious plan and said: IIIf anyone will bring the head of Harpik to
me, he will receive a great amount of gold and silver and also power
and high rank from the emperor." When Harpik's comrades and old
friends, who were with him in the fortress, heard this, they conceived
of a wicked idea similar to that of the fratricides Judas and Cain.
Not far from the fortress and right opposite it was a spot, and Harpik
had taken some men and gone forth to guard this place. For three
days he dared not sleep at all, and then these perfidious men said to
him: liMy lord, why don't you sleep, for 10, we this day are ready to
die for your person." Believing them, he slept, for he was very
fatigued; now, when he was in a deep sleep, one of his relatives came
up and cut off the head of the mighty and valiant man Harpik, and
in the same night his head was delivered to the catepan Peros.
Nevertheless, the murderers gained nothing [from this betrayal]
except imprecations. Then Peros ordered Harpik's head put on a pole
and brought before the gates of the fortress. His brothers, seeing him
at daybreak, recognized him and immediately opened the gates.
Throwing ashes on their heads and weeping, the three brothers came
forth and fell down before the severed head of Harpik. They
lamented to such an extent that even all the troops in the camp
bemoaned and wept. In this manner Peros took possessio~ of the
impregnable fortress of Arkni and took the brothers of Harplk- the
sons of Abel-to the emperor Monomachus in Constantinople. When
the emperor and all the Greeks saw the brothers, they were amaz~d
by their formidable appearance; for they were redoubtable ~n
appearance and even at the shoulders surpassed the Gree~s III
stature. Because of their magnificent demeanor, the emperor ~Id not
punish them, but commanded that they be transfer;ed to a~ Island.
Such was the fate of David, Leon, and Constantme, valIant and
mighty men and illustrious Armenian princes.
Part II
1. Now up to this point, by laborious investigation, we have
discovered and written down the materials of the past hundred years,
arranged in chronological order; having examined these materials for
a very long time, we have grasped their significance. We have used
materials from very many observers and hearers who were born in
times long past, from those who read the historians of these times
and were eyewitnesses of all these happenings and afflictions which
the Armenians endured because of their sins.1 Lo, many times I have
thought about writing down the violent events of these past times,
namely the horrible punishment which the Annenian nation endured
at the hands of the long-haired and abominable Eghimnats'~',2 the
nation of the Turks, and their brothers, the Romans. Because of all
this, it became necessary for me to investigate this matter [of the
destruction of the Armenian kingdom], always thinking about my
plan in terms of a great work. So I collected documents 3 and,
collating them, wrote down a narration of events up to the point we
have reached here, events concerning the three nations, 4 the patriarchs, and various other nations and kings; all these events which I
narrated before and which I have yet to narrate mark the beginning
of the destruction which took place in the days of our fathers, who
themselves witnessed these very same events many times with their
own eyes. These events were my very special preoccupation, and for
eight years I applied myself to incessant investigation, hoping to
bring all this to light and record it so that its memory would not be
lost to the inexorable harshness of time and thus be forgotten. It is
because of all this that I, Matthew of Edessa, a monk, spared no
efforts and left this work as a record for those who enjoy studying
chronicles so that, when they begin to inquire into past events, they
84
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
may be able more easily to learn about the times and the e
These persons shall also learn about the tern'bl
' fi rt
poc~s,
' th
'
e miS 0 unes whIch
d
occurre In ose tImes and, once again bringi th
th'
mind, shall remember the divine wrath which w ng ,esde f mgs to
. d
e receIve rom God
th 'ht
e n~ , eous JU ge, as a penalty for our sins, Because of these m '
calamItIes-namely the destruction of the Ch ' t'
d
an!
mands which our Lord God brought u on u ns lans an the. repns by mea~s of an mfidel
nation-we did not wish that s h th P
uc
reats and warnmgs of God b
orgotten by us. Now it is essential to heed th d
' .
e
God ceaselessly and at all time
0
,e a mOlllbons of our
inflicted with the same chastise~ent ~~: agaI~ we find o~rselves
which we received for that which we' tl ~ur sms, a chastIsement
of Edessa, the superior of a monast~~S y ese~e. Now I, Matthew
history] to relate to you by dint of my r~~~:~ eIghty years more (of
PART II
85
86
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
II
87
trumpets gave forth, the sounds of the combatant troops caused the
ramparts to shake through and through. What shall I now say
concerning this town full of Christians who courageously fought as
combatants, the whole population of the town fighting together, and
who resisted the unceasing assaults [of the enemy]? The commander
of the town was the Roman general Basil, the son of Abukab,3 a kind
and pious man. He strengthened the entire town [by recruiting]
courageous men and women, and in the name of the emperor
promised all of them honors and high positions; thus day and night
he never ceased encouraging and exhorting the whole town.
Nevertheless, the infidel forces did not cease their assaults for
many days and began to dig under the ramparts so that they might
thus capture the town. When the troops of the town heard this, they
dug in their direction and captured all the sappers and even the
sultan's father-in-law, whose name was Osketsam;4 they then took
them on the ramparts and killed them. When the sultan saw this, he
was deeply offended and so sent to Baghesh and had brought to him
the catapult which the emperor Basil had constructed for [the walls
of] Her, a terrible and awe-inspiring machine weighing fifteen adil.5
When this frightful catapult was set up, all the inhabitants of the
town trembled, and the first ones struck by it were three sentinels
and a sentry of the advanced guard who was thrown into the town.
Then a priest appeared in the town and hastily set up a catapult to
oppose the one the infidels had and with the first rock struck the
enemy machine and smashed its tie beams.
Thus the town was given new strength and courage, for the
inhabitants had been beset by fear. After a few days the infidels
reinforced the catapult and made it inaccessible on all sides and
began to hit the ramparts with very large rocks. All the inhabitants
of the town were terrified and trembled in fear. Then Basil cried out
to them and said: ItWhoever is able to go forth and burn down that
catapult will receive much largess of gold and silver and many horses
and mules from me and honors and a high rank from the emperor.
If he is killed by the infidels and has a relative or son, all that will
go to him.1t Then a Frank6 came forth and said: "I will go forth and
burn down that catapult, and today my blood shall be shed for all the
Christians for I have neither wife nor children to weep over me." He
asked for ~ strong and fearless horse and put on his coat of mail and
placed his helmet on his head. Taking a letter, he attached it to the
end of his spear and, putting three bottles of naphtha in his bosom,
went forth as if he were a courier. With the prayers of all the
88
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
~::~:!~:~~c~~:
PART
II
89
90
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
sorrow upon the Greek nation. Then the patriarch and all the
aristocracy of Constantinople, going forth to meet Comnenus, swore
allegiance to him and installed him on the throne of the Roman
empire. Mter this peace was reestablished in the empire of the
Greeks. However, in this same year there was much devastation and
pillaging in the land, for the people loyal to Comnenus and those
loyal to Michael ravaged one another's regions. In this way much
devastation was caused until the imperial throne was firmly in the
possession of Comnenus.
At that time the new emperor issued an edict throughout the whole
land and thus brought peace to the empire. Comnenus even went so
far as to honor those who unwittingly had taken Michael's side :more
than those who had fought on his side. 4 Now, before Comnenus's
victory, the Roman magnates Pizshonit and Liparit had come to the
aid of Michael. When they reached Gergetha, 5 hearing that
Comnenus was triumphant, they fled in the night and said to one
another: "We discovered our error in Gergetha." 6 However, after a
few days they went to the emperor and he honored them highly.
Comnenus ordered that money be minted in his name and that he be
represented on the coin with a sword strapped to his shoulder, with
the caption: "By the sword I gained control of the imperial throne."
Comnenus was not liked because of these words and also because he
committed various perfidious acts against the Christians.
Mter some time the emperor collected a formidable army of troops
and was intent on making war against the Pechenegs. Marching
forth, he crossed over the great Danube River and advanced forward
in order to ravage the whole West. At whatever place he reached, he
roared like a savage beast, giving vent to his evil nature, and through
whatever place he passed, caused much blood to be shed. There was
great lamenting in the whole West and especially in the country of
the Bulgars. Now it was the summer season and the divine-rebuking
wrath [of God] fell upon the forces of Comnenus, a dreadful calaIIlity
which words do not suffice to recount and which indeed his forces
deserved. For a cloud arose from the West and came over the camp
of Comnenus, and it was such a black cloud and one of horrible
appearance that no one dared look at it. There were crackling sounds
and thunder, and flashing lightening appeared. Then very large
hailstones began to fall and, striking and smiting the camp, heavily
showered upon all the troops. One after another the troops fled, not
being able to find an escape. When the emperor saw this, he was
filled with anger and against his will turned back like a fugitive;
PART II
91
92
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
filled with all kinds of pious virtue and had acquired a reputable
name; moreover, he was endowed with apostolic and prophetic graces.
His lordship Peter was buried in the city of Sebastia, in the Monastery of the Holy Cross, with a great crowd in attendance.
8. In this same year of the Armenian era the nation of the infidels
once again attacked the Christian faithful. Lo, a certain great and
mighty emir named Dinar arose and came forth from Persia and,
accompanied by many troops, unexpectedly came with violent force,
perfidiously concealing his evil [intent]. He passed unharmed
through many places and, marching forth, went and reached the
famous and renowned city called Melitene; for this city had been
pointed out to the Persians for a long time as having measureless
wealth of gold and silver, precious stones and pearls, and brocades.
Moreover, the city was unfortified. On the march he captured
Hasawand totally massacred [its inhabitants] with the sword. Then
he went and passed on to Melitene. The commander of the infidel
forces was the son of Liparit,2 who had made an alliance with the
Persians.
It was the winter season at the beginning of Lent when the emir
besieged the city of Melitene, all because of its celebrated reputation
b~ which the fame of its splendor had spread throughout all Persia.
LIke a black cloud he completely surrounded the city on all sides.
When the townspeople saw this calamitous situation, men and
women, the aged and children, together turned in flight, but there
was no place to flee. At this moment the concern for friends and the
hope of life became absent from the minds of all- because of the
calamitous situation, fathers forgot their sons, and s;ns, their fathers;
mothers wept over their daughters, and daughters over their
mothers; brothers over their brothers, loved ones over their loved
ones. Then, fleeing over the spacious fields surrounding the city the
townspeople fell into the midst of the enemy. When the infidels'saw
them, they stopped for a moment and marvelled at the immense
population of the city, for they were a countless number like the
sands of the sea. The infidels did not dare attack the city until the
townspeople had left. Finally they assaulted the city with their
weapons bare~, and soon all their swords were totally applied to the
;l~rk of.sheddmg blood; thus after a short while the whole city was
1 ed With blood. Melitene rippled with blood from one end to the
other, and there was no one left to pity the aged or the children. In
that place one could see the bodies of illustrious and distinguished
PART II
93
people who had fallen and were wallowing in [pools of] blood; children
were cut up into pieces while on the laps of their mothers; and blood
and milk, mingling one with the other, coalesced. Who is able to put
down in writing the divine-rebuking wrath [of God] which the city of
Melitene endured on that day, for instead of sweet dew all the plants
of the green field were covered with blood? Mter so much shedding
of blood and taking of captives, the emir had marched before him
distinguished and beautiful ladies and boys and pretty girls-all who
were to be led into captivity; also a countless treasure of gold and
silver [was carried before him]. Rising up, he marched forth rejoicing
and began the journey back to Persia and, crossing over the Euphrates River, wintered in Handzit'. At this time the Roman forces
pursued the Turks but, when they reached them, did not dare give
battle, but peacefully returned to Roman territory,3
9. When the autumn season arrived, the infidel forces entered the
region of Taron and occupied the foot of the Taurus Mountains near
Sasun. When the mighty and brave Armenian prince T'ornik,l the
son of Mushegh, heard this, he collected troops from the whole
district of Sasun and went against the infidel forces. The infidel
troops sounded the battle trumpet and in a body went forth in battle.
It turned out to be an awe-inspiring and fearful day, for the two sides
clashed with one another like a pack of lions. Then brave T'ornik
roared and, calling out to his right flank, overtook the left flank of
the infidels and victoriously shattered it. Turning his eyes to the
Monastery of the Holy Precursor, he vehemently cried out and said:
"0 Monastery of Glak, 0 Holy Precursor, aid me and make this day
an illustrious one for the faithful." Stirring up one another as a body,
the Annenians attacked the infidels and, capturing men and all types
of booty, led them all into captivity. The remnants of the infidels,
having experienced a narrow escape, humiliated, returned to Persia.
Brave T'ornik, in turn, with great rejoicing returned to Sasun,
thanking God for delivering the numerous inhabitants of the city of
Melitene from servitude to the wicked nation of the Persians.2
10. In this same year and in the same winter there appeared a
fearful and astonishing omen, a horrible sign of the great wrath [of
God] against the Christians; for this turned out to be a prediction for
the destruction of the Christian faithful. Just as a putrid smell
betrays a rotting corpse,lin the same way, before the destruction [of
the Christians], there appeared evil omens upon the earth, as for
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
enslaved by three of these i,mpious beasts who had come forth from
the court of the sultan Tughrul; they were three emirs, Samuk, 'AmrKafllr, and Kijaziz-evil men and more bloodthirsty than ferocious
beasts. With troops dressed in black and standards symbolizing
death, they reached the populous and renowned city of Sebastia.
They bellowed and fulminated, intending to vent their violent anger
upon the Christian faithful. Moreover, they had made up their minds
to capture Atom and Abusahl, the sons of the Armenian king
Senek'erim. When the latter heard about the coming of the infidel
forces, they fled to Gabadonia, l and many other princes went with
them. On the day of the barekendan2 of Vardavar3 the numerous
infidel forces encircled Sebastia, and thus the entire city was
completely besieged on all sides. Wielding the sword, all the enemy
troops entered the city, and countless persons were cut down and
received severe wounds; moreover, streaming blood covered the
ground, a sight which appeared frightful to onlookers. The bodies of
illustrious personages were heaped up on the ground like piles of
forest wood, and the surface of the ground was covered with blood
because of the great number of corpses.
The city of Sebastia was unfortified, but the infidels at first did not
dare enter it, for they saw a great number of domed churches painted
white and thought that they were the tents of the enemy troops.
However, when they learned [that they were mistaken], they then
became the agents of God's wrath against the Christians and mercilessly and ruthlessly slaughtered large numbers of the city's population. Together with countless booty and men and women captives,
they led boys and girls into slavery and seized and carried off from
Sebastia treasures of gold and silver without measure, precious
stones and pearls, and also brocades; for this city was the residence
of the Armenian kings. Thus that day was a calamitous and disastrous one for the inhabitants of Sebastia, because in a short period
the city and the plain [on which it was situated] became filled with
blood. The river which passed through the city, instead of being
clear, had turned a reddish hue. Many persons perished by fire.
Many great and illustrious persons had fallen, mortally wounded, and
were covered with blood and lying in the midst of pure and venerable
corpses; moreover, because of the whiteness of their bodies, they
glistened like the stars. What shall I say about the priests and
deacons and about the six hundred churches which were in the city,
for all were destroyed by the sword? Many maidens, brides, and
distinguished ladies were led into captivity to Persia, and within a
94
11. In this same year a severe famine took place throughout the
whole land and many perished by a cruel and violent death because
of this famine; for, because of the abundance of snow, rain did not fall
on the land, and .thus there was no harvest and many productive
areas became stenle. On the other hand, at the beginning of the next
year there was plenteousness and abundance of all types of foodstuffs, so much that one mod yielded one hundred mod. 1
12. At the beginning of the year 508 of the Armenian era [10591~60] a horrible disaster and fatal calamity befell the Christian
fa~thful, so mU:h so that we are unable to relate that terribly bitter
mIsfortune whICh took place in this year. For all the Persians
became stirred up and, rising up, went forth with a very large army
like th~ san~s of the sea. They marched forth and came against th~
Armeman faithful. Many districts were devastated by the sword and
95
96
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
short time Sebastia became like a burned-out hut. The infidel forces
stayed in Sebastia for eight days, and then, marching forth, went
back to Persia with countless and innumerable captives.
13. Who is able to recount in detail the calamitous misfortunes
and repentant laments of the Armenians, events which they endured
at the hands of the wicked, bloodthirsty, and savage Turkish forces,
all because of their abandonment by their false guardians, the
effeminate and despicable Greek nation? For the Greeks, gradually
disbanding our brave soldiers, removed them from Armenia, taking
them away from their towns and districts. Removing the throne of
the Armenian kingdom, they in effect destroyed it and thus demolished the protective wall which was provided by its troops and
generals. The Romans thus turned the boasting of their bravery into
that of irrevocable flight; in this way they were like the shameful
shepherd who, when he saw the wolf, fled. Also the Romans
endeavored to destroy the traditional fortified defenses of Armenia by
tearing them down and thus brought on the assault of the Persians
with the sword, regarding all of this as a victory for themselves.
Moreover, they shamelessly tried to guard Armenia with eunuch
generals and troops at a time when the Persians came upon an
abandoned East. In that period the infidels were strengthened to
such a great extent that in one year's time they reached up to the
walls of Constantinople. They seized the whole Roman empire, its
coastal towns and its islands, and caused the Greeks to be bottled up
in Constantinople like prisoners. When the Persians seized Armenia
from the Greeks, all malicious acts against the Armenians by the
Romans ceased.
How~ver, ,after this the Romans contrived to war against the
Armemans In another way; they began to criticize their religious
be!iefs .. Thus, ~corning warfare, battles, and combats, they sought to
brlllg dIsorder Into the church of God. They willfully eschewed war
w~th the Persians, while they endeavored to destroy and rout out the
faIth of the t:ue believers in Christ; for, whenever they discovered a
brave and mIghty man, they blinded him or threw him into the sea
and drowned him. Their only care and desire was to remove all the
Armenian princes and brave commanders from the East and, carrying
them off, to force ~hem to settle among the Greeks. They transformed
brave oung ,men Into eunuchs, and instead of the tightly forged coats
of m~ll, whlCh are worn by brave men, they gave them loosely
hangIng garments, which were wide and long; instead of steel
PART
II
97
helmets they put battle headgear on them not made of metal, and
instead of an ironclad covering for the shoulders [and neck] they gave
them a wide neckerchief. These eunuchs spoke meekly and softly just
like women and ceaselessly pondered over the loss of brave young
men. Thus, because of them, all the faithful were subjected to
servitude in Persia.
14. During this period the emperor Ducas conceived of the
malicious idea of removing the patriarchal see of Saint Gregory from
the Armenians and destroying it. So, as we said before, he began to
attack and criticize various aspects of the Armenian faith. Especially
when his lordship Peter died, the Romans attacked the holy see,
intending to abolish it and to compel the Armenians to adhere to the
impious faith as set forth at Chalcedon. 1 At this time the Romans,
seeking the immense treasure of gold and silver belonging to his
lordship Peter, the Armenian catholicos, subjected many people to
torture in Sebastia; they brought to Constantinople the person
consecrated to the patriarchal see, his lordship Khach'ik, together
with his bishops and also his most praiseworthy lordship Eghishe,
keeping them there in exile for three yea;rs. T~us in t~is period
many misfortunes fell upon the Armeman faIth. Fmally the
Armenian kings and princes, Gagik of Ani, Atom and Abusahl-sons
of Senek'erim worked hard and were barely able to get them freed.
Mter all thes~ events the patriarchal see was transferred to T'awblur,2 and his lordship Khach'ik resided there three years, occupying
the patriarchal see for six years altogether.3
15. In the course of the year 511 of our era [1062-1063] an evil
scourge of an odious and bitter mien spread and extended over the
Christian faithful. For, during the autumn season in the month of
Areg 1 a calamity came forth from the Persian court. Three great and
illustrious men, Slar-Khorasan,2 Chmchm, and lsulv,s came forth from
the court of the sultan Tughrul. Shedding much blood, they came
against the Christian peoples. Reaching the territory of Paghin with
many troops, full of rage they shed the blood of many faithful with
the sword and enslaved the whole area. Going forth from there, they
came like deadly serpents and reached the territory of T'lkhum and
Arkni and found the entire region unprepared [for war]. When they
saw the whole land and region unfortified, they were exceedingly
glad. So, like bloodthirsty wolves or crazed dogs, with an inexora~le
sword they attacked the entire region, intending to slaughter Its
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MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
inhabitants to the last person. The whole land was prosperous and
filled with men and animals, and the entire region was heavily
populated. On Saturday the fourth of Areg, at the eighth hour, the
vast plain was filled with blood, captives, and merciless slaughter-something we are not able to relate. There were many and
innumerable people who were burned [to death]. There was no one
in the entire region who was able to escape the edge of the sword,
and on that day many were martyred.
Mter having related this extensive enslavement and countless
slaughter, I shall make mention of the true priest of God, Christopher, and of his sons T'oros and Stephen, who were martyred
together with all the people; for when this priest saw the immense
~umber of the infidel forces, he gathered together the whole village
m the church-men and women with their children-and then began
to celebrate the divine liturgy of Christ and gave' communion to all
the people. The infidel troops surrounded the church and the
faithful, who had communed, came out of the church one' by one to
th,e bloodthirsty beasts; they, in turn, butchered the Christian
~althful. When Christopher and his sons were the only ones remainm~, th~y went down on their knees before God and, giving thanks to
HIm, kIssed one another farewell; then they went forth and received
a .martyr's dea~h, having sincerely confessed their sins in harmony
4
WIth Jesus Christ. When the emir who resided in the town of Amida
the son of Na~ir-ad-Daulah, learned of this horrible and calamitou~
event, he wrote to Slar-Khorasan and made an alliance with him' he
commanded all the captives of the region in which he lived to be s~ld
for he was be~evolent and merciful towards the Christian people:
Moreover, he Issued an edict throughout the whole land which
commanded p~ople to buy captives, and it was carried out. However,
when the captIves were brought to Amida to be sold, many perished
:~amartyrs at th~ gates. of the town [in spite of the emir's edict]. At
t moment a hght WIth a fiery appearance was seen descending
upon them from heaven.
God our creator had turned away His benevolent face from us, All
this happened because of our sins and evil ways, and thus God
delivered us up to the wicked and very savage nation of the Turks,
according to the words of the prophet who said: 110 God, you rejected
us, ruined us, were angry at us, and [did not] have pity on us; you did
not go forth with our forces, you made us turn back from our
enemies, and thus our enemies plundered us; you delivered us like
sheep to the slaughter and scattered us among the heathen. III Mter
such calamitous events as these had taken place, the infidels brought
an immense number of captives to Persia, carrying them off in groups
like flocks of birds. When the infidels [in Persia] saw them, they
were amazed and questioned them, saying: IIWhy did you become
enslaved, [allowing yourselves] to be in such an unprepared state,
and why were you unable to have foresight, either by ear or through
a sign, so that you might have fled from US?II The captives answered:
"We were unable to realize anything." Then the infidel women said:
"Lo, this was the sign of your destruction; when in the evening your
cock crowed and your cattle and sheep squatted to defecate, this was
the sign for the [impending] calamity.1I The captives answered: IIAlI
that had happened to us many times in our country, but we were
never able to realize that it was a sign for us of the [impending]
calamity. II
:'0
beie~i
table ~o rela~e the happenings and ruinous events which
moreover the ~:;sanrth or everything 'Y as covered with blood;
and h'Il ' B
0
e enemy horses wore down the mountains
and a~l s~f eca~se of the great number of corpses, the land stank
whole natio~e~;I~e:S~: ~lled W~h i~numerable captives; thus thi~
of Christian faith
,ecatme run. with blood. All human beings
were m ears and III sorrowful afll'IC t'lOn, b ecause
99
17. Mter all these calamitous events we have spoken about, the
terrible news reached the emperor Ducas, Collecting troops, he
appointed the illustrious magnate called Francopoulosl as general and
sent him with many troops to the territory of T'lkhum. These forces
came and reached T'lkhum with great strength. The dux of Edessa,
whose name was Dawatanos and who was a valiant and mighty man
in battle and renowned throughout the land, also gathered together
forces. Collecting troops from Edessa, Gargar, and ~fi~n-Man~l1r, he
moved forth against the Muslims with these forces [and intended] to
avenge the blood of the Christians which had been shed. Going forth
with many troops, he encamped on the plain of T'lkhum. When all
his troops saw the tremendous amount of slaughter which had taken
place here, they wept profusely, When the forces of t~e Turks
learned of the coming of the Roman troops, they fled to PerSIa. Then
Dawatanos roared like a lion at the Muslims and assaulted the town
of Amida, especially since at that time the townspeople had p~i~oned
and killed the great emir $ai'd-ad-Daulah, the son of NaJ:!Ir-adDaulah.
100
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
101
and there came upon the Turkish forces which had pillaged the
territory of T'lkhum, and both sides engaged in combat with one
another. Francopoulos defeated them and slaughtered all the
Turkish forces killing their emir who was called Yusuf; moreover, he
seized countle;s booty and delivered innumerable captives out of their
hands. When the emperor Ducas heard of the death of Dawatanos,
which was treacherously caused by Francopoulos, he summoned him
to Constantinople and drowned him in the sea by tying a rock to his
neck and throwing him into the Mediterranean.
20. In the year 513 of the Armenian era [1064-1065] the Persian
ruler Alp Arslan, l brother of the sultan Tughrul, who after the death
of his brother occupied the throne of the state, collected troops from
the Persians, the Turks, and from all of Khuzistan2 right up to Sijistan. 3 Going forth full of rage and with a formidable army, he surged
ahead with venomous onslaughts and moved forth like a river
swelling up with tempestuous rage and like a beast crazed by its
bloodthirsty nature. He went forth and reached Armenia; and then
with a very large amount of troops entered the country of the
Albanians, subjecting them to the sword and enslavemen~. He
caused countless deaths of Christians, so much so that no one 1S able
to relate the calamitous events of this disaster to the Christian
faithful; for they bitterly tasted death at the hands of the crazed and
pernicious nation of the Turks. Because of the tremendous number
of Turkish troops, all the plains were covered with their forces, and
thus all ways of escape were closed off. Lo, in this place the words
of the Savior were fulfilled, who said: "Woe to those who are
pregnant and who give suck in those days"'; for many priests, monks,
chief elders and illustrious princes tasted violent death and became
food for the'beasts and birds. After such a great calamity the sultan
sent to the king of the Albanians Kvirike5 and demanded his daughter
in marriage; out of fear the king gave her to the ~ult~n. ~hen the
sultan made a perpetual pact of peace and friendshIp WIth him, after
which he sent the king of the Albanians Kvirike, the son of David
Anhoghin back to his town of Lop with great honor and many gifts.6
Going forth from that place, the sultan entered Georgia with his
formidable anuy and, full of ferocious rage, subjected its inhabitants
to the sword and enslavement. Descending from there, he encamped
in the district called Jawakhk,7 and vehemently besieged the town of
Akhalk'alak. By a violent assault he captured Akhalk'alak and
mercilessly slaughtered all the inhabitants with the sword down to
102
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
the last man and woman, butchering all the priests, monks, and
nobles. The whole town was filled with blood, and the Turks led
innumerable young boys and girls into captivity to Persia; moreover,
they took [with them] treasures of gold, silver, precious stones, and
pearls, amounting to an incalculable sum.
21. In this same year the sultan very victoriously went forth and,
[having the reputation of] being the venomous serpent of the
Persians, came and entered Armenia; he became the instrument of
the divine"rebuking wrath of God upon this eastern people and forced
the entire Armenian nation to imbibe his bitter rancor. He spread
the flaming fire of death to all the Christian faithful and filled all
Armenia with blood, the sword, and enslavement. Going forth, the
sultan came like a threatening black cloud and, descending upon the
royal city of Ani, surrounded it completely on all sides like a vicious
serpent.
22. When the population of the city saw this, they trembled in fear
and prepared to battle against the Persians with [as] much strength
[as they could muster]. The infidel forces on their part, full of rage,
made a savage assault and pushed the RomanI forces back into the
city, forcing them to regroup within its walls; thus by their fonnidable assault the Persians put the city in great danger. At that
moment, from dread of these vicious beasts, all the Christian faithful
trembled and shook, and fathers began to weep over their sons and
sons, over their fathers; mothers wept over their daughters and
daughters, over their mothers; and brothers wept over their brothers'
~nd lovers, over their lovers. Thus the whole population of Ani wa~
III great danger, and the assault grew even more intense so much so
tha~ th: whole city quaked. Because of these prolonged ~ssaults, the
entIre ~lty began to pray and fast, and with tears and groans together
the~ cned out to God to deliver them from these ferocious beasts For
Am was a very populated city, filled with tens of thousands of 'men
women, aged, a~d children; this city evoked the admiration of thos~
~ho gazed upon It; even the innumerable [infidel] forces thought that
't e grlelater part of the population of Armenia was contained within
1 s wa s.
w;~:~~ ~eri~.~ there were in Ani one thousand and one churches
rocks l~~ 1 urgy was celebrated. The city was built on steep
C
' .w R ' rosbe up on all sides, and was surrounded by the
Akh urIan
lver ut ab ut b h
'
a a ows at away there was an accessible
PART II
103
place on one side which the infidels had demolished with a catapult.
After besieging the city for many days, the infidels still were unable
to enter it and soon became discouraged and lifted the siege. On the
other hand, the wicked Roman governors, whom the emperor had
appointed as guardians of Armenia-Bagrat, father of 5mbat, and
Gregory, son of Bakuran, a Georgian-began to intrench themselves
deep inside the upper citadel. On that same day the sultan and all
the Persian forces, including his whole army, were about to pull back
in full force, intending to return to Persia. When the townspeople
saw the entrenchment of these apostate guardians of Armenia [in the
citadel], they broke rank and each man in his own right fled for no
reason at all, the whole city being obscured by a cloud of dust [rising
from the feet of those fleeing]. The important personages of the city,
in tears, went and fell on their knees before the graves of the former
Armenian kings, deeply lamenting with tearful eyes and saying:
IIRise up and see [the condition ofi your ancestral land.
When the infidel forces sawall this confusion [among the Christian
faithfulJ, they went and related it to the sultan, but he would not
believe them. Nevertheless, when the infidel troops saw the
ramparts undefended, they entered the city in toto and, taking a
child from its mother, brought it back to the sultan and said: "Let
this be as evidence for you from the city that we have captured Ani."
When the sultan heard this, he was greatly amazed and said: "Their
God has delivered the impregnable city of Ani into our hands this
day.1I Then he turned around with his army and entered the city of
Ani. All the infidel troops had very sharp knives, one in each hand
and the third between the teeth. Armed in this manner, they began
to mercilessly slaughter the inhabitants of the entire city, cutting
down great numbers of them like green grass and piling up their
bodies, one on top of the other, like heaps of stone. In a short time
the whole city was filled with blood. All the important Armenian
princes and noblemen were brought before the sultan in chains.
Beautiful and respectable ladies of high birth were led into captivity
to Persia. Innumerable and countless boys with bright faces and
pretty girls were carried off together with their mothers. Many
saintly priests were burned to death, while others were flayed alive
from head to toe, enduring painful wounds, all of which was horrible
to those witnessing it.
One of the nefarious infidels climbed to the top of the holy
cathedral and pulled down the very heavy cross which was on the
dome, throwing it to the ground. Then, entering through the door
II
104
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
which gave access to the dome of the cathedral, he hurled down the
crystal lamp onto the floor of the cathedral, causing it to be extinguished; 5mbat the Conqueror had this lamp brought from India
along with an indeterminate quantity of precious objects, and it
weighed twelve litras and was also able to bear a weight of twelve
litras. When the cross was pulled down from the dome, at that
moment violent thundering and heavy rains took place, and all the
torrents of blood caused by the slaughter were washed into the
Akhurian River, thus cleansing the entire city of blood. When the
sultan learned that the crystal lamp, which was without equal in the
whole world, had been shattered in pieces, he became very distressed.
The silver cross, which the infidels had pulled down and which was
the size of a man, was taken and placed on the threshold of the
entrance to the mosque in the city of Nakhichevan; this cross is still
located there today.3
23. In this period Gagik, l the son of the shahnshah 5mbat,2
reigned in Kars; an envoy was sent to him by the sultan, requesting
him to come and do obeisance. Now Gagik was an intelligent and
sagacious man, and so he thought of a way to quietly rid himself of
the sultan. He dressed up in a black garment of mourning and sat
on a cushion of the same color. When the sultan's envoy saw him,
questioning him and desiring to know the reason [for this behaviorJ
he said: "Why are you dressed in black, for after all you are a king?'~
Gagik answered: "Since the day that my friend the sultan Tughrul,
the brother of Alp Arslan, died, I have been wearing this black
garment." Amazed, the envoy went and related it to the sultan, and
the sultan, enthralled by this, went forth with his whole army and
came to Gagik in Kars; there he offered Gagik his friendship and
showed that he was pleased [to see him]' moreover he had the
Armenian king dressed in royal clothes. 'Gagik, in 'turn, gave a
banquet for the sultan. We have heard it said that the Armenian
king spent one thousand dahekans on one roasted lamb and also that
he gave a table worth one hundred thousand dahekans to the sultan
be~ides placing all his troops at the disposal of that ruler. Thus i~
thIS manner Gagik quietly rid himself of Alp Arslan. Sometime after
this Gagik abandoned Kars and went over to the Romans. The
emperor Ducas gave DzamndaWl to Gagik, and the Armenian king
settled there, together with his noblemen, thus abandoning his
ancestral home.
In this manner the Armenian nation was enslaved, and the whole
PART II
105
country was completely filled with blood, which like a sea undulated
from one end to the other. Our ancestral home was destroyed and
despoiled. The foundations of the Armenian homeland were uprooted
and shaken. No hope of deliverance remained, and we became
subjected to servitude under infidel peoples and alien savages. Lo,
the words of the prophet David were fulfilled against us: "You have
sold your people for a trifle and our cries have not ceased. You have
made us an object of scorn among the heathen and of derisive
contempt among those who are about us. Because of all these things,
we cry out and say: Turn to us, 0 God our Savior, and turn your
anger away from us. "4 Such was the destruction of the Armenian
nation.
24. In the year 514 of the Armenian era [1065-1066], during the
reign of the Roman emperor Ducas, a great war broke out in the West
caused by the nation of the Uzes. The emperor Ducas collected troops
from all the Greeks and from the forces of Armenia. He appointed
the illustrious Roman magnate Basil, the son of Abukab, as commander of these forces. Basil, advancing with many troops, came and
descended upon the great river called the Danube. Here on the
banks of the river a violent battle took place between the Romans
and the Uzes, and there was heavy slaughter on both sides. Here one
was able to witness a very violent conflict, where both sides hacked
away at each other for the greater part of the day and struck out at
one another like flocks of sheep. As the battle grew intense, the
Roman troops were defeated and fled, while the forces of the Uzes
pursued with the sword, slaughtering them in great numbers; the
enemy captured Basil, the Roman general, and led him into captivity
to their country. Moreover, these Uzes seized the entire Roman camp
in toto, including a great amount of gold and silver and many other
types ofbootYi they also led all the chief Greek officers into captivity.
For many years Basil remained captive in the country of the Uzes
and was unable to be ransomed, for they wanted too much money [for
his releaseJ. Mter a while one of the infidel troops contemplated
freeing Basil, and the general, in turn, promised to give him many
things, including a position of high rank from the emperor. A few
days later this man, with the help of some of his friends, snatched
Basil and immediately brought him to the emperor Ducas. Thus
there was much rejoicing among all the Greeks, and the emperor
gave many gifts to those who had brought Basil. Mter this Basil
came to his father Abukab in Edessa, and his father and all his
106
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
107
and having kept her in a state of purity, he was now separated from
her and had taken on the monastic discipline; moreover, devoting
himself to study and to the attainment of divine grace, he came to
have a deep understanding of the Old and New Testaments of God,
showing much eagerness and great desire [in his pursuit of these
studiesl.
26. During this period his most praiseworthy lordship Gregory, 1
also known as Vahram, the son of Gregory Magistros, son of Vasak
of Bjni of Pahlavid lineage, occupied the see of the Armenian
catholicate. His Lordship Gregory occupied the patriarchal see at the
behest of the shahnshah Gagik, the son of Abas of Kars, because after
the death of his lordship Khach'ik, Vahram was deemed worthy of the
holy see. For his reputation had grown a great deal, and he was
filled with holiness and righteousness and endowed with shining
virtue. Moreover, he had become skillful in the art of rhetoric and
was erudite in all aspects of the Old and New Testaments of God and
thus was able to assist Christ's flock in every way. It was this man
Vahram whom the Holy Spirit revealed as the one who would occupy
the see of St. Gregory the Enlightener, his ancestor; because of this
he was seen as one endowed with humility and every virtue and as
one appearing as the second celebrated Gregory. He renounced the
delights of the world and enthusiastically embraced the path of
eternal life. He enlightened the land of Armenia with his many and
diverse commentaries. [He enriched Armenian culture] by translating the works of many nations 2 and completely filled the church of
God with all types of divinely inspired books. [Finally], Vahram
made the monastic institutions of the Armenian nation shine forth,
and thus the see of St. Gregory the Enlightener regained its [former]
vigor in the land of Armenia; for the new patriarch shone with
holiness and every modesty and devoted himself to fasting and
prayers.
27. In this same year the wicked Persian chief Slar-Khorasan for
the second time collected troops. He came against the fortress of
T'lkhum and with a terrible siege put it in dire straits for many days,
but was unable to capture it. Then, going forth with many troops, he
came to the territory of Edessa and reached the fortress called
Sewawerak. A guard post of Frankish troops, consisting of h~TO
hundred horsemen, was stationed here. The Franks went forth III
battle against the Turks and at first slaughtered them and turned
108
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
them in flight. However, when the infidel forces received reinforcements, the~ put the Franks to flight and killed fifteen of their men.
Then the
mfidel forces invaded the territory of Sewawerak and
1
Nisibis. The whole region was heavily populated with men and
women and flocks of ~hee?, to such an extent that its surface gave
t~e appear~nce of a rIpplmg sea. The infidels ruthlessly attacked
wIth sword m hand and mercilessly slaughtered [everyone] with the
edge o~the s,,:ord, filli~g.the land with blood and leading the women
and chIldren mto captIVIty, together with a tremendous amount of
booty. After a few days they reached the territory of Edessa and
enc~mped. before the ~enowned fortress of T'orich, devastating the
entire reglOn. Then WIth part of their forces they descended upon a
fortress of limited importance called Nshenek2 and after a severe
ass~u!t captured it. A certain brave Armenian soldier called the
v~st~s, who was the dux of Antioch, happened to be in Edessa at that
hme. Organizing his troops, he went forth to attack the Turks.
However, the dux ?fthe c~ty, whose name was Pegonites,4turned over
the troops of the CIty to hIS proximus5 and ordered him to try to bring
about the death of the vestis, so that he might not have the chance to
do any de.eds of.bravery and thus increase his reputation for prowess.
The vestzs arrIved at ~ sh~nek at nightfall; the Turks, feeling
co~pletel~ secure, were lIghtmg their fires and beginning to prepare
theIr evemng meal. Then the perfidious proximus, who [as we have
see~] contemplated the treacherous deed of doing away with the
vestzs, sou~ded th~ battle trumpet from afar and thus warned the
Turks, whII~ he h~mself went in another direction with his troops.
~he ~me~lan chIef realized the treachery of the Romans and,
sIgnalmg hIS noblemen, fell upon the Turks. At the first encounter
he s~augh~ered many, while causing others to flee. Then he tried to
obtam aSSIstance from ~he garrison of the fortress, but when [he saw
that] the ranks Of. the mfidels were increasing around him, he took
refuge unharmed m a fortress which was near Dzulman 6 When he
aske~ where the Frankish troops of Edessa were, he was t~ld that the
pro~lmu~ had gone to Lord Guzman7 with all his troops Then the
vestzs SaId' "0 apost t R
. h'
.
a e omans, IS t IS one of your usual treacherous
t '),,'
ac s.. He returned to Edessa and after a few days went to the city
~;eAntlOch and wrote to the emperor Ducas, informing him of all his
th ac~erb" dT:,e emperor had the proximus taken and flayed alive'
en e a IS ~kin stuffed with grass and sent to Edessa. More~
over, Ducas depnved Pegonites of his high rank.
PART II
109
28. In this same year once again the wicked and bloodthirsty beast
Slar-Khorasan came to the territory of Edessa and descended upon
Gullab. 1 There with the edge of the sword he caused a severe
slaughter, killing most of its inhabitants. Then, laden with many
captives, he descended upon the fortress called Tap, 2 capturing it after
a violent assault and slaughtering its inhabitants to the last man.
Mter this, departing, he went and encamped in a place called K'sOS.3
The Roman troops who were in the city of Edessa, both infantry and
cavalry forces consisting of four thousand men, went against the
Turks and reached T'lak, which is close by K'sos. When SlarKhorasan saw this, he signaled his troops and attacked. However,
before both sides engaged in combat, the Roman troops fled. On the
other hand, two brothers from the Armenian infantry forces held a
bridge and thus stopped the Turks for a short time, until they were
finally killed in a violent assault [by the enemy]. So the Roman
troops fled, and the Turks pursued with the sword. At that moment
a Frank turned around to face the Turks and, roaring like a lion,
wounded and killed many, thus stopping them until the fugitives
could escape. But, his horse having been crippled with many wounds,
the Frank was cut down and bravely perished on the spot. The
infidels continued their pursuit right up to the moat of the city,
severely slaughtering [the Christians] as they advanced. Thus the
entire plain was filled with blood and many high-ranking officers lost
their lives.
29. In this same year once again Slar-Khorasan came against the
territory of Edessa, [this time] to a place called Kupin, l and there he
caused a horrible slaughter of people. He remained in the area for
many days, devastating and enslaving the whole region. The~ he
returned to Persia with a tremendous amount of booty and captIves
and died there.
30. In this same period1 the Roman emperor Ducas, the patriarch,2
all the clergy, and the whole body of eunuchs espoused a perfidious
and abominable idea, conceived by the wicked emperor; moreover, all
the conspicuous Roman personages supported this sinister plan. For
the emperor, in concert with his impious accomplices, had the
intention of destroying the Armenian faith, thus thinking to corrupt
the faith of St. Gregory the Enlightener. So he resolved to substitute
his demonic, confused, and defective doctrine for that faith which had
been established in Armenia since time immemorial; for it was
110
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
II
111
emperor was very pleased with this profession of faith and commanded it to be deposited in Saint Sophia, since henceforth the Armenians
and the Romans were reunited to one another. At this time Gagik,
swift as an eagle, sped to Constantinople; and when the emperor
heard of his arrival, he was very happy. When Gagik came before
the emperor, he ordered the document of reunion brought to him.
Taking it, the Armenian king read it and, when he saw that it was
written by the vardapet James, tore it in two in the presence of the
emperor and threw it to the ground. Seeing this, Ducas became very
much ashamed. Then Gagik said the following to the emperor in
reference to the vardapet: "This man is only a monk, besides which
there are many in Armenia who will neither accept nor conform to
such a document as this; moreover, we do not consider him to be one
of our accomplished vardapets." Then in the presence of the emperor
the Armenian king reprimanded James, saying: "How did you dare
write this and get yourself involved in such gibberish, for you are a
religious man." Mter this Gagik said the following to the emperor
Ducas: "I am a king and a son of the kings of Armenia, and all
Armenians obey my commands; I am well versed in the Old and New
Testaments, and all Armenians are witnesses to the truth of my
words, for they regard me as equal to the vardapets; therefore, today
I shall present a discourse to the Romans concerning the faith of the
Armenian nation." So Gagik himself wrote a profession of faith and
presented it to the emperor and patriarch. Here follows a copy of this
document.
112
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
excellence he poured out his blessings and passed from the creation
of angels and other beings [to the creation of man], according to the
words of the prophet who said: 'The earth was full of the mercy of
the Lord; the heavens were made firm by the words of the Lord all
their virtues emanating from the breath of his mouth. '1 0 victorious
em?eror, 10, we expound our profession of faith to your imperial
maJesty and once again discourse about these matters. It is our duty
~o s~rve and worship the Lord in the same way and manner as those
mspired by the Holy Spirit. For we proclaim that the Father is God
that the Son is G:0d, that the Holy Spirit is God, forming thre~
perso~s .and o~e w~ll .with one accord and one lordship. There is no
supenonty or mfenonty between them; one is not to be more honored
or more humbled than the others, so that one assents the other
cooperates, while the third provides the inspiration. Mor~over, each
perso~ equally ~an~es.ts the splendor of the Godhead, separated in
Its umty an~ uruted In Its separation, which indeed is beyond human
understandmg.
w33 h"~t this point I will delineate the doctrine of the Holy Spirit
PART II
113
114
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
115
116
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
becoming God; how else can one express this [inscrutable mystery]?
We maintain that the Trinity is composed of different Persons, but we
do not confuse one Person with the other; in the same way the two
natures are made one in Christ and partake of the same divinity. If
anyone maintains that Christ, as a prophet, was born in grace, but
was not begotten through the natural union of two natures, let him
be considered among those who are anathematized by the powers on
high, especially if he persists in his error. If anyone does not worship
Christ crucified, let him be anathematized and condemned with the
deicides. If anyone maintains that he is worthy of being adopted as
a son of God only after his baptism or his resurrection from the dead,
as the pagans affirm in their erroneous books, let him be anathema.
For heretics such as these maintain that the being, who has a
beginning, progresses, and finally becomes perfect, is not God,
although they say this because of the gradual changes which take
place in him. If anyone maintains that Christ has now put aside his
body and has kept only his divinity, having abstracted it from his
body, and thus has divested himself of this garment he used to wear,
so that at present or at his second coming he will not be seen in his
glory, [let him be anathema]. For where is his body now, if not with
the one who is clothed in it?
"We reject the nonsense of the Manicheans, who say that his body
was placed in the sun and thus honor that which is not worthy of
honor;l [we do not believe as they do that] this body became dissipated and dissolved in nature, similar to what happens to air and
lightning in the atmosphere; [we also reject their notion that] the
body is not in any place where it can be touched, or [that] it is not
resurrected and its former wounds cannot be seen since the Godhead
it~elf is invisible. On the contrary, we maintain'that he came with
hIS bod;y, wholly .forme~, as he appeared to his disciples on Mount
Tabor ~n ~ ~an~festa~lOn where his divinity triumphed over his
hu~amty; It IS thIS behef that I wish to make known to your imperial
maJesty. If anyone maintains that Christ's body descended from
heaven,2 let him be anathema, for a heavenly body comes from
heaven and a terrestrial body from the earth; no one ascends to
heaven ,;ho has not descended from there, namely the Son of Man.
If there IS a.nyt~ing more to be said here, one should explain the
heavenl~ umon m .the sense that everything exists through Christ,
and ChrIst dwells m our hearts in order to enlighten our minds.
Christ crucified and the crucifixion by means of the following invocation: '0 you who were crucified for us'; during our worship services
we repeat this invocation when we give thanks to God three times for
his Son crucified for us. If anyone imagines that Christ acts because
of the Father or the Holy Spirit, or maintains that all three equally
suffered in the passion and that all three were crucified, he will be
accused of professing three Godheads. However, if we declare that
only the Son is benevolent, we reject the words contained in the
Gospels which say: 'If anyone is ashamed of me or of my words, the
Son of Man will be ashamed of him.'l This passage refers to those
who, although confessing Christ, conceal the thanks due God for the
crucifixion; as these people are ashamed of the cruci:fi.xion, so also will
Christ be ashamed of them on the last day. When, for example,
Gregory,2 the father of theologians, says: 'God crucified, the sun
darkened,' how can one dare disavow the crucifIXion? However, if
anyone brings the Father and the Holy Spirit together, let him be
anathema.
117
118
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
119
he was the high priest for that year, besides which the solemn Feast
of the Tabernacles was near, and all of Israel was assembled there.
Because of all this and because the Feast of the Tabernacles had to
be celebrated for seven days, it was not possible for the high priest to
leave the people and go to his home, all the more since his residence
was far away and not in Jerusalem. The evangelist St. Luke attests
to all this when he says: IThe people were waiting for Zechariah and
they wondered why he was delaying in the temple. When the time
of his priestly ministrations were over, he returned to his home. I The
evangelist continues: 'Mter these days his wife Elizabeth became
pregnant.'5 This all clearly shows that Zechariah's having intercourse
with his wife assuredly took place after the celebration of the feast
days, and for a further confirmation of these words the evangelist
repeats once again: 'The time of his priestly ministrations was over';
then he adds: 'Mter these days his wife Elizabeth became pregnant.'
Who is the man having some intelligence who doesn't know that God
commanded the people to purify themselves and worship him, not
only during the feast, but also on the first day of the month in the
evening? How is it that in the interval between two solemn feasts
the high priest is able to leave the people and go to his home in order
to have intercourse with his wife? The evangelist clearly relates that
Mary, having left, went towards the hills to a town of the tribe of
Judah; there she entered the house of Zechariah, and on the same
day of the feast Zechariah had intercourse with his wife. Now
understand that this took place during the feast6 of the month of
Tishri at the time of Zechariah's muteness, which is the twenty-fifth
of September or the twenty-second of the month of Tishri, when the
conception and pregnancy of Elizabeth took place. Now, calculating
six months-that is one hundred and eighty days-from the conception of Elizabeth, we come up with the sixteenth of the month, which
is the sixth of April according to the Roman calendar,7 on which day
the annunciation of the Holy Virgin Mary took place. Then, allowing
a space of ten months for the pregnancy of the firstborn and calculating two hundred and eighty-six days from the annunciation, we come
up with the twenty-first of September, which is the sixth of'January
according to the Roman calendar. Now this is the doctrine which we
profess and in which we stand unshaken and with an unfaltering
faith until the end of time.
41. "Now we shall discourse on the fast of Arajawork',1 because
there has been much antagonism, schism, and conflict between the
120
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Romans and our nation over this issue. Concerning the fast of
Arajawork' there is no basic difference between it and Lent, for the
prelates of old separated this fast from Lent, taking into consideration the weakness of human nature; first they had prescribed that
it should be conducted in holiness and forbade the consumption of all
types of victuals, from the produce of the vine to sesame, not to speak
of wine and oil; then, since the people were unable to hold to this
rigorous prescription, these prelates of old permitted an interval of
repose. The reason we have outlined above for the establishment of
this fast suffices, although another significance is attributed to it for
its institution. It is said that this fast of five days was first imposed
as an expiation for man's transgressions through his five senses in
the earthly paradise; this is supposed to be the basis for all fasts
practiced by Christians and also a step to the highest of abstinences,
Lent. This is why Moses in the desert granted the people a time for
relaxation, following the command of the Lord. In the same way the
inhabitants of Nineveh atoned for their sins by a five-day fast and
thus savedstheir ci,ty from destruction. 2 Likewise Cyril, patriarch of
Jerusalem, prescnbed a five day fast before baptism [for those
ent~ring the faith]. There are still other alleged reasons for this fast,
whIch I feel are superfluous to cite here since it would be tedious for
the mind.. This fast does not do any injustice to the faith; on the
contrary, It serves to fulfill its precepts, and besides, no one is to be
blamed for a five-day abstinence. During this fast you would do well
not to eat any of these foods, except on the holy day when we
~elebrate the feast of the general St. Sargis, the true martyr who was
Immo,lat~d by the descend:nts ofHagar,4the sons of MU}:'lammad, in
t~e ~lstnct of Bagrewand during the reign of the emperor TheodoSlUS. To b~ sure, this man is not the apostate donkey-driver Sargis
:ho worshIped a dog. For us Christians it is St. Sargis, the true
a:tyr, whom we commemorate. Thus in regards to this there is no
schIsm or scandal on our part , Now we h ave sal' d
' concermng
.
all thIS
the fast o~ Arajawork' so that all these words might be understood as
a professlO~ of a true and concise faith; this faith we uphold and
stand firm In, from now unt'l
the end 0 f tIme,
.
. "m.It at
1
perSIstIng
present and In the future. May our Lord Jesus Christ be with his
~~y~n~s;bio hi~ be gi~en glory and adoration by the holy church,
lC IS esse and Will be blessed to the end of time, Amen."
~2, Such was the discourse which the Armenian kin Ga'k
dehvered before the emperor Ducas and in the midst of all t:e Gr!:k
PART II
121
122
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
123
,i'
i',
124
PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
and
aI
125
48. In this period the Persian emir Afshin 1 collected troops and
desolated many regions, bloodily massacring the Christian faithful.
Much sorrow and gloom fell upon the land because of these wicked
infidels. The emir marched forth with a very great number of troops
and wintered at the foot of the Black Mountains. 2 There was a
tremendous amount of bloodshed and slaughter in the whole region,
and many of the holy monks were subjected to the edge of the sword
and to being burned; moreover, their corpses became food for the
beasts and birds, and since no one was able to inter them, they
remained perpetually unburied. Many monasteries and villages were
burned to the ground, and their traces are still evident today. Thus
the Black Mountains and the entire region from one end to the other
was covered with the blood of monks, priests, men and women, aged
and young, all of this happening according to the prophet who said:
"Their young men were devoured by fire and no one grieved for their
virgins; their priests fell under the sword and no one wept over their
widows; their blood flowed like water all around Jerusalem and there
was no one to bury them."s This is the sort of calamitous destruction
which the wicked and vicious beast Afshin brought upon the faithful;
moreover, it is veritably impossible for anyone to relate his [savage]
deeds.
49. In this same year a very illustrious and mighty emir, who was
called Gumushtigin and who was Alp Arslan's /1,ajib,lcame forth from
the sultan's court; rising up, he went against the Christians with
formidable and valorous forces, causing rivers of their blood to flow.
Like a wounded and enraged beast he devastated the disbict of
T'lkhum and mercilessly slaughtered all those who had escaped the
previous invasions. By a great assault he captured the fortress called
T'let'ut' and inexorably slaughtered everyone there with the sword.
Then with an innumerable amount of captives he reached the
territory of Edessa. Descending upon the fortress called Nisibis, he
besieged it for a number of days, but was unable to capture it. Mter
this he forded the Euphrates River and fell upon the district of :Ui@nManf!lur with the sword; being an instrument of the divine wrath [of
God], he consumed this very magnificent land with the edge of the
sword and spread his bitter and venomous hatred throughout the
whole area; for, like a hailstone accompanied by flashing lightning,
he struck down all the inhabitants of the land with a frightful
slaughter. The Turks burned everything in sight. Wielding the
sword and inflicting deadly wounds, they caused the slaughter of all
126
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
127
128
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
when the Annenian king and princes heard of it, they did all in their
power to prevent Gregory's resignation. However, the patriarch was
even more insistent in carrying out his plan, saying to them: "I plan
to go to Rome and then travel through the Egyptian desert."
Nevertheless, the king and princes had no intention of letting him go.
Then, motivated by the zeal to carry out his cherished desire, Gregory
said to the Armenian king: "Appoint anyone you wish as catholicos,
but do not hinder me from the road of righteousness." When the king
and princes realized the single-mindedness of his purpose, unbeknown to him, they persuaded [the catholicos's secretaryJ George to
take the Annenian patriarchal see. His lordship Gregory had no idea
of all this; now George was brought forth to be consecrated as
catholicos, and when his lordship Gregory saw this, he was astonished and willy-nilly consecrated him catholicos of the Armenian
patriarchal see;4 however, he began to hold a grudge against George,
regarding him as his opponent, for he forgot the vow he had taken to
be George's companion in the spiritual life. Thus from that day on a
deep hosti!ity existed between the two patriarchs, Gregory and
George. HIS lordship Gregory finally went through with his decision
to undertake the spiritual life and live in the mountains5 with those
solitary hermits who had dedicated their lives to Christ so he
adopted their ascetic life and austere eating habits.6
'
53. In this same year the emperor Diogenes 1 collected a great
number of troops from the whole empire of the Greeks, right up to
the ~orders of Rome and from all parts of the East. With these
fonll1dab~e forces he marched forth and went against the country of
the Mushms Arriv' g [. th' t . .
.
III III
elr erntones], he encamped before the
r~nowned town called Manbij, not far from the very famous Muslim
~ty ~r. Aleppo. .A violent assault was launched, and the town of
a~ I? wadS put III great danger by the emperor's barbarian mercenanes an countless troo
Mt
ps.
er many harassments Diogenes
~~~~~n~h~ c;:~~Ul~ rand oth~r machines of the same type set up
ramparts N
, 0 ManblJ was surrounded by impregnable
rocks [ofthes ow, wh.en the ramparts were struck by the very large
to collapse. A~ ~:~hl~7~i' ~he. conc~ssion caused sections of the town
with fright and 'th' t e.mhabltants of the whole town trembled
direction of the' g~es ~mi~ovlsed crosses in their hands, went in the
of the town fell at D~o e e~peror. ~ll the important personages
becoming tributary to th genes feet WIth very splendid gifts and,
e emperor, were thus delivered from the fate
PART II
129
of death. So the emperor took pity on the town and accepted its
submission. s Mter this a letter came to the emperor Diogenes from
the empress, asking him to hasten back to Constantinople. Having
read this, the emperor began the journey back in haste.
54. In this same year a certain young emir called Ktrich'/ who
appeared in the sky; when it was seen, many said that it was the
same omen which had appeared before and after which much
bloodshed had occurred. Once again it appeared one night, as if all
the stars had fallen to earth. All nations and peoples were frightened
and shook and trembled because of this dreadful and horrible omen, l
for an omen like this had never been seen or heard of before. It was
believed that this all had to do with what the Savior meant when he
said: uIn the final days there will be signs of confusion and dread in
the sun, moon, and stars l12 ; this is written in the Holy Gospels. So
this was the beginning of the second devastation and final destruction
of our country by the wicked Turkish forces, because our sins had
increased and spread; for "all have sinned and have diminished from
the glory of God"s and "no one is righteous, no not one. "4 We all
became accustomed to walking in wickedness and preferred the ways
of sin rather than those of righteousness; we never changed from the
path of evil to the path of good, for which we brought the wrath of the
130
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
56. In this same year Alp Arslan, the brother of Sultan Tughrul,
rose up and went forth like a torrential stream; with a tremendous
number of troops he marched forth and arrived in Armenia like a
c~oud filled with murky darkness, bringing with him much destructIon ~d bloodshe~. Descending upon Mantskert, he captured the
town ~n one day smce there was no garrison there, for its Roman
guardIans had fled. Alp Arslan slaughtered all the inhabitants of the
town because o~ the i~sult directed at his brother, the sultan Tughrul,
by these same mhabItants at a previous time; for this insult had not
as yet been avenged at the time of Tughrul's death. Going forth from
here, the cruel sultan Alp Arslan reached the town of Amida but he
merely e~ca~ped. before the gates of the town, feeling bene~olently
towdahrds Its mha~ltants; for in his camp his wife gave birth to a son
an e named hIm Tutush
He~~~~g ~orth from here, the sultan came to the district of T'lkhum.
and ass:~~r:dt~t th\~rtress of this name, harassing it incessantly,
aft
1 WI
every means at his disposal' however even
eAlr
seAr
vera
I
I
dabys
he
was
unable to capture the fort~ess of T'lkhum
8o p s an egan to talk
f ak'
.
inhabitants pay him trib t 0 Am ~ng pe~ce, o~ condition that the
relaxed and neglige t I U? ht thIS the mhabitants became more
'nfi
n, eavmg
t e ramparts unguard ed, When th e
I Idel forces saw the'
t t
the sultan's order thIr.s a eholf unpreparedness, without waiting for
' assault.
elr Woe army rushed agams
' t the fiortress.
Launching a violent
slaughtering many and takin agam~t the p~ace, they captured it,
heard of this, he was su rise~ count ess captIves. When Alp Arslan
the inhabitants, for he h~d take~nd deeply regretted the slaughter of
forth from this place the s lt
oath [not to harm them]. Going
and reached the terrlto ~f ~n a vanced with a, trem~ndous army
parts of the territory ri;t
tdet~a, He made mcurSIOns into all
encamped before the ~nown~~ 0 rt e gates of the city of Edessa. He
o ress of T'lt'oraw, near Sewawerak,
a:
PART II
131
132
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
~:~~gt~:::nc~~~~:t~ningnderwhatever re~ained.
PART II
133
134
PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
follows: lIDo not flee, for the greater part of our forces is with you.
Hearing this, the sultan immediately stopped. Then he wrote a very
amicable letter to the emperor Diogenes concerning the establishment
of peace and harmony between both sides; each side was to remain
in peace with the other, neither one ever harming the other;
moreover, the Christians would be looked upon as friends, and thus
there would be a perpetual peace and alliance between the Persians
and the Romans.
When Diogenes heard these things, not only did he become
arrogant and refuse to accept the sultan's offer, but he became even
more bellicose than ever. Then the aforementioned malicious and
perfidious men approached Diogenes and said: 110 emperor, no one
is able to stand against your innumerable forces. Your troops are
going forth from the camp to procure victuals; send them away
regiment by regiment [to forage for themselves], so that they might
not go hungry before the day of battle. II So the emperor had the emir
Ktrich' return to Constantinople and had Tarkhaniat4 go against
Khlat' with thirty thousand men; moreover, he sent twelve thousand
men to the Abkhazes, and thus because of the emperor all the Roman
forces became scattered. Now Alp Arslan was informed of all these
treacherous machinations. So, when the sultan saw Diogenes'
inflexible and stubborn attitude, he went into battle against the
Roman forces, leading on the whole army of Khurasan with the fervor
of a lion cub. When Diogenes learned of the advance of the Persian
army against him, he ordered the battle trumpet sounded and had all
the Roman forces drawn up in orderly fashion. He appointed as
commanders of his troops Khatap and Vasilak, Armenian nobles who
were brave and were regarded as great warriors. A very violent
battle took place the greater part of the day, and the Roman forces
were defeated. Khatap and Vasilak were killed, and all the Roman
troops were put to flight, being forced to fall back on the imperial
camp. When Diogenes saw this, he ordered all his forces to regroup,
but there was no one to heed his summons, for Tarkhaniat and the
other Roman magnates had returned to Constantinople with their
troo~s. When the emperor learned of this, he realized the treachery
of hIS. own Romans. So the battle continued the next day. In the
mormng hours the battle trumpet was sounded and heralds went
forth. and proclai~ed th~. wishes ~f ~he em~eror Diogenes; he
p:o~Ised honors, hIgh pOSItions, and Junsdiction over the towns and
dlStr:cts to all those who would courageously fight against the
PerSIan forces. Soon the sultan, very well organized, advanced into
II
135
battle against the Roman troops. At that point the emperor Diogenes
went forth and reached a place of battle near Mantskert, called
Toghotap'.5 There he placed the Uz and Pecheneg mercenaries on his
right and left flanks and the other troops on his van and rear. When
the battle grew intense, the Uzes and Pechenegs went over to the
side of the sultan.
At that point all the Roman troops were defeated and turned in
complete flight. Countless Roman troops were slaughtered and many
captives were taken. 6 The emperor Diogenes himself was taken
prisoner and brought into the presence of the sultan in chains,
together with countless and innumerable captives. Mter a short
while the sultan made an alliance of peace and friendship with the
Roman emperor. Then the sultan adopted Diogenes as his blood
brother and took an oath to God as a guarantee of his sincerity;
moreover, with a solemn oath he pledged that there would be
perpetual friendship and harmony between the Persians and the
Romans. Mter all this with great pomp Alp Arslan sent the emperor
back to Constantinople, to his imperial throne.
When Diogenes reached Sebastia, news came to him that Michael, 7
the son of Ducas, occupied the imperial throne. At this all the
emperor's troops abandoned him and fled, and so he was forced to
take refuge in the city of Adana. The emperor Michael's forces
gathered against him. Diogenes, in turn, because of the danger in
which he found himself, put on the garments of an abeghay and,
going to the Roman general who was the brotherS of Ducas, 9 said:
lIyou no longer need to worry about me, for henceforth I intend to live
in a monastery; let Michael be emperor and may God be with him.
Notwithstanding all this, on that same day the Roman nation once
again crucified God as had the Jews, for they tore out the eyes of
Diogenes, their very own sovereign, who then died from the intense
pain [caused by the blinding], When Alp Arslan heard this, he wept
bitterly and regretted the death of Diogenes. Then the sultan said:
lIThe Roman nation has no God, so this day the oath of peace and
friendship taken by both the Persians and Romans is nullified;
henceforth I shall consume with the sword all those people who
venerate the cross, and all the lands of the Christians shall be
enslaved. II Whenever the sultan brought Diogenes to mind, he sighed
heavily and lamented exceedingly, likewise all the Persians.
Speaking to the Khurasanians, the sultan said: IIHenceforth all of
you be like lion cubs and eagle young, racing through the countryside
day and night, slaying the Christians and not sparing any mercy on
II
136
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
~s pe:son the same two very sharp knives which he had used to slay
hIS chIldren. When he arrived, the sultan saw him and ordered him
b:ought into his presence. So the commander went to prostrate
hImself before :UP Arslan; however, when he approached, he rushed
the sultan, takmg out the two knives concealed in his shoes. Those
who were escorting him fled, and at that point he savagely fell upon
the sU,ltan and p.lunged the two knives into his body. Then Alp
Ar~lan s servants Immediately killed the commander. The sultan was
s~rlOusly wounded in three places. He was in danger of dying, and
hIS ~ounds were very painful. He ordered his forces to evacuate the
terntory [of Samarkand] so that the people of his country would not
know what ~ad happened to him. After five days, being in great pain
beca~se of ~IS wounds, Alp Arslan commanded that all the illustrious
PerSlan chIefs and the !U'ijib of his troops be summoned before him.
Then he presented to them his son Malik-Shah, saying: "Today I die
because of my wounds, and so my son shall be your ruler' it is he who
shall occupy my royal throne." Saying this, Alp Arsla~ took off his
royal robes and put them on his son Malik-Shah; then he prostrated
I
.:
137
himself before his son and weeping, entrusted him to God and to all
the Persian emirs. So on this day the sultan Alp Arslan died, killed
by an obscure man of Kurdish origin. Thus Malik-Shah3 reigned over
the Persians and, being a kind and merciful man, was very benevolent towards the Christian faithful. After the death of Alp Arslan, he
returned to occupy the throne he had inherited, taking his fathe~'s
body with him and burying it in the tomb of his ancestors, located III
the town of Marand. The reign of Malik-Shah was favored by God;
his rule extended to all lands and he brought peace to Armenia.
59. In the year 521 of the Armenian era [1072-1073] a conflict
arose between his lordship Gregory and his lordship George. Gregory
was able to have George removed from the patriarchal see, taking the
veil1 from his head. George, deeply hurt, went to the city of Tarsus,
where he died. On the other hand, his lordship Gregory went and
lived in Mutarasun2 with Gagik, the son of Gurgen.
60. In this period the impious and most wicked chiefPhilaretus,l
who was of the very offspring of Satan, began his tyrannical rule; for,
when Diogenes fell, this perfidious man, who indeed was a p~ecursor
of the abominable Antichrist and possessed by a demomcal and
extremely monstrous character, tyrannically ruled over the land .
This Philaretus began to war against the Christian faithful, for he
was a superficial Christian and was disavowed by both the Arm~
nians and Romans; he professed the Roman faith and followed t~eIr
customs but he was Armenian through his father and mother, haVIng
grown ~p with his uncle in the Monastery of Zorvi-Kozern i?- the
district of Hitm-Man~ur. So Philaretus came forth from the Wllderness and b~ought with him abominable desolation. He ca~e to ;ule
over many areas and towns, causing the deaths of man! Illustnous
nobles' finally he fixed his residence at Mshar. 2 Mter thIS he sent to
T'ornik the lord of Sasun and summoned this man to come to him
in ~ub~ission. When T'o~nik, the son of Mushegh, heard this, he
ridiculed Philaretus's absurd command, saying: "I have not even set
eyes upon this man."s Then Philaretus's messengers sai~ to T'ornik:
"Our ruler is coming against you with many troops and will devastate
and ruin all those districts belonging to you." "How many troops does
Philaretus have?" asked the lord of Sasun. "As many as twenty
thousand," answered the messengers. Then T'ornik said: "I have one
thousand horsemen who daily partake of the body and blood of the
Son of God; on the other hand, I know for a fact that Philaretus and
138
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
all his forces are bereft and devoid of any belief in Christ besides
which they are filled with all sorts of grievous iniquitie~.11 The
messengers went and related all this to Philaretus.
,The~ ~hilaretus s'7mmoned his lordship Gregory and said to him:
T ormk IS your son-m-Iaw; go and summon him to submit to me."
However, Gregory, knowing Philaretus's malicious character went to
T'.ornik against his own will and never again set eyes ~pon the
WICked ruler. Gregory explained the reason for his coming to T'or nik,
an~ the lord of Sasun was amazed and said: "How is it that
Phrlaretus did not blush, after so insolently sending you to me as an
envoy ,supported by ~uch deceitful subterfuge?" When he realized
that T ormk had no mtention of heeding his summons Philaretus
c~llecting his troops, went against the lord of Sasun. At'first T'ornik
d~d not know of Philaretus's coming, but when he found out, alerting
hIS forces, he brought them together from all parts of Sasun-fifty
thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry. Then T'ornik came to
Ch'~paghjur4 and, since he still was not sure that Philaretus was
commg, disbanded his infantry forces and with a thousand horsemen
w;ent ~o the Armenian town of Ashmushat. 5 On the plain of Aleluay
T ormk finally met up with the forces of Philaretus who had with
hi~ the !ra~ish count ~mbaghat6 with eight hundr~d men. At this
pomt T ormk regretted having disbanded his infantry forces;
nevertheless, he deployed his troops for battle battalion by battalion,
o~ each flank and on the front line. On the front line he placed his
aIde ~pos, ~ very brave man, with three hundred troops; but of all
of Phllaretus s forces, the lord of Sasun was most apprehensive of the
Franks and said: "See that my battalion engages the Franks." At
tha~ mon;ent. ,J.i.mbag~at and his troops advanced and, striking
~gaI~st T ormk s battahon, broke through its ranks and penetrated
ll~.tO Its center. Then the lord of Sasun signaled his troops, and both
hIS flanks close~ in around the Franks, [trapping them]; the Armenians took all theIr o~cers prisoner and even captured their count. On
the. other hand, Phllaretus and all his troops were put to flight and
theIr officers taken prisoner-as many as one thousand five hundred
men. So on that day many Franks and other Christians were
slaughtered. Mter this T'o;rnik and all the Armenian troops turned
back and went to Sasun, laden with much booty. Philaretus in tum
fled a~d in gr~at ~umiliation took refuge in Kharberd. Thi~ all took
place m the dIStrIct of Handzit', on the plain of Aleluay.
II
61. In this period T'ornik went with a few men and entered his
PART II
139
140
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
virtuous conduct, besides being endowed in every way with piety and
true orthodoxy which is in Christ Jesus; moreover, he was a faithful
shepherd of Christ's flock. At that time his lordship Gregory went to
the capital of the Armenians called Ani and there consecrated as
bishop his nephew Barsegh, the son of Vasak, son of Apirat, son of
Hasan; after a number of years Barsegh4 came to occupy the patriarchal see of the Armenians.
63. It was in the year 523 of the Armenian era [1074-1075] that
his lordship Gregory went to Constantinople and from there to Rome.
Then, going to Egypt, he visited the desert, which the former holy
fathers had inhabited, and thus fulfilled his most cherished desire.
He established his patriarchal residence there and, by so doing,
reinvigorated the institutions of the holy church in that country. His
lordship Gregory was treated with great honor and dignity by the
ruler of Egypt,l even to a greater extent than by the Roman emperor.
Many Armenian troops joined him in Egypt-as many as thirty
thousand. After some time his lordship Gregory consecrated Gregory,
his nephew, as catholicos;2 then he rose up and went back to
Armenia, for his mother was still living.
64. These events took place at the time of Michael, the son of
Ducas, who occupied the imperial throne for four years.1 This man
was benevolent and pious and endowed with all sorts of virtues and
radiant holiness; moreover, in all respects he resembled the saintly
emperors of old, shining forth in the Orthodox faith which is in
Christ; finally he was a father to orphans and a defender of widows.
By this emperor's order a tremendous quantity of dahekans were
minted, an amount as numerous as the dust of the land and the
sands of the sea; this money maintained its value and benefitted the
empire a great deal, for it was minted in the name of God. So the
grace of God continually descended upon Michael and the whole
empire became filled with the wealth he had created. This emperor
began to fast and pray and led a very pious and saintly life.
However, his empress came to resent him a great deal because of his
ascetic life, for he would not have sexual intercourse with her as is
~atural in x,narriage; a~ a consequence of this, she became sexually
~nvolved WIth a certam Roman magnate and through this vile
mvolvement prodded this man to go against Michael thus violently
seeking to take the imperial throne from her husb~nd. When the
emperor Michael saw that this magnate, whose name was Botaneia-
PART II
141
tes, had incited the entire city of Constantinople against him, he did
nothing to oppose him; on the contrary, publicly shaming the
loathsome empress, Michael left the imperial throne and went into a
monastery to become a monk. 2 He put on a hair shirt and assumed
the monastic life, something which he had desired to do for a very
long time; in this way he put aside his worldly throne and crown. 3
65. In the year 525 of the Armenian era [1076-1077]1 Botaneiates2
reigned over the Romans, taking as his wife the former spouse of
Michael, who was the daughter3 of the Georgian king George. 4 Thus
this marriage came to be based upon the vile and adulterous relationship between this man and woman.
66. In this period the Armenian prince Vasak, the son of Gregory
Magistros and the brother of his lordship Gregory, died. This man
was the dux of Antioch, and he was on the main market street of this
city when he was assassinated by the perfidious Romans. Now, while
Vasak was passing through the streets, two spearmen1 came up to
him to pay homage, holding up what was supposed to be a letter;
when the dux bent down to take the letter from them, they suddenly
struck him between the eyes with a hatchet. In this manner the
illustrious Vasak was killed by such worthless and abominable men
as these. Mter this incident Vasak's troops gathered together in the
citadel of Antioch, and his officer summoned Philaretus, delivering
the city into his hands. After a number of days Philaretus gathered
together all the perfidious and apostate Romans 2-as many as seven
hundred men-on the pretext of initiating a campaign. Then he led
them to a village called Ap'shun and put them all to the sword,
slaughtering them to the last man. In this way Philaretus took
possession of Antioch and at the same time avenged the blood of the
illustrious Vasak Pahlawuni.
67. In this period the Armenian prince, the epeiktes, l was killed.
He was a brave man and a mighty warrior and came from the district
of Shirak. Now, because of his bravery, the Greek emperor compelled
him to receive the baptism and faith of the Romans; nevertheless,
this prince secretly still adhered to his ancestral faith based on St.
Gregory. One day the epeiktes took sick in his fortress called
Andriun. 2 The emperor had given him a Roman monk to guide him
in the erroneous faith of the Greeks, and this Armenian prince had
made the monk his father confessor. One day this wicked and
142
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
abominable Greek entered the epeiktes' chamber and, seeing that the
prince was soundly sleeping, savagely fell upon him; taking a pillow,
he placed it on the epeiktes' mouth and pressed down on it as hard as
he could. In this manner this nefarious Roman monk cruelly killed
a very mighty and courageous man. When the epeiktes' troops
learned of the treacherous death of their brave leader, they subjected
the wicked heretical monk to all sorts of tortures. Mter torturing
this abominable monk, they threw him down from one of the high
cliffs upon which the fortress was built, and so this evil man perished
by a violent death.
68. The emperor Botaneiates occupied the imperial throne for one
year, l but he had no intention of keeping it any longer; for he was
regarded as having obtained the imperial throne through violence
and fornication rather than by the will of God, because he had
adulterously taken the wife of Michael against the commandments of
God and thus had ruled illegitimately. Botaneiates' conscience
bothered him a great deal, and he said to himself: "He who was the
legitimate emperor and possessor of this throne left it and became a
monk; why should I, because of my maliciousness, rebel against [this
legitimate emperor], for whatever happens, death is the final outcome
for all." So, giving up the imperial throne because he had treacherously and criminally rebelled against the saintly emperor Michael
Botaneiates became a monk.
'
70 ..In this. s~me year of ~he Armenian era his most praiseworthy
lordsh~p SargIS, the Armeman patriarch, who was the nephew of his
lordshIp Peter, the Armenian catholicos died. In accordance with
Sargis's wishes his lordship Theodore, su;named Alakh6sik who was
the Armenian catholicos's coadjutor and also a talented musician, was
elevated to the see of the Armenian catholic ate in the town of Honi
situated in the district of Jahan.
'
71. In this ,Period Basil, the son of Abukab and formerly the tent
keeper of DavId the curopalates, at the behest ofPhilaretus collected
a calvary force and went against the city of Edessa. For six months
he harassed the city with many assaults. In this same year Basil
PART II
143
144
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
74. !n this same year the shahnshah Gagik, the son of Ashot, son
of GagIk, son of, 5mbat, son of [Ashot] the IronI-all of the Bagratid
dynasty-was kIlled, At this time the Armenian king Gagik leading
a deta~hmen~ of his troops, went down to the city of Tars~s to the
Anne~~an prmce Ablgharib, 2 who was the son of Hasan, the son of
Khach Ik Khuln, and who was a brave man from the region of
Vaspurakan.
The Annenian
king went to Ablghan'b t 0 pay h'1m a
f' dl " Ii
.
~ ]vlks~t, h~r thIS prince had invited Gagik on a matter relating
tne[tnh
o elr ms Ip , Howe ver, because 0 f one reason or another thIS
.
matter was not solved a . bl
d G .
'
l'k
I'
fi
mICa y, an so agIk turned back roaring
I e a lOn, or he was a formidable mi ht
d l'
' '
g y, an va !ant man.
Capturing all th h' : f h
them before him ei~ c~ ~ 0 t e regIo.n, the Armenian king marched
the l' f
ams. Then WIth a thousand men he came to
Pd,am a Arzhakhas,3 to the fortress called Kighistday 4 whose
guar Ians were three b th
R
'
Mandale 5 Ga 'k
,ro ers- oman magnates and sons of
three m~n we~t ~~ft hIS tt~~ops on the other side of the road and with
magnates had prep::~ th ese Romans. On the other hand, these
in ambush for the A
~mseklves beforehand by placing fifty men
nneman ing ' When Gagl'k approached the
PART II
145
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
Thaddeus. 4 Thus at this time the see of St. Gregory was reestablished in the city of Ani, after having been abolished for a very long
time by the envy-filled treachery of the evil and vicious Roman
nation. The Armenian catholicos Barsegh rose up and came to the
royal capital of Ani/ and all the inhabitants of Shirak went forth to
meet him. Vasak, the father of Barsegh, and the catholicos's brothers
Hasan, Gregory, and Abljahab came, accompanied by the bishops,
and his lordship Barsegh was installed as successor to his lordship
Peter. That day became a day of great rejoicing for all the Armenians, for they witnessed the reestablishment of the patriarchal see
in the city of Ani.
both the rich and the poor. So Basil departed from this world,
leaving behind a good memory [of his life and deeds], and thus went
to join Christ. After this all the inhabitants of the city assembled in
the Cathedral of Saint Sophia and delivered their city into the hands
of 5mbat, a brave man and a courageous fighter against the Persians.
5mbat held the position of dux of Edessa for six months. However,
one of the important personages of the city tried to take away the
position of dux from the Armenians; the name of this man was
Ishkhan, and he was from the family of AIjk't'onk,.2 He rose up
against 5mbat and went over to the side of Philaretus, for he had
many adherents among the important families and citizens of Edessa.
So Ishkhan won over Philaretus and brought him to Edessa, handing
over the city to him. However, after a few days Philaretus made
prisoners of Ishkhan and all his followers, as well as of 5mbat, and
demolished their homes; moreover, he took vengeance on all the
Armenian nobles residing in the city of Edessa, killing Arjuk, one of
their number, by torture and taking the others to the city of Marash.
Philaretus had brave 5mbat, Ishkhan, and his brother Theodoric
blinded, while he kept the other nobles in chains in the city of
Marash; for he was a man of very vile character.3
146
147
78. In the year 533 of the Armenian era [1084-1085] the city of
Antioch was captured from the Christians. A certain emir, Sulaimanl, son of Kutulmish, who resided in the town of Nicaea in
Bithynia - a region situated along the coast of the Mediterranean
Sea-secretly went by a remote route and came to the city of Antioch
without being discovered. Finding Antioch unguarded, during the
night the emir took it by surprise from that side of the city facing
Aleppo. While all this was taking place, Philaretus was in the city
of Edessa, and so his cavalry forces were not in Antioch at the time.
So Sulaiman entered the city of Antioch with three hundred men.
When the townspeople saw the infidels the next day, they became
horror-struck because they did not have any fighting men and were
weak and un~killed in battle like women. So all the inhabitants of
the city gathered together in the citadel, while d~y by d.ay the
Turkish forces increased in number. The Turks occupIed the CIty, but
did not harm anyone; however, they blockaded the citadel for many
days, preventing food and water from getting thr.ough. ~inally th.e
besieged asked the emir for a promise guaran~eemg theIr safety [If
they would surrender]; Sulaiman granted theIr request, and peace
was reestablished, everyone returning to his place unharmed. When
148
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
149
Kura~sh,
82, In this same year a certain emir named Polc~tachi~ seized t~e
district of Jahan from Philaretus, and the cathohcos, his lordshIp
150
PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
on~~~~!~~~~f~ion
broug~t. much sorrow on the church of God, for
s
151
rational sheep became imbued with the nature of dogs and the
instincts of beasts, daring to bark at pastors and patriarchs. Fathers
despised their offspring, and children blasphemed and mistreated
their parents. All of these things are harbingers of the Antichrist
and the beginning of the destruction of the world, because people did
away with piety and faith and fulfilled the prophecies contained in
the holy books, which were declared by St. Nerses and by his son St.
Isaac and which in our time are spoken by the holy vardapet John of
Kozern. This John spoke many words which were taken as prophecies concerning our time and which made reference to the elimination
of religion from the hearts of all and the withering away of faith; all
this had been said formerly in holy books of a similar vein. Now all
these dissensions and calamities did not touch the country of the
Albanians, which is also known as Interior Armenia and which is the
see of the holy apostle Thaddeus. The holy see of this country was
not divided, rather it has retained the stability of the patriarchate
and its administration up to the present. Its patriarch occupied the
apostolic see in the Armenian city of Partaw, which is also called
P'aytakaran and which is located near the vast [Caspian] Sea. When
the Persians became powerful, the patriarchal see was transferred to
Gandzak. The catholicoi of the Albanians who are mentioned in this
book are his lordship John, his lordship George, his lordship Joseph,
his lordship Mark, and his lordship Stephen. The following kings of
the Albanians are also mentioned: Gagik, David, and Kvirike; these
resided in the Armenian city of Lori and still do at present. Also
other Armenian kings resided in the country of Darband3 or Kapank',
bordering on the territories of the Ossetes4 and the Albanians. These
kings were virtuous and saintly and were remembered in the divine
liturgy along with other pious and holy rulers. Their names are the
following: Vajakan; Goshaktak, his son; Philip, the son of Goshaktak;
Sewada, the son of Philip; Senek' erim, the son of Sewada; and
Gregory, the son of Senek'erim; the last named was still alive at the
writing of this book. As we have already mentioned, in this period
the Armenian nation had six catholicoi-two in Egypt and four in
Armenia. And so, his lordship Paul resided in Marash at the behest
of Philaretus but not according to the will of God.
Now we will return to the chronological order of our narration,
which we left in order to relate the troubles Armenia was experiencmg.
152
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
153
154
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
whom you left [at your death], has come to rule over all lands, even
up to the ends of the earth." After all this the sultan appointed an !
emir over Antioch, whose name was Yaghi-Siyan and who was a .
vicious, vile, invidious, and savage-minded man. On the other hand,
he appointed Aksungur over the city of Aleppo, who was benevolent
and pacific, kind to everyone, and a benefactor of peoples.
I
87. In this same year a certain emir named Buzan, at the behest
of Sultan Malik-Shah the conqueror, came against the city of Edessa
with many troops. Descending upon Edessa, he encamped before the
gates of the city and besieged it for three months. One day the
s~lt~n himself came with a smaller number of troops and, after I
CIrclIng around the city, went away leaving it intact. Now, although
Malik-Shah had descended upon the plain of Harran with a very ;
large army, he left [without causing any harm] and peacefully
returned to Persia.
.
I
.km
WI'
155
91. In this period a certain vile and abominable heretic, who was
a monk of the Roman nation, appeared in Constantinople. This man
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
worshiped Satan as his God and had a dog, to whom he offered his
prayers, accompany him. With such a false doctrine he corrupted
many men and women, leading astray a small portion of the pious
faithful of Constantinople, chief of whom being the mother of the
emperor Alexius. The mother of the emperor became so audacious in
her perverse aberration as to take a piece of the holy cross of Christ
an~ hid? it in the sole of the emperor's shoe, so that he would walk
on It. Fmally God exposed this abominable heretic monk through his
adherents, and thus the emperor was made cognizant of his perverse
deeds. For, when the pious emperor Alexius heard of all this he
burned the leader of this heretical sect and had many of its members
drowned in the Mediterranean-as many as ten thousand persons'
moreover, ~e deprived his mother of her high position and expelled
her from hIS court, and so peace was reestablished. 1
ate in his person and after this went to the city of Edessa. Now a
patriarch should not be reproached for going to an infidel ruler in
order to reestablish peace in the holy church. For this very same
reason St. Basil went to the wicked emperor Julian, St. Nerses to the
apostate Greek emperor Valens,l St. Marut'a2 to the Persian king
Yazdgard,3the doctor Nanan4 to the Chaldean king,5 and Christ to the
Jewish nation. When Barsegh came to Edessa, it was the beginning
of the year 540 of the Armenian era [1091-1092]. Going forth from
this city, the catholicos went as far as the great Caesarea of Cappodocia and then returned to Antioch, and all the people who saw him
were extremely happy. Mter this Barsegh once again came to
Edessa.
156
92. In the year 539 of the Armenian era [1090-1091] his lordship
the .Arm~nian patriarch Barsegh rose up and went to the sultan
M~lik-Shah the conqueror, for he saw that the Christian faithful were
b~mghharassed in many places, tribute was being imposed on the
c urc e~ of God ~nd all their clergy, and monasteries and bishops
were ~emg han:ed by heavy exactions. When his lordship the
~e~l~~ c~thohcos Barsegh sawall these harassments he resolved
f~if~f1 ~ . e ednevol~nt and ~ind ruler of the Persians a~d Christian
u, m or er to mform hIm of all this. Taking Wl'th h'
I
amount of g ld '1
1m a arge
. 0 ,SI ver, and brocades as presents for this sultan and
accompamed
by. noblemen, b'IS hops, prIests,
.
Arm
.
and vardapets the
eman
;::t.
ch~thlohcos
~ent
to
Persia
to
the
pious
sultan.
When MalikShWl saw IS ordsh1p Bars h h
'd
eg, e pal the catholicos great honor
and granted h'
h t
he
the wishes of ~~ ~r~s~:erB requested. ~e suI tan carried out all
monasteries, together wifh t~~eg~, exemptmg all the churches and
gave [Barsegh] a written elr c ergy, fro~ all dues;. moreover, he
dismissed the Armenian t~arantee?f thIS ~xemptIon and then
edicts and presented himPa'[harch, h~vmg prOVIded him with official
decree, his lordship Barse;~ d ma7 d on.ors. So, going forth by royal
nied by eminent persona
epa: e WIth great rejoicing, accompacatholicos came to the !e~ ~~slgned to him by the sultan. The
opposition to his lordship ~~ rI~ of Jahan and set himself up in
resided in Roni as catholico e~ ore ~ho, at the behest of Philaretus,
and took from him th s"l arseg deposed Theodore from his see
lordship Peter. So Bars:g~el, c;obsli?r, and cross belonging to his
rees a lshed the unity of the patriarch-
157
93. In this same year during the month of September an earthquake occurred throughout the whole land, and all living creatures
under heaven trembled and shook. Much destruction occurred in the
city of Antioch, and many towers collapsed to their foundation.
Moreover, the greater part of the walls of Antioch collapsed, and
many men and women perished in the ruins of their homes.
94. In the year 541 of the Armenian era [1092-1093] a tremendous
amount of mortality struck many places, and because of the great
number of deaths, there were not enough priests to bury the corpses.
The sounds of wailing and lamentation issued forth from all the
homes. Death took the lives of so many people that those alive feared
death more than those who succumbed to it. Thus the whole land
was in the throes of incalculable ruin and destruction because of
these deaths.
95. In this same year the Holy Cross of Varag and the Icon of the
Holy Virgin Mary were brought to the city of Edessa, and so there
was great rejoicing among the nation of Abgar.1 Deeply moved, all
the inhabitants of Edessa collectively went forth to receive these holy
objects and then brought them into the city with great pomp. On this
occasion the ruler of the territory of Edessa arranged a procession in
which everyone followed the saintly bishop his lordship Paul and
other prelates. The holy cross was placed in the cathedral with great
pomp. However, after a few years these relics were sacrilegiously
stolen and taken away from the inhabitants of Edessa.
96. In this same year Buzan collected troops from all the Persians
158
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
and, taking with him eminent emirs and the lords of Antioch and
Aleppo-Yaghi-Siyan and Aksungur-marched against the Roman
empire with innumerable soldiers. He descended upon the renowned
town called Nicaea and, being possessed by some madness, became
infatuated with the idea of going on and capturing the city of
Constantinople; it was guarded by the protection of heaven, and yet
Buzan in his twisted mind thought he could capture this impregnable
city. So, remaining before Nicaea for a number of days, he finally
realized that he could not achieve his goa!,1
97. In this same year died the great sultan Malik-Shah the
conqueror, who was father and parent to all [his subjects] and a
benevolent, merciful, and kind man towards all [peoples]. This sultan
perished in the city of Baghdad through a treacherous plot carried
out by his wife, who was a daughter of the sultan of Samarkand. She
gave a poisoned drink to the benevolent Malik-Shah and thus
deprived this v~ry great ruler of his life. 1 So there was deep and
gnevous mournmg throughout the whole world. N ow, when Buzan
lea:ned of t?e .death of the sultan, he returned to the city of Edessa,
whIle :aghi-Slyan went to Antioch and Aksungur to Aleppo. His
l~rdship ~arsegh, who was in Edessa at this time, took refuge in the
CIty of Am and occupied his see there.
. 98. Lo: in these times there was severe slaughter and bloodshed
m ~ema,. for the Turkish forces invaded the land and killed many
of Its mhabltants. [Since] the sultan had died, the Turks felt free to
~nslave .many. On the other hand, Malik-Shah was taken and buried
l~d~e ~~ty of Marand, near the grave of his father, Alp Arslan. He
th d e md two sons, the elder called Berkyaruk 1 who was born from
ca~l ;ulht~r ~f Argun (Akut'),2 a relative of Alp Arslan, and the other
e ap ar, who was born from the daughter of the sultan of
Samalrdkand and who resided in the city of U zgand4 and in Ghazni 5
The e er son Berkyaruk sue ddt th
.
Shah
d h
.
cee e 0 e throne of his father, Maliked
mate~n:~ u~c~:
::::li ~~ sultan of all the Persians. His
regent over all Persia fo h sma
Son of Argun, was made [his]
and a benefactor of ' ~ e w~s a :~evolent and very merciful man
sovereign' it was h~eot e' ThIS IsmaIl ruled over all Armenia as its
began
again and to protect
th
to ma~e all Armenia prosper once
Persians.
e monastenes from harassment by the
7::
1\
:It
PART II
159
99. In the year 542 of the Armenian era [1093-1094] his lordship
Paul, l the man whom Philaretus had installed on the see of the
Armenian catholicate in the city of Marash, died. Paul had accompanied the holy cross [to Edessa] and died in this city during the same
year; he was buried in splendid pomp near the door of the holy
church close to the tomb of the vardapet. 2
100. In this same year the Armenian vardapet George, surnamed
Urchets'i, died. He was the enlightener of the Armenian nation, the
source of the inexhaustible spring [of orthodox doctrine], and had a
fiery tongue. In his knowledge, erudition, and possession of divine
grace he was equal to the former divinely-inspired Greek doctors; I
mean to say Gregory the Theologian, 1 John Chrysostom, Basil, and
others like these. This vardapet led a life of sanctified behavior right
up to the age of one hundred, and was buried in the great Monastery
of Karmnjadzor,2 near the tomb of the vardapet Samuel and Khach'ik,
who was a musician accomplished in the art of chanting. So all Godfearing people deeply mourned George, because they had been
deprived of this brilliant vardapet.
101. In this same year the sultan of Damascus, called Tutush, the
son of Alp Arslan and the brother of Malik-Shah, collected troops. At
the head of many forces he was intent on going forth to Persia and
taking over the royal throne of his brother, MalikMShah. So Tutush
came to Antioch, and the emirl of that city came to pay the sultan
homage. From there he passed on to Aleppo, and the emir Aksungur
came to pay him homage. After this with innumerable troops Tutush
marched forth and went to Persia. 2
102. In this same year a tremendous gathering of Arab troops
occurred-as many as four hundred thousand men; and all of
Babylon1 advanced against the territory of Mosul. The chief of the
Arab forces was Ibrahim, 2 the son of Kuraysh and the brother of
Sharaf-ad-Daulah. Meanwhile the sultan Tutush reached the town
of Nisibis and, capturing it with a great assault, pillaged the entire
town. [On this occasion] the Armenian troops, who were with the
sultan, slaughtered about ten thousand Muslims. At this time the
Arab army advanced and reached the confines of Nisibis, descending
to a place called Hermez. [Seeing this], Tutush sent to Edessa and
through a solemn oath had the emir Buzan come to him with many
troops and then, rising up, went to battle against the Muslim chief.
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
The two leaders met on the plain of Nisibis, both sides causing a
great amount of slaughter. After a very violent battle the sultan
turned back the Arab forces and put them to flight. Pursuing them,
Tutush took the Arab chief Ibrahim prisoner; his head had been
pierced by an arrow, which had torn through his steel helmet and
penetrated deep inside, thus causing his [ultimate] death. The
sultan's troops plundered the women and children of the Arabs, and
also their flocks and a great quantity of their horses. s After all this
the sultan Tutush victoriously went and marched forth to Persia.
[On route] his army grew so large that it covered the plains and hills
of the East. When the Persian sultan Berkyaruk, the nephew of
Tutush, learned of this advance, going forth with many troops, he
came in battle against his uncle at the head of a tremendously large
army. When Tutush, in turn, learned of Berkyaruk's coming, he
prepared to go against the Persian sultan. At that [critical] moment
Buzan and Aksungur, together with their troops, rebelled against
Tutush during the night and went over to the side of Berkyaruk.
When Tutush heard of their treachery, he dared not go forth in
battle, but turning back, went to his country and entered his city of
Damascus.' After this he went to Tripoli and subdued it and all the
other coastal towns; moreover, he remained in this area for six
months.
160
103. In the year 543 of the Armenian era [1094-1095] the power
of Berkyaruk was at its zenith. [At this time] the sultan appointed
as commander-in-chief of his forces the illustrious royal emir Isma'il
son of Ar~n and brother of his mother, for this man ruled over all
of mema well. lsma'il in all respects was kind, merciful, good,
SOhCItouS, benevolent, pacific, and a benefactor of all the Armenians'
moreover, ~e was ~n embellisher of monasteries and a supporter of
monks, beSIdes whIch he protected the [Christian] 'thfi I
. t
aI
U agams
harassment fr th P .
o.m e erSIans. Under his administration each person
: s xrotec~ed In ~he P?ssession of what was rightfully his, and so all
lsma,""~en~ns hved In happiness [and security].l Berkyaruk put
royal It~~~e~r~ of th~ whole. country, while he securely sat on the
traversed throug~;~r~iaon~t~lme the great emir lsma'il came ~nd
by Buzan and Aks
WI many troops, and he was accompamed
located in Persia ua~~~ H\ca~e to a place called Jaghts'adzor,2
ere
intrigue against th'e gre t
. ot Buzan and Aksungur began to
l
. fiorth f rom
the camp accompanied ba themIr sma'il
3' One day, gomg
y ree men, the two plotters took the emir
:A:
161
104. In this same year the sultan Tutush marched forth with
many troops and at the head of a tremendous army came against
Aleppo. Aksungur and Buzan collected troops and went against the
sultan in battle. Tutush defeated the forces of Aksungur and Buzan
and put them to flight. On this day Aksungur and Buzan were
killed, Aleppo was captured, and the head of th e great emir Buzan
was brought to Edessa and stuck on a pole. 1 Edessa was also
captured, and Tutush gained control of the city and its surrounding
territory. When the sultan arrived in Edessa, he appointed the
Roman official T'oros,2 the son of Het'um, as the city's commander.
Then the sultan himself went to Persia to war against Berkyaruk.
Mter this the commander of Tutush's forces, the lord of Antioch
Yaghi-Siyan, at the head of many troops descended upon t~e
renowned fortress called Zarinak,3 in Armenia. He captured thIS
fortress by a great assault and slaughtered an innumerable amount
of Christians.
At about the same time Tutush received a letter from the wife of
his brother, inviting him to come in haste and become her husband.
When the sultan heard this, he arrived in Persia and descended upon
the plain of Isfahan. Then Berkyaruk sent entreaties to Tutush,
saying: "Allow me to keep only the city of Isfahan and let. the rest ?f
my subjects and lands be yours." But Tutush would not lIsten to hIS
entreaties. So both leaders at the head of countless and innumerable
forces engaged in battle with one another. Now, when the standard
of Malik-Shah was unfurled and the Persian troops saw this, the
majority of them went over to the side of Berkyaruk, ~ter which ~
severe slaughter occurred. On the other hand, the WIcked ~aghlSiyan, who was concealed in ambush with many troop~, fled Wltho"?"t
even giving battle. When all of Tutush's forces saw thIS, t~ey fled In
toto. This turned out to be a calamitous day for the PerSIan forces,
because tens of thousands were dispersed in flight throughout ~he
whole land. At this time the enemy surrounded Tutus~, woun~mg
his horse and felling him to the ground; so there he was III the mIdst
163
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
of the [enemy] troops. No one dared to go near him, for he had royal
rank and was the brother of Malik-Shah. Then one of the emirs from
Berkyaruk's army came and cut off Tutush's head with his sword.
The dead sultan was taken and buried near the tomb of his father.
After this Ridvan (the son of Tutush) , Yaghi-Siyan, and all the other
fugitives escaped to the city of Edessa. The curopalates T'oros, who
resided in the city and who was a very eloquent and able man,
received them [warmly]. T'oros intended on taking them prisoner, so
that through them he might capture the citadel of the city of Edessa.
However, the other noblemen of the city did not consider this a good
strategy, and so the fugitives peacefully returned to their respective
cities. After this T'oros with every means possible tried to gain
control of the city and deliver the [Christian] faithful from the
infidels. He began to restore those ramparts opposite the citadel and
to fortify one part of the city with a wall; for the citadel was in the
hands of the Persians,4 and contained a Turkish garrison and a corps
of Armenian troops who were placed there by Tutush. When the
[infidel] commander who occupied the Citadel of Maniaces5 saw that
the curopalates had fortified Edessa and had isolated the citadel from
the city, he wrote a letter to all the neighboring emirs, informing
them of what T'oros had done. [In this letter the infidel commander]
said that the curopalates had fortified the city from the Sea Gate to
the Church of St. Theodore, had erected twenty-five towers and had
captured the inner citadel, thus gaining control of Edessa. '
lion, exhorted all the inhabitants of Edessa and donated a very large
amount of money for the [pressing] needs of the city. For many days
the sultan's forces vehemently assaulted the city, but with God aiding
the Christians they were unable to do anything, for all the townspeople had the courage of lions and resisted the infidels. Exhausted
by the severe fighting, the infidel forces withdrew, humiliated. After
this one of the sultan's officers, whose name was Mkhit'ar and who
was a Christian, took counsel with his men to deliver the citadel into
the hands of the curopalates T'oros. So the patricius Mkhit'ar with
thirty of his men took the proper measures during the night and
delivered the chief Citadel of Maniaces into the hands of the curopalates T'oros. In this way peace was reestablished in the city of
Edessa. After all this T'oros sent troops to capture a fortress, called
Trsich, in the city's environs and to subdue its surrounding territory.
A battle was fought near the fortress of T'rsich, and the forces of
Edessa were put to flight. The infidels reached a village called
Andranos and there slaughtered one hundred and fifty men, taking
the rest prisoner.
162
106. In this same year the sultan al-Faraj, who was descended
from Kutulmish, was brought to Edessa at the invitation of T'oros,
and the curopalates delivered the city into his hands in order to take
vengeance on his enemies. However, al-Faraj was resolved to kill
T'oros and pillage the whole city. When the curopalates learned of
this treachery, he gave the sultan a poisonous drink a~d sent him to
the public baths, where he soon died. When the sultan s t~oops heard
about all this, they fled. So once again the curopalates grun~d control
of Edessa. The rule of al-Faraj over this city lasted for thIrty-three
days.l
107. In this same year the Armenian catholicos his lordship
Theodore, a great musician and a pillar of the holy church, died and
was buried in Honi, near his lordship Sargis.
108. In the year 545 of the Armenian era [1096-1097] the sultan
of the West1 called Kilij Arslan,2 the son of Sulaiman, son of Kutulmish, came against the city of Melitene at the head of a tre~end0.u~
number of troops. The sultan's army covered the whole plaIn: KihJ
Arslan launched a severe assault against Melitene and, settI~g up
catapults, put the city in dire straits. Th~ commander of Mehtene
Gabriel,a who was the father-in-law of T oros, the curopalates of
164
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Edessa, courageously resisted the sultan and fortified the city on all
sides. Remaining there for many days, the sultan was unable to do
anything and so turned back humiliated and went to his own
country.4
109. In this period the prophecy of the Armenian catholicos St.
Nerses, who spoke to the Armenian nobles and princes concerning the
coming of the Westerners, 1 was fulfilled. That which this catholicos
spoke about in former times, we saw with our very eyes in this
period, witnessing those events which the holy and prodigious man
of God, Nerses the Great, had prophesied at the time of his death.
This was the [same] vision which appeared to the saintly Daniel
when in Babylon he saw the form of a monstrous beast; moreover, h~
clearly saw. and revealed this, speaking about the eating, chewing,
and tramplmg of the remainder.2
Ut
PART
II
165
Normandy, and also the other Baldwin.ll Mter this came the count
called Joscelin,12 a mighty and courageous man. Such mighty men
and warriors as these marched forth at the head of formidable
armies, numerous as the stars of the heavens. With them went many
bishops, priests, and deacons. Journeying with tremendous hardship
via the distant lands of the Westerners,IS the Franks passed through
the country of the Hungarians and through the inaccessible defiles of
their mountains with great difficulty. From there they reached the
Bulgar lands, which were controlled by the Greek emperor Alexius.
So by such a journey the Franks arrived at the great city of Constantinople.
111. When the emperor Alexius learned of their coming, he sent
troops to battle against them. There was a tremendous amount of
slaughter on both sides, and the Franks put the Greek forces to
flight. So, much bloodshed occurred on this day. In this same
manner whatever areas the Franks passed through, the inhabitants
of thos~ places attacked them and harassed them with many
hardships. Now, when the emperor Alexius heard of all these
troubles [the Franks were having], he put away the sword and no
longer fought with them. Then the whole Frankish army.descended
to the gates of Constantinople and asked to cross the ~edIter~anean
Sea. 1 The emperor Alexius made peace and an alhance WIth ~he
Frankish leaders and, taking them to Saint Sophia, gave them gIfts
of much gold and silver. In turn the Franks took an oath that they
would hand over to the emperor Alexius all those regions they
captured from the Persians which previously had belonged to the
Romans, while all the conquests made of Persian and Arab territory
would belong to the Franks. This pact was sealed by an oath, sworn
on the cross and the Gospels, and thus never to be bro~en. Obtaining
troops and officers from the emperor, the Franks Sailed across the
vast Mediterranean and with a formidable army reached the town
called Nicaea,2 located near this sea.3
112. All the Persian forces gathered together against the Frankish
forces who were encamped in that area, and attacked them.
Howe~er, the Franks defeated the Persian forces and put them. to
flight and, pursuing them with the sword, filled the whole land WIth
bloodshed. Assaulting Nicaea, they captured the town by the ~word
and slaughtered all the infidels [within its walls]. Mter thIS the
Muslims, heavy with grief, went to the sultan Kilij Arslan, who at
167
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
that time was besieging the city of Melitene, and informed him of all
this. The sultan assembled an innumerable army and went against
the Frankish forces in the territory of Nicaea. Both sides engaged in
a furious battle, ruthlessly and valiantly attacking one another and
savagely striking against each other's front lines. Incited by the
sparks flying from the helmets, the clatter of the coats of mail, and
the cracking noise of the bows, all the infidel forces regrouped
themselves, [fired with new ardor and courageJ. The whole land
shook from the din of battle, and the horses trembled because of the
clatter of arrows. The courageous and the heroic engaged each other
in combat, ruthlessly hacking away at one another like young lions.
The first day of battle turned out to be a great and formidable one J
for the sultan went into battle against the Franks with six hundred
thousand men [under his commandJ. In spite of the tremendous
number of Persian troops, the Frankish forces defeated them and put
them to flight, causing such a frightful and severe slaughter that the
plain was covered with their dead corpses. Moreover, the Franks
took tens of thousands of captives, and the gold and silver they seized
from the Persians could not be counted. After three days the sultan
once again collected troops and came against the Frankish forces at
the head of a formidable army. An even more frightful and severe
battle was fought than before. The Frankish forces fought against
the Persians with the same fury [as before] and drove them from the
land, slaughtering and taking captives. l Mter this the Franks
handed over the town of Nicaea to the Roman emperor Alexius. 2
166
. 113. In the ye~ 546 ofthe Armenian era [1097-1098J, during the
tIme .ofthe ~eman patriarchs their lordships Vahram and Barsegh
and m the reIgn of the Roman emperor Alexius, the army of the
Westerners moved forth with a formidable number of about five
hundr~d tho~sand men. ~'orols, the ruler of Edessa, and the great
A~ema~ prmce Constantme, the son of Ruben, were informed [of
~helr coml~g] by letter. Constantine occupied the Taurus Mountains
~n the terntory of KopitaJ.',2 situated in the district of Marapa,3 and
ad become master of a number of regions' moreover he was
formerly
. GagI'k's army. Now the
'
, forces,
Frankish
. . an officer m
consIstmg o~ a tremendous army,4journeyed through Bithynia and in
c~se formatIon traversed the confines of Cappadocia, finally reaching
t e steep slopes of the Taurus Mountains. The army advanced en
masse and passed through the narrow defiles of these mountains
soon coming to Cilicia; then it passed through Trovarda, also kno~
114. However, the emir Sokman, who was the son of Artuk and a
brave warrior J and the lord of Damascus1-both eminent and illustrious emirs-gathered together the Turkish forces from Mosul and
from all of Babylonia-as many as thirty thousand men-and went
against the Frankish army. The illustrious Duke Godfrey, in turn,
at the head of seven thousand men, went against the infidels in the
territory of Aleppo and caused a violent battle. The emir of Damascus called Tughtigin2 threw himself against the brave Godfrey and
felled him from his horse, but was unable to pierce his coat of mail,
and so the duke escaped unharmed. At that moment the Frankish
forces turned the infidels in flight and, pursuing them, cut them to
pieces; then they victoriously returned to their camp. Bec~use?f the
great number of the Franks, the danger of famine became Immment,
and the troops began to suffer from the scarcity of food. At this time
the princes who resided in the Taurus Mountains-Constantine, the
son of Ruben; Bazuni, the second prince; and Oshin,3 the third
one-sent whatever provisions were needed to the commander of the
Franks. Likewise the monks of the Black Mountains assisted them
by sending provisions, and [in general] all the [Christian] faithful
acted benevolently towards the Franks. Nevertheless, because of the
scarcity of food, mortality and affliction fell upon the Frankish army
168
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
to such an extent that one out of five perished and all the rest felt
themselves abandoned far from their homeland. However, the
merciful God did not abandon them, but sustained them with
paternal care and love as he had done to the multitude of the
children of Israel in the desert.
115. In this same year a comet appeared in the western portion of
the sky during the month of Areg without leaving a bright trail
behind it. This comet was seen for fifteen days, but then disappeared
from sight.
116. In this same year a frightful and strange omen appeared in
the northern portion of the sky; such a marvelous omen had never
been seen by anyone. In the month of Mareri the sky flared up and
became deep red in the midst of a clear and calm atmosphere. The
red sky contracted into clusters, emitting all sorts of nuances of color.
These clusters flowed along in an easterly direction and, after having
accumulated here and there, covered the greater portion of the
heavens; moreover, they were an amazing color of very deep red and
reached up to the heavenly vault. The savants and the sages recognized [the significance of] all this and said that it was an omen of
bloodshed. The fulfillment of this omen of evil destruction and
disaster we will relate shortly in our book.
117. In the year 547 of the Armenian era [1098-1099J a certain
count named Baldwin went forth with one hundred horsemen and
captured the fortress-town of Tell Bashir. When the Roman commander T'oros, who resided in the city of Edessa learned of this he
beca~e exceedingly happy and sent to the Fra~kish count in Tell
Bashlr, summoning Baldwin to his aid against his enemies' for he
was co~tinually being harassed by the neighboring emirs. S~ Count
Baldwm came ~o Edess~ with sixty horsemen, and the townspeople
~me to meet hIm and WIth great rejoicing brought him into the city
f ':h~r~senc~ of Baldwin brought much happiness to the [Christian]
tl u, an the europalates T'oros acted in a friendly manner
h~wa;~h~::mt., givi~g him presents and forming an alliance with
1m.
e
eman chief Constantine2 came from Gargar and after
::~~t~a:!i~h~~r~:alates sent him and B.aldwin to at~ack' Samosata
of the whole t 't' The troops. of the CIty and the mfantry forces
The Chri t' ern or~ accompallled the Franks [and Constantine].
s lans marc ed to Samosata with a considerable number of
PART II
169
troops and pillaged the houses outside its walls, but the Turks dared
not go forth in battle [against themJ. Then all the Christian troops
in a body began to pillage [everything in sight]. Now, when the
Turkish forces saw this, three hundred of their horsemen made a
sortie and defeated all the Christian troops, putting to flight the
Franks together with the native infantry accompanying them. From
Samosata right up to Tell Hamdun a severe slaughter of as many as
one thousand men occurred. Mter this Constantine and the count
returned to the curopalates T'oros in the city of Edessa. Now all of
this happened during the second week of Lent. When Count Baldwin
had returned to Edessa, perfidious and evil-minded men came upon
the scene, who plotted in concert with the count to assassinate the
europalates T'oros. Indeed the meritorious service of the europalates
did not justify such action; for, because of his ingenious sagacity,
skillful inventiveness, and vigorous strength, he was able to deliver
Edessa from tribute and service to the vicious and cruel Muslims.
118. At this time forty men plotted together to accomplish this
Judas-like act and during the night went to Count Baldwin, the one
who was the brother of Count Godfrey. They persuaded him to
accede to their evil designs and promised to deliver Edessa into his
hands; Baldwin approved of their vicious plot. They also implicated
the Armenian chief Constantine. So during the fifth week of Lent
these men incited all the inhabitants of the city against the europalates T'oros. On Sunday they pillaged all the homes of T'oros's
officers and seized the upper citadel. On Monday they gathered
against the inner citadel where the curopalates was and violently
assaulted it. Hard pressed, T'oros asked them to vow not to harm
him on condition that he hand over the citadel and the city to them
and together with his wife go to Melitene. 1 So the Holy Cross of
Varag and that of Mak'enik,2 was brought forth, and the count swore
by them in the Church of the Holy Apostles not to harm the europalates in any way. Moreover, Baldwin vouched for his own sincerity
in the presence of the angels, archangels, prophets, patriarc~s, holy
apostles, holy pontiffs, and all the host of martyrs-all of whl~h was
written down by the count in a letter to T'oros. Mter BaldwIn had
sworn by all the saints [not to harm the europalates], T'oros delivered
the citadel into his hands, and so the count and the chief men of the
city occupied this fortified place. Then on Tuesday, the day of the
celebration of the Holy K'arasunk',3 the townspeople gathered against
T'oros and, armed with swords and clubs, threw him down from the
170
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
top of the ramparts into the midst of a tumultuous crowd. The crowd
rushed en masse upon T'oros and, cruelly inflicting him with
countless sword wounds, killed the curopalates. Thus the townspeople committed a very great crime in the presence of God.
Moreover, they tied the dead curopalates' feet with a rope and
ignominiously dragged his body through the city. So on this day the
inhabitants of Edessa disavowed their oath and shortly thereafter
delivered the city into the hands of Count Baldwin. 4
119. In this same year the general of the Persian sultan Berkyaruk, who was called Kerbogha, l marched forth at the head of a
formidable army to war against the Frankish forces, and came and
encamped before the gates of Edessa. He remained there with all his
forces right up to harvest time, laying waste all the surrounding
arable lands and making assaults against the city.2 At this time
Kerbogha had with him an innumerable amount of troops. Now after
forty days the son of the emir of Antioch, Yaghi-Siyan, came to
Kerbogha and, falling at his feet, begged him to come and aid the
Antiochenes. He told Kerbogha about the Frankish army and how it
was small in number and famine-ridden.
120. In this same year all of Khurasan rose up in arms. [This
movement extended] from the East to the West, Media to Babylon,
including the country of the Greeks and the Orient, Damascus and all
the lands of the Mediterranean littoral, and also Jerusalem, right up
to the desert. Eight hundred thousand cavalry and three hundred
thousand infantry assembled together. This [formidable] army
menacingly marched forth, its ranks spread over the plains and hills,
and with fear-inspiring arrogance reached the Frankish forces
stationed before the gates of Antioch. Now God did not will the
destructio~ of the small Christian army, so he watched over and
pro~ected ~t as he had done to the children of Israel in the past.
WhIle the mfidel forces were still some distance away at night one
of the officers of the city sent a man to Bohemond ~nd the other
Fr~ish chiefs and invited them to [occupy] his native city. Having
obt~med an o~th from them, the officer secretly during the night
delIvered the.CIty of Antioch into Bohemond's hands. He opened the
gates of the CItadel, which gave access [to the city] through the walls
and the w~lOle Frankish army entered Antioch. 1 In the morning ali
the Fra~sh troops sounded their horned trumpets in unison. When
all the mfidels heard this, they assembled, but out of fear were
PART II
171
unable to flee. Then the Frankish troops fell upon them with their
swords and severely slaughtered them. The emir Yaghi-Siyan fled
from the city and was killed by some peasants who cut off his head
with a scythe.
In this manner the city of Antioch was captured, which previously
had been seized by the Armenians. On the other hand, the remaining infidels gathered in the citadel and gave battle to the Frankish
forces. After three days the army of Persian troops arrived. Being
seven times larger than the Frankish force, their army violently
besieged and harassed it. Then the Franks became threatened with
a famine, because the provisions in the city had long become
exhausted. More and more hard-pressed, they resolved to obtain
from Kerbogha a promise of amnesty on condition that they deliver
the city into his hands and return to their own country. However,
God, seeing the great danger the Franks were in, took pity on them
and became compassionate towards them. A miraculous vision
manifested itself to them, for 10, during the night the holy apostle
Peter appeared to a pious Frank and said: "On the left-hand side of
this church you will find buried the lance with which the atheistic
Jewish nation pierced Christ's undefiled side; it is located right in
front of the altar. Take it and go forth in battle with it and you will
triumph over your enemies as Christ did over Satan." This vision
appeared a second and a third time and was related to Godfrey,
Bohemond, and all the [Christian] chiefs. So they all began to pray
and, having dug in the spot specified [in the vision], they found the
lance of Christ in the church called St. Peter.
121. At this same time envoys arrived from the infidel camp
demanding war; the Frankish forces were overjoyed at this.
Bohemond and the other leaders answered Kerbogha and said that
they would go forth in battle against him the next day. Now the
Frankish forces had become diminished [since the beginning of the
expedition]. Bohemond formed their ranks for battle, fifteen
thousand cavalry and one hundred and fifty thousa~d infantry. With
these he went into battle, the Franks carrying the lance of Christ
before them and holding it up high. The infidel forces, in turn,
covered the vast plain of Antioch in a dense body five ranks deep.
Saint Gilles came forth and set up the lance of Christ right opposite
Kerbogha's standards. Kerbogha opposed the Franks with an
innumerable amount of troops, amassed like a mountain. [On the
Christian side] the lion-like Tancred commanded the left wing of the
172
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
173
the same way the Amalekites came before the children of Israel. l
N ow, when the Christians reached the town called 'Arqah,2 a severe
battle was fought there with the infidels, and the Frankish forces
triumphed over them with a great victory. Mter this the Frankish
anny continued its advance without meeting up with any resistance.
Arriving before the gates of Jerusalem, they began to assault the city
ceaselessly. At that time his lordship Vahram, the Armenian
patriarch, was in Jerusalem. The infidels were intent on killing him,
but the Lord delivered him out of their hands. Now after many
assaults the Franks set up wooden towers and brought them near the
ramparts of the city. By sheer force, the wielding of the sword, and
tremendous courage, the Christians captured the holy city of
Jerusalem. Then, taking the sword of the emperor Vespasian,
Godfrey fell upon the infidels with all his might and slaughtered
sixty-five thousand men in the temple,3 not counting the other
inhabitants who perished in the city. In this way the holy city of
Jerusalem was captured and the sepulcher of Christ our God
delivered from subjection to the Muslims. 4
Now this was the third time since the crucifixion of the Lord that
the sword of Vespasian had been used against Jerusalem.
125. In this same year there took place a tremendous gathering of
l
as many as three hundred thousand troops-from Egypt to Scythia
and Nubia and even as far as the confines of India-and all these
forces came against Jerusalem heavily armed. 2 When the Frankish
forces learned of this, they trembled and shook with fear. Not dari~g
to wait for the enemy in the city, they marched forth to meet them m
battle, with the idea that if they were unable to resist them successfully, they would return to their own country. The two armie~ met not
far from the Mediterranean Sea. 3 When the ruler of Egypt saw the
Frankish forces approaching, he signaled his troops to attack. ~e
Frankish forces, in turn, rushed into battle en masse and stood theIr
ground at the front lines. Then they attacked the Egyptian forces
and turned them in complete flight. Actually it was not the Franks
who were fighting, but God who was battling against the E~tians
in their stead as he had done when he supported the chIldren of
Israel against' Pharaoh at the Red Sea. As the battle .intensifi~d,
about one hundred thousand men fell into the sea and penshed, while
the Franks slaughtered the rest as they were fleeing. Mter this the
Frankish forces victoriously returned to the city of Jerusalem laden
with much booty.
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
126. In this same year Gregory, the curopalates of the East and
the brother of his lordship the Armenian catholicos Barsegh, collected
troops and went against the Turkish army stationed in the district of
Arsharunik'/ for he was a valiant man and a mighty warrior.
Arriving at a village called Kaghezuan at the head of his troops,
Gregory met up with the Turks. He attacked them, harassing them
and killing many with the sword, and then began the march back to
the city of Ani. On route one of the Turkish troops, who was hiding
in ambush in a tree, surreptitiously hit the curopalates in the mouth
with an arrow. Because of this severe wound, Gregory fell to the
ground and gave up his life. So there was deep mourning in Shirak
and in all Armenia. In this manner died the brave soldier and
faithful Christian Gregory, the son of Vasak, son of Apirat, son of
Hasan; he was from the lineage of valiant men and militant soldiers
and also descended from the Pahlavids.
174
127. In this same year the count Saint Gilles returned to the
country of the Franks, taking with him the lance of Christ which was
found in Antioch. Mter giving it as a present to the Roman emperor
Alexius, he continued his journey back to the country of the Franks.
128. In this same year the great Armenian prince Constantine, the
son of ~uben, died and left behind his two sons, T'oros and Leon.
Constantine had ruled over many cities and regions and had
controlled the greater part of the Taurus Mountains, which he had
taken from the Persian forces through his own bravery. This prince
had been an officer in the army of Gagik Bagratuni, the son of Ashot.
Constantine died in this period, and a certain omen in his house
announced his death. One day, while the Armenian prince was still
alive, flashes of lightning crackled in the sky. The lightning hit the
fortress called Vahka1 and, passing through the servants' living
quarters, struck some silver plates and in one .place penetrated
~hr?ug~ to the fifth one. The sages said that all this was an
mdlcat~on of ~he las~ year of Constantine. So in that same year the
Armeman prmce
dIed and was buried in the monastery called
Kastalghon. 2
129. In this ~ame year a third fire-like omen of a very deep red
color appeared In the sky. It remained until the sixth hour of the
night, while moving from the northern portion of the sky to the
eastern, and then took on a black color. It was said that this omen
175
176
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART II
the pretext of making peace and brought food and set it before him.
The duke unwittingly ate the food, not knowing that it was poisoned.
Thus after a few days the duke Godfrey, together with forty of his
men, died and was buried in the city of Jerusalem opposite Holy
Golgotha, for he died while in this city. Mter this his brother
Baldwin, who was ruling in the city of Edessa, was searched out and
given sovereignty over the holy city of Jerusalem. Then Tancred rose
up and went to the city of Antioch to the Frankish count Bohemond,
for Bohemond was his uncle. 1
resided in the city of Marash, which was under the control of the
Greek emperor Alexius; during the previous year this city was
h~nded over to Alexius by the Frankish chiefs, but they were soon to
dIsavow what they had originally promised. The great Frankish
count Bohemond and Richard, his sister's son, rising up, collected
troops and went against the city of Marash to give battle to the
Prince of Princes whose name was T'at'ul. They demanded that
T'at'ul hand over the city to them, and at the same time launched a
number of assaults against it. However, the Prince of Princes, who
w~s a ~al~ant m~n and a warrior and who also had many noblemen
WIth hIm m the CI~y, had nothing but scorn for Bohemond's attempted
assaults. Mter Bohemond had set up his camp on the plain of
Marash, he brought to subjection the entire surrounding territory.
13~. In this same year the Persian emir, who was called Danishmend and who was the lord of Sebastia and the whole Roman
country, marched forth with many troops. Going forth with a
tre~endous n~mber of cavalry forces, he came against the city of
Mehtene and VIolently assaulted it. The commander of the city who
,,:as calle~ ~abriel, sent to Bohemond and begged him to come to its
aId, promlsmg to ?and over Melitene to the Frankish count. So
Bo~emon~ ~nd RIchard went forth with their troops and came
ag~nst Damshmend. When Danishmend heard of this, he sent troops
agamst the Frankish forces encamped on the plain of Melitene He
~~so set up ambushes in many places and, taking many troops 'with
1m, person~lly marched against the Franks. On their part Bohemond a~d RIchard went forth [to meet the Muslims] without taking
r~e~autIons and being quite unprepared. 2 Their troops had put aside
elr w~apons and came dressed like women accompanying a funeral
processIon, for they had given their miliary equipment to their
177
135. In this same year the emir of the Persians Sokman, who was
the son of Artuk and a brave and bloodthirsty man, collected tro?ps.
At the head of these troops, which were numerous, he came agal~st
the town called SaIiij and made incursions into the surroundmg
territory. When the count Baldwin of Le Bourg and the coun~ of
Sanlj, whose name was Fulcher, heard of this, they marched ~gamst
the Turks. However, because of their carelessness and n~ghgence,
they were defeated. In a violent battle the Turks vanqU1~hed the
Franks, slaughtering their forces and those of the Armemans who
178
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
had accompanied them. Fulcher, the count of SarO.j, who was a brave
and mighty man and a person of saintly and pure conduct, was killed.
The count Baldwin, on the other hand, took refuge in the citadel of
Edessa together with three men and remained there reduced to a
pitiable state. Mter this the chief men of Edessa came and brought
him down to the city, seating him on his throne. Mter three days
Baldwin rose up and went to Antioch looking for reinforcements.
Now the infidel army assaulted the citadel of Sariij, in which place
all t~e Christians residing in the town had gathered, together with
the bIshopl of Edessa. At this point the inhabitants of Sariij came to
an agreement with the Turks. Mter twenty-five days Baldwin came,
together with six hundred horsemen and seven hundred infantry, and
they harassed the wicked Persian army' however the inhabitants of
S~~ would not submit to Baldwin. Th~n the Fr~nks turned against
SaruJ and slaughtered the entire population of the town with the
sword. They pillaged the whole town and carried off a countless
nu~ber of young boys, girls, and women to the city of Edessa. Thus
AntIOch and all the lands under Frankish control were filled with
captives, while the entire town of Sariij flowed with blood. 2
136. In this same year for the fourth time the northern portion of
the ~ky reddened, appearing more frightful and wondrous than the
preVIOUS phenomenon; at first it appeared red but then it took on a
black
'
. color. Th'IS ourth omen was accompanied
by a continuous
echpse ~ft~e moon. The omen was a sign of the wrath [of God] upon
the Chn.stIans, according to the prophet Jeremiah, who said: "His
wd.rathblwlll flare up from the northern portion."l Indeed this unprelcta e wrath finally did come.
Gg~t, whICh usually burned over the holy sepulcher of Christ our
wa 'ldwenttbout and .would not burn on Holy Saturday. The lamps
ou no urn untll Sunday be
. l' ht d
h
,commg Ig e at t e ninth hour of
that day All th Ch . t'
e ns lans were amazed by this phenomenon. Now
all th"
path ~~ ~~~u~~dhb~ca~se ~he Frankish nation had strayed into the
.
f th
a a an oned the true and righteous way partak
~rn~ter:d c: t~~ s~nl Wh~h is filled with bitter dregs. Those tha~
tiated M
. 0 y c urch wallowed in the mire [of sin] unsashrink f: oreover, .m. the midst of all this evil behavior they did not
rom commIttmg any sin. Worse still, they appointed women
PART II
179
Part III
After having collected and written down the events of one
hundred and fifty years, up to the year 550 [1101~1102], we have
ceased our productive investigations, leaving to others the care of
these reasoned discussions and intellectual controversies. After
having withdrawn from the arena [of historical writing], we have
given way to more intelligent and sagacious creative inquirers,
according to the words of the holy apostle Paul, who says: IIWhoever
rises up in public, let him be the first to remain silent. II I We are at
present in the period of the pontificate of the catholicoi, their
lordships Gregory and Barsegh, the time when my [original] history
was first begun. Moreover, we are now in the pontificates of
Nicholas, patriarch of Constantinople;2 John, patriarch of Antioch;3
Symeon, patriarch of Jerusalem;' John, patriarch of Alexandria;5 and
Athanasius, patriarch of the Syrians.6 Now, there are six thousand
six hundred and ten years from Adam to the present,7but we have
not considered these ten years in our chronological calculations.
Moreover, we have neglected the cultivation of a good style of writing.
Notwithstanding all this, when we reflected upon the fact that the
wrath of God was continually falling upon the Christians and that
year by year the strength of the forces of the believers was diminish~
ing and collapsing, we perceived that no one had thought of inquiring
into these matters and putting them down in writing-all so that
these calamitous and disastrous events might be preserved for the
bright future to come, when the Lord God will fulfill his promise of
old to the faithful by establishing for them a time of happiness and
bliss. Therefore, as if God had commanded us, we have undertaken
with great pleasure to put all these events down in writing and leave
them as a record for future generations. Although our work is not
1.
182
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
these times not to forget all this, but rather to write and record it for
future generations, emphasizing that the' set punishments are the
fruits of the sin, the seeds of which our forefathers sowed and which
now are being reaped sevenfold. Motivated by these considerations,
I Ma~thew, who am unworthy of God's mercy, spent many years in
labonous research and, with untiring energy of mind, assembled and
wrote dow~ in Edessa the material contained in my book, bringing
the narratIOn up to the present time. There still remains to be
written the history of thirtyl years. However, that is the work of
yardapets .an.d skilled scholars and should not be left to our incapabil~ty .and lImIted knowledge. Yet God is accustomed to require
mdispensable a~d useful work from weak and imperfect people. We
can compa~e thIS t~ a cluster of bees at whose organization we
mar;el, seemg how m spite of their fragile bodies they are able to
prOVide sweet honey for all mankind, including taking care of the
need~ of holy people and offering products which are highly regarded
by.kmgs. [Let us make another comparison]: the dead worm2 who
relIves and, through its labors, embellishes kings and princes with
[ga:ments of] different colors and enriches all the churches with
vanous .[colorful] ornaments. In this same way our feebleness has
t~ed m~o strength and courage, and so we have expressed our
~ oughts m the presence of rhetoricians brilliant savants profound
. our book
'
mtellects
.
' and .well-tr'
amed research
ers,'commendmg
to the
cruCIble of theIr close scrutiny.
. M~:ov~r, we feel no antagonism towards learned men for there
IS no If ng m ~ur book which is contrary to their thinking. [People as
myse are] like that f '1 b' d h
favorably with that of rat Ir w 0, ~lthoug~ its voice compares
speaking of the swallomany ~th~rs, yet Its body IS very weak"":"we are
't
t
w. ThIS bIrd resembles us in the amazing way
11 cons ;'Itets Its ~est; for it builds its nest out of worthless debris and
p aces I on a high spot 'th t
ou any foundation , ca'rMling
mud and
b1'tsofs t
rawmIts beak: WII thO
~~,,~
its shelter and
n I~ manner the swallow solidly builds
passes I on to ItS young, Now such a feat as this
't
PART
III
183
184
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
:;:er, f
a::th
PART III
185
186
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Mer this Alexius at great expense transported the count and his
army across the Mediterranean to Cappadocia and at the same time
supplied Greek troops to accompany him. From this moment the
treachery of the Greek emperor began to be made manifest, for he
ordered his officers [accompanying the Franks] to guide their forces
through desolate regions. For fifteen days these officers led the
Franks through arid areas where there was nothing except a dry
desert and narrow, rocky places. The water in these places was
white like limewater and very salty. The emperor Alexius went so
far as to have lime mixed in the bread and then had it given to the
Franks as food; in the eyes of God this was a monstrous crime. Thus
the Franks were in a famished and exhausted state for many days,
and disease spread among their ranks. All this was caused by the
Greek emperor, for he harbored a grudge against the Franks because
of the oath which they formerly had made to him, but had not carried
out. Nevertheless, God held the Greeks responsible for having mercilessly victimized, injured, and ruined the Frankish Christians.
Because of this, God permitted the infidels to march against the
Greeks and punish them for their sins.
6. At this time, when the sultan of the West Kilij Arslan learned
of the coming of the Frankish forces, he wrote to the emir Danishme~d in Neocaesarea and also to other emirs. Then he marched
agal;nst the Franks a~ the ~eadl of a formidable army. The two
armIes met on the plam of Olosi and violently battled against one
another for the greater part of the day, covering the whole plain with
blood. The Frankish forces, exhausted and lost in a strange country,
we:e unable .to find an escape and so wandered about in groups like
anII~a~s. ThIS turned out to be a disastrous and horrible day for the
ghnstIans. In the midst of all this, the general commanding the
.reek troops fled. When the count of Poitou saw the destruction of
hthiS troops, he climbed up a mountain, while the infidels surrounded
e oot
.
. of the mountain . Here one witnessed
the spectacle of bows
hoofs
b
t'
d
h
. reverberating
crackhng
horses'
.h
'
ea mg, an t e mountam
[Wit
.
. troops
b . g the clash of arms] . Wh en the count of POltou
saw hIS
emb slalu~htered [right before his very eyes] he wept bitterly As
the att e mtensified and th F k
'.
.
th
e ran s were weakemng everywhere
h~~~~~tt~ed Wi~ four hundred of his horsemen. His army of thre~
Franki
ousan m~n was completely destroyed by the Turks. The
refuge :t~;~n~f ~OltO~ f~nallY reached t~e city of Antioch, taking
re ,an rom there passmg on to the holy city of
PART
III
187
188
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
standing the effort and trouble the Greeks expended on the Armenians, they were unable to move them [from their position]. However,
the Syrians in Edessa, becoming frightened, adopted the Greek
position and thus renounced the agreement they had made with the
Armenians.
9. Now previously the Greeks had fallen into a similar error
concerning the celebration of Roly Easter, and the lamps of Jerusalem had not lighted. At that time the infidels had massacred those
praying [in the holy places]. This had all taken place during the
reign of [the emperor] Basil and in the year 455. Therefore, this was
the second time in this book that the Greeks had fallen into error,
At this time [of the second error of the Greeks] the clergy in the city
of Edessa by means of a letter informed the Armenian catholicos his
lordship Gregory, who lived in the Black Mountains in the celebrated
Monastery of Areg, [concerning this conflict with the Greeks]; he, in
turn, exhorted them to remain steadfast in the Orthodox faith. The
following is a copy of this letter, written by the catholicos to the
inhabitants of Edessa.
10. "T~ those who truly love Christ and profess the Holy Trinity, 1
~~ th,e pnests, lea~ers, and all the faithful, greetings. May the
eSSIng, accompamed by a meritorious affection, come upon you all
fr~~ the see of our holy enlightener.
, Now we have read your letter fIlled with the love of God and have
hstened to .your desires; we completely understand all the thoughts
e~ressed In the letter, giving special thanks to God for the words
whlCh ~he apostle Paul said to his disciples, namely: 'When I hear of
yo~r p~;ty and faith in the Lord, I rejoice and thank God for all
;hings. F~r ~his is the Word God himself, who issued from the
d
ather and InVIted mankind to glorify the radian fhi di " t
sublimit he h
.
ce 0 s VIm y an
y, w 0 receIved us weak creatures by his mercy and gave
~s .t~e power of his grace without which we could not resist the
I~:sIble [~rces ?f temptation. It is the Lord Jesus Christ who will
gI e y~Ud e aSSIstance and strength in all things and also will grant
you WIS om when you stand befiore t h e savants and mtellects
.
and
answer them ace d'
t h'
following. 'Do n t or mg 0 IS truthful precept, which bids the
it for wh~teve ? ,:orry as to what you will say or how you will say
O~niscient on~ ~i!::e~~ ~o you at t~at time, that you will say.,a The
prevailing might kn ' alf~gh hIS Own mercy and through his all~
,ows
ngs. In spite of all this, we sin against
PART
III
189
190
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
kingly and true path which is in Christ Jesus, neither deviating right
or left, nor separating ourselves from the precepts of God; moreover,
we do not rise up at dawn to devote ourselves to the aberration of
alcoholic drinking or to exhibit an arrogant and prideful haughtiness,
as do the Romans and others whose names are not even worth
mentioning. Now, if we deceptively maintain a corrupted faith, why
are we tormented as ones deserving punishment and why are we not
given rest instead of wandering over land and sea, enduring all types
of tribulations? St. Paul relates a similar experience which happened
~o him~ when he says: 'Why are we ceaselessly tormented, thrown
mto pnson and put in chains? I have cODlbated ferocious beasts and
I have suffered in the depths of abysses. 4 Now, if by any chance my
h?pe in Christ is a vain one, I would say that all these wanderings,
fh?hts, torments, and pains were useless, since I had endured these
thm~s for the sake of a condemnable belief. I have occupied the
patnarchal office for forty years and left my ancestral home at a time
of peace to come ~ere: Thus I have deceived no one but myself;
nev.ertheless, I mamtam my hope in God and my trust in the Holy
Scnptures, because I have an orthodox and perfect faith. Now all
t~o~e of you who are associated with my ministry and faith, do not
~lmldly or fawningly back down or be frightened and thus reject God
~~etum for a vain lease on life; for 10, this is the time to receive and
h e up the crown of Christ. I assure you in the presence of Christ
t .at he who does not demolish the faith of the saints will be crowned
wlth
at
th them'
. ' however, h e wh 0 preers the glory of men to that of God,
th e hme of the judgment of the son of God, will be placed with
lsedaPdofstates who did not confess Christ as God and thus will be
exc u e rom our fath d bl .
,
believe i th :f: 'th 1 an ess~ngs. On the other hand, those who
n deal we confess Will be blessed by the inhabitants of
heaven an
earth and b G d d
glorified in etern't
Amen.'
y" 0 an us, especially by God who is
1 y.
we;;' m:e~~~s lette\reached Edessa, the inhabitants of the city
Easter came the :~r b~ rengthened in the true faith. Now, when
a
the holy sep~lcher] d It~ts of Jerusalem illuminated the lamps [of
people to fall into err~~:l ull an~ fraudulently, thus causing their
or
fire. However on th 'A t ~y ht the divine lamps with an alien
g~nuine mann~r, and t:ema,n ~aste;r the lamps were lit in a
CIty of Jerusalem we
't ChnstIan fmthful who were in the holy
were put to shame ~e WI ness to this. At that time all the Greeks
, ecause t h ey celebrated Easter on the day of
:ll
PART
III
191
Palm Sunday.
12. In this same year the rulers of Egypt and Damascus1 collected
troops and came against the holy city of Jerusalem with an innumerable army. The king of Jerusalem, Baldwin, rose up and went
against them in battle. In a violent combat the Egyptians put the
Franks to flight. At that moment a goodly number of Frankish
troops, having arrived by sea, disembarked and defeated the
Egyptian forces, pursuing them and slaughtering them severely.
After this the king of Jerusalem, Baldwin, was on his way to his royal
city,2 A certain Ethiopian Muslim was waiting in ambush concealed
in some bushes and hit the king of Jerusalem in the ribs with a
spear. The Ethiopian was immediately killed; however, the wound
in the body of the king remained incurable until the day of his death.
At that time Jerusalem was filled with sorrow and grief over its
king's death. 3 This misfortune happened because of the impious
celebration of Holy Easter by the Greeks. These Greeks had
arrogantly fallen into the same error during the time of the emperor
Basil, when the lamps would not burn and when the infidels
slaughtered all those praying in the Church of the Holy Resurrection,
right at the entrance of the sepulcher of Christ our God.
13. At the beginning of the year 552 of the Armenian era [11031104J the violent wrath of God fell upon Edessa in the form of a
severe rainstorm which struck the city on the day of Little Thursday.l
The flood caused by this rain reminded one of the former great
deluge. The tremendously agitated air condensed in the atmosphere,
and the heavens were shaken by lightning crackling in the clouds.
These phenomena were such that many thought the day for the
destruction of the city had arrived. During the morning a tremendous amount of rain mixed with hail fell from the sky. When the sun
appeared, a mass of water from the west approached Edessa, building
up as it came; striking the walls of the city, it broke through them
and flooded the whole place, ruining a portion of the town. Many
houses collapsed and many animals died, but not one person was
trapped, for the catastrophe occurred during the day and thus people
were able to flee from the danger.
14. In this same y~ar the Frankish count Bohemond was ransomed from Danishmend for one hundred thousand dahekans; this
was accomplished through the mediation and assistance of the great
192
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART III
Edessa (Baldwin) and Joscelin collected troops and went against the
town of Harran. They sent to Antioch and summoned the great
Frankish count Bohemond and also Tancred; moreover, they brought
in all the Armenian troops and thus got together a formidable army.
They then descended upon Harran and vehemently besieged it,
putting the town in danger of famine. Then one of the Franks
performed an act not pleasing to God; breaking open a loaf of bread,
he defecated in it and took and placed it before the gates of the town.
When the townspeople saw this, one of their number, taking a risk,
rushed forth to eat the bread; seeing the feces it contained, he became
nauseated and brought and showed it to the townspeople. When the
sensible men among them saw this, they said: "This is a sinful deed
which God will not allow to go unpunished; he will not give the
Franks the victory, for they have contaminated this bread, a
profanation without compare on the earth." After this the Persian
forces marched against the Franks with a formidable army led by
Chokiirmish/ the emir of Mosul, and Sokman, the son of Artuk.
When the Frankish chiefs heard this, greatly rejoicing they went
against the Persian forces. The Franks were a two day's march from
the town, at a place called shut. Now the count of Edessa and
J oscelin became puffed up with pride and placed Bohemond and
Tancred at a distance from their troops, saying: "We will engage in
combat first and thus take the laurels of victory." When Baldwin and
J oscelin clashed with the Turkish forces, a frightful and violent battle
took place here in this strange and alien Muslim land. The Persian
forces vanquished the Franks, bringing the divine-rebuking wrath of
God upon the Christians; for the whole land was covered with blood
and corpses of more than thirty thousand Christian faithful, and so
the region became depopulated. The count of Edessa (Baldwin) and
Joscelin were taken prisoner and led into captivity, while the two
other Frankish chiefs, including all their forces, suffered no harm.
So these latter took their most valiant men and took refuge in the
city of Edessa as fugitives. 2
7
AI; .. In thi~ same year his lordship Stephen the catholicos of the
amans, .d1ed. His lordship the Armenian c~tholicos Barsegh sent
.
.
an Armeman bishop [aS h'IS representatIve]
and orgamzed
an
assembly of Albanian bishops. The brother of his lordship Stephen
wLats conshecrated to the see of the Albanians in the city of Gandzak
h
.
..
a er, w en this man was d
I d h'
oun unwort y of the patnarchal see his
or s Ip t~e ~rmenian catholicos Barsegh deposed him thrdugh
excommumcatIon depriving h'
f h'
d
All thi
d'
1m 0 IS see an patriarchal dignity.
s was one because of his perverse conduct.
18. In the year 553 of the Armenian era [1104-1105] the count of
193
194
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
from the city, and all the Christian lands were in despair. After this
Count Baldwin was taken to the Muslim city of Mosul, while Joscelin
was taken to ~i~n Kaifa, to Sokman, the son of Artuk; now it was
Choktirmish who took Baldwin.
20. Bohemond resolved to return to the country of the Franks in
order to obtain reinforcements and so left Edessa and Antioch in the
hands of his sister's son Tancred. Now, when Bohemond arrived in
the country of the Franks, he met a very rich woman who had been
the wife of the Frankish count Stephen of Blois, l [a man] of noble
lineage and the last of his line. 2 This woman made Bohemond stay
with her, saying: "Take me for your wife, for my husband is dead
and my lands and cavalry forces 3 have no lord over them." However,
Bohemond rejected her proposal, saying: "I have come here with a
solemn oath to obtain reinforcements and then quickly return to aid
the remaining Christian forces who are surrounded by the infidel
Persians." Nevertheless, the woman kept on insisting vehemently,
but he still would not listen to her. Finally she put Bohemond in
chains and threw him in prison. After staying in prison for a number
of days, the count finally gave in and agreed to marry the woman;
from him she had two children. Now after five years the great
Frankish count Bohemond died in his own land, without being able
to return to the East;'
21. In this same year Danishmend, the great emir of the country
of the Romans,l died. He was of the Armenian nation-a kind man,
a ?enefactor of the people, and compassionate towards the Christian
faIthful. Thus there was great sorrow among the Christian faithful
who were under his rule. He left behind twelve sons, and his eldest
son, called Ghiizi, 2 succeeded him, after secretly putting his other
brothers to death.
22. In this same year Sokman, the son of Artuk, who formerly
p?~sessed the holy city of Jerusalem, died. This Artuk left some
,:sIble traces of his passing through the Church of the Holy ResurrectIon; for one can see the three arrows he shot at the ceiling of this
church, ~rro~s which remain fixed there to this day. He died and
;as buned ,In Jerusalem on the street leading to the Temple of
T~'o~~ HIS son Sokman was an evil man and a bloodthirsty beast.
. IS 0 man gathered together the Persian forces and came to the
aId of the city of Tripoli, marching against the Franks. While on
PART
III
195
route he died, and his forces disbanded and returned to their country.
23. In this same year the Persian ruler Berkyaruk, the son of
Malik-Shah, son of Alp Arslan, died. His brother Tap'arl succeeded
to the Persian royal throne; he was born of the Kipchak2 woman who
had poisoned and killed Malik-Shah the Conqueror in the city of
Baghdad.
24. In this same year the city of Marash was taken from the
Greeks; for the Prince of Princes1left this city and gave it to Joscelin.
For a large sum of gold he sold an icon of the Theotokos to the great
Armenian prince T' oros, the son of Constantine, son of ~uben; then
he went to Constantinople.
25. In the year 554 of the Armenian era [1105-1106] the holy
patriarch his lordship Gregory, also known as Vahram, the son of
Gregory, son of Vasak, of Pahlavid lineage, ended his pontificate.
Thus in this year the pillar of the Armenian faith and the rampart
of the holy church of this eastern nation fell. He was a man who
performed miracles among the peoples of Armenia and, being of
virtuous character, devoted himself to the ascetic life; moreover, he
was able to resist temptations through fasting and prayer, and
ceaselessly praised God through the singing of psalms. [Besides his
individual piety] he did much to revitalize the Armenian faith. He
tirelessly devoted himself to translation work; all those things that
were missing in our observance of the commandments of God, he
systematically restored to us through the works he translated from
Greek and Syriac; moreover, with great solicitude he ceaselessly filled
the Armenian church with the inspiration and sublime concepts of
the Holy Scriptures. Now this man Gregory was mild mann~red and
humble of heart added to these qualities, he was deeply pIOUS and
assiduously adh~red to the divine precepts. In every way possible he
had the capability to assist the flock of Christ, for he was skillfully
erudite in those books inspired by divine grace. Gregory resembled
the ancient Armenian savants-namely Moses and David,lfor he had
the head of an Athenian and was imbued with a fiery tongue; thus he
was easily able to lift the veil from the Old ~D;d .New Tes~ame~ts of
God, open the springs which issue from the dl~mlty, and dissemmate
the knowledge of the Holy Spirit among the faIthful peopl~ who came
to hear it. In this way he became an example to all rehgIOus people,
surpassing all in the practice of a virtuous life. Now Gregory had
196
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
occupied the patriarchal see for forty years. At the time of his death
h~ was with the great Armenian prince Kogh Vasil, who was a
mIghty man and a warrior; for this ruler had gathered together the
remnants of the Armenian forces [under his banner].
o
PART
III
197
of Christ. Sin and evil would inundate the earth, and the sons of
man would wallow in it as one immersed in the sea, Finally all the
nations of the faithful would forget the practice of righteous behavior.
[It was things such as these that Mark prophesied.] This holy hermit
passed away during this year and was buried in the Monastery of
Kastaghon, located near the impregnable fortress called Vahka in the
Taurus Mountains.
28. In this same year Chokiirmish, the emir of Mosul and Nisibis,
went forth with many troops and encamped before the gates of the
city of Edessa at harvest time. The commander of the Frankish
forces was a man named Richard, l to whom Tancred had entrusted
the defense of the city. Richard took the garrison of the city and
unwisely made a sortie with his infantry against the brave and
militant Persian forces. When the Persians saw this careless move
on the part of the Frankish troops, they fell upon them and pushed
them all into the moat surrounding the city. Then all the infidels,
crossing over the moat, entered through the gates of the city and
slaughtered as many as four hundred men. After having flayed all
their corpses, they took their heads back to Persia. Thus on that day
great sorrow fell upon Edessa, for cries and weeping issued forth from
every household, and blood flowed in all areas around the city. So
ChOkiirmish victoriously turned back and went to his own country.
29. In this same year the Frankish count Saint Gilles died while
besieging the city of Tripoli. He left the outer city, which he had
built, and his troops to his sister's son, Bertram/ a brave man and a
warrior. This Saint Gilles who died was the one who had brought
back the lance of Christ to the emperor Alexius in Constantinople. 2
30. In this same year the town of Aplast'an, located in the district
of Jahan, endured many harassments, tribulations, and misfortunes
at the hands of the Frankish forces. The inhabitants of this town
were so mistreated that they resolved to wreak their vengeance on
the Franks. So they went over to the side of the infidels. They
secretly sent a messenger and summoned the infidel calvary of the
district to occupy the town. Then the Armenians of the town, allying
themselves with the infidels, went to the citadel and said the
following to the Frankish commander: "Get out and go back to your
own people and may God be with you." When the commander heard
this, he flew into a rage like a ferocious beast and attacked the
198
MATTHEW OF EnESSA
PART III
199
200
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
201
town of Kesoun. He freed all the prisoners which the infidels had
captured and thus caused great rejoicing among the Christian
faithful.
39. In this same year Joscelin ransomed Baldwin, the count of
Edessa, from Chavli for thirty thousand dahekans. Then he and
Baldwin came to the Armenian prince Vasil, who received them with
great honor and gave them many gifts. After this Baldwin went and
collected cavalry troops in Raban, one of the towns belonging to Vasil,
for he intended on warring against the pious man Tancred. Then
Baldwin, in collusion with Joscelin, did a wicked thing, something
which was not pleasing in the eyes of God. The two men sent to the
Persian emir Chavli and persuaded him to come to their aid with five
thousand horsemen. Then they made war on Tancred, the count of
Antioch, because of their lands which he had taken over while they
were in captivity and now would not return to them; for Tancred
wished them to be his vassals, something which they would not agree
to. Vasil sent Baldwin and Joscelin eight hundred of his own men
and Pecheneg troops from the Roman emperor's army who were
stationed in Mamistra, all of which made up a goodly force. The
soldier of Christ Tancred, in turn, marched forth at the head of one
thousand horsemen together with a number of infantry forces. A
violent battle took place between Baldwin and Tancred within the
confines of Tell Bashir, both sides fighting vehemently and heroically.
The Persian troops severely slaughtered the Frankish infantry forces
of Tancred's army. However, as the battle intensified, Tancred
defeated Baldwin's forces and put them to flight. Then with great
fury the count of Antioch turned upon Chavli and, sword in hand,
drove back his troops, inflicting a severe slaughter upon them.
Nevertheless, on that day about two thousand Christians perished.
Tancred victoriously turned back and went to his city of Antioch. On
the other hand, Baldwin fled and took refuge in a fortress called
Ravendan, while J oscelin saved himself by taking shelter in his
fortress called Tell Bashir.l
40. When the inhabitants of the city of Edessa learned of all this,
they all became sad and gloomy because of Baldwin, for they thought
that he was dead. So they assembled in the Church of St. John in
the presence of the Frankish papios1 in order to consult with each
other [as to what was to be done]; for they feared that the city would
once again fall to Tancred and he would hand it over to Richard who,
202
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
203
nobleman from the forces of Vasil, who was a son of Tachat, lord of
Taron; his name was Aplasat', and he was a brave man and an
excellent warrior. Having left Vasil because of some misunderstanding, he had come to Edessa. Now, when the Christians reached the
gates of the town of Harran, the Edessenes began to devastate the
surrounding countryside. Suddenly the Turkish forces came against
them with one thousand five hundred horsemen and killed one
hundred and fifty of. the Edessenes. At this point the Frankish
troops, being few in number, were intent on fleeing to Edessa. Then
Aplasat' cried out like a lion and, signaling his troops, shattered the
front line of the infidel forces. So they began their retreat to Edessa,
hotly pursued by the Turks; in spite of this they entered the city of
Edessa unharmed. Aplasat' was not pleased with the conduct of the
Franks [in this battle] and so he returned to the service of Vasil.
This brave Armenian was wounded in the arm [during the battle],
but did not die because his armor stopped the blow [inflicted by the
enemy weapon] .
I
,In this ~ame year a violent conflict broke out in the Arab
an s, m [the Clty ofl Basra/ which is the native land of Job. The
~absl and Turks engaged in a frightful battle there. The Arab forces
t~a:e y and ferociously fought against the Persians and shattered
' ehlrtarmAfiY in a. great victory, slaughtering them and putting them to
flIg. ter thIs the Turk' h
. collected troops
IS cornmander once agam
.
and went agamst the Arab fi
Th'"
.
orces,
IS tIme In a valIantly fought
battle th T k
A b fi e ur s put the Arabs to flight. Then fifty thousand of the
pI:~e ~~~:s~~:: to t~eer te~itory of t~e city of Aleppo, intending to
Antioch. Howeveru:r t e p:o~ectlOn of Tancred, the count of
returned to the' ' ter remammg here a number of days, they
Ir Own country.
44. In this same year the coastal city of Tripoli was captured by
the Christians. Mter an eleven-year siege,! the inhabitants were
exhausted by violent assaults and had sustained a drawn-out
blockade; for Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, and Bertram, a relative
of the great count Saint Gilles,2had put them in dire straits. So the
inhabitants of Tripoli summoned the count of Antioch, Tancred, and
delivered their city into his hands. Then the king of Jerusalem and
Bertram made war on Tancred, since they were the ones who had
laid siege to Tripoli. At this point their patriarch and bishops
intervened and established peace between the two sides, Tancred
then returning to Antioch. However, the king of Jerusalem equipped
a fleet against Tripoli and, besieging the city by sea and by land,
launched a formidable assault against it. Tripoli was set on fire and
the inhabitants of the whole city were put to the sword, causing the
streets to be inundated with blood. The Frankish forces seized an
innumerable amount of gold and silver and carried off a countless
number of captives to their own country.
45. At the beginning of the year 559 of the &:nenian era [11101111] the count of Edessa was intent on startmg a second war
against Tancred. At this time Baldwin and Joscelin, motivated by
their arrogant character, conceived of a plan unworthy o~ a~y
Christian. They sent to the city of Mosul and summoned to theIr aId
4:.
204
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
205
th~ CI~y of Edessa. The king of Jerusalem and Bertram the count of
;tnpoh, ,also came to the city's aid. These three men c~e to Tancred
In
join them in going to the assistance of Edessa. Then all the Frankish
forces continued their march and came to the Armenian prince Vasil,
who equipped his troops and went to Samosata. The Armenian
prince Ablgharib, who possessed the town of Bira, also joined the
Franks with his troops. So with a tremendous army of troops the
Christians passed into the confines of the city of Edessa. When the
Turkish general Maudiid learned of their coming, he lifted the siege
of Edessa and went to the town of Harran, The Frankish forces, in
turn reached the gates of the city of Edessa and encamped there. On
the following day the Franks prepared for battle. Bringing forth the
holy cross of Varag, they fastened it to the end of a lance and carried
it before their troops. In the meantime the Turks retreated from
Harran, hoping by this stratagem to defeat the Franks, for the
Franks were in territory unknown to them; to this end they set up an
ambush of many troops in the town. However, the Frankish
commander learned of the treacherous designs of the Turks and so
turned around and encamped against the impregnable fortress of
Shenaw, l located in Muslim territory; the Christians vehemently
attacked this stronghold. At this point Tancred learned of a plot
hatched against him by the other leaders and so, taking his troops,
reached Samosata and descended to the banks of the Euphrates.
Soon all the Frankish forces followed him. Now, when the inhabitants of Edessa and those of the surrounding countryside who had
taken refuge in the city heard of this withdrawal, they. a111eft, even
the women and children, and followed after the FrankIsh forces.
47. On this occasion two Franks did a very wicked thing. They
went to Maudud and, repudiating the Christian faith, said to the
emir that the entire Frankish army had withdrawn and fled. When
Maudud heard this, he pursued the Frankish forces;. he filled the land
from the gates of Edessa to the Euphrates River WIth ?lood, slau?htering the inhabitants of both the city and the countrysIde. Reachmg
the banks of the Euphrates, Maudlld slaughtered a co~n~less number
of the inhabitants of the area and carried off the remammg, together
with their possessions. The Franks had already crossed over to the
other side of the river. So the Turks massacred the Christian faithful
who were huddled together like flocks of sheep on this side of the
river. The wrath of God, manifested through Maudud, fe~l upon the
faithful with such force that the Euphrates was turned mto blood.
Many drowned in the river. Those who tried to swim across were
unable to reach the other side. Many tried to cross over on boats, but
206
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
five or six of the boats sank full of people, because too many persons
got in them. So on this day the entire territory of Edessa was
devastated and depopulated. It was in reference to this calamity that
the savants of old wrote: "Woe to the people of Abgar." The Frankish
forces, who were on the other side of the Euphrates River, witnessed
all these horrible things which were happening to all the Christians,
but were unable to assist them in any way and so wept bitterly.
Mter all this Maudud victoriously turned back and went to Hanan;
from there he returned to his country, laden with captives and
countless booty.l
48. On the other hand, the great emir of the East Sulaiman
1
taking the emir Balik prisoner, put him in chains and threw him int~
the dungeon of the fortress of Aytseats' in Taran. So the Frankish
forces, h~m~liated~ returned to their territories; for, instead of saving
the ChrIstIan faIthful, they had brought disaster upon them.
However, the brave soldier of Christ Tancred collecting troops
entered the territory of Aleppo and descended up~n the fortress to~
called al-Atharib. He encamped against it for a number of days and
fmally captured it by a violent assault, without harming the garrison.
49. In t~is same yea.r the Turkish forces gathered together and
penet~ated mto the temtory of Anazarba, ravaging the entire area,
mcludmg Marpa. When the great Armenian prince T'oros the son of
Constantine, who in turn was the son of ~uben, fully r~alized the
tremendous n~mber of Persian troops, he did not dare go forth in
battle. So the Turkish forces turned back and went to their own
country, laden with innumerable captives and booty.
[v:to.:rem!hustheinTurks
this year much devastation occurred in this region
had penetrated]. In this same year during the
PART
III
207
208
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
son of Constantine, son of ~uben. During T'oros's time the murderers of the Armenian king Gagik were in a fortress called Kndroskawis, a heavily fortified stronghold impregnable on all four' sides.
These murderers were the sons of Mandale, who were three brothers
and still alive. One of them was allied to T'oros and because of this
relationship, the three brothers had agreed to hand over the aforementioned fortress to the Armenian prince; for it was situated on the
borde~s ofT'oros's. territory, close by the area called Dzknajur where
there IS a ~ounta~n overlooking Cappadocia. Now in this same year
the Armeman pnnce went forth and with a small detachment of
troops came to the three brothers for a friendly visit. Reaching the
con~nes of their territory, he sent to them, informing them of his
commg. Then one of the murderers took gifts and went to T'oros
w~o received. him with due honor. The Greek presented a costl;
kmfe and a nch garment to T' oros, and then the two men sat down
to eat and dri?-k, At this point the Armenian prince said to him: "In
accordance WIth your promise to me concerning the fortress hand it
over ~ow"and in its stead chose yourself any place in my te'rritories
yo~ WIsh. The Greek, deceitfully going back on his previous promise
~ald to the, Armenian prince: "We cannot give up the fortress, for it
~:~~r pat~mony and ancestral home." When he realized that he had
~e~e1Ved by the three brothers, Toros, returning the gifts
b
t roug t y one of their number, angrily said to him' "Arise and go
o our hom~" and after this each one of you be prep~red for me,"
, 0 th.e deICl?e got up and returned to his home while the Arme::~d~~nce ~elgned going in the direction of hiS.' Now, when the
troops a~~ ~:~pet~ed. out of ~ight, T'oros turned back with his
f'n: g e mght, amved at the fortress. There he set up
an amb
off to t~: ~o~ntnt1 tr~ops a~d then, taking his horsemen, hurried
. th
~Sl e, mtendmg to devastate the area. In the
mornmg e gamson ca th f
found thems I
f:
me or rom the gates [of the fortress] and
T'oros Neves ace to face with the men placed in ambush by
T'oros;s i;a:trwh:~sthe garrison, tro?ps saw this, they fled, while
stronghold was~ftuat~d ~m, c~mbmg. up the height on which the
gates of the fortress eT; , en t e garnson saw this, they shut the
t' oros s troops barricaded themselves outside
the gates and be
h Ii
gan 0 assault the rt
a~d causing it to burn ra idl
ress, ~r g fire at the roofing
thIS, they opened the gat~ lo:a:ted en those m~lde the fortress saw
and began to flee through it. Fina on ~not~er SIde of the stronghold
and captured the fugiti
Th Uy T oros s troops took the fortress
ves.
en they went to relate all this to
w::.
r:
PART III
209
!r;
210
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
there descended upon [the Monastery of] the Holy Martyrs, situated
near the ramparts of the city.
55. At this time the invincible soldier of Christ Count Joscelin
taking one hundred horsemen and one hundred infantry, came and
entered the town of San1j. Then a Turkish force, consisting of five
hundred horsemen, [left the main army in Edessa and] made a
diversion into the territory of Sariij on the Saturday of Elias,l
Joscelin went forth and attacked the Turks, killing one hundred and
fIfty of their men. The count took fIve of their officers prisoner and
seized all their baggage, while the rest fled to Maudud in the city of
Edessa. When Maudud heard of all this, he went against Joscelin in
the town of Saruj. However, at the same time Joscelin secretly came
and entered the city of Edessa. Mter remaining in Sariij for seven
days, Maudud turned back against Edessa once again. Now certain
perfidious men came to him while he was on the march, saying:
"Have compassion on us, and on this day we will deliver Edessa into
your h~nds. The emir in great joy consented to their proposition,
~ow, smc.e these men suffered from the effects of the famine, being
m such dIre straits, they were not really aware of what they were
doing, ~o during the night they conducted Maudud, together with
fIve of hIS men, to Edessa and delivered this populous city into the
hands of the Turks. They handed over to the Turks a tower located
in the eastern portion of the city, which dominated all of Edessa; one
hund~ed men took possession of this tower. Moreover, the Turks
occup~ed two other towers, placing a large number of troops in them.
NotwIthstanding all this, God, who never wills the destruction of the
Christian faithful, had previously brought the Frankish count
Josc~lin to the aid of the blessed city of Edessa. So, when the brave
soldIer of God Joscelin learned of this Turkish takeover, he took the
count of Edessa and the other Frankish troops and rushed to the
r.amparts to battle against the Turks. Joscelin assaulted the tower
[m which the Turks were ensconced] with such bravery that he
hurled down all their men from the walls; in this way the traitors
wh~ had handed over the tower and the infidels who had occupied it
penshed at the same time. So on that day Edessa was saved from
the clutches of the Turks, because of the bravery of Joscelin and all
the tro.ops ,of the city. Then Count Joscelin, because of the deep
:ng~r m ~IS heart and because of the calumnious slanders made
gamst hIm by some, caused much innocent bloodshed among the
townspeople, ordering them to be massacred, burned, and tortured;
PART
III
211
now all this was not pleasing in the eyes of God. Mter this Maudud
raised the siege and went and captured T'lmoz;2 from there he went
back to Khurasan, humiliated and discredited.
56. In this same year Tancred, the count of Antioch, collected
troops and came against the Armenian prince Vasil. He attacked
Raban and, after a vigorous siege, captured the town from Vasil.
Then with his troops he marched against Kesoun and encamped at
the head of the plain, below a spring, at T'il. At this time Vasil
gathered together a force of five thousand men. Both sides waited
around for a number of days without engaging in combat, after which
they made peace with one another. Tancred returned Raban to Vasil,
while the Armenian prince handed over to him the district of ij:i~n
Man!:'ur, and also T'oresh and Uremn; for Vasil had captured this
district of ij:i~n-Man~ur, together with the fortified1 P'ersin, Raghtip,
Hart'an, T'oresh, and Uremn, and now returned them to the Franks.
So Tancred peacefully went back to his city of Antioch.
II
57. In this same year, on the 24th of the month of Areg, the great
Armenian prince called Kogh Vasil died, and there was profound
sorrow throughout all Armenia. Around this prince were united
remnants of the Armenian army, members of the Bagratid and
Pahlavid families, sons of the kings of Armenia, and fInally all those
of Pahlavid lineage, together with the military aristocracy of
Armenia' all these remained with Vasil and were highly respected
and hon~red by him. Moreover, the Armenian patriarchal see was
transferred to Vasil's territory/for this Armenian prince had gained
control of many areas through his bravery and strength. Thus all the
monks, bishops, abbots, and vardapets gathered around hi~ and were
very well treated by him. So the Armenian prince Vasil dIed and was
buried in Karmir-Vank' . His spiritual advisor and father confessor
was his lordship Barsegh, the Armenian catholicos. The monast~7
received one thousand dahekans for putting aside a place for VaSIl s
tomb. Approximately one hundred and fIfty thousand dahekar;s w~re
given for the celebrating of divine liturgies. Moreover, an Infimte
number of meals for the poor was donated. Tancred received as a gift
many precious objects which were carried to him from Vasil's house:
huge amounts of mon~y, brocades, horses, and mules: Vasil's w~e's
diadem was sent to Tancred,s wife. The other chiefs of vanous
territories also received many gifts. Even the poor received a part of
the Armenian prince's estate. Vasil's sovereignty was passed on to
212
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
his son, who was of the Karnsarakan 2 family on his mother's side and
was raised and educated in Vasil's household "like a son in the bosom
ofhls father"; this [adopted] son was handsome with a lion-like mien,
capable, intelligent, a brave man and a warrior, besides which he was
twenty-five years old. He was installed on the throne of the great
prince Vasil, and the whole army gave him allegiance; for he was a
very generous and munificent person and thus was liked and
respected by all the troops. His lordship Barsegh called an assembly
and handed over the reins of government to Vasil's son, and so there
was rejoicing throughout the whole Armenian nation.
58. In this same year, on the 18th of the month of Mareri, the
most pious believer in God Tancred, the count of Antioch, died. 1 He
was a saintly and pious man and had a kind and compassionate
nature, manifesting concern for all the Christian faithful' moreover
he exhibited a tremendous amount of humility in his de~lings with
people and showed justice in executing the verdicts and laws of God.
So Tancred died in Antioch and was buried in Saint Peter the great
cathedral of the. city, founded by the holy apostles Peter 'and Paul.
In accordanc~ WIth Ta.ncred's wishes his sister's son Roger,2 a brave
man and vahant warrIOr, succeeded to his throne. So the patriarch
and all the Frankish chiefs installed Roger on the throne which
Tan~red had formerly occupied and turned Antioch over to him. Now
earher that same year two eminent officers of Vasil's army Tigran
and Aplasat', were killed by Turkish troops in the territory ~f Leon 3
the son of ~uben.
'
thi:;t In ~he year 562. of the Armenian era [1113-1114] the bloodt
y:n savage emIr Maudud once again marched forth with a
remen ous numb~r of troops and, arriving at the Muslim town of
HoraErrdan, came a~atnst the Franks. At this time Baldwin the count
essa, was m the town f T II B h'
.
.
'
certain perfidious an
. .0. e
as Ir WIth hIS troops. Now
Franks carried rumors , based on
..
d
d eVII-thmkmg
VICIOUS an treacherous m t'
t'
plotting together to h ~ Iva Ions, to. the count, saying: "Many are
Baldwin believed th a; I ov~r the c;ty ?f Edessa to the Turks."
evil mouths and b ese a s; ~ ~nders Issumg from their wicked and
immediately sen't ;~;~~: ~h t IS, conceive~?f a very harsh plan; he
him to remove all th t' e count of SaruJ, to Edessa and ordered
person would remain ~it~~n~1eoPl~1 from the city so that not one
hideous Franks thought m 1 ~hwa s. However, on that day these
among emselves and decided instead to put
PART
III
213
all the inhabitants of the city to the sword. They were eager to shed
the blood of blameless and innocent people who had done nothing
wrong voluntarily; for, because of the perverseness of their character,
these Franks regarded all other peoples as basically malicious and
evil.
60. So on one Sunday during the month of Sahmi, at dinnertime,
a horrible and disastrous calamity fell upon Edessa. The calamity
was so serious that fathers disavowed their sons and sons, their
fathers. All the inhabitants of the city wept, lamented, and cried out
in anguish. Every household was filled with tears, grief, and sorrow;
for the Franks forcibly evicted all the inhabitants from their homes
and ordered anyone found in his or her house burned. Noone
remained except for eighty men who that evening had taken refuge
in the Church of St. Theodore and who were afterwards placed under
guard in the citadel. Thus this was a day of great sorrow for the
inhabitants of Edessa, all due to [the viciousness of] the Franks; for
everyone lamented the deplorable condition they found themselves in.
Moreover, there was not one atrocity which the Franks did not
commit against the inhabitants of the city of Edessa. Thus here were
fulfilled the words of the seers of old who said: "Woe to the people of
Abgar. All those banished from their homes went t~ the town of
Samosata. So the illustrious metropolis of Edessa remamed deserted
like a widowed woman, who once was a mother to all people and had
gathered around herself the populations dispersed from other lands,
including those holding the cross [of Christ], who ran to the Franks
at a time when these very same Franks came to them begging for
assistance. Now in return for all the beneficence which the inhabitants of Edessa showed the Franks, these [Westerners] recompensed
the faithful Christians of this city with evil and malice.
1t
214
,;
"
, .c'
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
215
62. In this period the infidel forces came and encamped against
the town of Tiberias, located near the Sea of Galilee. The king of
Jerusalem, in turn, sent to Antioch and summoned Count Roger, all
the Frankish forces, and also the count of Tripoli-the son of Saint
Gilles;l all of them, uniting together, came to the aid of the king.
However, the troops of Jerusalem, puffed up with pride, hastened to
march into battle against the Turkish forces first, lest the Antioch.
enes gain the reputation of bravery rather than they. Now God was
not pleased with their prideful attitude and so made them pay for
their arrogance; for, when both sides engaged in combat with one
another, the Turkish forces defeated those of the Franks and turned
them in flight. Many Franks of high rank were killed and all their
infantry forces were slaughtered. A certain brave ~an from the
Turkish forces came at the king of Jerusalem and struck him on the
s~oulders with an iron mace. However, the Lord came to the king's
aId and saved him, for at that moment the troops of Antioch and
~ripoli ~ved. ~en Roger saw the situation of the Franks, roaring
lIke a hon and Immediately rushing to the scene he turned the
Turkish forces in flight and thereby saved the king ~d all the troops
of Jerusalem. Mter this the infidel army encamped on one side of the
mountain situated between Tiberias and Jericho, while the Frankish
~rmy encamped on the other side. The two sides no longer engaged
m com~at WIth one another. So, after waiting around for a few days,
Maudud returned to Damascus, while the Frankish forces went back
to their respective cities. 2
66. In the year 563 of the Armenian era [1114-1115] the Persian
sultan Tap'ar the son of Malik-Shah, collected troops and appointed
as command~r over them the great emir al-Bursuki,l Taking with
him the sultan's son2, who was a mere boy, this emir marched forth
with a countless number of troops and came against the city of
Edessa. On Friday the 24th of the month of Sahmi, al-Bursukl
arrived at the gates of the city. Mter he had subjected Edessa to a
heavy siege for thirty days, the emir then departed and reached the
Euphrates River, ravaging all the districts along its banks. Then he
came against the town of Bira, located on the banks of the Euphr~tes
River. All the Frankish troops on the other side of the river umted
together but did not dare cross over and engage in combat [with the
infidels]. So al-Bursuki returned to Edessa and from there went.to4
the Muslim town of Nisibis. Mter this the emirs Il-Ghazfl and Bahk
united their troops and in a fonnidable battle defeated al-Bursuki,
64. In this same year, on the fifth day of the month of Tre, his
65. In this same year his lordship Gregory/ the son of Apirat, who
was of the lineage of Gregory Magistros, the son of Vasak Pahlawuni,
occupied the Armenian patriarchal see. For after the death of his
lordship Barsegh an assembly of bishops and abbots took place in
Karmir-Vank', situated in the territory of Kesoun, and through the
will of the Holy Spirit his lordship Gregory was consecrated as bishop
over the whole Armenian nation. At the same time he was made
catholicos and installed on the see of Saint Gregory. Gregory
occupied the patriarchal see while he was still very young, for his
beard had not as yet begun to grow; moreover, he was of tall stature,
handsome looking, and of very humble nature.
216
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
putting him to flight and taking prisoner the sultan's son,5 whom they
later freed,6
67, In this same year the divine-rebuking wrath of God fell upon
all living creatures, The Lord in all his omnipotence and wrathfulness looked down upon those whom he had created, for the sons of
man had all strayed from the path of righteousness, according to the
words of the prophet who said: "In these times there will be no
prince, prophet, or leader who will practice goodness, no not even
one,"l In like manner everyone delighted in the wicked path of sin
and ,scorned all the precepts and laws of God; for none of the princes,
soldIers, men of the people, leaders, priests, and monks stood fast in
truly carrying out God's work, but rather sought after the fulfillment
of fleshly and worldly desires, God considered all this the highest
degree ?f sil~ulness, Thus were fulfilled the words of the prophet,
who saId: Lo, he looked at the earth and caused it to tremble,tll!
Now, since God wrathfully looked askance at his creation, all living
creatures gave up hope and succumbed to the terror of the Lord's
might" In accordance with this, on Sunday the 12th of the month of
Maren, the day of the Feast of the Discovery of the Cross, a frightful
phenomenon occurred on the earth; moreover, we have never heard
of such a wra~hful event having happened in the past or in the
present, or havmg been mentioned in Scripture, Now, while we were
m a deep sleep, a horrible, crackling, and reverberating sound was
heard, ~nd all of creation resounded from the noise, A severe
cO,ncusslOn w~s felt, and the plains and mountains shook with a
fnghtful, echomg sound, while tremendous rocks were cleft and hills
were spht open,
PART
III
217
hour during the night. Now, out of fear of the noises concomitant
with this calamity, everyone despaired of their lives, saying: liThe
final day, the day of judgment, has arrived." Indeed the day of this
calamity was a true mirror of that last day of judgment; for it
happened to be Sunday and the day on which the heavy and somber
tone of the Armenian chant was used,S besides which the moon was
in its last phase. Thus all the signs pointing to the last day were in
evidence at this time.
In consequence of all this, those who already were plunged into the
depths of despair now became horror-struck and frozen with fear as
if they had just died. Now during this night many towns and
districts were destroyed. However, all the areas destroyed were those
of the Franks, while no harm or destruction came to other regions or
peoples. 4 So on this night Samosata, ~Ii13n-Man~l1r, Kesoun, and
Raban were destroyed. On the other hand, Marash was destroyed in
such a frightful manner that as many as forty thousand persons died;
it was a populous city and yet not one person survived. The same
thing happened to the town of Mamistra,5 where a countl~ss number
of men and women perished. Moreover, many other VIllages and
monasteries were destroyed, and thousands upon thousands of men,
women, and children perished. An incident occurred in the Basilian
Monastertlocated in the renowned Black Mountains, where th~ holy
monks and Armenian vardapets had gathered for the consecration of
a new church building; in the midst of the divine service the c~urch
collapsed on them, and thirty monks and two vardapets pe:Ished
beneath the ruins, their bodies remaining in the rubble to thIS day.
A similar mishap occurred near Marash in the great Monastery of the
Jesuits, 7 where the monastery was destroyed and all the monks
perished. Now, when the tremors had ceased, snow began to fall and
cover the entire land. The Armenian vardapet Gregory, surnamed
Mashkewor perished in the same place. Thus in this way many
mishaps and frightful calamities befell the Christian faithful. All of
these things happened because of their sins, for each. of ~hem
abandoned the true path of the precepts of God and enthUSIastically
embraced the erroneous way; so they separated themsel,ves from ~he
precepts of the holy books and became involved in foolIsh pursUlt~.
As in the days of Noah they ate and drank. until the time ~f t~eI~
destruction, an end which they well deserved becau~e of theIr. sms,
these persons continued giving themselves to memme~t .u~tI~ ~he
wrath of the Lord God fell upon them and obliterated theIr ImqUlhes,
for they had committed outrageous crimes.
218
''
,j df '
:'
219
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART III
joining one another in the territory of Shaizar. At the same time the
great Persian emir ll-Ghazl, who was the son of Artuk., arrived in the
Frankish camp; he came to Roger with many troops because he was
a rabid enemy of al-Bursuki. The emir of Damascus, Tughtigin, also
came and joined the Franks. Il-Ghazi and Tughtigin made peace
and formed an alliance with one another, taking a very solemn oath
[as guarantee of their sincerity]. In the same manner the emir of
Alepp02 joined the Franks. Now the infidel army and the Frankish
army confronted one another for four months, without the Turkish
forces daring to give battle. Mter this al-Bursuki feigned a retreat
from the Frankish forces. When the Franks learned that al-Bursuki
had withdrawn, the king of Jerusalem, the count of Tripoli, Il-Ghazl,
Tughtigin, and the emir of Aleppo turned around and went back to
their respective territories. When al-Bursuki learned of the
departure of the Frankish army, he turned back against Antioch,
intent on ravaging the territories of this city. When the count of
Edessa heard this in Antioch, he returned to Edessa and, taking with
him Roger and seven hundred horsemen, caught up with al~Bursukl
in the territory of Aleppo. Finding the emir unprepared for combat,
the count attacked him. The Franks victoriously defeated the Turks
and put them to flight. Moreover, the Franks took prisoner eminent
officers, seized many men and much booty, and even pillaged the
enemy camp. Those remnants of the Turkish army which had escaped
departed in humiliation.
71. In this same year the count of Edessa Baldwin made war on
the Armenian prince [the younger] Vasil, the one who was the
successor to Kogh Vasil.
72. In this period Baldwin went against the impregnable fortresstown of Raban with his troops. He besieged Raban for a number of
days, but was unable to accomplish anything, even though he had set
up a very tight blockade around the place.
73. At this time [the younger] Vasil went to the great Armenian
prince Leon, who was the son of Constantine, the son ?f ~~ben, and
the brother of T'oros and took Leon's daughter as hIS WIfe. Then
Leon's brother T'oros ~ummoned the younger Vasil and, treacherously
seizing him, took him to the count of Edessa B~ldwin. Baldwin, in
turn, subjected this brave man and mighty warnor t? severe tortu~es
and forcibly seized all his territories, thus effectIvely destroymg
220
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
221
222
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART III
others, his insatiable love for money, and his deep lack of generosity;
as for the rest, he was very orthodox in his faith, and his ethical
conduct and basic character were quite solid. 5 So here we have two
kings who came from Edessa and who both were named Baldwin.
gave the order to his troops, who were in the camp, to regroup around
him; the Armenian troops obeyed, coming to the side of this brave
soldier of Christ, while he, in turn, exhorted them one by one. The
next day the infidel forces attacked the Franks, and the Armenian
prince led his troops into battle against the Muslims; having given
them the signal to attack, his men fell upon the infidels. At this
point Leon vehemently roared like a lion and shattered the enemy
with his troops, turning them in flight; sword in hand he pursued
them to the gates of the town, slaughtering them and taking [many
prisoners]. Mter this the infidels did not dare to make a sortie out
of the town. So the Armenian prince acquired a reputation for
bravery on that day, and [his name] was highly praised among the
Franks. Moreover, from that day on Roger took a liking to the
Armenian troops. Thus by such a siege as this Roger harassed the
fortress-town of 'Azaz and finally forced it to submit without
bloodshed. He showed clemency to all and allowed the inhabitants
to depart in peace. Now at this time a deep conflict developed
between the emir Il-Ghazl and Roger; the two had formerly been
very intimate friends, but now were enemies, because both Aleppo
and 'Aziiz belonged to the Turkish emir Il-Ghazi, the son of Artuk.
So Il-Ghiizl fulminated with rage [over this matter].
76. In this same year the Persian sultan Tap'ar, who was the son
of Malik-Shah and a vicious-minded person, died. 1 Now at the time
of his death he did a very horrible and unheard-of thing. When he
was about to die, thinking of his sons, he sent for and summoned his
wife Gohar Khat'un,2the daughter of the emir Isma'll; unbeknown to
his troops he had her killed in his presence, so that she would not
remarry and force his sons from the throne and take away their
3
inheritance. The sultan was descended from an illustrious family
and had a great number of troops under his command. Moreover.
from all the nations he had gathered together four hundred beautiful
mai~ens, who sat at his feet adorned with the most splendid finery:
preCIOUS stones. and pearls set in Arabian gold, diadems on their
head~, a~d theIr tresses decorated with gold; so they were quite
dazzlIng In all their splendid and colorful finery in the presence of the
sultan. Now Tap'ar had his chief queen killed before his eyes, so that
~he would. not marry his brother\ who reigned as sultan over the
mner terntories of Persia, in the towns of U zgand and Ghazni-a
three months' march5 from Isfahan. 6 Mter this Tap'ar placed his
7
eldest son Mahmiid on the royal throne and handed over to him all
of Per~ia. .His younger son MalikB he installed as sultan of the
Armeman CIty of Gandzak, giving him the whole East. Tap'ar had
two other sons, but not by Gohar Khat'un.
f~' ~n this same year the Persian caliph,lwho occupied the throne
223
79. At the beginning of the year 568 of the Armenian era [11191120] the emir Il-Ghazl, the son of Artuk, collected a tremendous
army, for, since he was regarded as the supreme commander. of the
Turkish forces 1 because of his nationality, the Turks heeded hIS call.
So in this year Il-Ghazl marched against Roger, the count of Antio?h,
at the head of a formidable army, coming against the Franks WIth
eighty thousand men. With this army the emir arrived ~t the ga~es
of the city of Edessa. He remained there for four days WIthout bemg
able to do any harm to the city. Then he crossed over the Euphrates
River and marching forth like a galloping horse out of breath,
ravaged rr:any places because all the areas occupied by. the ~ranks
were left unfortified. The emir seized fortresses, farmmg VIllages,
and monasteries and also slaughtered everyone, including old people
and children. Mter this he came to Buzii'ab2 and encamped there.
Now, since the count of Antioch Roger was an arrogant and prideful
man, having full confidence in his stren~h? he neg~ected to take any
precautions [for defense]. Moreover, bnngmg t? mmd the gre~tness
of his people, he was contemptuous of the TurkIsh fo~ces; so Wlt~out
taking any precautionary measures, without gathenng a suffiCIent
224
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
225
fear of the Holy Spirit who had [originally] established the sacrament
of holy baptism; nor did he bring to mind the precept of the holy
apostle Paul, who said: "Those of you who are once baptized in
Christ are part of Christ" and "He who baptizes one who is already
baptized repeats the crucifixion of the Son of God and by that
commits a mortal sin."2 So Alexius died in this year, and his son
JohnS Porphyrogenitus4 occupied the imperial throne. John was a
valiant man and a warrior and had a humble and kind nature. He
was sympathetic to the Armenians and so abolished the rigorou.s
ruling on invalid rebaptism; for by this ruling his father had substItuted the [true] spiritual baptism with something imperfect. 5
81. In this same year the king of Jerusalem Baldwin gave Edessa
and Tell Bashir to Count Joscelin and sent him back to the former
city. For at the time of Tancred's death the kingl had drive~ him
from his home and lands, seizing and occupying them unjustly.
Moreover he had imprisoned this brave and mighty man, reducing
him to a' state of hunger in prison. Then the king had forcibly
expelled J oscelin, as if he were a criminal, and compelled him to go
and serve in alien lands. After this the former king of Jerusalem had
called him back and received him with great honor, giving Joscelin
the town of Tiberias and making him lord of that territory. Th~re
Joscelin had victoriously resisted the enemies of the cross of,Chnst.
Now when Baldwin died and Baldwin ofLe Bourg became kmg, the
latte~ sent Joscelin back to Edessa and set him up as a barrier
against the Persian attacks; for Joscelin was a valiant ~an an~ a
mighty warrior and renowned among all the Franks, beSIdes whI.ch
all the Persians trembled with fear because of his courage. Joscehn,
abandoning his former cruel nature, now adopted a very humane and
compassionate attitude towards the inhabitants of Edess,a: ,As for
Baldwin, he ruled over Antioch, the whole country of CIllcla, and
Jerusalem and its territories extending to the borders of Egypt.
82. At the beginning of the year 569 of the Armenian era ~l1~O1121] once again the emir Il-Ghazl collected troops and, eqUlp~mg
an anny of one hundred and thirty-three thousand men, went agamst
the Franks. Quickly he arrived before the gates of the ~ity ~f Edessa,
and the surrounding plain was completely covered With hIS troops.
Remaining for four days, the emir ravaged the whole count!~slde
with his troops and then departed and went to the town of SaruJ. He
secretly transported the gteater part of his army over the Euphrates
226
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART III
River and led into captivity all the men and women from Tell Bashir
right up to Kesoun. Moreover, he inexorably massacred everyone and
even had a tremendous number of children roasted over fires. When
n-Ghaz~ recrossed the Euphrates with his army, the populations of
ma~y vIllages were put to the sword, and both priests and monks
penshed by fire and the sword. At this time Count Joscelin was in
the confines of the fortress-town of Raban. Rushing to Kesoun and
Behesni, he collected troops there and at the break of day pursued
the Turks. [Ove:taking them], he fell upon them and slaughtered one
thousand of theIr men. Then the emir I1-Ghazi withdrew with his
f~rces and encamped in the neighborhood of 'Azaz. At this point the
~ng of Jerus:uem together with all the Frankish forces reached 'Azz
l~ order to gIve battle to the Turks. Joscelin came to Antioch with
hIS tro.ops and then went and joined the king. Now the Turkish and
Frllllk.lsh ~orces stood opposite one another for many days without
engagmg m combat. Finally TI-Ghazi turned back with his troops
and w.ent ~o that district in the territory of Melitene called Karmian.
T?e ~mg, m turn, returned to Jerusalem, and Joscelin went back to
hIS city of Edessa.
83. The follOwing event occurred in the year 5701 of the Armenian
era [1121-1122]. There was a certain emir named Ghazi from the
country of G d ak h
'
,
vile th' f H~n z ,'w 0 was a bloodthirsty man and a shameless,
f' ~. dis terntory touched the borders of Georgia, and he was
~h~:~ an, vassal of the Georgian king David. 2 Now in this year
T k' ~o~ce1Ved of a very malicious plan. Taking thirty thousand
P:i~~ o/~~P~h:~,~nt~red T~eorgia and led away into captivity a
own territo
I an s.
~n h7 returned and encamped in his
his t
ryh' When the Georgian kmg David learned of this he sent
roops, w 0 secretly ov t k th T k
'
The Georgians sl ht er 00
e ur s and fell upon their forces.
captive all of th ~ug ered thirty thousand of their men and took
Carrying them o:~ w~men" children, and countless flocks of sheep,
booty, Mter this t~os:o~ft~ to~eth~r with an immense quantity of
severe slaughter tore th' e urklsh forces who had escaped the
Dressed in black and wit~rt~a~ents and threw dirt on their heads.
~heir sultan in the city of Ga::.~: eads ba:e they went lamenting to
m tears bewailed th'
' ak-to MalIk, the son of Tap'ar-and
elr mlS ortune' h'
hand, others went to the A b t . m IS presence, On the other
GhZI, son of Artuk. and ra erntory of Karmian, to the emir 11which had befallen them' p~of,us ely weeping, related the misfortune
. emg a powerful and at the same time a
?,
227
84. At the same time Malik, the sultan of Gandzak, came [and
joined ll-GhazI] with four hundred thousand brave horsemen, and
[both armies] marched forth with a formidable number of troops and
entered Georgia from the area in which Tiflis is located, by way of the
mountain of Dekor.1 When the Georgian king David, the son of
Bagrat, who was the son of George, learned of this, he advanced to
battle against the Turkish forces with forty thousand hardy and
brave men skilled in arms. Moreover, David also had under him
ftfteen thousand select brave men from the ruler of the Kipchaks, five
hundred from the Albanians, and one hundred Franks. Now on the
13th of August, the Thursday of the week of fasting before the Feast
of the Assumption, a violent battle was fought between two mountains a battle so severe that the mountains resounded from the
frightful clashing of troops. At this point God came to the aid of the
Georgians, and after regrouping their forces, ~hey turned all the
Turks in flight. On that day a horrible and fnghtful s.laughter of
Turkish troops took place, and the rivers were filled ~th corpses,
while the mountain valleys and heights were covered WIth the same.
The amount of Turks slaughtered came to four hundred thousand.
Thirty thousand men were taken prisoner, and the dead horses ~nd
weapons of those fallen in battle covered the su:,ace of the plams.
Moreover, for eight days the Kipchak and Georgta~ troops purs~ed
the Turks right up to the confines of the city of Am. So the PerSIan
sultan Malik and ll-Ghazi returned humiliated to their country,
barely escaping with their lives and with only one hundred men
228
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
85. In this same year the Georgian king David captured Tiflis
from the Persians, slaughtering a goodly number of the city's
inhabitants. Moreover, he impaled five hundred men, who subsequently died from this horrible torture.
86. In this same year, during the month of August, fire fell from
heaven and burned the principal mosque in Baghdad. This mosque
had been erected by the Persian sultan Tughrul, the brother of Alp
Ar~lan, who built it on a grand and magnificent scale. Now, when he
gamed control of Persia, he warred against the Persians for twenty
years, finally bringing them to submission and ruling over their
whole land. Mter this he came to the city of Baghdad and ordered a
hous~ of prayer erected there for the Turks, so that they would avoid
entermg the house of prayer of the Arabs. So in this year fire
descended upon and burned the Turkish mosque-their abominable
house of worship.
87. In the year 571 of the Armenian era [1122-1123] the Persian
general Il~Ghazi collected troops and marched against the Frankish
forces. FIrst he descended upon Aleppo and from there went and
encamped in the Muslim town of Shaizar. Baldwin the king of
Jerusalem, came and was joined by the count of Edessa Joscelin then
both marched forth and encamped opposite the Turkish forces.
Ho.w~ver, t~o~ghout the summer neither side engaged in battle, but
qUIet y mamt.amed their respective positions. In the month of Septembe: both sId~s wi~~drew without engaging in combat and returned
t~ theI~ resp~ctIve CItIes. The emir Il-Ghazl entered Aleppo, while
t. e emIr Bah~, who was Il-Ghazi's sister's sonl and a brave and
~oro~s wa:nor, secretly went back to his territory of Handzit'.
2
one e~ oscehn and Galeran heard of this, they pursued Balik with
Edess~nt~e: ~orsemen and caught up with him in the territory of
hundr h V111ag~ called Tap't'il. Balik was encamped with eight
was s:rro~~~:~~n m a spot through which a river flowed and which
y mars~y gr0'7 nd and thus was in a very fortified
position The
Turks but werFerankbs , btemg mmdless and foolhardy, attacked the
Th B .
,
una le 0 cross the m h
en ahk took
the offensive against the Fr k . a.rs y area.
horses with arrows and
a~ s WIth hIS troops, wounding all their
two Frankish counts J pur;.umg dthem. The Turks took prisoner the
, osee m an Galeran, and slaughtered all the
PART
III
229
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART III
Galeran were imprisoned. Seeing that the fortress guards were few
and negligent, they approached its gates, looking wretched and
feigning the appearance of quarreling plaintiffs. They were able to
get someone inside the fortress to work with them and so, after a
short while, succeeded in penetrating the stronghold. They courageously made their way to .the prison, killed those guarding the gates,
and shut them. Then wIth loud cries they reached the dungeon 1
where the king, Joscelin, Galeran, and the other [Frankish] chiefs
were imprisoned, and very joyfully freed them. They also set free
many soldiers and a number of men and women. Moreover some of
the inhabitants of the area entered the prison in order to ~id in the
escape of the king, Joscelin, and the other prisoners. So the king and
all ~h~ pris~ners we~t out, seized the fortress, and gained control of
BalIk s entire domam. Now, when the infidel forces who were
statioz:ed in the territory learned of this, they fled to another region.
O~e mght. on an early Wednesday morning Joscelin secretly departed
WIt~ an. mfantry escort and went to Kesoun and from there to
AntIOch,. m order to col~ect troops and come to the aid of the king and
other pnsoners. At thIS time the commander of the Frankish forces
was. G?offrey,2. who was a brave and mighty man and a most fervent
ChrIstian. !hIS m~ wi~h insuperable energy and effort protected all
the FrankIsh terrItorIes-comprising Jerusalem, Antioch, and
Edessa-fro~ t~e Turks, courageously defending them with all the
;ea:shat h~s dIS~OSa1. Now, while all this was happening, the
le~r IS emIr Balik was in the city of Aleppo.3 When the emir
. rned that.~arberd had been taken by stratagem, rushing forth
:~~h ~he rapIdity. of ~n eagle, he reached the fortress in fIfteen days
. .V1gorousl~ laId SIege to it. By setting up a catapult and ordering
~mm~ 0faera~or::' Balik was able to demolish the tower of the great
:~~ngoi~t ~ t us strike .terror into the hearts of the defenders. At
p
. ount Galeran m great fear went to Bal'k d d I'
d
., h
1 an
e Ivere
Kharberd mto th
'
e
emIr
sands.
On
this
day
Balik
slaughtered
all
the pnsoners who numbe d b t .
beautiful wo~ .
re a ou sIxty-five persons, plus eighty
en,
~hey
were
down from the summit of the
ortress. 0 nce agaIn the . allfi hurled
11 f
the king's nephew' ~~Ir, u 0 rage, put the king, Galeran, and
m
meantime JoscelI'n w c a~ns and threw them in prison. In the
when both he and G asffrcommg to th'
elr aJ.'d WI'th his troops. However,
deeply dismayed an~~ ey!earned of the new situation, they became
their respective territ~r: !~~lk full o~ sorrow. So they return~d to
nephew remained I'n . '4 e the kmg, Galeran, and the kmg's
pnson.
91. In this same year fighting broke out among birds in the region
of Melitene. Storks, cranes, and bustards gathered together and
fought one another. [In the end] the cranes vanquished the storks
and exterminated them, and so it was the former [only] that
remained.
230
231
94. This king David displayed very great courage in his wars
against the Persians. Many times he vanquished the infidel forces
and shattered their strength, seizing many opulent areas from the
Persians by his sword and his might. He captured the cities of Tillis,
Dmanis, l Shirvan,2 Shak'e,3 Shamk'or,4 and a number of other places.
David was a saintly and virtuous king and endowed with all types of
pious and righteous behavior; moreover, he shone forth as a sympathizer and friend of the Armenian nation. He gathered around him
the remnants of the Armenian troops. Also he founded an Armenian
city in Georgia and called it GOra,5 building many churches and
monasteries there. Thus he treated the Armenian nation with great
deference and consideration. King David had a legitimate son named
Demetrius,s who was born of an Armenian woman, and a brother
named T'otorme. 7
95.
232
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
III
233
234
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
to Damascus. Mter a few days the Franks gave [the revenues of] the
city of Tyre to the sepulcher of Christ, and the duke returned to the
country of the Franks with his troops.
100. In this same year Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, and
Joscelin gathered together all the Frankish forces and marched
against the city of Aleppo. At this time the Arab chieftain ~adaqah,
the son of Dubais and son-in-law of Il-Ghazi, joined Joscelin. This
chieftain made an alliance of peace and friendship with J oscelin and
so came to the aid of the count with his troops. The grandson of the
sultan Tutush and the sultan of Melitene, who was the son of Kilij
Arslan, also joined Joscelin. Thus an imposing force was brought
together against Aleppo, and the city was put in dire straits for many
days through famine and continual assaults. At this point the
tow?spe~ple sent to the city of Mosul, to the general al-BursukI,
askmg hIm to come to their aid. So this general collected a large
number of troops and after six months 1 arrived before Aleppo. He
drove ~way the Franks, and thus the city was saved. The Frankish
forces, m turn, returned to their respective territories unharmed. On
the othe.r hand, the Arab chieftain ~adaqah, as he withdrew, ravaged
~he terntory of Mosul and all of al-Bursukl's lands. After remaining
I~/..leppo ~or a few days, al-Bursuki went to Damascus and made an
a lance WIth Tughtigin, the emir of that city.
101. In this same year Gh- -1 th
. f8
.
of Dan' h
d
aZI , e emIr 0 ebastIa and the son
Melite IS men .' m~rc~ed ~gainst Melitene. He vehemently besieged
month~~ ~~t~ng lthm dIre straits, and blockaded the city for six
intensifie~ 1 1 was.
ard-pressed by a severe famine. As the famine
y
the tow ' maln dIed, and because of the lack of food [in the city]
nspeop e were forced to g
t t th
'
hard-pressed the i h b'
oou 0 e enemy camp. 80, being
Ghazi. After' this t~e ~~ea:i~[' .the city handed Melitene over to
city, departed and went to Msha;~ 2Arslan, who was the ruler of the
102. In the year 574 of the Arm .
general al-Bursuki and T hf' eman era [1125-1126] the Persian
army consisting of fort ~~ 19In marched forth with a tremendous
Persian forces. Comini 't~~~~nd troops-the very best of all the
upon the impregnable Fr~' h; great army, al-Bursuki descended
siege to it. Relying on h' IS ortress of 'Azaz and vehemently laid
easily capture the fortresIS :eat hstre~gth, he boasted that he could
s, us s Owmg nothing but disdain for the
PART III
235
236
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
:o~. In this same year the Persian general and emir of the East,
Ibrallll;n, who was the son of Sulaiman together with the emir of
Handzlt', D~'iid, 1 who was the son of Sokman, the son of Artuk,
cO,llected a~ Immense army. A number of other emirs joined them
WIt~ a conslde,rable number of troops, and all of them then marched
Georgia. ,When the Georgian king met up with the infidels
hagaIllst
e turned them In flight 'th
'
them
WI
a severe slaughter; he slaughtered
da m~re se~erely than the previous time, pursuing them for five
ckov~nng the plains and mountains with blood. So the whole
I anYdS atn
s an WIth dead corpses.
104. In this same year t h '
d'
.
. was'
e pIOUS
David
dI'ed. H'IS Son Demetnus
t nand saIlltly
h kmg of Georaia
I::>~
he was a brave ad'
IllS a e on t e throne as his successor;
n plOUS man and by his good deeds resembled his
PART
III
237
Bohemond, son of Robert, who himself had the name of his father
Bohemond came from the country of the Franks. In this same year
he went t~ the city of Antioch with his troops and married the
daughter of the king of Jerusalem. The king promised to give the
royal throne to Bohemond after his death, but for the present handed
over to him Antioch and all Cilicia. After this Bohemond, the son of
Bohemond because of his forceful character and great power, was
able to make all the Franks submit and subject themselves to him,
including the count of Edessa (Joscelin) and the son of Saint Gilles,
He himself was a beardless youth of twenty years, but a valiant and
mighty warrior, tall with a lion-like face and blond hair. [Hi~
reputation was so great that] many young and noble men from Rome
followed him.2
106
Arme~ian vardapet named Cyrus, who was very much like the saints
.
the emIr
ZengI'1,wh 0 was the son 0 f Aksungur [al-Bursukl]
.
.'
general,
the former lord of Aleppo, marched forth. He advanced ~lth ~:s
troops into the confines of Edessa and made a treaty of fnends p
238
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
PART
with the Frankish count Joscelin, after which he passed on to the city
of Aleppo unharmed. Seeking to make a treaty of peace and
friendship with the great Frankish count Bohemond, the lord of
Antioch, he chose Joscelin to mediate in the negotiations. Mter
staying in Aleppo for a few days, Zengi went to Damascus with all his
forces; for the emir of the city, Tughtigin, had died and had been
succeeded by his son. 2
108. In this same year the Persian sultan Mahmlld, who was the
son of Tap'ar, died and was succeeded by his brother Malik. He was
the man who had formerly resided in Gandzak, whom the Georgian
king defeated and forced to flee to Persia.
109. At the beginning of the year 585 of the Armenian era [11361137] the sultan Mupammad, who was the son of 'Amr-Ghazi, son of
Danishmend, marched forth. He advanced into the territory of
Marash with a tremendous number of troops and, encamping near
the town of Kesoun, burned the villages and monasteries [of the district]. Now it was grape-harvest time. The sultan remained
encamped before the town for six days, but did not erect bulwarks, or
set up ~ar m~chines, or even shoot arrows; rather he remained quiet,
occupym.g hImself only with cutting off water from the river,
devastatmg the orchards, and making incursions into this or that
area in order to accumulate booty and plunder. On the other hand,
those who were in the town were anticipating calamity bloodshed
and the ultimat~ capture of the place to come any da;; moreover:
the~ bec~me so dIscouraged that one night they abandoned the outer
fortIficatIOns. However, after their leaders and priests encouraged
them through exhortation, the inhabitants addressed supplications
~o God, resolving to die rather than to fall into the hands of the
Infidels and thus become objects of shame and ridicule to the
heathe~. So, acting a~ individuals or whole families, they loudly sang
the praIses of God mght and day, with crosses in their hands and
arms. ex~ended ~n prayer. Now God, who is compassionate and
merciful m all things, in spite of our sins did not will that we fall into
the hands of the enemy; rather he took pity on us who were
ran~omed ~y the blood of his dear Son, Our Lord Jesus' Christ, and
so dId. not gIve the command for the infidels to attack the town. Thus
on
. ,s paSSIOn,
.
the town of Kesoun was
d 1"Fnday the day of Our SaVIOr
. e 1Ve~ed [from the infidels]. The enemy burned down Karmir-Vank'
Includmg the chapel and monks' cells, smashed all the stone
and
III
239
wooden crosses, and carried oft' the ones made of iron and bronze;
moreover, they pulled down the altars where the holy bread was
consecrated and smashed them to pieces; finally, they removed the
beautifully decorated doors and also various other objects and carried
them off to their own country, in order to show them to their concubines and common folk, as the Babylonian [king]l had done in the
past. All this was a fulfillment of the following words: "I have
abandoned the daughter of Zion as a tent in the midst of vineyards,
or as a booth of those who guard fruit trees, or as a grieving
turtledove left alone by its companion, or finally as a detestablelooking crow sitting on some monument." 2 So, as we mentioned
before, Mupammad hastily departed on Friday, for he heard that the
Roman emperor3 was on his way to aid the beleaguered town of
Kesoun and our prince Baldwin,4 who had begged him on his knees
to come. At this time the Greek emperor was in the vicinity of
Antioch, devastating Muslim territory. Mter he had removed our
prince Leon5 from power and had seized him, his towns, and fortresses, the emperor took the Armenian prince to the country of the
Greeks, to the other side of the sea on the borders of Asia.
242
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
infantry troops to guard the place, and included among them was the
7
commander of the town called Vahram. I, the humble priest
Gregory, exhorted them to take courage in the defense of the place,
so that no one would come and set fire to our town, something which
indeed did happen [in the long run]. For, while the Greek emperor
was on his way back [to Constantinople], the son of Da'iid, whose
name was Kara Arslan, S returning from the Muslim lands with many
troops and feigning flight from the emperor, came to the town of
Raban~ ;rhose who were in the town of Kesoun, terrified, thought it
was Mahk-Muhammad and so abandoned the place towards evening.
On the next day a small detachment of Turks, while scouting around
the mountains, took prisoner one of the men of the town and learned
from him that no one was in the place. So these men-thirty in numb~r--::ame, entered the town of Kesoun, and set fire to it together
Wlth Its gates: Mter. marveling at the magnificent palace built by the
gr~at. Armeman pnnce Kogh Vasil and also the other splendid
bUlldmgs [of the town], they departed in haste and rejoined their
other comrades. On the other hand, on the next day the inhabitants
of the town returned to their homes.
2.. In the year 589 of the Armenian era [1140-1141] a certain
soldier fro~ the family of Sire Mahuis, l named Simon, harbored a
~dge agams~ the count of Edessa2 and so treacherously seized
ntab fro~ hIm. Mter holding this place for one year, he finally
rfetAnurnt.edh~ntab to the count, through the intervention of the prince
10C
CONTINUATION
243
was killed under similar circumstances. 4 [Before his death] this king
placed his son Baldwin5 on his throne in the holy city of Jerusalem.
In this same year Malik-Muhammad, the son of 'Amr-Ghazl, also
died. In this year on Holy Thursday an omen appeared in the
northern portion of the sky; it took on the form of a column of light
and was visible in that form for eight days. It was after the appearance of this phenomenon that the three rulers died. On Tuesday the
23rd of December, on the Feast of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen,6
Edessa was taken by assault by Zengi, the son of Aksungur. Many
[of its inhabitants] were ruthlessly slaughtered for their Christian
faith, people whom Christ will crown with his saints, Amen.
5. It was the beginning of the year 593 of the Armenian era [11441145]. Antioch was ruled by the count of Poitou's son, who, though
young, was a man of tremendous power and ~ight; however, he was
not as skillful in the art of ruling as Baldwm, who was the lord of
Kesoun and Marash and the territories dependant on these two
towns, comprising an area from the borders of Mel~tene to ~he gates
of Antioch. This Baldwin was young in age but old m expenence and
agreeable in the eyes of God by all his deeds of prowess. Moreover,
this was also the time when the young count Joscelin, the son of the
great warrior, the elder Joscelin, ruled, and I~lso the ~ime of] the
pontificate of his lordship Gregory, the Armeman patnarch of the
nation of T'orgom.1 In this period mentioned above-namely at the
time of the Feast of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen-the city of
Edessa, deprived of the benevolent will of the C~eato~, was v~olent~y
captured by the children of Hagar, [led] by theIr chle~ ZengJ.. ThIS
man ruthlessly shed a tremendous amount of blood, neIther resp~ct
ing the age of elderly people, nor taking pity on innocent, lamb-hke
children. Terrified by the edge of the sword, the townspeople fled to
the shelter of the Citadel of Maniaces. Brothers ~id not take c~re of
their brothers, nor fathers, their sons; mothers dId not take PIty on
their daughters; friends had no regard for tho~~ dear to them.
Because of this harsh and bitter situation,2 the fUgItlVes were unable
to enter the citadel; [packed together], as many ~s two ~hous~nd
persons died of suffocation before the gates of the CItadel, mcludmg
the bishop of the Franks, who was asphyxiated in the crowd.
When the tyrant sawall this, he became deeply s.orry and commanded his soldiers, who were ruthlessly an? merCIlessly slaug~
tering people in the streets as if they were ammals, to sheat~ then
swords. However, he ordered the Franks who were taken pnsoner
244
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
slain in his presence and their women and children led into captivity.
Those Christians who had escaped the butchery and had tried to
enter the citadel were unable to hold out for more than a few days,
for they lacked water. Finally they gave themselves up on condition
that their lives would be spared. The arrogant conqueror wished to
pacify the city and so he commanded it be decreed that no one was
to do any harm to the Christians; for all his troops had already
become satiated with blood and booty.3 Zengi boasted that over the
years none of the very great and eminent warriors had been able to
forcibly get control of this city blessed by the Lord. 4 It was Christ
who during his sojourn on earth said the follOwing infallible words in
a letter he wrote to King Abgar: "Famine and sword will never enter
your city as long as its inhabitants observe my commandments. "5
However, after a while these inhabitants forgot the injunction of the
Creator. They followed the example of the Israelites who, after
having received all sorts of blessings from God, promptly forgot these
heaven-sent gifts which cost no effort on their part, but yet with
heavy sighs remembered the onion and garlic, 6 and the harsh oppression of the Egyptians; finally these Israelites provoked the anger of
God, whose patience is unfailing, and so he did not allow them to see
the promised land. In this same way the inhabitants of Edessa
having forgotten their promise to God committed all sorts of evii
deeds against the will of the merciful Christ and thus received the
recompense of their senseless behavior.
6. Mter this [~apture of Edessa] the bloodthirsty Zengi, collecting
troops, came ag8.lnst Qal'at Ja'bar and put its garrison in dire straits.
However, o?e year ~terl [the taking of Edessa] he was killed by his
eunuch du~ng the .n~g~t and thus was not allowed to enjoy his glory
?f [pOSS~SSlUg] the mlmltable city of Edessa, whose capture took place
l~ the hme of the younger Joscelin. As long as this man followed the
w1l1 ~f God, he was mighty and victorious over the enemies of Christ,
as hIS father had been, who during his reign was glorified by God but
not by men and who never had a hole dug for any Christian. 2
7. ?nce again after two years had passed, Joscelin, who was the
collected troops and, joined by the great
Baldwm, who was the lord of the two towns of Marash and
d e~oun, ca~e against Edessa and slyly took the city by surprise
~ng llIght.. Although the undertaking was successful, it did not
en ure, or the mfidels regrouped themselves after five days and
Fr~nkIsh
COU?t of Edessa,
nnce
:k
if;
CONTINUATION
245
0:
246
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
of this powerful man?2 What feeble arm bent the invincible arm of
this very brave man? What man of the circumcised soldiers had the
stren~h to .cut to pieces and fell to the ground this robust, heavyset,
and gIant-like man? What person with a savage-like or enraged
heart would not be fond of him at the sight of his handsome appearance, who would not be ashamed in his presence, who would not have
pity on the joys which he experienced in his youth? Who is it that
would ask Baldwin who he was and where he came from without
feeling his ferocious nature mollified by his modest, sensible, and
prudent answer? Expressing himself fluently in Armenian, he was
known .by everyone to possess sagacity, willpower, maturity, outward
attractIveness, and all those characteristics of this life which show
the magna~imity and excellence of princes. Now I think it superfluo~s. t? contmue th~s~ words [of praise] any longer, so as not to be
cn~IClzed by Baldwm s enemies, who continually slander him.
Alas, I must now speak of his unfortunate end and of the destructive path which we on many occasions advised him not to walk in a
path v-:hich he sti.ll obstinately followed, refusing to listen to o~r
rea~omn~ or to hIS own experience. We devoted all our time to
telI~ng hIm nothin? except that which would benefit his soul, that is
savmg and protectmg unfortunate Christians [like himself]- however
he re~ected our advice. It was only this year that we' on man;
occaSIOns fo:ewarned him of his impending destruction. Although it
was very pamful and difficult for us to tell him what others dared not
S~y, nev~rth~less we hoped that, becoming frightened, he would
~. ange hl~ evil ways and adopt humility, charity, and a non-malicious
f~~d~b a;t~~ud~ [towards people]. Indeed, he was not ignorant of the
o
e mexo~able sentence of the righteous judge God must
w ~nd m the future life all those whose hearts have
vertd
ed
no
h ar ene. NeIther
arrog t
h
oppose God's will fi h . aln men nor eavenly angels are able to
' or e IS ord over both angels and men. The other
weak nesses of the flesh fo d'
b
,un m men ecause of their nature, are
those h' h
d
eo le:u~~ con emn them and bring them under judgement. It is
Po
p.
as thdese who very often obtain mercy from the Lord who
I ves
smners an who
d
f
'
image, the stray shee c:: t~wn ~om heaven, to seek after the lost
However arrogant?d
us bnng these Slllners to repentance.
lack of c~mpassion':~l ~hextr:me stubb?rnness, hardness of heart,
ter]-lead to sin Th
eseth~gether With other defects [of characdown here and ~ho p~~o:.rde y m~n whom the demons dominate
demons on the terrible da ofth ~omcal.works ~re counted with the
Y
e ImpartIal and Just judgment of God.
The righteous judge God does not forgive such hardened hearts as
these, except those who are susceptible to correction: persons who on
an occasion or on some pretext for a short while, with pangs of
conscience, allow themselves to be led into the satanic and evil ways,
but then become disgusted, confess with deep shame, and look for a
means to escape from these demonic sins at an opportune time.
"However, those who do not hasten [to repent] and do not quickly
free themselves [from these sins], but on the contrary increase their
sins day by day and remain unrepentant hour by hour, year by year,
thinking that they can deceive God who cannot be deceived-persons
such as these the Creator does not forgive. Yet first he warns them
by chastisement-once, twice, and sometimes even more often-but
when they harden their hearts against his admonitions, he does away
with them and removes them from this life, so that evil will not grow
and increase to his detriment and to the detriment of many others,
All these words I have spoken are confirmed by Holy Scripture-the
Old and New Testaments-for those who wish to look into them. The
examples of repentant and condemned men are many, so we have
considered it unsuitable and superfluous to put them in writing. Now
in regard to this incorrigible and abandoned deceased leader, this
irredeemable captive, this person who has disappeared from sight, a
handsome young man, a brave and mighty warrior, an ingenious,
wise, and prudent prince whose life was so short, this gallant and
charming man carrying the name Sire3 Baldwin: it would be a sha~e
not to relate his ruin and not to publicly and frankly declare his
errors not in order to slander him, but in order that he might obtain
from God complete remission for his sins. For we well realize that
the more people conceal and hide their sins and ignominious secre~s
because they feel ashamed in the presence of man, the more they WIll
be disgraced publicly [in the hereafter] before angels and men, both
just and unjust. These people have existed from Adam until our day
and stand horror~struck with fear on their faces, crazed and trembling before the awful and redoubtable tribunal of Go~. In this. public
assembly in the presence of the Father of the umverse, hIS only
begotten 'Son the Word, and the Holy Spirit:-the re~ovat.or of
creation-there is no word, deed, or thought which remams hIdden
from the all~seeing knowledge of our Creator. This scene becomes
very pitiful heartrending and one of irrevocable shame, to such an
extent that 'when the frightful and awful senten~e is pronounc,ed, the
souls of the sinners filled with shame, remain III a state of dIsgrace
and opprobrium th;oughout eternity without limit, end, or measure.
a:
247
248
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
Now all this is in accordance with the words of the great archangel
[Michael] who, when speaking to the prophet Daniel, revealed the
following: 'Some will be resurrected for [eternal] life, while others
[will be relegated] to eternal opprobrium.'4
II.
249
250
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
11. "'~Ow wh~ should I enumerate one by one all the precepts
condemnmg my sms, precepts written down in Holy Scripture which
I am aware of and so realize my sinfulness before God? Because of
such an awareness, I fall on my knees before God and confess all my
sins,. especially those of arrogance, hardness of heart, and inhumamty, together .with my acts of rapine. Immaturity, hunger for
power, and the vrun seductions of this life deceived me. Nevertheless
even while c0n;tmitting all sorts of sins, I did not lose hope, nor did
my he~ ~em81n unrepentant; rather I desired to completely abandon
the vamtIes and seductions of this life. However, I did not drive
myself to take to heart the admonitions of the Lord until the moment
o~my death. For previously I did not realize that his gentle admonibons ~er~ meant as a cure for me; now I have condemned myself and
hav~ Justified the Creator, because in small ways-through bodily
pU~lshment, .the premature death of my wife and children, my
;an~us aSSOCIates, strangers, etc.-he admonished me, thus transormmg my u~pardonable evil acts into something good. Nevertheless, ~er havmg been admonished in this way, I still persisted [in
~y eVl .ways] and refused to correct myself, insolently and arrogantly
I a~d~l~g my heart and being completely unaware that the benevod~n b~' was mercifully calling me to repentance in spite of my
ISO e ~e.nce. I neither remembered nor brought to mind these
~:~m~~~~~:~], until I changed the benevolent mercy of the Creator
am that I s~al~:er againbst my person. Now I know, miserable as I
,
. e remem ered as a person that has died and not as
~ person tdhat IS to return to life, since the Lord of both death and l!~e
IS angere at me E
th
I
III
from me, thus takinven e a~ge s ?f heaven have turned their faces
from me All men: awa: t aSSIstance and mercy of the Creator
mother ~nd father h ave ~ve doped a deep hatred for me, while my
ave a an oned me through their deaths. The
251
252
CONTINUATION
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
breath, body, mi~d, and all my senses; moreover, I have been kept in
the fetters of sm all my life, Because of all this, once again I
prostrate myselfb~fore you, 0 compassionate, merciful, and benevolent God, Have PIty on me~ abandoned and dead, and preserve me
whom you have created With your own hands; moreover, do not
entru~t your forsaken servant to the mercy of men. For love of me
~as dlsa~peared from all hearts, pity for me has been extinguished
m all mmds, my name has been taken away from mankind m
memory has bee~ effaced from the land of the living. You, 0 LorI
:::a:::ered .agaInst me; no one will take pity on me, for all livin~
f
e~ walt upon you, the truly compassionate and forgiving lover
~ man, n ~hom can I put my trust? My father and mother left me
fo ydbroth~r, for whom I had a genuine brotherly affection 2 forgot hi~
ea~hlneys~:~ mefi' IHIe ~as absorbed in the cares of the w~rld and in
'
d ent. and erroneous
e,lmpru
th' ttUalrs, .0 OWing my same WI' d
~:ul ' :~~i~~:~~~d~ever occurred to him to think about or care for his
and 'hopeless I
mg my example of being an irredeemable captive
oss.
12. "INow do not reject me
I tId
leave me in this d t t'
comp e e y, 0 not forsake me, do not
your face from meeSd~o~ve st~te, 0 my God, My God, do not turn
reprimand me bec~use of P~~s.h ~e be?ause of your anger, do not
demned servant and fi
d IndignatlOn, do not judge your conunseen torment~ in 0 d n t y 0 not allow me to be afflicted with
I swear, heaven and :a~h 0 s~rve aS an example to all of creation.
that I will never again walka: t~ngeI s and ~en being my witness,
n e path leadmg to debauchery and
destruction and WI'11
never agaIn trans
swear to do all this, ho in th
,gress your commandments; I
and forgive the many P, g f at you Will have mercy on me this time
am allowed to return ~~n:ho ~~ second period of dissoluteness, if I
have indeed been condemne: t~v~ng a~ another time. However, if I
then you must take PI't
Oe [Without any hope of redemption]
' hell no one can yknon me
t '
fior In
l ' benevoI
en and ever-merciful
God'
ac ow edge yo
d
'
you, Show me to the n'ght
u an none of the dead can bless
eous
and
reve
I
wo rthy servants, so that throu h h' a my unworthy soul to your
For I know that at prese t
g t elr prayers I may obtain mercy
been completely forgotte: . no one at all thinks about me who ha~
being grieved at me and tu~rer~r? to your benevolence.' 0 Lord,
and ~arth and angels and m!n elr faces from me in anger, heaven
creatIon looks at me askance and are p~ovoked against me. All of
menacmgly, for death has fled from
Ji
253
me and life has departed from me. The earth, trembling at your
frightful commands. did not receive me in its bosom and did not give
me a place for my tomb, so that my name could be read over some
plot of ground. Now, if the inanimate and irrational elements have
detested and rejected me to this extent and have excluded me from
the midst of creation, who is it among men who will have mercy on
me? So turn away, 0 Lord, from your anger and incline your face to
my sins; look at me favorably and benevolently. Yea Lord, yea Lord,
Holy Father, yea Savior of the world, yea compassionate and
benevolent Holy Spirit, have mercy on a pitiable person such as me,
o Holy Trinity, by the intercession of the Holy Theotokos, by the
prayers of the apostles, prophets, and all the saints who since the
beginning of the world have been pleasing in your eyes, take pity on
me who is lost and reveal me dead or alive, 0 God of the living and
the dead, glory to you forever and ever, Amen.
1
254
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
you, no, for unless you repent, you will all perish in the same
manner.tl
.15. "Now, knowing all this, watch over yourselves, 0 despots, 0
pnnces! For a very violent and impartial judgement awaits those
who are despots, l both here and in the afterlife. You do not wish to
listen to what Scripture says, and you do not openly declare your sins
through a confession similar [to the one you came to hear]. Nevertheless, my words have been written down in order to glorify and
assuage Baldwin and to serve as an admonition and reprimand to
people [such as you]. Now all of Baldwin's sins have been forgiven,
and he has been made whole through his ceaseless confession and
afterwards through the shedding of his blood in the great battle. On
that day he was cured of arrogance and deceit to such an extent and
with such humility that he humbled himself before all, before his
cav~ry troops as well as his foot soldiers, speaking to them in gentle,
amIable, and compassionate terms. Moreover, he referred to all as
sons of God and as his true brothers. He called the leaders, lords,
and nobles by name. He trained his troops, exhorted them, emboldened t~em, and encouraged them as a victorious athlete and intrepid
champlOn would. He made the rounds, visiting his troops, and
strengthened them with his vigorous and awe-inspiring voice. He
address?d everyone by name, [exhorting them] in the name of bravery
and ctylng out: 'Long live our warriors, my brave soldiers! Long live
the good fortune and days of grace given to us-a little more effort
and ~e will gain the victory; do not shun, on the day of battle, from
seekmg a bles~e~ de~th for the sake of Christ and dying in the
defense. of C~stIans. In this manner he strengthened and reass~red hiS soldIers placed outside the camp. Then entering into the
mIdst of their ranks, he first brought to task tho~e who were ready
to desert out of fear and those who were about to flee and hide' then
he showered
' upon th ose who were brave. Moreover, he' took
praIse
a~ay the weapons of the cowardly men and of those with stunted and
:~thered hand.s; he seized and snatched these weapons from them
d put them mto the hands of valiant men. He gave to some and
took from others. Mter all this, like a defiant lion he ran off to
another place. All night and all day his frightful roar; and loud cries
fihilled the camp fro~ one end to the other, so that no ear was able to
ear as brave a VOIce as S'Ire 2 Baldwm
. ,s anyWhere else' moreover no
ey~ was able ~o see as rapid a moving about as his. 'However,' his
VOIce finally dIed out as well as his natural strength, when he was on
CONTINUATION
255
his horse and his visor over his face became rusty-colored with the
redness of the vapors of his heart-as was reported by some people.
In this manner his hardness of heart and his arrogance were
eliminated and effaced.
16. "The merciless nature of his heart was redeemed on that day,
because by his compassion and commiseration he agonizingly suffered
for those he saw perish miserably. It was because he wished to be
with these that he also perished. The injustices to which he
mercilessly subjected others he himself experienced from all his allies
on that day of combat; for the leaders and all the troops who had
come to his aid abandoned him at the most critical time of the battle
and withdrew, no one taking pity on him or turning back to find out
what had become of their supreme chief and illustrious soldier. It is
quite obvious then that none of his troops perished or were captured
with him and no one saw him. We cannot say that his death was due
to the maliciousness or willfulness of his troops, but rather was
caused by the necessity to expiate the faults and injustices which he
had accumulated over a very long period of time; as we mentioned
before, he found the opportunity for such an expiation on this day by
becoming a victim of these very same faults and injustices.
17. "The blood which had so profusely flowed at the time when the
vile and perfidious Vasil1 came to this land was redeemed by t~e .sole
effusion of Baldwin's blood, which he willingly shed for the ChristIans
who left the scene of action and were saved. All those who escaped
openly declared that they were saved, ~rst by ~he grace of ?od and
secondly by the actions of the man Sire B~ld~m. Now, .see~ng that
he died in that battle, he has obtained remISSIon of all hIS sms from
the Lord and on the frightful day of judgement, when all the
righteous' will receive their recompense, he will be crowned by God
together with the pious princes and brave martyrs; for we know and
believe that this is the fate of those among the C~st~a:ns who f:lll i.n
battle by the sword of the infidels. If he was stIll hvmg and If hIS
reputation for bravery was known, his ~ame would s~read throughout
the whole universe day after day, untIl the end of bme.
18. liNow we have written this long disclosure concerning Bald~n
so that none of his malevolent enemies and spiteful det:actors WIll
criticize or slander us for writing a foolish and s!COp~an~lc ~ork. Of
all the discourses we have spoken or written dunng his lifetIme, none
256
t 1
! .
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
257
CONTINUATION
out in the presence of the merciful and almighty God, who was angry
at him and at us until he became reconciled through his mercy and
revealed himself to this dead or living prince. Now I beseech all of
you people who listen to this funeral oration, do not disdain, reject,
or be indifferent to our pleas on his behalf. Do not hold any rancor
for this man who is no more, but pray to the supreme judge and
creator God that he might have mercy on him and forgive the sins
which he committed against both God and man. In this way the
almighty creator God, through the h~.terces~ion of the Holy Th~otokos
and the supplications of the holy samts, wIll have mercy on hIm and
forgive all his sins both great and small; finally the Lord will bless
you in body and s~ul and will make you worthy of the kingdom of
heaven together with all the saints in Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom
be gI ory orever, Am en. II
21. On this same day the son of Zengi, called Nfir-ad-Dln b! ?is
own people a name which according to their infamous relIgIOn
signifies "th~ light of the faith," put some to the sword and led others
into captivity together with the important personages of the bloodbuilt city of Aleppo who were accustomed to a life of ease. In the
same year when the Christians had no other illustrious persona~e
over them'than Count Joscelin, during this prince's ::ule once agam
the dread of infidel violence against the holy church mcreas~d. ~~
ruler of the Ishmaelites, called Mas'ud,2 came forth on the ea~ ?
the Holy Cross. Laying siege to the city of Marash, .he capt~:~~~~~~
a very short time, for the citadel did not have a gamson. H .
the territory of T'il Aweteats', which today is calle~ Te~l B~shl~' ~~d
as he passed through, put the inhabitants of all Its d~st?cts ,0 the
sword. Many Muslims deceitfully swore to the Chnst!ans m ~
name of the great God [that they would not harm ~hem III ~nr ;.:~
and so got them to leave their stronghold, aft~r whlCh the~heMas'lid
all into captivity. The lord of the land, Joscehn, met,uP Wlainst him
near the town of Tell Bashir, but could not do anythmg ag
.
258
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
So Mas'lid
3 returned to his country, taking with him the captives he
had seized. Once again the count made no preparations to counter
the enemy, neglecting to summon his cavalry forces and forgetting
that he had ever been defeated. So he sent the remainder of his
troops with the benevolent and pious prince Vasil, brother of the
catholicos and lord of Gargar, for the purpose of carrying provisions
with his men and bringing them under cover. Now, when the
Ishmaelites learned in advance [of this expedition], they marched
forth under the command of their chief Kara Arslan, who was the
lord of the territory of Handzit' and many other districts. The
Muslims fell Upon the Christian forces and made them all prisoners
-about four hundred persons. They also took prisoner Vasil, the
catholicos's brother, and brought him to the great fortress of Gargar,
for his wife and children were there. The inhabitants of Gargar
obtained a sincere oath from the emir concerning the captive
Christian troops who were taken prisoner; he swore that they would
be allowed to peacefully return to their country without their being
subjected to any treachery. This despot, lured by the desire to
possess this important place, did not hesitate to keep his oath and so
had all [the former prisoners] conducted as far as Samosata under
the diligent care of his troops. As for prince Vasil, the emir took him
to his Own country, treating the Armenian with great honor and
giving him lands as if he were his own beloved brother. Mter this
the Christian troops, weakened and in disorder, passed from
Samosata to Kesoun.
In the meantime the rumor spread everywhere that Joscelin (who
at that time was regarded as the leader of the Christians), on route
to Antioch in order to obtain aid for a campaign he was planning,
alone of all his troops fell into the hands of the enemy through divine
vengeance, In the same way in the days of old the son of David,
fleeing from his father because of his evil intentions [against him],
was punished at the behest of God [through his being trapped] by his
own ~air, David, who was pleasing in the eyes of God, was avenged,
for his rebellious Son was suspended from the branches of a tree until
one of the enemy pursuing him came and cut off his head with a
sword:' The same punishment befell Joscelin since he also worked
in opposition to the will of God, He was t~en prisoner by the
hideous and ferocious detester of Christ and brought to the city of
Aleppo; all the Muslims far and wide were in ecstatic joy [over his
C,apture], Gravely imperiled by this capture, the Christian territories
[In the East] were ruined, for they no longer had a leader on whom
259
, e,ra the
[1151-1152],
the 23rd
24. In the year 600 of the Armeman
district ofon
Jahan.
On
of the month of Nawasard, red snow fell ~'te snow mixed with ashes
this same day when red snow ~el~ here, wh~d happened the previous
fell on the country of the ChnstIans, as
year.
260
CONTINUATION
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
25. After this year the troops and townspeople who lived in Tell
Bashir, after a year of patiently enduring all sorts of hardships,
[found themselves in dire straitsJ. When the son of Zengi, who was
the lord of Aleppo, learned of this, he marched against them with his
troops. Now, because they had no hope of assistance from anywhere,
the townspeople, obtaining an oath of amnesty, voluntarily surrendered the fortress-town of Tell Bashir. They also stipulated that the
Christians who were in the town-whether Franks or Annenians-if
they so wished, would be allowed to go to Antioch or to some other
place and would be taken there unharmed under the specific orders
of Nur-ad-Din. Nur-ad-Din faithfully carried out this agreement, as
had Sultan Mas'ud and his son Malik; for in this matter these men
were motivated by the desire to possess the land which they so easily
took from the Christians, rather than by any sympathy for their faith
or any love for them.
, 26. 1 During the time of the younger Joscelin, a young man called
T oros app~a;ed, a person who had no other help except the strength
of the SOlICItous Creator, who mercifully provides for mankind
century after century in accordance with his own will, following the
words of the apostle which state: "I have mercy on whomever I wish
and harden my heart 2 to whomever I wish.tlg As he did in regard to
the blessed Paul, whom he called from on high to serve him in mind
and deed, God did the same to this man. The generous will of God,
~ho nev~r refused to give the bounties of his mercy to anyone, took
mto conSIderation the hopes and efforts of T'oros and so after a short
while this Armenian prince gained control ofhi~ paternal lands. He
was the s?n of the sebastus Leon, the illustrious and sagacious son of
C~nstantme, son of ~uben. Being mighty and valiant in battle,
T oros not only took possession of his paternal lands but also gained
control of more fortresses and towns than his p~edecessors had
possessed. Seeing this [successJ, a certain Roman named Andronicus4
came t? ha~e ~ deep jealousy for T'oros, going so far as to refuse to
recogmze hIS tItle of Armenian prince. This man had been sent by
Manue15 as governor of the great CIty
261
to maintain their allegiance to him [and to the empire). Nevertheless Andronicus refused to listen to the Armenians and arrogantly
ca~e and descended upon the town of Mamistra. Now T'oros
beseeched him with many entreaties, saying: "I am a vassal of the
emperor and of you; do not be angry [at us)." On the other hand, the
inhabitants inside the town cried out: "We have with us the chains
we used to imprison your father; we can fetter you with those very
same chains.tle When this valiant man [T'oros] was no longer able to
tolerate Andronicus's arrogant and haughty attitude, relying on the
strength of Christ who had raised him from insignificance to a
position of some importance, he breached ~he walls of the .town of
Mamistra during the night. In the mornmg he went agamst the
Greek forces in battle and, striking them, defeated them and ~ut
them to flight-about twenty thousand men. He consumed them WIth
the sword and at the twinkle of an eye felled them ~ll to the ~ound.
At the height of the battle the Armenians took pnsoner Oshm, the
lord of Lambron, and Vasil, the lord of Bardzraberd and brother of
Tigran 7 as well as many other officers [of the Greek army); they
desPoiied them all, but alas let the cowardly Rom~ns go. A gre.at
deal of blood was shed during this battl:. So T o~os ~ery eaSl~y
gained control of the town of Mamistra, forCIbly captunng It from ~hls
effeminate man; in this way he avenged his father, whom And~omc~s
had deprived of his hereditary lands and exiled to~ether WIth hIS
family to the West. Now this treacherous Andr?mcus, unable to
accept the outrageous treatment he had been subjected to and also
the loss of both his officers and troops, fled to the Greek emper~r and
complained of what the Armenian forces had done to ~l1m-a
predicament which was no one's fault but his. In the meantIme the
and other captives he had tadken
gr eat T'oros , conducting the officers
h' t i d with a tremen ous
prisoner, peacefully entered IS own, a en
.
.
amount of gold and silver, various chattels, battle eqUIpment WhIC~
he had seized from the Greek troops, and numerous horses an
mules.8
27. Mter this great victory and prosperous situation [achieve~ b~
T'oros] calumnious Satan began to incite the powers tha~be agams
the A~enian forces. The Greeks, who nev~r ceased see in;:::
to avenge [the affront to] the person of- thel~~a::sri::::raOf all the
dous amount of money to Sultan Mas ud, w
ft f the Greeks
Muslims. This sultan, bribed by the nUfim~rous ~ ~~ough his o~
marched forth with a tremendous armY, rs passmg
262
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
territories and striking fear into the hearts of the Armenians [living
there]. However, through the grace of God the Armenian forces took
cou~ag~ and advanced to~ards the mountains separating their
terntones from those of the mfidels, feeling secure and not worrying
about the tremendous number of the infidel forces. When the infidels
~aw the boldness of the Christians, surprised and amazed, they said:
~at sort of m?n are the~~ who expose themselves to death, coming
agamst us to gIve battle? Now, as these infidels were reflecting
upon this situation, suddenly by an act of heaven the Turkish sultan
sent envoys to the Armenian general T'oros, l saying: "We have not
come to ravage your country; merely declare your obedience to us and
return the territory which you forcibly seized to the Greek emperor
and we. will consider you our beloved son." Hearing these words, th~
A.I:nemans were filled with great joy and glorified the Lord of the
umverse, who had mollified the unbridled and imperious nature of
the sultan to such an extent that now, treating them as his close
~mra~es, [Mas'udl sought an alliance of friendship with the
rmeman troops. Mter having detained the sultan's messengers for
a number of days the A '
h'
.
"We
.'
rmemans sent 1m theIr envoy, who said:
voluntarily ~dertake to submit to you as we would to a king for
you are not enVlQUS of our P
d
'
nor 0 you ravage our country'
b ut t 0 hand Over our land to rogress
th R
[
1
h ..
.'
ble" Wh th
e oman emperor, t at IS ImpoSSl't
en e sultan heard this, he was not disturbed' on the
con rary draWing u
t t f
'
a
th 'h h
P a rea y 0 peace and friendship confirmed by
m~s~~n~er: t~d it s~~t to the Armenian troops through one of his
Mas'-d t' uds sco. mg at the Greek emperor and his money. So
u re urne to hIS own co t
'th
h
all this occurr d .
un ry WI out anning anyone. Now
e m the year 602 of the Armenian era [1153-1154].
28. Three years afte thO th
gold and silver to th ~tanlS e emperor sent various other gifts of
"Go, appease the a: s
-:-m?re than the previous time-and said:
demolish theI'r rt ger raging m my heart against the Armenians'
o resses set fi t th' h
'
their whole country be c '. :e 0 elr c urches, and command
in my heart may subSi~n~I~ ~o the f1~mes-all so that the anger
sultan once more march:d fo;~mg receIved these many gifts, the
army than before arri .
t and came at the head of a larger
Anazarba. Not b~ing a~~:~ a Mami~tra and from there going to
came to Tell :{iamdun and or acco~phsh what he had intended, he
without being able to ca
emamed there for a number of days
sultan sent one of his s~~e~ri- ~est~ction. In the meantime the
ik s chIef officers, whose name was
CONTINUATION
263
264
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
of God to his own co~tty, giving him the plank as a sign of affection,
Now, when the PersIan forces saw this spectacle, becoming horrorstruck, they ~ere unable to approach the ramparts of the town, [the
ramparts] which they had demolished. At the same time punishment
[from heaven~ came upon them. Swarms of bull-flies, wasps, and flies
attacked theIr horses, causing them to lunge forward impetuously
~nd break their reins; moreover, because of the density [of the
Insec~s], no one was able to control his horse. Thus an insignificant
chastlsem~nt ,from h?aven brought upon them a sudden calamity
such as thIS, Just as In former times the mighty right hand of God
had ~~ru~k the Egyptians on behalf of the Israelites. So, after this
humilIatmg ~efeat caused by the grace of Christ and the prayers of
the holy patna:ch James, the Persian king turned back; for the Lord
f~fil1s the deSIres of those who fear him. N ow this incident is no
dlfferen~ from the ~vent which has occurred at present and which we
have ~ltnessed WIth our own eyes, [Returning to our original
~arratIVe], all the Turks moved against T'oros and his troops twice
ut .were unable to do anything, in spite of the bribes they had
receIved fr~m the Greek emperor to turn to ashes the cross and the
~hurch whl~h were objects of outrage and contempt to them. If help
c!d not amve~ from the [mighty] arm which was displayed on the
ss', Our enemI?S would have been able to canoy out the orders of the
~ere:IC~
destrOYIng the holy church and devastating our country from
OP
d ~ do~tom: Now w,e have remained in peace, while they have
ePlay. e In flIght and In great humiliation, as we recounted previOus
29. After all this whe th'
t f
't'
1"
h
'
n elr ma ICIOUS prOjects were not brought
:h~~~~n, It e~ bega~ to adopt a more peaceful policy. Kilij Arslan,
great sult;nac~ on ~ e throne of the sultanate 1 by his father the
[I~medIately
devoted himself to executing this poiicy]
So the Arm,elllans
lived '
,
,
glOrifying the most Hal In, s:cu~ty an? ha?pine~s for a while,
chaste bishops hoI
' Y Tnnlty In conjunctIon WIth ascetic and
nes t
always extend~d [/
s, ~nd groups of monks whose arms were
Christ began to e:etreaven In pr~ye~]. Now, when the enemies of
Tell Hamdun ~h' h ate the temtones ofT'oros in order to attack
viole~t-sounding fo~' ~c~~rre~ on the 16th of the month of Tre-a
by the roots, and hai~ :ell eo:md arose, Man~ t~ees we~e pulled up
any areas, hittIng gramfields and
vineyards. On the twenty-fifth
i
serious and severe calam't
ay of the same month ofTre another
I Y came upon the whole land, lasting for
:r
265
CONTINUATION
three [consecutive] nights and very much like what had happened at
Nineveh. This fearful phenomenon began at the first hour of the
night and lasted until dawn. Contrary to the usual functioning. of
nature in this season, a gloomy darkness appeared, very muc~ hke
the obscure darkness which fell upon Egypt, The clouds colhded,
giving forth bursts of thunder just like s~1id ~nd diamond-like
, mountains striking one another. Flashes of lIghtmng enveloped the
vault of the sky, and there was no portion of the heavens that did not
have lightning accompanied by strong winds. ~o would h,ave been
able to calmly witness with his own eyes these fnghtful
mce~sant
convulsions of nature? In this manner, for three [consecutIve] mghts,
people were seized with fear at this spectacle. Everyo~e-m~n,
women, aged, and children-rushed into the houses of God, .mvok~ng
the intercession of the Mother of our Lord and all the Smnts WIth
fear, bitter tears, and deep sighs. Finally merciful God took pity, on
his creatures and stopped this threat of [impending] destructIOn
directed against the unrepentant and the befuddled unfaithful. Now
this calamity occurred in the year 603 of the Armenian era [11541155]. Up to this point we have recounted what we have heard and
seen with our own eyes.
an?
0:
266
1.
';
1~
-', '
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Now, when the great emir Yaghi-Basan,5 who was the son of the emir
ll-Ghazi and lord of Sebastia and Cappadocia, saw what was going
on, he was not pleased with the sultan's actions. So, gathering
together a goodly number of cavalry forces, he entered the district of
6
Lycandus and transported the Christians of the area to his territories by their own free will; moreover, he seized the fortified town of
Larissa. Yag~i-Basan did all these things on behalf of his nephew,
who had enmIty towards Kilij Arslan.
When all this became known to Kilij Arslan he gathered together
his father's f~rces, as ~ell as a large number ~f cavalry troops, and
marched agamst YaghI-Basan. When the two armies came face to
face, their misguided imams mediated between them over an
exte~ded period of time and thus prevented the two sides from
battlIng one anothe~. So for a time both sides made a feigned peace
and returned to theIr respective territories. This situation lasted for
two months, during which neither a treaty of peace was established
nor a solution through combat sought. Now after all this YaghiB~an marched fo~h and secretly came to the district of Jahan, to its
ch~ef town Aplast a. As the character of man becomes rooted in its
eVIl wa~s from childhood, in like manner the sultan forgot the
compasslO~.~hat dominated his father's reign. So, hearing ofYaghi's
march, KillJ Arslan eagerly and boastfully went forth to wreak
ven~eance ~n the land which had nurtured him. When Yaghi learned
ff hIS commg, he gathered together the whole population of the
an~-~bout sev.enty thousand persons-and took them to his
te;ntones .h! th~Ir own free will. The sultan was unable to catch up
::~lag~I m t~IS land, for the latter had taken a circuitous route in
t . rawmg WIth the Christians. Then the sultan entered the
fOfhLycandus. The inhabitants of the area disheartened
bemtory
'
ecause 0 is frightf I d t h b '
It u ban. ?ug ehavlOr, voluntarily went over to
the side of th
I d e su an, 0 tammg an oath from him that he would not
ea away an!one who had Come to his support.
pe:~: !~~hI-B;sa:, dafter having provided for the security of the
encamped a~ns~ th: s transported to. his territories, came and
anothe [0
. ultan, the front hnes of each army facing one
wam'ngr'a ~cet agam] their religious leaders prevented them from
th I
gams one anothe N
r. ev.er e ess, after a number of days
the sultan full f
again the ;eligio~s ~ag:, c~~~ aga.mst Yaghi in full force, but once
"Do not exterminate ~h:r~~ ~t h~s fe.et, ~eseeching him and saying:
sultan drew up a tr t f shms. YIeldmg to their entreaties, the
ea y 0 peace [which was discussed] article by
CONTINUATION
267
article, but which did not stipulate the return of the expatriated
Christians. Now the sultan agreed to this for the following reason.
A certain man named Stephen, who was the brother of the sebastus
T'oros, came on the scene; this man, motivated by human stupidity
and treachery rather than by divine inspiration, was eager to
recapture the Christian territories from the infidels. However, his
brother would not give him any assistance, because his men had
slaughtered many Christians and had plundered and deprived their
compatriots of their property and possessions. These people did not
in the least resemble Christians, who must look after one another, as
they are taught in Scripture. It was because of all this that the
sultan felt constrained to come to the territory of Kesoun, over which
his father had gained control. The Christians, deprived of any
assistance and having learned of his coming, fled to those places
which were sparsely inhabited. The sultan, in turn, came and
subjugated the area without resistance, thus bringing it under his
domination. Moreover, he made peace with the king of Jerusalem,
the lord of Antioch, 7 and the victorious T'oros and then peacefully
returned to his realm. Now all this occurred in the year 606 of the
Armenian era [1157-1158], at the beginning ofthe month of August.
After this Kilij Arslan came to Berdus,s which Stephen had taken by
force and thus .acted treacherously towards his brother T'oros, and
which as a gesture of friendship [T'oros] had handed over to the
sultan without his brother's consent. The sultan freed all the cavalry
and infantry troops stationed in the fortress, in recognition of T'oros's
obedience and in recognition of his handing over the stronghold.
31. Previous to this, in the year 605 [1156-1157] on the 26th of
November an earthquake was felt throughout the whole land. Many
Muslim t~wns on the confines of Arabia, near Aleppo, col1a~se~ to
their very foundations. However, the Lord has saved the Chn~tIans
from any harm right up to the present. The tre~ors contmue.d
without interruption until the beginning of~he followmg year, and It
was impossible to reckon their number dunng the fourteen months
[of the earthquake period].
32 In the year 606 of the Armenian era [1157-1158] on the second
.
. '
. d brain
of November
a vlOlent
wmd ,accompame
y. '1 arose. In the
ere
various places it hit, vineyards and grapes, laId out to dry'tW d
heavily damaged. Now I will say a few words about the great atn
h
,
Impregnable
fortress-town 0f Beh esm.. When Stephen came 0 e
268
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
269
270
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
~ith all their [surrounding] villages. 2 The sultan Kilij Arslan wrote
hIm many times, saying: "Cease acting unjustly and return the
territory which belongs to me and which my father established to
serve as the border between me and you," However, the son of Zengi
chose not to listen [to these complaints] and was more arrogant and
insulting to this valiant nation than to the ruler of Persia, While this
debate went on, the king of Jerusalem and the lord of Antioch
Reginald, found themselves in an extremely perplexing situation:
However, he whose power and strength is higher than the heavens,
who ne,ver lets anything out of his sight, and who never neglects the
:od which he uses against sinners at the time when the righteous are
m a state ofho~elessness, it was he (from whose pure and just divine
laws suddenly Issued forth the order for punishment) who inflicted
the ~o~ of Zengi with a severe and harsh malady, Experienced
physIcIans ,;ere summoned from all nations, but were unable to find
a cu~e for hIS ~alady, while day by day the wrath of God fell more
h~avily upon hIm, [In times past] the son of Zengi had been allied
w~th Count Joscelin through a solemnly sworn treaty made in good
fa,Ith, Nevertheless, he acted in a very pitiless and inhuman way
WIth the count, behavior which was unheard of among all peoples and
t:oug~out all time; he made his friend prisoner, not by his own
e orts, I~ batt~e, but by plotting with others, and then, putting
;~sc~l~n In chams for a nine-month period, blinded the eyes of this
~:! nous ,ma~, who was invincible in many battles and lord over
judgmy te~~oGneds'b So blessing, thanks, and praise to the all-holy
en 0 0 e on the lips of every Christian,
wf:
CONTINUATION
271
her intercession.
36. Mter this, having discovered treachery on the part of the
infidel Turkish nation/ the benevolent king put a considerable
number of them to the sword and thus made them pay for the blood
of the Christians which they had shed; he expelled the remaining
from the city, compelling them to settle outside the walls. So, instead
of godless voices, the voice of the life-giving Gospels was heard in all
places. Moreover, the redemptive cross was mounted on the tops of
all the tall buildings as a sign of shame and destruction for the
degenerate, dismal, and nefarious2 nations, but as a sign of pride and
joy for us Christian faithful. Now, after this magnificent triumph,
the Franks gave themselves a brief respite and then began to devote
their attention to the city of Damascus. For at the beginning of the
year 603 [1154-1155] the son of Zengi, who was the lord of Aleppo,
arrived intending to gain control of Damascus by stratagem; however,
the townspeople resisted out of concern for their children3 whom they
had sent as hostages to Jerusalem, conforming to the orders of the
king. Nevertheless, the son of Zengi entered and gained control of
the city of Damascus by stratagem.
37. At the beginning of the year 604 [1155-1156] the son of Zengi,
bribing the king of Jerusalem and the lord of ~ti~ch w~th large
amounts of money, induced them to accede to hIS evIl deSIgns a~d
made an alliance with them. The two rulers consented to hIS
invading those Christian territories which formerly had belonged to
the Franks So the son of Zengi arrived before the renowned and
great city of Aintab with a large number of troops and laid siege ~o
it without delay. After undermining and demolishing t~e walls, his
troops entered the city and slaughtered a great many I~dels and
also took captive or killed many Christians. Mter thIS he sent
messages to the governor of the territories o,f R~ban and Kesou~,
asking for the peaceful cession of these temtones, However, ~ s
request was refused out of fear of the sultan. Then news reached him
that the king of Jerusalem and the lord of Antioch ha? bro~en the
treaty of peace they had concluded with him and were lllvadmg and
ravaging his territories. So the son of Zengi quickly wen~ to Aleppo
and Damascus. However he delayed a major confrontatIon for the
reason that he was not st;ong enough to meet the Franks face to face
in battle; on the other hand, the Franks were powerless to reduce the
city of Damascus.
272
"I,:!'-
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
39, Finally the king of Jerusalem came, together with the soldiers
of Christ-the Templars-and the lord of Antioch, who previously had
come before the emperor, to apologize for the expedition against
Cyprus, Then, in light of what has been said before, a large group of
Christians gathered before the Greek emperor, entreating him with
strong pleas to mollify his anger towards T'oros. Now, since the
Greeks harbored a deep hatred against the Armenians, who nevertheless were beyond reproach, the Armenian prince feigned accepting the
king of Jerusalem and the Templars as mediators and guarantors of
his good faith. When T'oros came before the Greek emperor, he was
at first excluded from Manuel's table, However, because of God's
solicitude for the Armenian prince, the Greek emperor regarded him
as having a charming and pleasing demeanor and so strongly
reproached those who had slandered him, Mter remaining with
Manuel for a few days, T'oros wished to go back to his home, The
emperor gave him permission, on condition th.at he q~ckly ret~rn to
the [imperial] camp. The Armenian prince, WIsely takmg cog~za~ce
of the needs of the [imperial] troops, on his return brought WIth hIm
a large number of sheep, cattle, buffalo, and Arabian horses, He
came before the emperor and presented him with these gifts at ~
suitable moment. Greatly amazed at the profuse amount of P~OVI
sions [T'oros had brought], Manuel praised his farsighted saga~lOus
ness in the presence of the chief Roman officers and the enemIes of
the Armenian prince. The emperor, in turn, gave T'oros a large
amount of gold and silver garments befit~ing a, king; moreover, ,he
truly pardoned the Armenian prince's dlsobe~Ience and re~elhon
against his imperial directives, T'oros, on hls part, promIsed to
unreservedly remain obedient and subject t~ the emperor's commands, a promise which he scrupulously carned out,
273
40. After this the two rulers,lthe invincible forces of the Templars,
the lord of Antioch and T'oros conceived of an excellent plan, one
which all the Christian peoples piously and ferventl~ ado,ptedi [the~
all] resolved to either die or to free the hopeless ~a?tIves,lmpn~~ned
for a very long time in Aleppo and Damascus, CIties bUIlt ?y h 00
Beginning the march, the Christian army came t~ An~IOC ~:t
entered the city as if it owned the place, However, smce I~w~ k
certain whether the townspeople would quickly ~ubmit to ~ e ree
, ch'Ief CI't'Izens to bcnve up theIr
emperor Manuel asked theIr
d d sons as
11
hostage~. Making their submission, they vol~ntarilY ha: ~re~~e~:m
that the emperor had requested, lest the captives never e
274
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
servitude and they violate the oath taken at the tomb of the Redeemer and the promise given to the king of Jerusalem when he
became allied to Manuel through marriage. Going forth with an
immense number of troops, the Christians advanced, fulminating
with rage like lions and trying to outdistance one another like eagles
sWOoping down on a bevy of partridges. In this manner these
Courageous men rushed forth to invade and ravage the country of the
Turks. The army reached a place called Balana,2 which is near the
confines of Aleppo and a day's march from that city. All the
Christians far and near were in ecstatic joy when they learned of the
alliance of the faithful, formed for the purpose of annihilating the
infidels and delivering the Church of Christ-which was redeemed by
his
holy and precious blood-from the vile and onerous yoke of
servitude.
When the infidels heard the news of this and of the approach of the
Christians to the borders of the Muslim territories, they became
horror-struck. Completely seized by fear because of the [two] rulers,
Niir-ad-Drn, who was the lord of Aleppo and Damascus, sent envoys
to the emperor, promising to hand over some ten thousand slaves
taken from Christian captives whom he had treated mercilessly. He
planned to free the slaves and wash away the spots and blemishes
caused by their being mistreated; then, by sending them to the [two]
rulers, he intended to ask to become SUbject to them as one of these
slaves. However, the [two] rulers refused these conditions, telling the
envoys that Nur-ad-Drn would have to leave the country and go
where they wished him to go, or else they would simply exterminate
the Whole population, including nurslings. It was quite obvious that
the forces of the Christian faithful were proud and joyful, as if at a
wedding.
Now, While the Christians were involved in these matters bad
new.s in the form of a letter suddenly arrived from the imperia{ city,
statmg that there Was a disturbance over the [imperial] throne and
also containing information of other bewitched events the causes of
which we have been unable to ascertain as it was the work of the
devil. In any case this was the real reason Why the emperor came to
an understanding with the prince [of Antioch] and why he gave back
to
the land he had taken from the Armenian prince, regarding
all thIS as a sufficient victory for himself. 3 Indeed, we know from
lookmg at past events and reading the chroniclers that the Greek
emperors never worked for the deliverance of the Christians but
rather occupied themselves with ruining and seizing their
and
T'oro~
or
citie~
275
the Armenians
left
g that
they came and
lands. It was because of these emperor: that
their country, that the infidels be~~:s;~~Ptured Artsn and then
gained control of every area, th~ t Y f Ani' in this way the wicked
Melitene, Sebastia, and ~he roy ~~~ c~nfin~s of the city of ConstanTurks controlled everythmg up to
Franks came forth for the
tinople. On the other hand, ~he. coura~~o:re ruined and defeated by
third time to deliver the ChristIans, b d
rfidy of the Greek emthe Turks through the treachery a~ ~t~ our own eyes. If the
peror-an event which we witn~seCh~ t' ans he did not have to
emperor had come on behalf of t ~ ~s; His father acted in the
tarry in Mamistra for
4 a seven-mont pe~~h' other Annenian chiefs.
same way [when] he carrie~ off Leon an to t~ose who are intelligent
These [examples] are suffiClent to Sh~~h deep hatred they have for
the actions of the Rom~ empe~o~s anhav: spoken about [previously].
the Annenians-somethmg WhlC e Romans who thought among
. "Do not listen to the
Finally it was the feeble and effen~mate
themselves and then said to thekIr emper~~~one and you can return
Franks or Armenians; hasten bac t 0 your
again when you wish."
.t
v:
.
1 rned of this, their hopes of
41. When the ort?odo.x [falthf~ie ea'efbecause of the departure
success were turned mto lll.consoia feaded with the emperor, but
of the Greeks. Countless. tImes t~ey ~
They even begged him to
he refused their just
were unable to prevent hIm from eav~ng.
stay three more days before Aleppo. tw~~:r'lord of Aleppo-who
entreaties and instead sent env0i:.s?t
s in a state of abject
together with the inhabitants of t e CI y wa d friendship When
fearl-in order to conclude a treaty of pteta.ce B;nth great J" oy a~d were
d hi th became ecs a IC W1
the infidels hear t s, ey
h'nk' g that the envoys had come
unable to give a suitable answer, thl .In b en given assurances by
for the purpose of spyi~g. Mter a~~gth: bidding of the emperor.
these envoys, they promls:d to c.arry f their agreement, the infidels
So in keeping with the stIpulatlOns 0 t.
they heldJ-men whom
frl'ty eminent Franks [from the cap ,;esthe purpose of appeasethe wicked emperor had r:quested ongh~~t had delivered into their
ment. Thus countless captlves, w~om rfectl and who slander and
hands-they who worship. [God].lmpe
~alicious hearts-were
and
judge us because of theIr envlOUS d eived us [like this, even]
abandoned. Indeed, the Muslims ~ver e~sting of an innumerable
when they killed us. So the Gree s'rcon~ t like a feeble fox. Like
army, turned back, not like a mighty lon, U
se~t
276
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
fugitives they reached the territories of the sultan Kilij Arslan. Now
this sultan was not an instrument of Christ's vengeance upon the Romans, but merely was charged with making them expiate for the
maledictions and blasphemies they heaped upon the orthodox
[faithful] when they refused to bring aid to the church and to the
captives. So the vile and obscure race of the Turkomans went after
them as if after fugitives and slaughtered twelve thousand of the
Romans, besides killing the emperor's father-in-law and seizing
twenty thousand horses and mules. Because of this, deep antagonism
developed between the Greek emperor and the sultan Kilij Arslan.
Now it seems to my weak and feeble mind that nothing else imaginable explains the undermining of our hope for deliverance, except the
hatred for us [on the part of the Greeks] and the prophecy of the holy
man of God, the great Nerses our enlightener, who, through spiritual
i~sight and the inspiration of the one on high, wrote in his true
hIstOry about the Greek emperors who after a short while no longer
paid attention to those things pertaining to war, but merely occupied
themselves with levying taxes and having theological discussions. 2
"
CONTINUATION
277
278
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
CONTINUATION
"prince" and whose name was Sire Reginald, went forth during the
autumn season and descended upon the territory of Duluk, l while the
Inhabitants were in seeming security. He extended his incursions up
to the catholicos's fortress called Tsov,2 ravaging the surrounding
areas and making prisoner the Turkomans he met within its confines.
The prince had with him one thousand men-horsemen servants 3
mule drivers,4 and infantry, On the other hand, Majd-ad-Din, Nu~
ad-DIn's second-in-command, who had previously gathered together
ten thousand men, placed his vanguard in an ambush and surprised
Reginald's men. All the Christians were either taken captive or
killed, while the prince of Antioch together with thirty horsemen was
taken prisoner. On this day four hundred men were killed. So Majdad-Din turned back and with great rejoicing and festivity entered
Aleppo, conducting his prisoners before him; moreover, he brought
the prince into the city, heaping [all sorts of] insults and profanities
upon him.5 At the same time he sent the news of his success to Nurad-Din, who at that time was in Damascus collecting a large number
of cavalry troops [in order to battle] against the king of Jerusalem.
When Nur-ad-Din heard this news, he returned and ravaged the
whole country up to Tripoli and also took captives whom he brought
to Aleppo, Then he went against {Hiri:i:n,6 but was unable to besiege
the town successfully because of the abundant rains [which fell at
that time] and also because of his fear of the king of Jerusalem; for
at that time the king had come from Antioch together with T'oros, the
son of ltuben, and some Roman troops. However, when the king
returned to Jerusalem and the others to their respective places, Nurad-Din went and captured the impregnable fortress of Arzghan.7
Notwithstanding the oath [which he made to the inhabitants], he
demolished and ruined the fortress and, taking captive the Christians
remaining [in the place], brought them to Aleppo,
,}4'
0:
;t
279
47. In this same year the sultan Kilij Arslan went to the Gre~k
emperor Manuel, accompanied by the emir Miran, the brother of Nurad-DIn. After having received many gifts from the emperor a~d
having concluded a treaty with him whereby he promised to remam
subject to Manuel until his own death, the sultan turned back and
went to his own city, carrying with him the great amount of gold and
silver [he had received],l
48. At the beginning of the year 611 of our era [1162-116.31 the
most praiseworthy vardapet Barsegh died and was buried In the
280
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Part I
Section 1
1. The year 400 of the Armenian era corresponds to 951 A.D. and the year
611 to 1162 A.D. See n. 3 below.
2. In order to facilitate the annotation, the various parts and sections of
the Chronicle, i.e. Part I section 1, section 2, section 3, etc., have been
numbered. Thus the book and paragraph numbers are not original to
the text, although the book and paragraph divisions are.
a. The Armenian era is usually calculated from the year 552 of the
modern Christian era. However, since the Armenian calendar is not a
flXed one, the beginning of each year does not exactly correspond to
that of the Christian era. For example, the year 401 of the Armenian
era begins on April 2, 952, of the Christian era and ends on April 1,
953, ofthat era.
4. Matthew uses the word "Tachik" in making reference to the Muslims.
In the context of the Chronicle, Muslim could mean Arab, Turk, or
Persian. One may also render the term as "Saracen," though this word
is not too commonly used today by scholars.
5. In the early years of Christianity Edessa was an important center of
Syrian Christianity, hence the importance attached to it by Matthew,
who calls it a "metropolitan see." In th~ Eastern church the bishop of
an important Christian center is called a "metropolitan," the title
"patriarch" being reserved for the bishops of the chief Christian centers.
6. Tigran, one of the most famous kings of Armenia, ruled in the first
century B.C. Under him Armenia achieved its greatest territorial expansion; however, it is doubtful that this king built Edessa, for this
famous Syrian city is much older than the first century B.C.
Section 2.
1. When Matthew uses the word "Arab," he invariably means those
Muslims who are not of Turkish or Iranian origin.
2. In Armenian both "city" and "town" are usually expressed by the same
word, k'aghak'. I have used either term depending on the size or
importance of the k'aghak' in question.
S. Whenever Matthew uses the word "Roman" or "Romans," he is
referring to the Byzantines. This would, of course, be natural, since
the Byzantines considered their empire a continuation of the Roman
empire and called themselves Romaioi. However, occasionally Matthew
does use the term "Greeks" in making reference to the Byzantines.
284
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART I
Section 3.
1, Romanus II, son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus occupied the imperial
throne during the years 959-963.
'
2. Matthew invariably uses the term Okianos (Gr. okeanos-"ocean") to
refer to the Mediterranean Sea.
3. At this time (959-960) Egypt was ruled by a dynasty of Turkish origin
the Ikhshidids (935-959), who had wrested control of the country fro~
the 'Abbasids.
4. Matthew is. correct in stating that the Muslims had possessed the
coast~l reglons for 400 years; however, in the case of Crete, the
Musl~m~ frrst occupied the island in approximately 828 and therefore
at thIS time had possessed it for only 120 years.
5. He was the emir of Aleppo.
Section 4.
1. Most of the t0WD;s and cities mentioned by Matthew can be easily
located by consult~g the maps at the end of this book. However, there
are so~e geographIcal names and places in Matthew's work not easily
located,.t~ese Wlll be noted and explained as the need arises.
2. These CltI~s were not captured by the Muslims, but by the Byzantine
general NIcephorus Phocas. However, the Byzantines were forced to
a~andon them, ~lthough later on they recaptured Anazarba. Matthew
mIght be refernng to the capture of both Aleppo and Anazarba by the
I:!amdru:id Saif-ad-Daulah from the Ikhshidids of Egypt, albeit in 944
(about elghteen years before this event).
Section 5.
1. The.se would s~em to be the troops directly under the marzpan, who
dunng the penod of Sassanid rule was the governor of those parts of
285
Section 6
1. The Albanians (Arm. Aghuank,), sometimes referred to as the "Caucasian Albanians" and their country as "Albania," were a Christian people
living in the Caucasus region, east and northeast of Armenia. They
were christianized by the Armenians and dominated by the culture of
that people. In time they disappeared from the pages of history.
2. A Caucasian people inhabiting the northwest corner of Georgia, along
the Black Sea. In ancient times they were Christians, but later
adopted Islam, to which religion some still adhere.
3. Whenever Matthew refers to the "Babylonians," he means those
Muslims inhabiting and ruling lower Mesopotamia, that is, present-day
Iraq. In this period the Buwayhids (945-1055), a dynasty of Iranian
origin, ruled this area in the name ofthe almost defunct 'Abbasids.
4. Whenever Matthew refers to the "Persians," he means those Muslims
inhabiting and ruling the Iranian plateau, that is present day Iran.
Therefore the term "Persian" can refer to both Turks and Iranians
here. In'this period the Samanids (874-999), a dynasty of Iranian
origin, ruled this area and Transoxiana (present day Soviet Central
Asia) quite independently from the 'Abbasids.
. . . .
5. The two apostles who, according to legend, began the chrlstlanlzatIon
of Armenia and Caucasia in the first century A.D.
Section 7
286
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 8
1. John Tzimisces, a man of Armenian extraction (Arm. Hohannes
Ch'mshkik) and one of the greatest Byzantine generals, later to become
Byzantine emperor as John I Tzimisces (969-976).
2. Theophano, the widow of Romanus II, married Nicephorus Phocas after
he was proclaimed emperor.
3. All the chroniclers who relate this event, except Michael the Syrian,
say that Tzimisces did not kill Nicephorus with his own hands, rather
that he had the help of a few accomplices, one of whom killed the
emperor. The Byzantine chroniclers state that the patriarch Polyeuctes
refused to crown Tzimisces unless he sent away Theophano and
punished Nicephorus's murderers. On the other hand, the Coptic Arab
chronicler Yahya of Antioch says that Tzimisces exiled Theophano
because he was afraid that she might intrigue against him, while the
Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus, who has no love for Nicephorus,
exonerates the empress, maintaining that she was a pious woman.
4. Handzit' is located in the southern part of the region of Fourth
Armenia, known in ancient times as Sophene (Arm. Ch'orrord Hayk',
Tsop'kJ. Vasakawan is a small town in this district. In Armenian, the
suffix awan refers to an unwalled town, while k'aghak' is used to refer
to a walled or fortified town or city.
Section 9
1.. Matthew has his dates confused here. Gagik I, who reigned from 989
to 1020, certainly does not belong to this period, nor do his two sons
who later became kings: John 5mbat III (1020-1040) and Ashot IV
(1021-1039). Actually sections 9 through 15 describe events which took
place later, in the early eleventh century.
2. Senek'erim-John (1003-1021).
3. The Artsrunis, together with the Bagratids, were the two most
important dynasties of medieval Armenia. In linking the origins of
this dynasty with the kings of ancient Assyria, Matthew is adhering
to a very old Armenian tradition, a tradition which has no basis in
reality. Armenians of the period tended to give their ruling dynasties
ancient origins, perhaps hoping thereby to add to their prestige.
Section 10
1. A district located in the southern part of the province of Vaspurakan.
2. A ~ountain located in the province of Vaspurakan, west of Lake Van.
3. ThIS monastery, situated on Mount Varag, was one of the most revered
of medieval Armenia. Tradition has it that the cross on which Christ
was crucified appeared on the mountain. Hence, the name given to the
monastery, "Holy Cross," and the beliefthat this monastery contained
the true cross on which Christ was crucified. The Armenian name of
this monastery, literally rendered, is "The Holy Sign of Christ" (Surb
Nshan K'ristosi).
NOTES-PART I
287
Section 11
1. Abas I (984-1029).
2, Kars in this period was the capital of one of the Armenian kingdoms.
3. Gagik I (989-1020).
4. Gurgen I (982-989). Here again Matthew is confused, for Gurgen's
reign comes a number of years before the death of Gagik and the
conflict between his two sons, John and Ashot. The king of the
Albanians at this time was David Lackland (989-1046/8). Cf, sec. 9, n.1.
5, This name refers to the Bagratid dynasty centered at Ani in the district
of Shirak, which in turn is located in the province of Ayrarat. The
Bagratids were a very powerful family in the medieval period. They
had succeeded in establishing four kingdoms, each ruled by one of the
members of their family: Ani, Kars, Lori, and Georgia. The kingdom
of Ani was considered the most prestigious of the four, since it was the
home of the dynasty and the most powerful.
Section 12
.
1. Dvin became important in the period when the Sassanid dynasty of
Iran dominated the eastern portion of Armenia (third to sixth centuries
A.D.). The city was made the residence of the Sassanid-appointed
governors of Persian Armenia, who were called marzpans. After the
Arab occupation of Armenia, Dvin became their administrative center.
When the 'Abbiisids declined, the city came under the control of
independent Muslim emirs.
2. An emir of Kurdish origin who ruled over the cities of Dvm and
Gandzak (mod. Kirovabad).
Section 14
.
' .
1. These are the Daylamites of Azerbaijan, a dynast~ of I.:t1;man o~gm
which came into existence after the breakup of the AbbasId empIre.
2, Due west of Lake Sevan, in the province of Ayrarat.
3, Translated literally, "the seven wolves man."
4, Cf. I Samuel 17.
288
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART I
Section 15
1. This mountain cannot be exactly located; it is most probably situated
in the district of Nig, close to the fortress of Bjni.
2. Cf. Genesis 4:8-16.
Section 16
1. Originally this title referred to a high official of the emperor's household. Beginning in the tenth century, the domesticus took over the
supreme command of the army when the emperor himself was not
present in the field. Basil II (976-1025) established two domestics, one
commanding the Byzantine army in the West (the Balkans) and the
other commanding the Byzantine army in the East (Anatolia).
2. This general was a former officer in Nicephorus's army. He was made
Domesticus of the East by the emperor Tzimisces and probably was of
Armenian origin, as is attested by his name (Arm. Mleh).
3. Matthew is incorrect here, for Melitene had been captured earlier by
the Byzantine general John Cureuas, in the first half of the tenth
century.
4. Tigranakert, known to the ancients as Tigranacerta, was the royal
capital of the Armenian king Tigran II (94-54 B.C.); however, it is not
the same city as Amida, for its ruins are located west of Amida, on a
tributary of the Tigris.
5. The exact location ofthis place is unknown.
6. The 'Abbasid al-Muti' (946-974).
7. In this period the Hamdanid emir of Mosul, Abu Taghlib, controlled
Amida. It was this emir's army that defeated the Byzantines. The
Armenian historian Stephen Asoghik, Yahya of Antioch, and Bar
Hebraeus relate this attack on Amida; however, the Byzantine
historians, including Leo Diaconus, make no mention of it, though Leo
does speak of Tzimisces' second Syrian expedition (this one being his
first). Bar Hebraeus gives some interesting details about this campaign, stating among other things that the Byzantine commander was
sent to MOBUI and was kindly treated there by Abu Taghlib, for this
emir did not wish to needlessly antagonize the Byzantines.
8. Tzimisces.
9. The western regions of the Byzantine empire, i.e. the Balkans, Greece,
Sicily, etc.
10. An attempt has been made here to preserve Matthew's vivid imagery,
which is so common to Near Easterners; hence, the literal translation
of the phrase, which could be better rendered and understood as "full
of rage."
Section 17
1. The regions east of the Byzantine empire, i.e., eastern Anatolia.
2. Ashot III (952-977).
3. A district in the southern part of the province of Siwnik.
289
Section 18
1. Literally translated, "Lord John" (Arm. Kiwrzhan).
2. Upper Mesopotamia.
3. Probably the :aamdanid emir of Mosul, Abu Taghlib. Cf. sec. 16, n. 7.
4. A town in the province of Fourth Armenia, located on a tributary of the
eastern Euphrates.
5. A town due west of Khozan, located on one of the tributaries of the
eastern Euphrates.
. '
6. Matthew says that Tzimisces spared Amlda because of Its wom~n
commander who was from the same area as he. Leo Diaconus, w 0
states that Amida was spared because of the money and gold given .the
emperor by the inhabitants of that town, provides a more plausIble
explanation.
Section 19
.
.
1. This title was used by the Bagratid kings of Armema a~d. was gIVen to
them by the 'Abba sid caliphs. The word is of Persian ongm and means
"king of kings."
.
2. The "eastern lands" referred to here are not those of eastern P:I{ ~?t
rather the newly acquired Byzantine territories of eastern. a 0 lR,
which once were part of the "Persian" (Parthian and SassanId) lands.
Cf. sec. 6, n. 4.
th
t
He is
3. A famous bishop of Nisibis, living in the foSur cen
n
considered one of the greatest saints of the yrian an
mema
churches.
fYk .
290
NOTES-PART I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
4. The term literally means "the commander of the believers" and waS
frequently used by the caliphs. The person referred to here is the
Fatimid caliph (al-Mu'izz, 953-975).
5. Whenever Matthew speaks of the "Africans," he is referring to the
Fatimids of Egypt. The Fatimids originated in Tunisia and in 969
succeeded in taking over Egypt and setting up a rival Shi'ite caliphate
in opposition to the Sunnite 'Abbi3.sids. The dynasty ruled from 969 to
1171. At this time the Fatimids were attempting to gain control of the
eastern Mediterranean littoral and Syria.
6. Those Muslim areas of North Africa west of Egypt (i.e. Tunisia, Algeria..
Morocco) are referred to as al-Magrib, literally "the West." Since the
Fatimids originated in Tunisia, they were called "Maghrib Arabs."
7. A town between Homs and Damascus.
8. Leo Diaconus, Yahya of Antioch, and Bar Hebraeus make no mention.
of that part of Tzimisces' campaign conducted in Palestine, although
they corroborate Matthew's account of the emperor's exploits in Syria
(both in the interior and on the seacoast). Some historians believe that
Matthew's account ofTzimisces' Palestine exploits is exaggerated, while
others maintain its authenticity.
9. Baisan is a town south of Lake Tiberias and a little west of the Jordan.
River. It was the most important of the group of towns in that area
collectively called "the Decapolis," literally "the five towns."
10. A town on the southern shore of Lake Tiberias.
11. The coastal region north of Caesarea.
12. A town on the coast north of Beirut, known in classical times as Byblos.
13. The thematic troops (thematikoi) were drawn from soldiers in the
various themes or militarized regions of the Byzantine empire. On the
other hand, the garrison troops (taxatoi) were stationed in the cities
and fortresses of the empire.
14. Armenian for "stone-faced" (Gr. lithoprosopon).
15. Actually neither side was victorious at Tripoli. Tzimisces was unable
to capture the city, although he was strong enough to ravage the surrounding area. Tripoli was the only Fatimid stronghold which
successfully resisted the Byzantines.
16. A port south of Latakia.
17. A port south of Jabala (Ar. Balunyas).
18. A fortress due south of Antioch (Ar. Sahyan).
19. Located in the mountains east of Latakia.
20. Matthew is referring here to Baghdad.
21. Probably referring to the 'Abbasid caliph in Baghdad. Cf. n. 4 above.
22. Mor~ exactly, the Fatimid caliph's general in Syria.
23. Agam Matthew exagg?rates the situation. Tzimisces' goal (capturing
Jerusalem and occupymg all of Syria and Palestine) was not achieved;
however, because of this campaign and its limited success, a tremendous amount of prestige was gained for the Byzantine empire.
291
Section 20
1. Actually only parts of the eastern Mediterranean we:e in the hand~ of
(report).
. ' "
2. An honorary title of the Byzantine court, hterally meamng thde flrst
sword-bearer [of the emperor]." Originally this title was grante t? an
individual in the imperial court, but later was bestowed on vanous
officials of the empire.
3. A district in the province of Upper Armenia (Arm. Bardzr H~~k')h h
4. After "Taron" the text reads "greetings and joy in our Lor , w ic
makes no sense in this context.
5. Located in the district of Taran.
6. The Armenian reads k'arasun hazar sovolon (forty thousand ~dbols),
which makes no sense here. The Armenian historian N.
ontz
considers it a textual corruption and translates it as "chrysobull" (a
decree of the emperor bearing the imperial gold seal).
Section 22
1. Literally, "All-encompassing Leon," an honorific title.
2. Constantinople.
3. The location of this place is unknown.
4. The text reads "you and I Sat," which makes no sense. The Jen:salem
text has "likewise also 5mbat." I have followed the latter readmg.
Section 23
1. In theory Basil II (976-1025) and Constantine VII (1025-1028) ruled
jointly, but in actuality Basil was the sole ruler. Matthew'.s account of
the coronation of Basil by Tzimisces is not corroborated m the other
sources.
2. This account of the last days of the emperor Tzimisces seem~ to .bhe a
figment of Matthew's imagination, for it is not c?":oborated m .elt er
the Greek or Arabic sources, which state that TZlmlsces was pOlsoned
by the paracoemomenus Basil.
Section 24
1. Basil II (976-1025).
292
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART I
Section 25
1. A name of Arabic origin meaning "father of the foreigner" (Ar. Aba-lGhareb). Due to Arab influence during the Bagratid period, many
Armenian noblemen adopted Arabic names.
2. Derenik-Ashot (93617-953), the king ofVaspurakan. It is quite evident
that Matthew's chronology is incorrect.
3. The text reads "the mighty." The Jerusalem text has "the forces,"
which makes more sense here.
4. A type of red dye made from a small insect.
Section 26
1. The Muslim emir of Her.
2. An Arabic word meaning "open place" or "public square."
3. Located in the extreme eastern portion of the province ofVaspurakan,
north-northeast of Lake Urmia.
Section 27
1. Matthew has the incorrect date here, for Anania I was catholicos from
946 to 968.
2. Vahan I (968-969). Again Matthew's chronology is incorrect.
3. These two kings reigned in the early part of the twelfth century, not
during this period.
4. Located northeast of Ani, near the Akhurian River.
Section 28
1. Bardas Scelerus.
2. Matthew seems to harbor a deep disapproval of Scelerus, going so far
as to say that he was defeated by the Armenians. Actually this is not
true, for other sources indicate that a good deal of Scelerus's support
came from both Armenians and Muslims.
3. When Scelerus was defeated, he naturally took refuge with the
Muslims who sympathized with him. The Byzantine historian Michael
Psellus says that Scelerus fled to the Muslims who, being afraid of his
numerous forces, put the rebel in prison. All the sources corroborate
Matthew's account, except for his statement concerning the role of the
Armenians in the revolt. Yahya of Antioch gives a particularly full and
detailed account of the connections between Scelerus and the area
around Antioch and north Syria.
Section 29
1. This number is incorrect, for Vahan was catholicos for only one year.
2. Stephen III (969-972). Matthew's chronology is incorrect.
Section 30
1. Mamlan was the Muslim emir of Azerbaijan.
2. Located in the province of Turuberan, north of Lake Van.
293
Section 32
1. The Armenian historian Stephen Asoghik's account of Marolan's
invasion of Armenia differs from Matthew's. According to Asoghik,
there was no confrontation between Mamlan and David's forces; the
emir merely ravaged the country and then returned to Azerbaijan.
Section 33
1. Matthew here indicates that the two men had a common descent from
the Arsacids one of the early Armenian dynasties.
2. It is interesting that Asoghik does not mention Da~d's ~ea~, a1tArh~utgh
he has much praise for the man, while the Armeman hlstonan IS akes of Lastivert says that the assassination was carried out .by the
Georgian prince's soldiers, who mixed the poison in the chahce and
finally smothered their chief.
Section 34
1. Stephen died in 972.
.
2 The catholicos Khach'ik I (973-992).
Actually the letter sent by Theodore to Khach'ik invite,d the AI:nemans
to join the Byzantine church. The Armenian cathohcos dec~med ~he
invitation and gave the reasons why. Matthew is not correct m sa~g
that the Armenian reply was well received by the Greek metropohtan,
for after all it was an out-and-out refusal to unite the two churchehs;
. pOSSIbly
.
. d a begrudgm'g acceptance
however It
could h ave game
d 11 on'ttt e
part of the Greeks, on the basis that it was a learned an we Wl'1 en
reply.
3:
Section 35
11
VI d ("Black
1. Matthew refers to Bardas Phocas as Moravard or lYJ.awroy ar
Rose").
k'U db B '1 After his
2. Matthew is confused here; Phoca~ was not 1 e ri~US ::c~mstances.
defeat by the emperor in 989, ~e dIed undher tm~:r Phocas's defeat, his
Both Psellus and Yahya of AntIoch state t a,
head was cut off and brought to Basil.
294
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 36
1. Matthew is referring here to Alusianus, the son of John Vladislav and
king of the Bulgars (1015-1018). However, it is obvious that the person
meant here is the great Bulgarian ruler Samuel (976-1014). Matthew's
chronology is incorrect, for this event occurred in 986.
Section 37
1. Basil's defeat occurred in 986, while his second campaign which
brought him victory over the Bulgars, began in 990. It is int~resting
to note that none of the Greek sources mention this defeat while the
Arabic source Yahya of Antioch does.
'
Section 38
1. Not six, but nineteen years.
2. Sargis I (992-1019).
Section 39
1. The Fatimids. Cf. Sec. 19, n. 6.
2. Actually the Fatimids launched two campaigns against the Byzantines
and their Aleppine allies at Antioch, one in 992 and the other in 994.
Both turned out to be resounding defeats for the Byzantines. Matthew
apparently is referring here to the first campaign.
Section 40
1. Probably an emir in the service of the Fatimids.
2. Egypt.
Section 42
1. The king of Vaspurakan, Senek'erim-John (1003-1021). Matthew's
chronology is incorrect.
2. A district in the province of Ayrarat, located near the Hrazdan River.
Section 43
1. Irion was a priest attached to the emperor Justinian's court (sixth
century), who tried to introduce a minor correction into the calendar of
Andrew of Byzantium. Actually this was the calendar developed by the
church of Alexandria.
2. According to preScribed usage, Easter is to be celebrated on the first
Sunday after the full moon. Following their own calculations, the
Greeks reckoned the full moon to be on Saturday and so celebrated
Easter. on the following day (Sunday). On the other hand, the
Armemans reckoned the full moon to fall on Sunday and so celebrated
~haster on ~e follOwing Sunday (seven days later). In the sixth century
, e Armemans and Greeks adopted two different methods for computmg Easter. The only real difference between the two calendars was
that four times every five hundred and thirty two years there was a
295
NOTES-PART I
Section 44
Section 45
1. More correctly, khoylik, a disease characterized by bulbous sores on the
body, with or without pus.
Section 46
1. The Balkans.
2. Again, the reference is to King Samuel. Cf. sec. 36, n. 1.
3. Matthew's assertion that Basil poisoned Samuel is not supported by the
other sources.
Section 47
1. The text reads "465" which would make it the year 1016-1017. Four
variants and the Jerusalem text have "467;' the correct date, since the
Seljuks first began to penetrate the confines of Armenia in 1018.
2, The Seljuk Turks.
Section 48
1. One of Senek'erim's generals.
.
2. One of the contemporary Armenian historians, Thomas Artsrum, states
that, when the Turks first appeared, they were defeated, although the
Armenians in the long run were forced to give way.
3. The source of this quote is unknown. The allusion h.ere is to the m,any
Armenians who in the eleventh and twelfth centurles fled south mto
northern Syria and southwest into Cilicia, in order to escape the Seljuk
invasions of their country.
4. Cf. Isaiah 5:28. The Jerusalem text (and Dulaurier's translation) break
off here and omit sections 49, 50, 51, and the first part of 52. Cf. sec.
52, n. 3.
296
2H7
N OTES-P ART I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
~~' n.
H. "or'!'
Section 49
1. The text seems ~o be con;upt here. Perhaps Senek'erim gave up some
o~ the. monastenes, keepmg the rest for his own use. The Armenian
hIstOrian Thomas Artsruni says that the Armenian king built the
Monastery of yarag, endow~ng it with ~ll types of wealth. Perhaps it
was monastenes such as thIS that the kmg wished to keep for his own
use.
2. Accor~in~ to Artsruni, only fourteen thousand people departed with
Senek enm. Thus most of the Armenian population of Vaspurakan
stayed behind.
3. It is more likely. that Basil pressured the Armenian king to give up his
lands to ByzantlUm. This was not a difficult thing to do in light of the
recent Turkish incursions. Artsruni mentions nothing of Byzantine
pressure upon the Armenians to give up their country, but rather
states that Senek'erim appealed to Basil to come and take over his
kingdom, which the emperor did, implying that Basil was doing the
Armenian king a favor.
Section 50
1. John-Smbat III (1020-1040).
2. The Byzantine historian George Cedrenus states that at this time John
handed over the keys of the city of Ani to Basil.
3. George I (1014-1027).
4. Actually George had broken the peace made with Basil by invading the
region of Tayk', considered to be part of the empire.
5. ~at, Zoyat, and Liparit belonged to a famous medieval Georgian
dynasty, the Liparitids.
6. Peter I (1019-1058).
7. Holy oil made of many different types offlowers. Only the head of the
Armenian church, the catholicos, can consecrate this oil. The oil is
used during ceremonies dealing with blessings and consecrations.
8. A specially blessed cross the catholicos and other high-ranking clergy
used in church ceremonies.
9. This is why the catholicos was surnamed Getadardz literally translated "River-Turner."
'
10. Actually Peter was sent to Basil by the Armenian king John in order
to conclude a peace with the emperor and present him with a document
promising the cession of the kings lands to the empire. The Armenian
historian Aristakes of Lastivert states that this document marked the
end of the Armenian kingdom.
11. Probably a monastery in the Amanus Mountains; there were many
monks living in these mountains. Cf. Pt. II, sec. 48, n. 2.
12. A small part of the text seems to be missing after this point.
Section 52
Section 51
1. Matthew is mistaken; the correct date is 1019 for the death of Sargis
Section 53
1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here. Basil died in 1025; the yenr
referred to here is 1029-1030.
,
2. Matthew is confused. Actually Basil reigned for forty-nine years (976
1025),
Section 54
1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Senek,erim died in 1027.
Section 55
1. Bagrat IV (1027-1072). The chronology is incorrect.
Section 56
1. Constantine VIII (1025-1028). The chronology is incorrect.
2, The Greek sources say that Constantine neglected the affairs of the
empire, preferring to devote most of his time and energy to amusements such as horse racing, the theater, gambling, partie.s, etc. On t~e
other hand I the Armenian and Syriac sources have nothmg but prmse
for this emperor, referring to him as a pleasant and magnammous man
Section 57
1. Psellus contrasts Romanus to the fighting emperors of the past, stating
2.
3.
4.
5.
Section 58
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9,
10.
NOTES-PART I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
298
Na~ir
299
Section 59
1. One variant adds: "When the emperor Romanus heard all these things
which Maniaces had done, he rejoiced greatly; likewise, all the
Christian faithful were filled with joy."
2. Located near Edessa.
3. The original Armenian reads kondoratsk'. The Armenian lexicographer
S. Malkhaseants' gives "provision bearers," yet says the word's meaning
is not certain.
4. Located near the Euphrates, further up from Samosata.
5. Probably a village in the general area of Edessa and Ltar.
6. Probably a Muslim commander from the area.
7. A valley near Edessa.
8. Ashot IV (1021-1039)
9. Matthew is referring here to the Seljuk state established by Tughr:ul
(1038-1063) after he captured Baghdad in 1055. This state had Its
center in what is today Iran.
10. Edessa was taken by the Muslims in the year 1086.1087. Hence
Matthew is incorrect in saying that the city fell during the reign of
Tughrul. Actually this event occurred during the time of the Seljuk
sultan Malik-Shah (1072-1092).
Section 61
Section 63
1. A town near Sewawerak.
2. This brother of Michael was Constantine who, according to Cedrenus,
was sent from Antioch with reinforcements to prevent the Muslims
from capturing Edessa. He succeeded and was later appointed
"Domesticus of the East."
3. Matthew's account of the Muslim attack on Edessa is not altogether
convincing. It is difficult to understand why the Muslims would return
to their country after having heard that the Byzantine army sent
300
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
301
NOTES-PART I
Vaspurakan.
3. The catholicos Nerses III (641-661).
4. One variant has "seven".
5. A famous Armenian monastery located in the district of Tashir, in the
province of Gugark'.
6. Five variants and the Jerusalem text add the following: "When his
lordship Joseph heard this, he took the bis~ops of t~e cou~try of tI:~
Albanians and came to reestablish his lordshIp Peter m the Clty of Am.
Section 64
1. The text reads "patriarch." Four variants have "vardapet," which is the
correct form.
2. Cf. Matthew 22:11-14.
3. The reference here is to the First Crusade of 1098.
4. Five variants have "fIfty."
5. Matthew most probably is referring here to the attempted revival of the
Byzantine empire under Alexius I (1081-1118).
6. If one accepts the rather sure premise that Matthew is talking about
the ephemeral revival of the empire under the Comneni (1081-1185),
then it is quite obvious that the Armenian chronicler is grossly
exaggerating this revival. For during this period the empire was
unable to do much more than secure the coastal regions of Asia Minor
from the Turks.
Section 67
1. The Armenian historian Kirakos of Gandzak gives an account of this
conflict between Peter and the Armenian nobles, although in much less
detail than Matthew. His hatred for the anti-patriarch Deokoros
(Dioscorus) is equal to Matthew's, ifnot greater.
Section 65
1. One variant has "in this same year."
2. Located near the northeastern corner of Lake Van.
3. Both Aristakes and Cedrenus relate this event, though differing from
Matthew's account in some details. However, both mention that the
town was finally captured by the Byzantine troops, something which
Matthew is silent about.
Section 71
1. The Kurdish emir of Dvin.
2. The king of Lori (989-1046/8), located in the district"of Tashi~, in the
province of Gugark'. His last name literally means landless, hence
the anglicized appellation, David Lackland. David was a scion of the
Bagratids of Ani.
3. The district around Ani, in the province of Ayrarat.
.
4. Matthew is probably referring here to 5mbat III (1019-?), the klllg of
Siwnik', a region south of Lake Sevan. This area wa~ ruled by a
dynasty (the Siwni dynasty), independent of the Bagratlds. ~pan,
located not too far from the Araks River, was one of the more Important towns of the region.
.
5. Bagrat IV (1027-1072). Actually Bagrat was the king of both Ibe~Ia
and Abasgia, making up what is known .as the Kingdom of ~eorgIa.
Abkhazia was one of the regions of AbasgIa and had been an mdependent state before this period. Abasgia is the weste.rn region Georgia,
while Abkhazia is the western portion of that regIon, bordermg on the
Black Sea.
Section 66
1. The reason given by Matthew for the departure of the catholicos from
his see is a superficial one. Actually Peter had been instrumental in
arranging for the future takeover of the Bagratid kingdom of Ani by
the Byzantines. This action naturally brought him many enemies in
Armenia, and thus he dared not return to his see. So he went to
Sebastia and there established himself near Senek'erim the former
king of Vaspurakan. After 1026 the catholicos tried to r~turn to Ani
but was rebuffed. It is at this point that he decided to go to Vaspura~
kan. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Peter went to
Vaspurakan in 1030, not in 1038-1039 as the Armenian chronicler
maintains.
2. The full name of this monastery is Dzoravank' and it is located in the
district of Tosp (the area around the city of Van), in the province of
Section 68
1. A conspicuous loose cluster of stars in the constellation Taurus,
consisting of six stars visible to the average eye.
Section 70
1. Ashot IV (1021-1039).
2. Gagik II (1042-1045).
3. A guitar with a pear shaped, flat-backed body.
0:
Section 72
.
1. A title used to designate the captain or commander of the ByzantIne
emperor's Varangian bodyguard (Gr. akoluthos).
303
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
N OTES-P ART I
Section 73
1. Matthew is referring here to the promise Basil made to Senek'erim and
his sons to respect their rights and treat them well, at the time when
the emperor was given Vaspurakan. Cf. secs. 49 and 53.
Section 79
.
1. Matthew is making a play on the word Dawit(h) (the ArmeU1~ form
for "David"), da meaning ''he'' and vih meaning "abyss"-he (DaVld), the
abyss.
Section 74
1. Matthew is confused here. Ashot was the son of Abas, who was the
brother of Ashot the Iron, who in turn was the son of 5mbat.
2. Aristakes maintains that this written statement, given to Basil by
John, was kept by that emperor and his successor Constantine VIII.
On his deathbed Constantine had misgivings about keeping this
document and so he summoned an Armenian priest and gave it to him,
asking him to return it to John. However, this priest kept the
document and later sold it to the emperor Michael IV.
3. Azat literally means "nobleman." Here it is used as part of Sargis's
name.
4. He was of the Siwni family, at this time an opponent of the Bagratid
dynasty. Sargis exploited the dangerous situation the Bagratids were
in by supporting the Byzantine claim to the kingdom of Ani.
5. The Armenian reads awan, which is the designation for an unwalled
town.
6. The Siwni dynasty, of which Sargis was a member, claimed descent
from Hayk, the legendary founder of the Armenian people; on the other
hand, the Bagratids claimed descent from a noble Jewish family.
Section 80
1. Michael IV (1034-1041).
.
2. Bulgaria - the area of the Balkans inhabited by the BulgarIans.
Section 76
1. The Pahlavids were one of the more important medieval Armenian
families; at this time they were staunch supporters of the Bagratids in
the struggle of that dynasty against Byzantine encroachments upon
their lands.
2. Literally translated, "Flower" (Gate).
Section 82
"
"
1. The text reads "Samosata," but it should b~ Salmast.
2. Located northeast of Lake Van, in the proVlnce ofVaspurakan.
302
::i
Section 77
1. Gagik II (1042-1045).
2. For the correct lineage, see sec. 74, n. 1.
3. Gregory Magistros, the nephew of Vahram Pahlawuni. Gregory was
regarded as one of the most learned and erudite men of his time.
4. The text confusedly reads Marc'en, which perhaps is another name for
the catholicos Peter.
5. Matthew is referring here to St. Gregory the Enlightener, through
whose efforts Christianity was established in Armenia during the early
part of the fourth century.
6. Cf. I Samuel 16.
Section 78
1. Matthew is referring here to the Seljuk Turks.
Section 81
h
f
1. This emperor was Michael V (1041-1042). He was the n~p ew 0
Michael IV who before his death made his nephew caesar; thIS was an
honorary title of the Byzantine court, which in the case of the emperor's son (or some other close relative) implied that he would succeed to
the royal purple.
2. Cf. Proverbs 26:27 and 28:10.
3. Alexis Studite (1025-1043).
.
s
4. The Greek sources, perhaps reflecting public s.entiment, are unammo~
in criticizing Michael and his family for theIr attempts to secure ~ e
imperial throne by resorting to every means pos~ible. Psell:us says t at
the emperor was hypocritical and had an erratlc personahty, prone to
he was unable to control
.
1 .
extremes ofkmdness and crue ty, moreover,
,
r
his temper. Psellus concludes by saying that the emperor s characte
had nothing redeeming about it.
Section 83
1 Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055).
1
Matthew is incorrect in saying that Maniaces died before t~e ba:t e w~s
engaged, for after the battle, in which the rebel was VlctOrIOUS, e
accidentally was killed by a. stray ~rrow.
t f the revolt (Attaleiates
3. Some of the Greek sources gIve a bnef accoun 0
d
and Glycas), while others go into more detail (~edre~us,. Zonaras, an
Psellus). The latter three state that, after Mamaces accI?e~tal deat~,
his head was cut off and brought to the emperor. Interestmg Y ~not:h~
Bar Hebraeus gives a rather full, although incorre.ct, ahccoun 0
t
.
ch named ChrIStOP er was sen
rt
revolt; he says that a ce am eunu
d fi ted and killed the
against Maniaces with forty ~housand.me~;nd. ~a ery detailed and
rebel. Of particular interest IS the Synan c romc e s; t d Another
bizarre description of how the captur~d rebel~ were rtea e. t f the
non-Greek source, Aristakes, in a detaIled but Inaccura e acco~ es b
revolt states that Monomachus's armies were def~aied thrfiee ti:-deal
Mani~ces; however, during the last battle the re e was oun
,
2:
304
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 84
1. Gagik II (1042-1045), Bagratid king of Ani.
2. All the Armenian lands.
3. The text reads "place." Three variants have "city," which makes more
sense in this context.
4. These two towns are located in Cappadocia, a region in central Asia
Minor whose chief city is Caesarea Mazaca (mod. Kayseri). However,
their exact location is not known. Cedrenus gives the names of the
themes turned over to Gagik by the emperor as Charsianon and
Lycandron (Lycandus).
5. Aristakes gives a slightly different version of Monomachus's treacher.
ous coercion of Gagik. He states that the emperor persuaded Gagik to
come to him, swearing that he would confirm the Armenian king on his
throne. Gagik's confidant and strongest supporter, Vahran Pahlawuni,
tried to dissuade him, but the king, listening to Sargis, went anyway,
In the end Monomachus broke his oath to Gagik.
Section 85
1. This man's name was Nicholas.
2. Four variants have AwghtJik. The exact location of this place is
unknown. It is probably a town in the province of Tayk'. The
Armenian Byzantinist, H. Bart'ikyan, maintains that it is the modern
city of Dlti, located due west of Kars in eastern Turkey.
Section 86
1. Cf. Psalms 114:7.
2. Located in the western part of the province of Upper Armenia.
3. Modern Erzinjan. It was the chief town of the district of Ekegheats',
4. The text reads ''heaven.'' Four variants have "earth," which makes
more sense here.
5. Cf. Joel 2:1-3.
Section 88
1. The Seljuk sultan, Tughrul 1(1038-1063).
2. The original Turkish of these three names cannot be ascertainedj they
have been left in the Armenian forms found in the text.
3. The areas in Mesopotamia inhabited by the Arabs.
4. Probably one of the tributaries of the upper Tigris.
5. The title of a Byzantine commander of a district or region.
6. Cedrenus says that the catepan Stephen was captured and sold as a
slave in Tabriz, a city in northern Iran.
N OTES-P ART I
305
Section 89
1. A commander of a regiment or corps of troops.
Section 90
1. The Greek sources and Aristakes make no mention of these last two
expeditions against Dvin, but only of the first one.
Section 91
1. Originally an honorary title of the Byzantine court. Later this title was
granted to many high officials of the empire.
2. Leo Tornices, a magnate of Armenian origin.
3. The chief city of Thrace, now called Edirne.
4. The text reads "rocks." The Jerusalem text has "riches," which makes
more sense here.
5. Matthew's account of Tornices' revolt is in substantial agreement with
the Greek sources except that the Armenian chronicler makes no
mention of John Vatatzes, who also was involved in the rebellion and
shared the leadership with Tornices.
Section 92
1. The text reads "at the sixth hour of the day." Five variants have "for
the greater part of the day," which makes more sense ~ere.. .
2. A bishop who is appointed by a diocesan bisho~ to. aSSIst h1m 1n the
exercise of his episcopal jurisdiction in a rural dIstrict.
3. The Armenian diminutive for "David."
4. The Greek sources give a rather full account of the sack of the ktowf. of
Artsn by the Seljuks and, in agreement with Matthew, spe~ . 0 Its
tremendous wealth and opulence. Aristakes gives a very VlVld ~nd
graphic account of the destruction of the town by the Turks, emploYlI~g
a style which is intended to elicit from the reader sympathy for h1s
5.
;~~:r:!n~:lu\~' name
Section 93
1. Khach'ik II (1058-1065).
2. A Greek weight. One litra equals one pound.
3. Michael I Cerularius (1043-1.058)f ld" A kentenarion is equivalent
4. One variant has "a kentenarwn 0 go .
to one hundred pounds.
tri rchate He was
5. A high cleric who often s~cceheded tt~ t~~s ~~e:ment a'nd fulfilled
appointed by the emperor Wlth tepa nar
the function of a liaison between the two.
Section 94
An'
d Iberia (Georgia).
1. The Byzantine governor of 1 an
306
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
i,'
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 95
1. A nomadic Turkic people, originally settled in southern Russia, the
Pechenegs posed a great danger to the Byzantine empire in the
eleventh century.
2. A general reference to the Turkie peoples of central Asia.
3. The text reads "Dark-Blond People" (Arm. Kharteshk~. These probably
were the Magyars, an Ural-Altaic people who inhabited a portion of
southern Russia in this period.
4. A Turkic people distantly related to the Pechenegs.
Section 96
1. Probably a fortress in the same area in which Paghin is located.
Part II
Section 1
"
. "hieh makes no sense. Four
1. The text here inserts ahawor- ~on;b~e, e':ted at the beginning of the
variants have "Lo" (,Aha or), wh1ch 1S ms
following sentence.
Elamites (Eghimnats'ik'),
2. The Seljuk Turks here are compared to the
ery sinful and unruly
who in the Old Testament were known as a ~g medieval historians.
people. This comparison was very ?om~on ~fo~Ulnents," which makes
3. The text reads "troops." One vanant as
more sense in this context.
. Turks
4. The Byzantines, Armenians, and SelJuk
.
Section 2
S . Orthodox (Jacobite) church as
1. Matthew is referring here to the ynan h
opposed to the Byzantine Orthodox chure .. h
2. The Byzantine Orthodox ~atriarck ~~~td~~e~ences between the two
3. There were various doctrinal an
churches. Cf. sec. 30, n. 3.
h
Christianity became a legalized
4. Constantine 1 (324-337), under w om
religion in the Roman empire.
5. Cf. Genesis 1 9 . .
arda et corroborates Matth~w's
6. The Armenian histonan Vard~n : alth~ugh differing in a few IlllUOr
account of the earthquake of AntIoc, t Vardan states that, because
details and giving a m.uch shorter accoun d' d including the Greek
l
of the earthquake, ten thousand peop e t~e ";ere made to burn the
patriarch. He also says that four atte~~g and co:rnpares the whole
Syriac Gospels the fifth attempt succee
,
incident to christ's crucifixion by the Jews.
Section 3
308
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART II
Section 4
1. Matthew, interestingly enough, says very little here by way of
criticizing Monomachus for his role in the takeover of the Armenian
states by the empire-a role Matthew had earlier condemned (Pt. I,
sees. 84 and 92). Yet the Armenian historian is far from systematically
and unequivocally condemning Monomachus, something which his
countryman Aristakes spares no pains in doing. Aristakes very
graphically describes what he considers to be the emperor's true
character. He calls Monomachus a glutton and a drunkard. Further
more, he says that the emperor squandered all the money, which Basil
II had previously accumulated for the defense of the empire, on whores
adding that when the whores of Constantinople no longer satisfied him;
he began to import them from other areas. The Armenian historian
concludes his diatribe against Monomachus by maintaining that this
emperor, through his neglectful attitude, left the empire open to enemy
attack and thus was ultimately the chief cause of its demise. In sharp
contrast to Aristak~s' condemnation of Mono machus, the Greek sources
have nothing but admiration for this emperor. Psellus praises him as
a great general whose tried experience hindered the advance of the
Turks and paved the way for ridding the empire of these infidels,
Psellus goes on to eulogize the emperor's handsome appearance and
concludes by saying that he had a very distinguished and gloriouB
reign, The other Greek sources also praise Monomachus, although in
not as effulgent a manner as Psellus, Cedrenus, interestingly enough,
praises the emperor for his support of monasteries.
2. Both Zoe and Theodora were daughters of the emperor Constantine
VIII (1025-1028).
3. Michael VI (1056-1057), who was thepatriciu8 Michael StratioticuB,an
elderly and undistinguished soldier.
309
Section 5
1. Later the emperor Isaac I Comnenus (1057-1059).
2. Actually the body of water between the Mediterranean and Black Seas
i.e, the Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles.
'
3. A town across the Bosphorus from Constantinople (mod. Oskadar),
4. All the Greek sources give accounts ofComnenus's revolt and takeover
of the empire, some in more detail than others. Even the Armenian
historian Aristakes relates the event, placing special emphasis on the
tremendous amount of slaughter on both sides and saying that such
extensive killing had never been seen before.
5. A town in the region of the ancient city of Troy.
6. Literally, "The error returns from Gergetha."
7. Actually the Pechenegs were defeated by Comnenus. The Greek
sources say nothing of the incident described here by Matthew,
Section 6
1. The text reads "505 [1056-1057]." The Jerusalem textha.s "507," which
is the correct date.
2. Constantine X Ducas (1059-1067),
3. The commander of a theme. From the seventh century on the
Byzantine empire was organized into themes, or milita.? regi?ns. "
4. The text reads "the unfaithful." Four variants have the dIsloyal,
which makes more sense in this context,
Section 7
1. Actually it was thirty-nine years (1019-1058).
Section 8
1. The exact location of this town is unknown..
'an
2. Liparit IV, High Constable of Ge?rgia d~ring the reIr of~~~~~~:ed
king Bagrat IV (1027-1072). ThIS man 1S the same ;par
92 and
on a number of previous occasions by ~atth~w (See ~e 't::' Liparit
f
94). One of the most powerful G.eorg1an,~:uce:;tid_Orbeli family, a
was a member of the famous and mfluent! , p.
t
branch of the distinguished Armenian Mal~llkomd dn~aosfYth' e Turkish
' h' t . ns O1ve accou lAO
3. Both the Armenian and Synan .IS ona
r ghtlyt>-.III some det a1'16, The two
sack of Melitene, although varymg ~ I
d Bar Hebraeu6. pres-ent a
Syrian chroniclers, Michael the Syr~ili ax: habitants and the lAck of
very vivid picture of the massacre 0
em hIe to capture Melitene
the city. They state that th,e Turks ~e:o~shed when the emperor
easily because its walls, ~avmg been etl had never been restored.
Tzimisces captured the CIty, subseque~h Y inhabitants' wealth was
Both writers go on ,to reve~l .w~er~vide description of the horrible
concealed and then g1ve a striking y ersons was lubjected. On ~he
tortures to which one of thes~ we~lthx: tak~s deals very briefly WIth
other hand, the Armenian h1stonan 18
310
NOTES-PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
the Turkish attack on Melitene. He states that the city was defended
by a garrison of Byzantine cavalry, which during the siege made a
sortie against the Turks and was defeated. The Byzantines then fled,
followed by a number of the inhabitants. Those remaining behind were
slaughtered, and the Turks stayed for twelve days, pillaging the city
and laying waste the surrounding countryside. Aristakes concludes ,
interestingly enough, by saying that the inhabitants of Melitene
deserved the fate that they received.
Section 9
1. T'ornik was a member of the Mamikonid family.
2. Bar Hebraeus seems to give the only other account of this Armenian
victory over the Turks, albeit a short one. He says that the victory was
greatly aided by the severe winter in progress at the time.
Section 10
1. Two variants add "in like manner this omen was meant for Armenia,"
2. A measure of Hebrew origin. One k'or is equal to about thirty or forty
bushels,
Section 11
1. A measure of Roman origin (Lat. modius). Four mod are equal to one
peck.
Section 12
1. A town south of Caesarea Mazaca, the modem Develi.
2. Literally, "good living [day]." In the Armenian church barekendan is
the day before a period of fasting.
3. The Feast of the Transfiguration, one of the more important feasts in
the Eastern Orthodox calendar.
Section 14
1. The city where the Fourth Ecumenical Council was held in 451 A.D,
The Armenian church rejected the decisions of this Council as heretical.
Cf. sec. 30 and nn.
2. Aristakes gives the place as Tar~ntay. The location of this place is
uncertain. Perhaps it is the town of Taranta, located on a tributary of
the Euphrates, west of Melitene.
3. Both Aristakes and the Armenian chronicler 5mbat Sparapet relate the
emperor's attempt to do away with the Armenian catholicate the
former giving a rather animated and detailed account of the cath~1icos
Khach'ik's successful resistance to Ducas's demands. Aristakes further
a~ds that the Greeks demanded that the Armenian church pay them
tnbute regularly, something which the catholicos absolutely refused to
do.
311
Section 15
1. The eighth month of the pagan Armenian calendar. This,calendar, ~ike
the Julian was divided into twelve months; however, unhke the Juhan,
it was not 'a fixed calendar-that is the months would fall on different
times of the year depending on th~ year in question. In this year the
month of Areg fell in March. In the medieval period this pagan
Armenian calendar was used side by side with the one adopted from
Rome at the time of the christianization of Armenia. Around the year
1116 an Armenian cleric John the Deacon, revised the calendar on a
fixed basis. Matthew d~es not adhere to this revised version of the
calendar.
" (P
2, Actually a man's title meaning "the general of Khurasan
ers.
salar-"general").
3. The original Turkish of the names cannot be ascertained and so has
been left in the Armenian form found in the text.
.
.
4. ~a'id-ad-Daulah of the Marwanids, a Kurdish dynasty whIch ruled In
Amida at this time. Cf. Pt. I, sec. 58, n. 1.
Section 16
1. Cf. Psalms 44:9-11.
Section 17
.
1. This is the Greek surname of the Norman mercenary HervevlOs. (Fr.
Herve) who at this time was in the service of the B~zantmes.
Previo~sly he had distinguished himself in the Sicilian campaIgn under
the great Byzantine general Maniaces.
2. The original Arabic of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been
left. in the Armenian form found in the text.
3. The Arm.enian lexicographer S. Malkhasean:s' s~ys t?is ihS aTtYPke.ohf
horse. On the other hand, Dulaurier identIfies It WIth t e ur IS
word kama-Itdagger."
.
4. Bar Hebraeus gives a very brief account of the Byzha:r:tmethatt~ck on
Amida, merely mentioning that after a good deal of fig ting, e yzantines gave up the siege of the town and departed.
.
Section 20
1. Seljuk sultan (1063-1072).
.
2. A region of southwest Persia, near the PersI:m Gulf.
3. A region of eastern Persia, bordering on IndIa.
4. Cf. Luke 21:23.
Alb . (1046/8 108119)
5. Gurgen lI-Kvirike, Bagratid king of LOti and
anla
-.'
6. The Georgian Chronicle gives a very detailed accou:r:t of the relatlO~s
between Alp Arslan and Kvirike, as well as some detaIls ?n the sultan s
marriage to the Christian princess. However~ the Chromcle states that
the princess was KVirike's niece and not hIS daughter, as Matthew
maintains.
312
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
i Section 27
7. Located in the province of Gugark', near the source of the Kura River.
Section 22
1. The Jerusalem text has "Armenian."
2. 5mbat II, Bagratid king of Ani (977-989).
3. A number of sources-Armenian, Syriac, and Greek-give accounts of
the fall of Ani to the Seljuks. Aristakes' account basically agrees with
that of Matthew, although the former does not seem to be as condem
natory of the Byzantines as the latter. AristaMs says that at first the
Turks were unaware of the confusion and disunity within Ani but
when they realized what was going on, redoubled their attack; and
finally captured the city, massacring all its inhabitants. The Armenian
histo~ian concludes by lamenting the capture of Ani and saying that
SUC? IS ~he fate of cities which are built with the blood of aliens and
whIch dIsregard the poor. The Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus in his
account of the fall of Ani gives a description of the strength of the city
and says that it contained seven hundred thousand houses and one
thousand churches. He goes on to relate that when the Turks
despaired of capturing the city, through divine int~rvention one of its
towers collapsed, after which they were able to enter and occupy Ani.
The Byzantine historian John Scylitzes gives a different reason for the
capture of Ani; he states that the Turks did not capture Ani until its
commander, an Armenian named Pagratios (Arm. Bagrat) attacked
them, after which their sultan was angered and so took the' city.
Section 23
1. Gagik-Ab~s II, Bagratid king of Kars (1029-1064).
2. Matthew IS confused here. Gagik was the son of Abas I, king of Kars
(984-1029), who was a first cousin of 5mbat II, king of Ani (977989).
3. T~e G~eek name of this town is Zamanti (Tzamandos). The Armenian
hlstoTl~ Vardan Vardapet says that three other towns were also given
~o GagIk by the Byzantines: Larissa, Amasia, and Comana. Amasia
IS l.ocated northwest of Sebastia, Larissa in the vicinity of Sebastia,
whIle Comana and Zamanti are southeast of Caesarea Mazaca.
4. Cf. Psalms 44:12 ff.
Section 25
1. The text reads "good." Six variants have "painful" which makes more
sense here.
'
Section 26
1. Gregory II (1066-1105).
2. Gregory was known for his translations from Greek and Syriac. Thus
he was surnamed Vkayaser-"a friend of martyrs"-for he translated
or h~d translated, a goodly portion of the Greek and Syrian martyr~
ologIes.
313
NOTES-PART II
f N' -b-
1\31 In
ar~Rum
on
Section 28
h
t f
1. A town on one of the tributaries of the Euphrates, north-nort eas 0
Edessa.
2. Located north-northeast of Edessa.
3. A village between Edessa and Harran.
Section 29
1. A village in the vicinity of Edessa.
; Section 30
1. The text reads "year." Six variants have "period," which makes more
sense here.
2. The patriarch of Constantinople, John VIII Xiphilin (1064-1075~.
3. Christianity first entered Armenia in the first century A.D.! but lt was
not until the early fourth century that it began to take root In the land.
In this period the Armenian church began to maintain close contact
with the other churches of the Roman empire, adhering to the church
councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (381), and Ep~esus (431).
However, in the middle of the filth century the ArmenIan church,
together with the Syrian and Egyptian churches, developed some
disagreements with the Roman (Western) and Byzantine church:es.
The special focal point ofthese disagreements was the nature ofChnst.
The council of Chalcedon (451) had maintained that Christ had two
natures, divine and human. The Roman and Byzantine churches
adhered to this formula. However, the Oriental churches (Armenian,
Syrian, and Egyptian) rejected the formula, maintaining that Christ
had one nature both divine and human, united and yet unconfused.
Thus they refu~ed to accept the decisions of Chalcedon. From this
period on attempts were made by the Byzantines to gain the adherence
of these Oriental Christians to Chalcedon and to the Byzantine church.
It turned out that, in their opposition to Chalcedon, the Oriental
churches were just as strongly motivated by cultural reasons as they
were by religious reasons. They tenaciously held to their ethnic
312
313
NOTES-PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
7. Located in the province of Gugark', near the source of the Kura River.
Section 22
1. The Jerusalem text has "Armenian."
2. 5mbat II, Bagratid king of Ani (977-989).
3. A number of ~ourees-A;menian~ Syria~, and Greek-give accounts of
the fall of AnI to the SelJuks. Aristakes account basically agrees with
that of Matthew, although the former does not seem to be as condemnatory of the Byzantines as the latter. Aristakes says that at first the
Turks were unaware of the confusion and disunity within Ani but
when they realized what was going on, redoubled their attack; and
fi~all~ captured the city, massacring all its inhabitants. The Armenian
hlsto~Ian concludes
lame~ting the capture of Ani and saying that
SUC? IS ~he fate of cIties whIch are built with the blood of aliens and
whIch dIsregard the poor. The Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus in his
account of the fall of Ani gives a description of the strength of the city
and says that it contained seven hundred thousand houses and one
thousand churches. He goes on to relate that when the Turks
despaired of capturing the city, through divine int~rvention one of its
towers coll~psed! aft~r which they.were able to enter and occupy Ani.
The Byzantme hIstorIan John Scyhtzes gives a different reason for the
capture of Ani; he states that the Turks did not capture Ani until its
commander, an Armenian named Pagratios (Arm. Bagrat) attacked
them, after which their sultan was angered and so took the' city.
?!
Section 23
1. Gagik-Ab~s II, Bagratid king of Kars (1029-1064).
2. Matthew IS confused here. Gagik was the son of Abas I king of Kars
(984-1029), who was a first cousin of 5mbat II, king of
(977-989).
3. T~e G;reek name of this town is Zamanti (Tzamandos). The Armenian
hlstorl~ Vardan Vardapet says that three other towns were also given
~o GagIk by the Byzantines: Larissa, Amasia, and Comana. Amasia
IS l.ocated northwest of Sebastia, Larissa in the vicinity of Sebastia,
whIle Comana and Zamanti are southeast of Caesarea Mazaca.
4. Cf. Psalms 44:12 ff.
Ani
Section 25
1. The text reads "good." Six variants have "painful," which makes more
sense here.
Section 26
1. Gregory II (1066-1105).
2. Gregory was known for his translations from Greek and Syriac. Thus
he was surnamed Vkayaser-"a friend of martyrs"-for he translated
or h~d translated, a goodly portion of the Greek and Syrian martyr~
ologles.
. Section 27
1. Not the town southeast of Aroida, but the town of Nifjibin ar-Rum on
the Euphrates, west of Sewawerak.
2. Located in the vicinity of Edessa.
3. A Byzantine honorary title, originally equivalent to vestitor, the title ~f
the official in charge of the imperial wardrobe. The name of the vestLs
referred to here is not known for certain.
4. His full name was Nicetas Pegonites.
5, A title of Latin origin, used in the Byzantine army in referring to a
lieutenant or one second in command.
6. Probably in the vicinity of Edessa.
.
7, Probably one of the Catalan mercenaries in the service of the empIre.
Section 28
1. A town on one of the tributaries of the Euphrates, north-northeast of
Edessa.
2. Located north-northeast of Edessa.
3, A village between Edessa and Harran.
Section 29
1. A village in the vicinity of Edessa.
Section 30
1. The text reads "year." Six variants have "period," which makes more
sense here.
2. The patriarch of Constantinople, John VIII Xiphilin (1064-1075~.
3. Christianity first entered Armenia in the first century A.D,! but It wa;
not until the early fourth century that it began to take root In the Ian .
In this period the Armenian church began to maintain close contact
with the other churches of the Roman empire, adhering to the ch;:~f
councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (381), and Ep~esus ~ h'
However in the middle of the fifth century the Armeman c ure ,
together' with the Syrian and Egyptian churches, de~eloped some
disagreements with the Roman (Western) and Byzantme chfuCrhe~e:.
Th'
.
fth
d'
ents was the nature 0
nS ,
e speCIal focal pomt 0
ese Isagreen: . d h t Christ had two
The council of Chalcedon (451) had mamtame d ~ a t' e churches
natures, divine and human. The Roman an
yz~ m(Armenian
adhered to this formula. However, the Oriental.c~c, e; that Christ
Syrian, and Egyptian) rejected the formula, .maman:~t unconfused.
had one nature, both divine and human, ulllted 1 Ion From this
h
Thus they refused to accept the decisions ?f C t:
the adherence
period on attempts were made by the Byzantmes th B zantine church.
of these Oriental Christians to Chalc~~on ~ndci~alc:d:n, the Oriental
It turned out that, in their oppo~ltlOn 0
ltural reasons as they
churches were just as strongly motIVated ,by ~u held to their ethnic
were by religious reasons. They tenaclOUS y
;:m
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
314
4.
5.
6.
7.
Section 31
1. Cf. Matthew 5:37.
2. At this point the text has become so corrupt that it is impossible to
draw any meaning from it. Here follows that section of the original
text which is untranslatable: areal i vets' t'ewits'n ew t'ewots'n
bats'anen zoch' skzbmamb ew zoch' kataradz ts'uts'anen ch'oriwk'n
dzadzkut'eann ew hays emk' hastateal ew bawakanats'eal. Bart'ikyan,
in his translation into Modern Armenian, has freely translated this
fragment as "... surrounded by six-winged [seraphim], who without
beginning or end fly round about [God with two] wings, while covering
their faces [and feet] with four [wings]. Behold, this is what we believe
and accept."
Section 32
1. Cf. Psalms 33:6.
Section 33
1. Cf. John 1:19.
2. St. John Chrysostom, one of the important theologians of the Eastern
church (c. 347-407).
3. Cf. Genesis 18:1-9, where three angels appear to Abraham under the
guise of three men.
N OTES-P ART II
315
4. The text reads "third." The Jerusalem text has "second," which is
correct.
Section 34
1. Five variants and the Jerusalem text add the following: "The evil
Sabellius said that the three persons are one and are differentiated
only in name; because of this we anathematize him with the rest, and
indeed let him be anathema."
Section 35
1. Perhaps the patriarch of Constantinople, Sergius I (610-638), the great
exponent of Monothelitism.
2. The text reads "who has the name of his father." Five variants have
"who has an Armenian name," which makes more sense in this context.
3. Patriarch of Antioch (470-485/489).
4. Patriarch of Alexandria (441-451).
Section 36
1. The text reads ".... concerning the union of God with man, separate
from one another, which is not found in Holy Scripture." The translation given here is based on five variants and the Jerusalem text, which
make more sense here.
2. A Greek Church Father (c. 213-c. 270).
3. Referring to the Church Fathers, (Gr. Thaumaturgos-Wonder
Worker).
4. One of the Cappadocian Fathers (c. 330-c. 395).
5. St. Basil the Great, one of the Cappadocian Fathers (c.330379).
6. One of the great N eoplatonist philosophers of the third century.
Section 37
1. The text reads "that which is ahistorical." One variant has "that which
is not worthy of honor," which makes more sense here.
2. The text reads "from the earth." Two variants and the Jerusalem text
have "from heaven," which makes more sense here.
Section 38
1. Cf. Luke 9:26.
2. Gregory Nazianzus (329-389), one of the Cappadocian Fathers.
Section 39
1. The text leaves this word out; six variants include it.
Section 40
1. Cf. Luke 3:23.
2. Cf. Leviticus 23:34-36.
.
1
th
3. A month of the Jewish calendar, corresponding apprOXImate y to e
316
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 41
Catechumens" .
2. Cf. Jonah 3:5.
3. Cyril I (350/1-386).
4. The concubine of Abraham from whom he had a son called Ishmael,
considered to be the ancestor of the Arabs. Cf. Genesis 16.
6. Located in the southwestern portion of the province of Ayrarat.
6. Probably the emperor Theodosius II (408-450).
Section 43
1. The title used in the Eastern Orthodox church for the bishop of an
important see.
Section 45
Section 46
1. Located in Cappadocia.
Section 48
1. Probably an emir in the service of the sultan Alp Arslan.
.
2. The Amanus Mountains, located due north of Antioch. Many Synan,
Greek,and Armenian monasteries were located on the slopes of these
mountains.
3. Cf. Psalms 78:63 ff.
Section 49
NOTES-PART II
317
Section 51
1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for the following events
occurred in late 1067 and early 1068.
2. Romanus was a member of the military aristocracy of Cappado cia.
3. Psellus, Scylitzes, Zonaras, and Glycas all give accounts of the
empress's plan to make Romanus emperor. Psellus gives a very
detailed description of Eudocia's plans and also of her consultations
with him; he respects her judgement, although he has very little liking
for Romanus. Scylitzes emphasizes the point that Romanus became
emperor only after Eudocia realized the dangerous position the empire
was in due to the ravages of the Turks; it was because of this that she
became aware of the need for a strong military man as emperor.
Section 52
1. The prophet Elijah. Cf. I Kings 17-19.
2. Cf. Matthew 3.
3. One of the early founders of eremitical monasticism, who lived in Egypt
(c. 251-356 AD.).
4. Actually George became Gregory's coadjutor (1067). He was removed
from this position in 1072.
5, The Amanus Mountains.
6. Two Armenian historians, Vardan Vardapet and Kirakos ofGandzak,
relate the events connected with Gregory's temporary retirement from
the patriarchal see, although differing with Matthew and with one
another on a few details. Vardan says that the catholicos went to
Constantinople to do translation work. After this, while on route to
Jerusalem, he was diverted from his goal and instead went to Egypt,
where he was greatly honored by its ruler and established an Armenian
monastery there. Kirakos gives a rather full account of Gregory's
peregrinations, stating that he traveled as far as Rome in order to
venerate the bones of Peter and Paul. He says that, while the catholicos was returning to Constantinople, the ship he was on was blown
off course and finally landed in Egypt. Here Gregory performed a
miracle, and the ruler of Egypt was so impressed by this that he
installed the catholicos on the See of St. Mark in Alexandria, making
him patriarch of all the Christians in Egypt.
Section 53
1. Romanus IV Diogenes (1068.1071).
2. Probably Normans. Cf. sec. 3, n. 5.
3. Both the Syriac and Greek sources deal with the capture of Manjib by
the emperor, giving slightly varying accounts of the event. The Syriac
sources markedly differ from Matthew in that they maintain that the
Muslim town was taken after a violent assault and the inhabitants
were slaughtered. On the other hand, the Greek sources more closely
concur with Matthew's account. Scylitzes says that soon after Manjib
318
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART II
319
agreed to their terms, and was then asked to first burn his war
machines as guarantee that he would not go back on his word. Alp
Arslan agreed to this also but, when he burned his war machines, the
townspeople refused to give him the stipulated money, and so he was
forced to depart. The Syrian chronicler makes a point of saying that
after this incident the inhabitants ofEdessa had nothing but contempt
for the sultan.
Section 57
Section 54
1. The original Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and so has
been left in the Armenian form found in the text. The Byzantine
historian Nicephorus Bryennius calls Ktrich' Chrysoskoulos. The
French historian C. Cahen maintains that Ktrich' is calledArisiaghi or
Arisighi in the Arabic sources.
2. The Jerusalem text breaks off at this point, as does Dulaurier's
translation.
3. This curopalates was Manuel Comnenus, the nephew of the former
emperor, Isaac Comnenus (1057-1059).
4. Bryennius basically corroborates Matthew's account of Ktrich's dealings
with the Byzantines, although he does fill in some gaps in the
Armenian historian's narration by stating that, when Manuel was
defeated and taken prisoner by Ktrich', the curopaZates promised to get
aid from the emperor for the Turk's rebellion against Alp Arslan.
Section 55
1. The following six lines, beginning with "for an omen ... " and ending
with "... the wicked Turkish forces," comprise the only portion of this
section appearing in the Jerusalem text and Dulaurier's translation.
2. Cf. Luke 21:25.
3. Cf. Romans 3:23.
4. Cf. Romans 3:10.
5. The Muslims, more properly the Arabs, were regarded as descendants
of the Ishmaelites. Cf. sec. 41, n. 4.
Section 56
1. The Jerusalem text resumes here, as does Dularier's translation.
2. The tenth month of the pagan Armenian calendar, beginning on the
eighth day of May.
3. Matthew appears to be referring to the Bulgar king who ruled from
1015 to 1018. Cf. Pt. I, sec. 36, n. 1.
4. The Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus gives a rather interesting account
of Alp Arslan's siege of Edessa. He says that the Turks besieged the
city for many days and, being unable to take it, cut down its surrounding groves of trees and laid waste its gardens. Finally the townspeople
offered the sultan a sum offrlty thousand dinars if he would leave. He
320
i'
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 58
1. Located in what is now Soviet Central Asia, flowing into the Aral Sea.
The river's modern name is Amu Darya.
2. A city in Soviet Central Asia, southeast of the Aral Sea.
3. Seljuk sultan (1072-1092).
NOTES-PART II
321
Section 59
1. A cowl-like piece of cloth fitting over the head. It is the sign of a
celibate clergyman-bishop or priest.
2. A village near Kesoun.
Section 60
1. A former general of the emperor Romanus Diogenes. In this period
Philaretus had succeeded in gaining control of Cilicia, as well as the
territories surrounding the cities of Antioch, Edessa, and Melitene.
Ostensibly he ruled these areas in the name of the emperor, but in
effect was quite independent of the empire.
2. Located southeast of Melitene.
3. One variant has: "I do not wish to see the face of him who summons
me to submit to him."
4. A district in the eastern part of the province of Fourth Armenia.
5. Located north-northwest of Amida, on the Euphrates.
6, The original French of this name cannot be ascertained and so has
been left in the Armenian form found in the text. Perhaps the original
French is Raimbaud or Rimbaud. Dulaurier uses Raimbaud in his
translation. Bart'ikyan suggests that the name might refer to Roussel
de Bailleul, the Norman mercenary in the pay of the Byzantines.
Section 61
1. The original Arabic of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been
left. in the Armenian form found in the text. Perhaps the original
Arabic is JAmr Bakr.
2. The monastery of St. John the Baptist in Taron.
Section 62
1. The catholicos Peter I (1019-1058).
2. Actually Gregory did not give up the catholicate. Sargis occupied the
see as co-catholicos in Honi for two years (1076-1077), after which he
died.
3. Probably located around the upper reaches of the Pyramus River CAr.
Jailuln), near Marash.
4. Barsegh I (1105-1113).
Section 63
1. The Fatimid caliph al-Mustan~ir (1036-1094).
2. Gregory III (1113-1166). Actually Gregory II willed that his nephew
Gregory succeed Barsegh as catholicos.
Section 64
1. Actually it was seven years (1071-1078).
2. Six variants have "went into a monastery to become a monk." The text
322
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 65
1. In fact, Botaneiates began his reign in 1078.
2. Nicephorus III Botaneiates (1078-1081).
3. Actually she was the sister of the Georgian king. She was known as
Mary of Alania. Alania (Ossetia) is a region in the north Caucasus and
should not be confused with Albania (northwestern Azerbaijan).
4. George II (1072-1089).
Section 66
1. The text reads "blacksmiths." Two variants have "spearmen."
2. The text reads "all the perfidious Romans together with the blacksmiths." One variant has "all the perfidious and apostate Romans/
which makes more sense here.
Section 67
1. A Greek title meaning" overseer". The name of the epeiktes referred to
here is not known.
2. Located south of Aleppo.
Section 68
1. In fact Botaneiates occupied the imperial throne for three years,
Section 69
1. Melissenus was not in fact installed as emperor. Actually he was
merely a usurper. In reality Alexius succeeded Botaneiates on the
imperial throne in 1081.
Section 70
1. In this period there were a number of co-catholicoi and anti-patriarchs,
two of which were Sargis and Theodore.
NOTES-PART II
323
Section 72
1. Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118).
Section 73
1. The Oriental Christians, in particular the Armenians and Syrians.
2. Cf. Exodus 14:21-31.
3. Cf. Exodus 16:13.
4. Cf. Matthew 3:10,7:19 and Luke 3:9.
Section 74
1. Matthew's genealogy of Gagik is not wholly correct. See Pt, I, sec. 74,
n.1.
2. The Byzantine governor of Tarsus.
3. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have Arzhias.
4. Three variants and the Jerusalem text have Kizistra. Kizistra is
located southwest of Caesarea Mazaca.
5. This is the Armenian form of the Greek Pantaleon.
6. St. Nerses 1(353-373).
7. Both Vardan and Kirakos give accounts of Gagik's death, although
differing in details from one another and fr?~ Ma~thew. Va:dan says
that Ablgharib put the youngest son of Gaglk m pnson. Gagik went to
free him, but on route was choked by some Greeks. After this incid~nt
Ablgharib poisoned Gagik's son. According to Kirakos, the Armen:an
. king had gone on a hunt and was resting with only a boy attendmg
him. He fell asleep, and soon some Greeks found him and took him to
their fortress. When Gagik awoke, surprised, he aske~ where he was.
The Greeks in turn asked him where the metropohtan Mark was.
After this they took the Armenian king and threw him down from the
ramparts of the fortress.
Section 75
1. Gurgen II-Kvirike (1046/8-108119).
2. Located due east of the city of Lori.
.,
fi 11
3. Actually Barsegh was made coadjutor at thIS tIme ~d became u
the
catholic os only in 1105, when Gregory II (1066.11.0?) dIed. b
4. One of the twelve apostles; according to tad:of he eg~
christianization of Armenian and Albania in t e s ce~t uryh d' t
5. Two variants add: "where, since past times, a cathohcos a no
occupied the see of St. Gregory."
Section 76
1. The exact location of this place is unknown..
h been
2. The original Arabic ofthis name c~nnot be ascertamed and so as
left in the Armenian form found m the text.
d
dynasty , an Arab dynasty centere at
. ermr
. was 0 f the 'Uqal'l'd
3. ThIS
1
Mosul (990-1096).
324
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 77
1. Literally, "the belted-one."
2. One variant has Arjk' t'uynk' (literally, "poisonous bears").
3. Bar Hebraeus very briefly mentions the taking ofEdessa by Philaretus
but states that the city was captured from the Turks.
'
Section 78
1. Seljuk sultan of Rum (1077-1086), considered the founder of the state.
2. A word of uncertain origin. Dulaurier believes it refers to the Antiochenes.
3. Bar Hebraeus, the Arabic historian Ibn-al-Athir, and the Byzantine
lad~ of letters Anna ~om~en~ give accounts of Sulaiman's capture of
AntIOch! althou~h dIff~nng. III their details. Bar Hebraeus puts
emphaSIS on PhIlaretus s unJust treatment of the Antiochenes as an
imp?rtant fact?r i~ Sulaiman's takeover of the city, while Ibn-alAthir
attnbutes AntlOch s fall to the departure of its Greek commander to
Asia Minor, which in turn prompted the inhabitants to call in Sulai
man. On the other hand, Anna says that Philaretus decided to go over
to the Turks and become a Muslim in order to maintain his hold on
Antioch; his son, after a futile attempt to dissuade his father from such
a course, went to Sulaiman and invited him to take the city.
.I
oj,.
Section 79
1. In the Eastern church, the Sunday immediately preceding the
beginning of Great Lent (Monday). Cf. sec. 12, n. 2.
2. A type of small fish (from Gr. tarixos-meat or fish preserved by
salting, pickling, or smoking).
3. Literally "of the blackfoot."
Section 80
1. A monastery due east of the city of Lori.
Section 81
1. According to Dulaurier, this town is located northeast of Aleppo.
2. Bar Hebraeus very briefly mentions Sharaf-ad-Daulah's defeat and
death at the hands of Sulaiman, while Ibn-al-Athir gives a rather
detailed account of the whole episode. The Arab historian says that
Sharaf asked Sulaiman to give him tribute for the city of Antioch, as
the Greeks before him had done. Sulaiman refused on the basis that
his sovereign was the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah and that he was not
an infidel. Then, when this emir of Antioch invaded and pillaged
Sharafs territories, the latter marched against him. In the ensuing
b~ttle Sharaf was deserted by his troops and killed while trying to save
hImself. Ibn-al-Athir ends by praising Sharaf as a just and benevolent
ruler.
N OTES-P ART II
325
Section 82
1. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have poltachi. The original
Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the
Armenian form found in the text.
Section 83
1. The text reads "according to the will of God or individual merit." Four
variants and the Jerusalem text have "according to the will of God or
individual merit or even free elections."
2. Sahak I, Armenian catholicos (378-439).
3. Mod. Derbent, a city in the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republic, located in the eastern Caucasus region, on the Caspian Sea.
4. A people of Iranian origin, today inhabiting the central Caucasus
region on either side of the Caucasus Mountains.
Section 84
1. Brother of the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah.
2. Bar Hebraeus, Ibn-al-Athir, and Anna Comnena give accounts of the
defeat and death of Sulaiman at the hands of Tutush. Bar Hebraeus
refers to Tutush as 'Artak BfLg (Artuk Beg). Ibn-al-Athir s~ys that
when Sulaiman was besieging Aleppo, the townspeople told hlm they
would give him the city when he settled h~s accoun~ with Tutush .
However in the end Tutush defeated and killed Sulalmiin and then
took Ale~po for himself. Anna Comnena gives a different version of
this episode. She says that, when Tutush saw Sulaiman's ~rroga~ce
and that emir's takeover of Antioch, he marched agamst hlm.
Sulaiman's troops were defeated and the emir fled. When.Tutush's
troops caught up with him, they asked that he return Wlth them.
Sulaiman refused and then killed himself.
."
. e
3. The Fatimid caliph al-Mustan~ir (1036-1094).
4. The term literally means "Commander of the Anmes, the tt1ttlh ~o~.th:
chief minister of the Fatimid caliphs. The chief minister a IS 1m
was Badr al-Jamali (1074-1094).
Section 85
b
rtained
1. Which Theodore ~atthew is ref?rrin~~ t:~::X:~lca~l;s~:rroborate
2. Bar Hebraeus, MIchael the S~an, d' tl
. directly bemoaning
Matthew's account, all three eIther ll'eC Y or m
oes so far as
Philaretus's action in becoming a Muslim. Bar Heb~a:r~~ristian
to say that Philaretus was never more than a nOIDln
.
Section 86
h
th Orontes River flows into the
1. The port of Antioch, located w . ere e
Mediterranean (AI. as-Suwaid~yah).
2. Caspian Sea.
326
u
:1 .
.A
,,' I .
.,
NOTES-PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
327
Section 88
1. Vardan, like Matthew, maintains that Buzan captured Edessa, while
Ibn-al-Athir says that Malik-Shah took the city and then gave it as a
fief to Buzan. Bar Hebraeus also maintains that it was MalikShah
rather than Buzan who took Edessa, although the sultan later gave the
city to his lieutenant.
2. The first month of the pagan Armenian calendar.
3. Pers. salar-"general."
4. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have Khsulukh. The original
Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the
Armenian form found in the text.
Section 92
1. Co-emperor of the Roman empire (364-378).
.
2. A former bishop of Maiyafariqin (anc. Martyropolzs).
3. Yazdgard II, Sassanid ruler (438-457).
4. One variant has Hokan.
.
i:fi d
Bart'ikyan
5 Nanan and the Chaldean king cannot be Ident Ie . .
h'
translates "Chaldean" as "Jewish." Perha~s there(f~r~~a~ i~~~na s
mission to the people of Nineveh and theIr ruler c.
Section 89
1. The text reads "the sultan," but most probably Buzan is the person
referred to here. See below.
Section 95
rt d to have been
1 That is the inhabitants ofEdessa. Abgar was purpo e
. the rul~r of Edessa at the time of Christ.
Section 90
1. Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118).
2. Matthew uses the term Hromayets'ik' (literally, "Romans") here to refer
to the Latins of the West, also referred to as "the Westerners."
3. Both Vardan and Anna Comnena give accounts of the Pecheneg
invasion of the empire. Vardan, in his account, gives the exact same
details as Matthew, although in a more condensed form. Also this
Armenian historian, like his Edessene counterpart, talks of only one
Pecheneg attack. On the other hand, Anna gives a very detailed
account of the Pecheneg campaigns against the empire between the
years 1087 and 1091, although making no mention of the specific
attack against Constantinople of six hundred thousand Pecheneg troops
together with their chariots, which both Matthew and Vardan recount,
Section 96
tak N' caea from another
1. Anna Comnena speaks of Buzan's attem~t to f h~s decision to capture
Seljuk commander, but makes no mentIon 0
Constantinople.
Section 91
1. Vardan fully corroborates Matthew's account of the beliefs and actions
of this heretical Byzantine monk. Anna Comnena also speaks of a
heretic that was in Constantinople at this time, although differing in
details from both Matthew and Vardan. In fact the differences in
detail are so great that we cannot be sure that the Byzantine writer is
speaking of the same heretic which the two Armenian historians
mention. Anna relates that a certain Nilos came to Constantinople.
This man rejected Hellenic culture and reason and was able to win over
a goodly number of eminent and distinguished people in the imperial
city, including many Armenians. He maintained that the humanity of
Christ was ultimately deified-in other words, that Christ in the end
became full God rather than remaining the God-man. Nilos was finally
condemned at a synod together with one of his supporters, a man called
Blachemites. From the descriptions given by Matthew, Vardan, and
Anna Comnena, it is probable that this heresy is Bogomilism, a belief
Section 97
w'
t of Malik1. Both Vardan and Kirakos corrobo.:at~ Matthe. sd~~~~:t account of
Shah's death. However, Ibn-al-Athlr gIves a q~lte a hunt Malik-Shah
the Seljuk sultan's demise. He saysdt~t ~'rngd then developing a
,
gorged himself with an animal he ha un e an
high fever, died.
Section 98
.
1
(1092-1105).
1. He succeeded his father as Seljuk su tanther of Malik-Shah.
Section 100
1. Gregory Nazianzus (329-389). . . t f Arsharunik' (located in the
2. A famous monastery in the dlstnc 0
western part of the province of Ayrarat).
328
Section 101
1. Yaghi-Siyan, Seljuk governor of Antioch (1087-1098).
2. Ibn-al-Athir states that Tutush was able to get Yaghi-Siyan, Aksungur, and Buzan to submit to him as the new Seljuk sultan and to
support him in his conflict with Berkyaruk over the throne.
Section 102
1. Matthew is probably referring here to Mesopotamia.
2. Na~Ir-ad-Daulah IbrahIm, 'Uqailid ruler of Mosul.
3. Ibn-al-Athir says that after Tutush had captured and pillaged Nisibis,
he wrote a letter to Ibrahim to allow him to pass on to Baghdad and
to put his name in the khutbah (address delivered by the religious
leader, in which intercessory prayer is offered on behalf of the ruling
head of the state). When this request was not granted, Tutush
marched against Ibrahim and defeated and killed him.
4. Ibn-al-Athir gives the following reason why Aksungur and Buzan went
over to the side of Berkyaruk. When the two armies met, Aksungur
told Buzan that up to now they had fought on Tutush's side in order to
bring about peace, but peace was not forthcoming. So the two emirs
decided to join Berkyaruk, hoping by that to end the conflict over the
succession of Malik-Shah.
'\:,
Section 103
1. Vardan, like Matthew, praises Isma'il for his benevolent stance
towards the Armenians.
2. The exact location of this place is unknown.
3. The text reads "the three men going forth from the camp." The
Jeru~,ale~ text has "going forth from the camp accompanied by three
men, whIch seems to make more sense in this context.
4. I~n-al~Athlr gives a different account of Isma'il's death. The Arab
hIstOrIan says that one day Isma'il was with Aksungur and Buzan and
told them that he intended to kill Berkyaruk and take over the state.
~en ~sungur and Buzan heard this, they fell upon Isma'il and
kIlled hIm, thus saving Berkyaruk.
Section 104
1. Ibn-al-Athrr gives a more detailed account of Tutush's encounter with
Aksungur. and Bu.zan. The Arab historian says that Aksungur and
Buzan umted theIr troops against Tutush and were joined by Kerbogha, the future emir of Mosul. When they met Tutush's army, part
of Aksun~s troops deserted and the rest followed suit. Aksungur
~as made prIsoner. When Tutush asked him what he would have done
Ifhe h~d take~ him (Tutush) prisoner, Aksungur replied that he would
have kl~led hIm. Hearing this, Tutush told Aksungur that he now
would klll him and did just that. After this Tutush marched to Aleppo
and defeated Buzan and Kerbogha, taking them prisoner. Then he
329
N OTES-PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
2.
3.
4.
5.
attacked Harran and Edessa, and when the inhabitants of these two
cities refused to surrender, he cut off Buzan's head and sent it to them;
they then surrendered. The Arab historian concludes by saying that
Aksungur was a great man and a benefactor of his people (the
Aleppines), a man who died defending his family and his sovereign
(Berkyaruk). One of Ibn-al-Athir's compatriots, the historian Abu-lFeda, recounts the same episode, although in a shorter and more
condensed form.
T'oros, a former official of the empire, was of the Byzantine Orthodox
faith.
.
Two variants and the Jerusalem text have Zorinak. The exact locatIOn
of this place is unknown.
. ' "
The text reads "for the citadel was situated outSIde the. Clty hFoudr
variants and the Jerusalem text have "for the citadel was m th e an s
.
of the Persians," which makes more sense here.
This citadel was named after the great Byzantine general Manlaces,
who captured Edessa in 1032 from the Muslims.
Section 105
1. Sokman, Artukid ruler in Diyar-Bakr (Amida) (1101-1104).
Section 106
.
d t '1
1. This incident is also related by Vardan with basicall~ the s~m~ . e a~~.
On the other hand, Michael the Syrian states that It w~s a ne?l e
Armenian commander of Melitene, who poisoned ~l-FarB;l' AI-F:~~ h~d
come to Melitene; and Gabriel, first having outWltted hIm, too 1m 0
Edessa and there poisoned him.
Section 108
h S lj k f the East
1. The Seljuks of Anatolia (Rum) in contrast to t e e u s 0
(Iran).
7)
2. Kilij Arslan I, Seljuk sultan of ~u~ (~092i~!~
3. An Armenian of the Byzantine :: ~ tC: ~I .' n give accounts of the
4. Vardan, Bar Hebraeus, and MiC ae .e lr:grees with Matthew in
Seljuk attack on Melitene. Vardan ba~ICa y
eir own versions.
the details, while
telling this
Bar Hebraeus sar,s t a k .1J 'th) that if he surrendered he (Kilij)
"accursed Greek (Gre~ m al 'se he would be destroyed. At that
would have mercy on hIm, .0thetWl b t ld the envoys that the city was
point a religious man st~~d~g ~~r Yth~ departure of the envoys, for
strong and God ~as Wit It.
and killed the religious man. In the
some reason GabrIel becam~~ 1 of the Franks he departed. On
end, when Kilij leaz:ned of e ~~:~ makes no m~ntion of Gabriel's
the other hand, MIchael the ITh killing of the religious man, but
encounter with the envoys'l~7 t e d of the coming of the Franks, he
simply states that when Ki IJ earne
NOTES-PART II
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
330
abandoned the siege of the city and departed. However, the Syrian
chronicler does add that Gabriel mistreated the poor to a greater extent
than did the Turks. It is quite evident that both Bar Hebraeus and
Michael had very little liking for Gabriel, perhaps because he was of
the Byzantine Orthodox faith rather than the Oriental Orthodox faith,
Interestingly enough, Matthew seems not to have had this bias against
Gabriel.
Section 109
1. The text reads Hromayets'ik'. See sec. 90, n. 2.
2. Cf. Daniel 7:7.
Section 110
1. The text reads Hromayets'ik'. See sec. 90, n. 2.
2. Cf. Psalms 44:23.
3. Cf. Isaiah 42:13.
4. Godfrey of Bouillon.
5. It was believed that Godfrey was descended from Charlemagne,
6. Baldwin (of Boulogne) I, later count of Edessa (1098-1100) and king of
Jerusalem (1100-1118).
7. Roman emperor (69-79 A.D.),
8. Bohemond (of Taranto) I, later prince of Antioch (1099-1111).
9. Later regent of Antioch (1104-1112).
10. Raymond of Saint Gilles, count of Toulouse.
11. Baldwin (of Le Bourg) II, relative of Baldwin I; later count of Edessa
(1100-1118) and king of Jerusalem (1118-1131).
12. Joscelin (of Courtnay) I, first cousin of Baldwin II; later count of
Edessa (1118-1131).
13. The text reads Hromayets'wots' - "of the Latins (Westerners)." Cf. sec,
331
William of Tyre also gives a very full and detailed account of the
relations between the emperor and the Franks, However, he sees
things from the Latin point of view. He has no trust for the "wretched"
Greeks and their "weak" empire, stating that the situation deteriorated
when Greek emperors replaced the Latin rulers of the empire.
Section 112
1. This second major encounter with Kilij Arslan was the famous battle
of Dorylaeum.
2. Ibn-al-Athir, Anna Comnena, and William of Tyre relate the capture
of Nicaea and the encounter with Kilij Arslan. Interestingly enough,
Anna states that Alexius decided not to accompany the Franks on their
march through Anatolia for a variety of reasons: the Franks could not
compare to his "Roman" troops, they were fickle, and they would sell
their own families for their personal gain.
Section 113
1, Constantine I (1095-1099), Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia.
2. According to Dulaurier, a fortress in the Taurus Mountains in northern
Cilicia.
3. According to Dulaurier, the southern portion ofthe district of Jahan.
4. The margin of the text has "the Frankish forces consisted of one
hundred thousand infantry and one hundred thousand horsemen."
Section 114
1. Dukak, son of Tutush, was Seljuk ruler of Damascus (1095-1104).
2. Actually Tughtigin was Dukak's regent,.
'
3. Both Bazuni and Oshin were brothers belongmg to the HetumIds, a
rival family of the Rubenids.
90, n, 2,
Section 111
1. Actually the Bosphorus.
2. At this time Nicaea was in the hands of the Turks and was the capital
of the Seljuk sultan Kilij Arslan.
3. Vardan, Kirakos, Ibn-al-Athir, Anna Comnena, and the Latin
historian, William of Tyre, tell of the coming of the Fr~s, that is of
the First Crusade. Vardan and Ibn-al-Athir give very short accounts
of the event, while the other writers go into some detail. Kirakos is
very critical of Alexius and the Greeks, saying that the Franks were
harassed by them and even tricked by them. The Armenian historian
goes so far as to state that the Greek emperor actually helped the
Muslims and so was not a Christian, and concludes that many Franks
died because of }lim. Anna gives a very detailed account of the arrival
of the Franks in Constantinople and their relations with Alexius, and
shows very little sympathy for these interlopers from the West.
Section 117
1. Michael the Syrian and the Latin historians, William ofT:yre, Fulcher
of Chartres, and Albert of Aix, relate the coming of ~aldwl~ to Edessa
and his warm reception by the inhabitan~s of th~ CIty. MIch~el says
that Toros sent to Godfrey and promised hIm the CIty; Godfrey, m tu;rn,
sent his brother Baldwin, who then took over the rule of the Clty,
William states that the governor of Edessa was weak and ol~, and so
the people of the city with his concurrence sent for Baldwm. Both
Fulcher and Albert corroborate William on this.
2. Not the Rubenid Constantine.
Section 118
. ,
1 Where Gabriel ruled. T'oros's wife was Gabnels daughter,
A monastery in the district ofGelark'unik' (~ocB:t~d on the southwestern
corner of Lake Sevan, in the province of Slwnik ).
3. The Tuesday of the sixth week of Lent,
2:
332
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
of Aix give accounts of the killing ofT'oros and the takeover ofEdessa
by Baldwin. Michael's account is the shortest, where the Syrian
chronicler simply says that T'oros was killed by the inhabitants of
Edessa, and the Franks came and ruled the city. On the other hand,
the three Latin historians, in particular William, go into a good deal of
detail in describing how Baldwin gained control of Edessa. According
to William, T'oros summoned Baldwin to share the rule ofEdessa with
him and to take full control when the curopalates died. However, he
changed his mind and merely wished the count to remain in his
service. This, Baldwin refused to do, and he was preparing to leave the
city when the inhabitants prevailed upon T'oros to accede to his
original agreement. So Baldwin ruled Edessa jointly with the
curopalates. However, soon the inhabitants realized that the count was
superior to T'oros and so began to plot to kill the curopalates.
Moreover, it was rumored that T'oros had wronged the inhabitants and
had threatened them that, if they resisted him, he would call in the
Turks. Under these circumstances the Edessenes attacked the
curopalates while he was ensconced in his tower. T'oros asked for
Baldwin's aid. The count attempted to help him, but the hatred of the
people was so great that he was unable to do anything. Finally T'oros
attempted to escape from the tower and was killed by arrows shot by
the Edessenes. On the next day Baldwin very reluctantly and with
protestation was made ruler of Edessa. Both Fulcher and Albert
basically corroborate William's account, although the former emphasizes the point that the Edessenes viciously killed T'oros.
Section 119
1. Kerbogha was the emir of Mosul and an autonomous vassal of the
Seljuks of Iran.
2. William ofTyre states that Kerbogha's attack on Edessa delayed him
to such an extent that his chances for defeating the Franks at Antioch
were considerably lessened.
Section 120
1. The sources, both oriental and occidental, relate that Antioch was
delivered into the hands of the Franks from within, although they
differ as to who the person or persons were. Bar Hebraeus says that
it was a Persian named 'Ruzbah; Michael says they were two Armenians; Anna says it was one Armenian; William maintains it was a
man named Firuz; the Arab chronicler of Aleppo, Kamal-ad-Din, says
it was an inhabitant ofAntioch called Zarrad; while the Arab chronicler
of Damascus, Ibn-al-Qalanisi, says it was an armorer of YaghiSiyan-an Armenian name Nairouz.
NOTES-PART II
333
Section 124
1. Cf. Numbers 14:39-45.
2. A town northeast of Tripoli, near the Mediterranean coast.
3. The al-Aq~a. mosque.
.
4. Both the oriental and occidental sources emphaSIze the severe
massacre of the inhabitants of Jerusalem by the Franks after the
capture of the city. Bar Hebraeus, Ibn-al-Athir, and Abu'l-Feda state
that seventy thousand Muslims were killed in the al-Aq~a. mosque
alone.
Section 125
1. Matthew is not referring here to the Scythia of the steppes of southe::n
Russia, but to the Scythiaca regio, the desert southwest of AlexandrIa.
Nubia is located south of this area.
2. This was the Fatimid army coming up from Egypt.
3 . Near Ascalon.
.
4. Actually the Fatimid caliph was not present; his vizir al-Afdal was In
charge.
Section 126
1. Located in the western portion of the province of Ayrarat.
Section 128
1. Vahka was Constantine's residence.
2. Located in the vicinity ofVahka.
Section 130
1. Cf. Isaiah 36: 18-20.
Section 132
1. The Latin sources do not agree with Matthew's account of God;&,ey's
death. They maintain that the duke's death was caused by ~ ,?-~lent
disease. On the other hand, both Ibn-al-Athir and Ibn-al-Qalanlsl,say
that Godfrey was killed by an enemy arrow while conducting the SIege
of Acre.
Section 133
1. The official title for the governor of Cilicia, ruling in the name of the
Byzantine emperor.
Section 134
1. Malik-Gazi Danishmendid ruler (1097-1105).
2. The text r~ads "quite prepared." Three variants and the Jerusalem
text have "quite unprepared," which makes more sense here.
S _ Both the oriental and occidental sources corr~borate Matthew's account
334
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
j.
"'"I
' ..
......
Section 135
1. The text reads papios. In the Oriental Orthodox churches this title is
used to refer to patriarchs and bishops.
2. Ibn-al-AthIr gives an account of the taking of SarUj by the Franks but
differs substantially from Matthew. The Arab historian assumes 'that
the town was in the hands of Sokman and says that the emir assembled troops in Sarilj in order to attack the Franks in Edessa. However
after attacking them, the emir was defeated. Then the Franks laid
siege to SarUj and captured the town, killing and taking captive many
of its inhabitants.
Section 136
1. Cf. Jeremiah 4:6, 6:11, 46:20.
Section 137
1. The Greeks, Latins, Syrians, Armenians, and Georgians.
Part III
Section 1
1. Cf. I Corinthians 14:30.
2. Nicholas III Kyrdiniates Grammaticus (1084-1111).
3. John IV or V (10911100).
4. Symeon II (1092-1099).
6. John IV (1062-1100).
6. Athanasius VII (1090-1129). Interestingly enough, Matthew gives the
names of the Byzantine Orthodox patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria
rather than the names of his coreligionists, the Oriental Orthodox
patriarchs of these sees.
7. This chronology is based on the Byzantine era.
Section 2
1. It should be "thirty-six," for Matthew here has reached the year 550
and his chronicle ends in 585.
2. Matthew here is referring to the silkworm.
Section 3
1. The Jerusalem text has "twenty-seven."
2. See sec. 2, n. 1.
3. Cf. Deuteronomy 32:7.
Section 4
1. Tancred was regent of Antioch from 1101 to 1103 and 1104 to 1112.
2. According to Dulaurier, Sarvantikar, a fortress on the Pyramus River,
located southeast of Anazarba.
3. The text reads "city."
4. Matthew, as well as the Latin sources, are unjustified in condemning
Alexius and the Byzantines for having purposely led the Crusaders
through desolate and dangerous regions. Actually, as is attested by
Anna Comnena, the emperor advised the Crusaders to follow the old
route southwest to Antioch, but they insisted on taking the more
dangerous northern route across Asia Minor. Albert of Aix goes so far
as to say that Raymond of Toulouse (Saint Gilles) was bribed by
Turkish gifts, in order to lead the Crusaders through desolate regions.
Section 5
1. William IX, duke of Aquitaine and count ofPoitou.
336
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
i."
Section 6
1. According to Dulaurier, this place is located in the vicinity of the town
of Heraclea (located northwest of Tarsus).
2. Vardan, William ofTyre, and Albert of Aix give accounts of the count
ofPoitou's arrival in Constantinople and the ultimate destruction of his
army by the Turks in Asia Minor. Vardan basically corroborates
Matthew's account, telling of the Crusader leader's arrogance and
Alexius's perfidiousness. William states that, when the count ofPoitou
arrived in Constantinople, he was well received by the emperor. "But
following the time-honored custom of the Greek race, he [Alexius]
envied the success of the Christians and meant to do them harm." The
Latin historian goes on to say that the emperor sent envoys to the
Turks, begging them to destroy the Westerners and thus prepared the
way for their destruction. On the other hand, Albert says that the
count was deceived and betrayed by Alexius's Turcopoles (the Turkish
cavalry in the Byzantine army).
Section 7
1. Perhaps a corruption of the Old French sans aveir (sans avoir)-"one
not having [land]."
2. Located in the Lebanon Mountains, northwnorthwest of Damascus.
Section 8
1. The text reads "changed them to five." Four variants and the Jerusalem text have "changed the six to five."
Section 10
1. The text reads "To those who truly love and profess the Holy Trinity."
Three variants and the Jerusalem text have liTo those who truly love
Christ and profess the Holy Trinity."
2. Cf. Philemon, verses 4 and 5.
3. Cf. Luke 12:11-12.
4. Cf. I Corinthians 15:30-32.
Section 12
1. Al-Afdal, Fatimid vizir (1094-1121), and Tughtigin, Turkish atabeg of
Damascus (l104 w1128).
2. The text reads "to his city of Acre." Two variants have "to his royal
city," which makes more sense here.
N OTES-PART III
337
Section 13
1. In contrast to Great Thursday (Maundy Thursday) before Easter
Sunday, this is the Thursday in February commemoratin~ the battle
of Avarayr in 451 AD. between the Armenians and the PersIans, whe::e
the Armenian commander Vardan Mamikonian led his troops m
defense of the Christian faith.
Section 14
1. The ruler of Kesoun and Raban.
2. Both the oriental and occidental sources relate the episode of Bohemond's ransom although with varying details. Vardan corroborates
Matthews acco~nt. On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus and Michael the
Syrian merely say that Danishmend brought Bohemond to Melitene
and sold him for one hundred thousand dinars. William of Tyre states
that Bohemond was released after four years, but makes no mention
of the fact that Tancred contributed nothing to the ransom money
(unlike Fulcher of Chartres and Albert of Aix , who make a point of
emphasizing Tancred's refusal to contribute). Fulcher says that the
people of Antioch, Baldwin of Edessa, and the Latin patriarch of t~e
city wished to ransom Bohemond; fmally they were able to ransom ~Im
for five hundred thousand gold pieces. Of all the sources, Albert gIves
the fullest account. He says that Bohemond offered Danishmend an
alliance against Kilij Arslan in return for his freed?m. The e~ir
agreed, and the Latin patriarch of Antioch, Kogh VasIl, .and Bald~n
of Edessa raised the money for the ransom. After thIS the Seljuk
sultan sent letters to Danishmend, condemning him for allowing
Bohemond to be ransomed.
Section 15
1. One of the lieutenants of Il-Ghazi, son of Artuk, later Artukid ruler of
Mardin (1107-1122).
Section 18
1. The Turkish governor of Mosul.
.
2. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of the FrankIsh
debacle near Harran. lbn-al-Athir gives a particularly detailed
/
338
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 20
1. According to William of Tyre it was Hugh, count of Champagne.
2. The text reads "tyrant." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have
"the last of his line," which seems to make more sense here.
3. That is, "knights."
4. Actually Bohemond did not, as Matthew says, return to the West in
order to obtain reinforcements. In reality he had lost a good deal of
territory to both the Muslims and the Byzantines and, seeing his career
in the East ruined, decided to seek his fortune through organizing a
ne.w. crusade, but this time against the Byzantines. According to
WIlham ofTyre, the person whom the former prince of Antioch married
on his return was none other than the daughter of Philip I of France
Constance. However, the Latin historian mentions nothing of
Bohemond's being coerced to marry her.
Section 21
1. Anatolia.
2. Giimushtigin GhazI, Danishmendid ruler (1105?-1134 or 1135).
Section 23
1. Mu}l.ammad, Seljik sultan (1105-1118).
2. The Kipchaks were a Turkic people, also known as the Kumans.
Section 24
1. The Armenian T'at'ul.
Section 25
1. Both these men were famous Armenian writers of the fifth-sixth
centuries; Moses of Khoren and David the Invincible, the Philosopher.
Section 26
1. Later the catholicos Gregory III (1113-1166).
2. The fourth month of the pagan Armenian calendar.
3. A monastery.
Section 27
1. According to Dulaurier this is a town in the vicinity of Melitene.
Section 28
1. Richard of the Principate (of Salerno), regent of Edessa (1104.1108).
NOTES-PART
III
339
Section 29
1. Actually Bertram was Saint Gilles's son. He later became count of
Tripoli (1109-1112).
, .
2. The Arab historians, Ibn-al-Athir and Abu l-Feda, gIVe accoun~ oft~e
circumstances under which Saint Gilles died. Both say t at t e
Frankish count was killed when the ruler of Tripoli made a sortie and
set fire to the fortress he had built; at that time the count wa~ ~n a
roof which collapsed because of the fire. On the ~ther ~and, ~1lham
of Tyre, although he mentions the death of Samt GIlles, glVes no
specifics as to how the count died.
Section 30
.
1. The text reads Aplast'al, obviously a misspelling or mispnnt.
Section 32
..
,
1. The feast kept on February 2nd in commemoration of the Vrrgm Mary s
purification in the Temple, recorded in Luke 2;2~-3.9. Why Matt~ew
puts the date of the Purification on the 13th 1S mcomprehenslble,
unless he is using a differed chronology.
Section 33
.
1. Actually Tancred attacked Ridvan of Aleppo and defeated hIm.
Section 34
1. Chavli Saqaveh, one of the Seljuk sultan's commanders, later governor
2.
Section 36
.
..
1 Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian concur m glvmg a very
. interesting account of the circumstances under .~th Kilij died, the
former being more detailed that the latter. KillJ was defeated by
Chavli; yet he performed a very brave act by going into the enem~
camp and smiting the hand of the standard bearer as well. as Chavh
himself. When Chavli and his ally, Ridvan of Aleppo, saw thIS bravery,
340
NOTES-PART
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
they stirred up their men and caused Kilij's troops to flee. Kilij, left
alone, drowned while attempting to cross a river on his horse which
was weighed down by his armor.
Section 37
1. T'oros I, Rubenid ruler of Cilician Armenia (1100-1129).
2. Actually T'oros was the son of Constantine and grandson of ~uben.
3. A village near Marash.
Section 38
1. According to Dulaurier located not too far from ~Ii~n-Man~iir.
2. Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "uncle."
3. Literally "boy."
4. Two variants and the Jerusalem text have Tigran.
Section 39
1. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of Baldwin's
ransom, some in more detail than others. Generally speaking the
oriental sources-both Syriac and Arabic-emphasize the free~g of
Baldwin on condition that he not only pay a sum of money, but also
that he aid Chavli against the emir's enemies. On the other hand the
Latin sources merely emphasize the ransom money. Michael'the
Syrian gives a very interesting version of Baldwin's ransom. He says
that the count's ransom was fixed at seventy thousand dinars. Joscelin
obtained thirty thousand and gave himself as hostage to Chavli for the
remaining amount. When Joscelin came into Chavli's presence the
emir was so impressed with the Frank's demeanor and actions th~t he
progressively lowered the remaining amount of the ransom until there
was nothing left to be paid.
'
Section 40
1. That is, bishop. Cf. Pt. II, sec. 135, n. 1.
Section 42
1. A port located at the head of the Persian Gulf.
Section 44
1. Actually it was seven years.
2. Actually Bertram was his son.
Section 45
1. Sharaf-ad-Dm Maudud, Seljuk general and successor to Chavli as
governor of Mosul (1108-1113).
2. Not Sulaiman, but probably Sokman-al-QutbI, Turkoman ruler of
Khlat' (1100-1110). Dulaurier believes that Matthew here is referring
to Muhammad, Seljuk sultan (1105-1118). Cf. sec. 23 and n. 1.
III
341
Section 46
1. Located northwest of Harran.
Section 47
1. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of the Frankish
retreat from Edessa and the massacre of the Christians by the Turks.
However, none of the sources gives any clear reason as to why the
Franks retreated in the flrst place.
Section 48
1. Niir ad-Daulah Balik, former ruler of Sariij, who later captured Aleppo
from Sokman.
Section 50
1. Lake Van.
Section 51
1. This place (Ar. Tell Gauran) is located east-northeast of Edessa.
2. According to Dulaurier this town is located southeast of Bira.
3. According to Dulaurier, located southeast of Edessa.
4. Kurdish chief at Maragha, a town near the southeastern corner of Lake
Urmia.
5. Governor of Hamadan, a city in Persia northeast of Baghdad.
6. Three variants and the Jerusalem text have "with many battle
assaults."
Section 54
1. The third month of the pagan Armenian calendar.
2. A village in the vicinity of Edessa.
Section 55
1. According to Dulaurier, the 15th of June.
2. According to Dulaurier, this town (he calls it Thelmouzen) is located in
the vicinity of Sariij.
Section 56
1. The Armenian literally reads "covered" (tsatsk'), hence "covered" or
"fortified. "
Section 57
1. The Jerusalem text has "was established anew."
2. One of the important dynastic houses of medieval Armenia.
Section 58
1. The Jerusalem text has: "the most faithful believer Tancred was
poisoned, and so the count of Antioch died."
342
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 62
1. Matthew is confused here. The count of Tripoli at this time was Pons
(1112-1137), the grandson of Saint Gilles. Actually Bertram, who was
the count of Tripoli (1109-1112), was the son of Saint Gilles.
2. Both the oriental and occidental sources recount this encounter
between the Franks and Muslims, although with varying details.
Interestingly enough, William of Tyre, unlike Matthew, gives no
indication of the king of Jerusalem being prideful and thus going into
battle before the arrival of the troops of Antioch and Tripoli; rather, the
Latin historian gives as a reason for the king's action his impetuous
nature.
Section 63
1. Zahlr-ad-Din Tughtigin, Turkish atabeg of Damascus (1104-1128).
2. Perhaps a specific column in the portico. Dulaurier translates this as
"a red column," although the text used here has a defInite article.
3. None of the historians, oriental or occidental, is as specifIc as Matthew
in relating the motivation behind Maudo.d's assassination. Bar
Hebraeus says that there are two schools of thought as to who actually
caused the emir's death; some say it was Ridvan of Aleppo who sent an
"Assassin" (a member of the extreme Isma'ilite sect, the Assassins-Ar.
llashfshrm) to Damascus, while others say it was Tughtigin himself
who, fearing he might lose possession of his city to Maudud, bribed
someone to kill the emir. Both Abu'l-Feda and Ibn-al-AthIr also state
that there are two schools of thought on the subject; some say that
Batinites (an Isma'ilite sect) feared Maudud and so killed him, while
others maintain that Tughtigin feared the emir's influence and so had
a murderer kill him. William of Tyre merely states that the emir of
Damascus was blamed for Maudo.d's death. On the other hand, Ibn-alQaliinisI, after giving a very detailed account of the assassination, says
that Tughtigin was very sorry over the incident and did his best to help
Maudud, going so far as to bring in a physician to save the emir's life.
Interestingly enough, both Abu'l-Feda and Ibn-al-AthIr relate that,
when Maudo.d fell under the assassin's knife, he was immediately
taken to Tughtigin's home where he was urged to take something for
his wound; however, he refused since he was fasting, even though his
followers insisted.
Section 64
1. Vardan gives an account of the catholicos's death, although varying in
the details. He says that the accident took place in the Monastery of
Karmir Vank'. While the catholicos was inspecting a house in the
343
process of being built, a beam fell out of the hands of some workmen
and hit him, fatally wounding him.
2. According to Dulaurier, located somewhere between Sis and Marash.
Section 65
1. The catholicos Gregory III (1113-1166).
Section 66
1. Aksungur al-BursukI, Seljuk governor of Mosul (1113-1114 and 11241126).
2. Mas'o.d, later Seljuk sultan (1134-1150).
3. Artukid ruler of Mardin (1107-1122).
4. Nur-ad-Daulah Balik, nephew of Il-Ghazi and later Artukid ruler of
Aleppo (1123-1123).
6. The text reads "Sulaiman's son." One variant and the Jerusalem text
have "the sultan1s son," which makes more sense here.
6. Both Bar Hebraeus and Ibn-al-Athlr relate the arrival of al-Bursuki
in upper Mesopotamia and his campaigns in the area. The Arab
historian's account gives fuller details than does Matthew's, at the
same time differing with some of the Armenian chronicler's facts. Ibnal-AthIr says that al-Bursuki was made emir of Mosul and sent by the
Seljuk sultan to fight the Franks. This emir forced Il-Ghazi to
contribute troops to his campaign. Il-Ghazi would not join him, but
sent his son Ayaz in his stead. After al-BursukI's unsuccessful attack
on Edessa, the emir took Ayaz into his custody in order to punish his
fa ther for not being present during the campaign against Edessa.
Moreover, he devastated Il-GhazI's territories. When Il-Ghazi learned
of this, he summoned Da'ud, the son of his brother Sokman (Artukid
ruler of JIij)n Kalia), to his aid. Both men marched against al-Bursuki,
defeated the emir, and freed Ayaz.
Section 67
1. Cf. Psalms 14:3; 53:3.
2. Cf. Psalms 104:32.
3. Armenian chant consists of eight tones, used on different days. The
tone used on this day happened to be one of the more somber tones.
4. The Arab chronicler Kamal-ad-DIn says that the earthquake also hit
the territory of Aleppo.
5. One variant and the Jerusalem text have Sis.
6. A monastery following the Basilian discipline of monasticism.
7. Not to be confused with the Roman Catholic Jesuit order. These monks
were members of a Cilician monastery. Dulaurier calls them Jesueens.
Section 68
1. Dry food, in contrast to wine and olive oil.
2. Located near Sis.
345
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-PART III
Section 69
1. The text reads "of evil and abominable wickedness." One variant and
the Jerusalem text have "of evil wickedness and abominable crimes,"
which seems to make more sense here.
and the Latin patriarch tipped the balance in his favor. Eustace found
out about the election on his way to the East and turned back, even
though he was urged to continue on and contest the throne. On the
other hand, Albert of Aix merely states that there was a great need to
have someone on the spot who would be able to defend the land, and
so Baldwin was elected.
5. William, like Matthew, emphasizes Baldwin's good character and
religiosity, adding that the new king of Jerusalem was also wise. in
governing and skillful in war. He goes so far. as to say that the kmg
was so religious that he had callouses on hIS hands and feet from
constant kneeling.
344
Section 70
1. The Turkish general Bursuk ibn-Bursuk, not to be confused with the
Seljuk governor of Mosul Aksungur al-Bursuki. Matthew here seems
to have confused the two.
2. The eunuch Lu'lu', atabeg of Aleppo for the child Alp Arslan, son of
Ridvan.
Section 74
1. Armenian lord of Bira (to 1117).
2. The text reads or bnakeal er i Nzepn, which is untranslatable given the
context. The Jerusalem text has "who had taken prisoner the bishop,"
which I have used here.
3. A town west-southwest of Ravendan.
4. According to Bar Hebraeus Constantine died during the earthquake of
1114-1115, having suffocated in the ruins and rubble of Samosata.
Section 75
1. It is quite interesting to compare the different accounts of Baldwin's
death as narrated by the various sources of the period. Ibn-al-QalanisI
merely states that Baldwin died, having received a wound fighting the
Egyptians. On the other hand, Ibn-al-Athlr says that the king of
Jerusalem died from an old wound that reopened when he went
swimming in the Nile. William of Tyre says that, after his attack on
one of the cities of Egypt, Baldwin visited the mouth of the Nile where
some fish were caught and cooked for breakfast. After the king
finished his meal, he felt very sick. Moreover, on this occasion the pain
in an old wound began to return. So under these circumstances
Baldwin died. Fulcher of Chartres basically corroborates William's
account, although with a more succinct presentation. On the other
hand, Albert of Aix gives a different version, stating that the king was
overseeing the destruction and burning of one of the Egyptian cities he
had attacked and captured, when he became overworked and developed
a fever; he died on the way to Jerusalem.
2. Eustace III, count of Boulogne.
3. As Baldwin II C1118-1131).
4. The Latin historians, especially William of Tyre, deal quite fully with
the election of Baldwin as king of Jerusalem. William says that there
were two parties involved in the election: one group wanted the dead
king's brother, Eustace-who at that time was in the West, while the
other believed that a king was needed immediately and Baldwin
seemed to be a natural candidate. Baldwin was chosen when Joscelin
Section 76
1. In contrast to Matthew, the Arab historians praise the Seljuk sultan as
a just ethical, and virtuous ruler.
I ' wif
2. Tart~, khatun-"lady" or "woman."
3. None of the other sources relate the killing ofthe su tan s e.
4. Sanjar, Seljuk ruler of Khurasan (1097-1156).
h
5. The text reads "a three years' march," which makes no sense ere.
6. A city in Persia, southeast of Baghdad.
7. Seljuk sultan (1118-1131).
8. Also known as Tughrul II.
Section 77
1. AI-Mustazhir, 'Abbasid caliph (1094-1118).
Section 79
Itt h
1. The text reads "peoples." One variant and the Jerusa em ex ave
"forces," which seems to make more sense here.
2. A town northeast of Aleppo.
3. The fifth month of the pagan Armenian cal~nd:r.
4. The sixth month of the pagan Armenian ca en ar.
Section 80
1. Actually Alexius died in 1118.
.
2. According to Dulaurier these two passages are apocryphal.
)
3 John II Comnenus (1118-1143).
4' Literally "Born of the Purple" (from the descent of emperors.
.
The Greek, Syriac, and. Latin so:urces c?m~ent on !~~:::!~~!~~~1~:;
Anna '"ves a very detaIled and ImpasslOne accou
.
d
t:>~
H b
that Alexius was a WIse an
father the emperor. Bar e raeus says
. I fr
th
his wisdom saved Constantmop e om e
b t thO . w In
strong man an d through
Franks, while Michael the ~yrian basiCallYt;~:: ;~l~:m ~; ;;e 'has
sharp contrast to these wnters and to. Ma
, r He calls him "the
nothing good to say about t~e ~!z~tme ::~~:o Latin historian does
worst persecutor of the LatIns.
owev,
5:
346
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
have some positive things to say about Alexius's son: "The emperor
was much more humane than his father had been, and, as his worth
deserved, was far more acceptable to our people. His attitude towards
the Latins was not entirely sincere, however, as the following pages
will show." In reference to John, the Byzantine chronicler Nicetas
Choniates says that he was a good administrator, a pious man a
generous giver, and a great builder; moreover, he was very disciplin~d
a great example to others, and quite austere in his private life.
'
Section 81
1. Baldwin I, not the present king.
Section 83
1. The text reads "560," which is probably a misprint.
2. David III (1089-1125).
3. The text reads "barbarian." One variant and the Jerusalem text have
"Arab," which makes more sense here.
4. Mazyadid Arab ruler of Hilla (a town south of Baghdad, near the
Euphrates). Actually Dubais was the son of (3adaqah and is the person
being discussed here.
5. Arabic rafidh!. Probably Dubais was a Shiite.
6. The text reads "people." One variant and the Jerusalem text have
"religion."
Section 84
1. Located southwest of Titlis.
2. Both Vardan and Michael the Syrian corroborate Matthew's account of
the Muslim defeat at the hands of the Georgians. The Arab historians
also relate this event, although with slightly varying details. Ibn-aiQaliinisI says that at first the Muslims defeated the Georgians hut
when they pursued them into the passes of the Caucasus the Geor~
gians turned around and defeated them, killing many in the process.
Kamal-ad-DYn basically corroborates this account. On the other hand
Ibn-al-AthIr states that during the engagement of the two armies tw~
hundred of the Kipchak allies of the Georgians broke rank. The
Muslims, thinking that they were about to come over to their side, were
put off guard. Then the Kipchaks entered the front ranks of the
Muslims and wreaked havoc among them with their arrows. When the
Muslims stationed behind the front ranks saw what was happening
they too became disorganized and fled.
'
Section 87
1. According to Dulaurier Balik was Il-GhazI's brother's son and not his
sister's son.
2. Galeran of Le Puiset, lord of Bira.
3. A town east of Kharberd, on the Euphrates.
NOTES-PART
III
347
Section 89
1. A fortress northwest of Samosata, on one of the tributaries of the
Euphrates.
2. The second month of the pagan Armenian calendar.
S. Interestingly enough, Bar Hebraeus places Baldwin's capture before
that of Joscelin and Galeran.
Section 90
1. The text reads "fortress." "Dungeon" makes more sense here.
2. Geoffrey the Monk, lord of Marash and regent of Edessa (1122-1123).
S. Actually he was besieging the town of Kafartab, midway between
Aleppo and Tripoli.
.
4. Both the oriental and occidental sources deal at length With the
attempted liberation of Baldwin and the other Franks held prisoner by
Balik, although with varying details. Bar Hebraeus says that some
Armenian workmen of Kharberd, aware that there were ve~ few
soldiers garrisoning the fortress, gathered at the gate.s and feIgned
grumbling about their wages. Then, catching the soldlers .off guar~,
they killed them and freed the Frankish prisoners. After thls Joscelm
went with an Armenian to get help from the Franks, but before he
could return Balik had come and retaken the fortress, killing seven~y
Franks and Armenians. Michael the Syrian basically corroborates t~llS
account. On the other hand, Ibn-al-QalanisY states that the FrankIsh
prisoners, through a ruse, seized the fortress and freed themselves.
Baldwin was freed for good, but Balik returned, recaptured the place,
and put the other Franks back in prison. Kamal:ad-Dm says that the
Franks, after consulting with some of the pe~ple In ~he area, took ov~r
the fortress. Joscelin urged that they all flee ImmedIately, but.BaldwIn
insisted that they stay and defend the place until ~elp arnved .. So
J oscelin left to get help from the Franks. However, In the meantlme
Balik came and retook the fortress, killing the Franks and others ~ho
had helped them. Then he transferred Baldwin and Galeran to a p~lson
in Harran. Ibn-al-Athir states that some Frankish soldiers deceptIv~ly
presented themselves at the gates of Kharb.erd in the na~e of Bahk,
gained entrance into the fortress, and took It over. BaldWIn escap~d,
but Balik returned and retook the place. William ofTyre seems to glve
the most detailed account of the episode. He says that some Armenians either on their own or at the urging of Joscelin, resolved to
libera'te Baldwin. Fifty of them took an oath to achieve t~is goal. They
dressed in monks' garbs and, carrying hidden daggers, gamed access to
the fortress by complaining to its commander that they had been
mistreated. At this point in his narrative William states that so~e
maintained that the Armenians came disguised as merchants se~hng
cheap wares. Continuing, the Latin historian says that the Arm~mans,
after gaining access to the place, killed the garri~on and occupIed .the
fortress. After this Baldwin sent Joscelin for ald. In the meantIme
348
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Balik returned and promised Baldwin that he would free him and the
other Franks if the fortress was handed over. Baldwin, sure of aid
refused; so Balik took the fortress. The king, his nephew, and Galera~
were sent to Harran, but the fIfty Armenians were tortured and then
killed; some were flayed alive, some were buried alive, while others
served as targets for archery practice. Fulcher of Chartres basically
corroborates William's account, except that he states that Baldwin was
freed after the episode in question, but was later recaptured by Balik
while on an expedition.
Section 94
1. Located southwest of Tiflis.
2. Capital of the region of the same name, located along the western shore
of the Caspian Sea, east of the Caucasus.
3. Located southeast of THlis.
4. Located northwest of Gandzak.
5. Dulaurier locates this place north of the Kura and west of Tiflis. It is
probably the modern town of Gori.
6. Demetrius I (1125~1155) (1155~1156).
7. One variant has T'ot6re.
Section 95
1. His name was Hassan.
2. One variant and the Jerusalem text have "including Joscelin's chief
cavalry officer."
3. Armenian Arewapasht. Originally those Armenians who refused to be
christianized and kept their ancient pagan faith. In this period many
of them were living in upper Mesopotamia, dispersed among the
Muslims of the area. These people probably are the same as the
Arewordik~, Mesopotamian Armenians who were sun~worshippers (but
identifying Jesus Christ with the sun) until the time of Nerses
Shnorhali (twelfth century), when they were converted to Orthodox
Christianity.
4. Actually the Armenian has hechuk-"buttocks."
5. Artukid ruler of Mardin (1122-1152).
6. Most of the sources corroborate Matthew's account of Balik's siege of
Manbij and his subsequent death. However, both William ofTyre and
Fulcher of Chartres give substantially different versions of the emir's
death than do the other sources. William says that J oscelin attacked
Balik as he was besieging Manbij. The count defeated Balik and,
happening to meet up with the emir during the flight of the Muslim
troops, slayed him and cut offhis head, not knowing that the man was
Balik himself. Fulcher gives a slightly different version. He says that
after his defeat, Balik was mortally wounded and so was unable to flee
with his troops. Thus he died and his head was cut offby someone and
brought to Joscelin, who rewarded the person.
NOTES-PART
III
349
Section 97
1. Located northeast of Gargar.
Section 98
1. The Muslim Rulers of Ani.
2. According to the Armenian historian Vardan Vardapet, when Manuch'e
died, his son Abu'l-Uswar took over. He was an effeminate and timid
man and was intent on selling Ani for sixty thousand dinars to the
emir of Kars. He went so far as to have the Muslim crescent brought
back from Khlat' and put on the cathedral of Ani. Under these
circumstances the Christians of the city summoned David and handed
over the city to him. So after sixty years the cross once more was
raised over the Cathedral of Ani.
Section 99
1. Actually it was the doge of Venice, Domenigo Michieli (1117-1128).
Section 100
1. The text reads "after six years." One variant and the Jerusalem text
have "after six months," which seems to make more sense here,
Section 101
1. Gumiishtigin GhazI, Danishmendid ruler (ll05?-1134 or 1135).
2. The exact location of this place cannot be ascertained. Bar Hebraeus
and Michael the Syrian give accounts of the siege and capture of
Melitene. Both Syrian chroniclers give very vivid descriptions. of the
suffering and afflictions the inhabitants of the city endured durmg the
siege.
Section 102
1. A town north-northwest of Aleppo.
2. A fortress south-southeast of Aleppo, on the Euphrates,
3. An Arabic word meaning "pilgrim" (to Mecca),
_,
4 Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of al-BursukI s
. assassination, although with varying details. Bar, Hebraeus relates
that ten Isma'i:lites (an offshoot of the Shiite Mushms) leaped on a~
BursukI as he was praying in the Great Mosque of Mosul: The emIr
killed three of them with his own hands, but then was kil~ed by t?e
rest. Michael the Syrian states that the emir was struck ":Ith ~ kmfe
by an Ismii'ilite while praying in a mosque, but the kmfe ~~f ~~t
penetrate him since he was wearing a breastpla~e. Then,~. I e ~
th
would-be assass~n 'Yas being.,~pprehende~ h~_:::~~t~o th: ~ow:r
companions to strIke lower, they struc a
.
aiving
a very .
detaIled
a bdomen an d h e dI'ed , Ibn-al-QaliiniSi, 0
',
'
th account
G t
of the assassination, says that the emir, whIle p:~~g m e re~
some Batinites (an lsma Ihte sect), but hls
.
M osque, was stabbed by
350
,I
. 'I
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
coat of mail protected him. Then al-Bursuki took his sword and killed
one of the assassins, but the others cried out "strike his head above"
and killed him. Kamal-ad-Din says that the emir, as he reached his
seat in the mosque, was attacked by eight persons dressed as dervishes. He was killed, even though he was wearing a coat of mail and
was surrounded by a large group of people. Ibn-al-Athir gives a very
interesting version of the assassination. He says that, on the night
before he died, al-BursukI dreamt that he was attacked by dogs; he
killed some of them, but the rest killed him. When on the next day the
emir told his companions about the dream, they advised him to stay
home. So at their insistence al-Bursuki stayed in and read the Quran
but after reading the passage saying "the command of God is irrevo~
cable," the emir went to the mosque. As he was taking his seat, he was
attacked by some men; he wounded three of them, but was killed by
the rest. William of Tyre gives an entirely different version of the
assassination--one which is closest to Matthew's account-when he
says: "Some time later, however, the wicked Bursuqi, a son of
perdition, was stabbed to death by his servants and other members of
his household. Thus by his own acts he brought upon himself the
natural consequences of his wickedness and reaped the fruit of his
impiety."
Section 103
1. Artukid ruler of {Iillln Kalia (1108-1144).
Section 105
1. The Latin West.
2. William, agreeing with Matthew, says that the younger Bohemond was
a very impressive individual. On the other hand, Michael the Syrian
calls Bohemond a vainglorious person.
Section 107
1. 'Imad-ad-Din Zengi, Turkish ruler in Mosul and Syria (died 1146).
2. Taj-al-Muluk Bari, Turkish atabeg of Damascus (1128-1132).
Section 109
1. An allusion to the Babylonian king Belshazzar. Cf. Daniel 5.
2. Cf. Isaiah 1:8.
3. John II Comnenus (1118-1143).
4. Baldwin, lord of Marash and Kesoun.
5. Leon I, Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia (1129-1137).
352
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-CONTINUATION
any particulars.
4. Michael the Syrian and William of Tyre say that the king died while
hunting hares, when he fell off his horse and hit the ground. Both
Vardan and 5mbat mention the king's death but give no particulars,
while Bar Hebraeus merely states that he went on a hunt and fell from
his horse and died.
5. Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem (1143-1163).
6. Cf. Acts 6 and 7.
Section 5
1. According to tradition the Armenians were descended from J apheth,
son of Noah, through Gomer, whose son was Togarmah (Arm. T'orgom).
2. The Armenian has luys-"light" or "clarity."
3. Both the oriental and occidental sources have much to say about the
siege and capture of Edessa. All emphasize the slaughter and destruction brought upon the city and its inhabitants. 5mbat, Bar Hebraeus,
William ofTyre, and Michael the Syrian give rather full accounts; the
three describe how the Muslims finally took the city by undermining
its walls and towers through replacing portions of the rock foundations
with wood and then setting fire to the wood, thus causing the ramparts
to collapse. 5mbat says that, when the Muslims broke into the city,
the inhabitants fled to the citadel, but the "wicked" commander of the
place shut the gates and so the people were mercilessly slaughtered.
On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus states that the commander of the
citadel would not open the gates until the Frankish archbishop (who
seems to have been in charge of the city's defense in Joscelin's absence)
arrived. Unfortunately the archbishop was late in coming and, when
he fmally did come, was killed by an arrow. According to some of the
sources the role of the Frankish archbishop in the defense of the city
seems to have been an important one; William condemns him for
having great wealth and not giving a modicum of it for the defense of
the city, saying that he indeed deserved the death he received; on the
other hand, Michael the Syrian states that when Zengi demanded that
the city surrender or be prepared for mass slaughter, the archbishop
refused, certain that aid was forthcoming. The Arabic sources make a
point of emphasizing that Zengi stopped the slaughter after a short
while and immediately set himself to the task of providing for the
security of the inhabitants and of rebuilding and protecting the city.
4. Edessa traditionally has been referred to as the "Blessed City" (the city
blessed by God),
5. These words are apocryphal.
6. An allusion to the suffering of the Israelites in Egypt. Cf. Numbers
11:5.
Section 6
1. There are slightly varying accounts of Zengi's death. The majority of
353
Section 7
1. The Jerusalem text has "nothing resulted from it,"
2. The unsuccessful attempt to retake Edessa is related in both the
oriental and occidental sources, Bar Hebraeus, Michael the Syrian, and
William of Tyre giving very full and detailed accounts of the episode.
Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian state that it was the Armenians
who secretly let the Franks into Edessa, while William says it was the
Franks living in the city. On the other hand, Kamal-ad-DiIl: states
that the Armenians in Edessa planned the takeover of the Clty and
called in the Franks. Michael the Syrian emphasizes the fact that after
the unsuccessful attempt to retake Edessa, the city lost its former
greatness and became deserted and desolate.
3. This and the following sentence are missing both in the Jerusalem text
and the Dulaurier translation.
.
4. The following funeral oration (secs. 8-19) is left out 0df the D1ult?-uner
translation but included in that author's excerpte trans a lon, 0 f
Matthew ~ the Recueil des Historiens des Croisades . . The Armem~n
historian 5mbat Sparapet mentions this funeral orabon on Baldwm
which Barsegh sent to various districts in the area. A note appended
to 5mbat's text says that the funeral oration, in t~e form of a letter,
was directed chiefly to the Latin faithful, espeCIally those around
Antioch.
Section 8
. (W t
)" Cf
1. The Armenian has Hrovmayets'wots'-"ofthe Latms
es erners
.
2.
~~~Ik:~:i~:te!t reads:
354
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-CONTINUATION
Section 21
1. Nur-ad-DIn Ma}.lmud, Zengid ruler of Syria (1146-1174).
2. Seljuk sultan of Rum (1116-1155).
3. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that when the inhabitants of Marash surrendered to the sultan (Bar Hebraeus incorrectly
calls him Kilij Arslan-Mas'ild's son) on condition that their lives would
be spared, he went back on his word and killed many of them as they
were on their way to Antioch.
4. Cf. 2 Samuel 18.
5. Both the oriental and occidental sources relate J oscelin's capture by the
Muslims, although varying in details. All the sources state that the
count was captured on the way to Antioch. 5mbat says that J oscelin
stopped on the way to take care of his needs and, while he was
attempting to catch up with his companions, hit a tree and fell down;
the next morning he was taken to Aleppo by some shepherds. William
of Tyre, on the other hand, states that the count was ambushed while
stopping to take care of his needs. Michael the Syrian says that
J oscelin and the men accompanying him met some Turks and, while
they were fleeing from them, the count hit a tree and fell and then was
captured. Of all the accounts, Ibn-al-Athir's is the only one that
mentions Joscelin's capture as being planned by Nur-adDin himself.
The Arab historian says that the Muslims placed spies near the count
and, when he was hunting, captured him and later had him brought to
the emir.
Section 10
1. Of. Matthew 7:3-4.
Section 11
1. Raymond of Poitiers, prince of Antioch.
2. One variant and the Jerusalem text have "whom I embittered against
me."
Section 13
1. See sec. 8, n. 3.
Section 14
1. Cf. Luke 13:1-5.
Section 15
1. Dulaurier translates this as: "for a reasonable and impartial judgement awaits all those who are endowed with reason."
2. The text reads "beloved." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have
"sire."
Section 17
1. Probably referring to Vasil, the lord of Bardzraberd. Cf. sec. 26.
2. See sec. 15, n. 2.
Section 18
1. The text reads "Even if it was opportune." The Jerusalem text has
"Even if it happened," which seems to make more sense here.
2. The Armenian has Hrovmayets'wots'-"ofthe Latins (Westerners)." cr.
Pt. II, sec. 90, n. 2.
Section 20
1. All the sources blame Raymond for this defeat at the hands of Nfu-adDin (see end of section 11) and the Muslims. 5mbat says that the
prince of Antioch was arrogant, while William ofTyre calls him "rash"
and "impetuous." On the other hand, Ibn-al-Athir states that
Raymond refused to listen to the advice of one of his Arab allies, when
he was told not to attack the Turks since they were too numerous.
355
Section 22
1. An honorary title of the Byzantine court, later given to various
dignitaries and officials of the empire (Gr. sebastos-"revered").
Section 23
1. Kilij Arslan II, Seljuk sultan of Rum (1155-1192).
Section 26
1. T'oros II, Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia (1148-1168).
2. The text reads "make promises."
3. Of. Romans 9:18.
4. Andronicus Comnenus, Byzantine general and cousin of the emperor
Manuel.
5. The Armenian has Kiwr-Manil "Lord ManueV '
6. According to Gregory the Priest's account, it seems. that T'or?s w~s
besieging Mamistra while Andronicus was attemptmg to relIeve It.
However, according to 5mbat, Andronicus was besieging the Armenian
prince in Mamistra. The Byzantine historian John Cinnamus corr?borates Gregory the Priest's view when he states that, when Andromcus
came to Cilicia, Toros was besieging Mamistra.
7. Both Oshin and Vasil were Armenian lords allied with the Byzantines.
.:) \
357
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
NOTES-CONTINUATION
8. The Armenian, Syriac, and Greek sources deal with the Byzantine
debacle in Cilicia at the hands of T' oros. Both Vardan and 5mbat
corroborate Gregory the Priest's account of the episode, giving basically
the same details as Matthew's continuator. On the other hand the
Syriac and Greek sources differ from the Armenian in their details.
Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the Armenians
met the Byzantine army at the gates of Tarsus and defeated it, killing
three thousand and causing the rest to flee by sea. The Greek sources
dwell upon the ineptitude of the Byzantine general Andronicus.
Choniates says that Andronicus was shamefully defeated when he
stupidly divided his army into two parts. Cinnamus, on the other
hand, says that the Byzantine general was a slothful man and given to
all sorts of amusements and luxuries; T'oros, seeing his weakness, took
advantage of the man and defeated him.
356
Section 27
1. Actually the prince Toros.
Section 28
1. Literally "the Door" or "the Gate"- the Syrian Gates, a pass through
the Amanus Mountains, north of Antioch.
2. The Armenian has Frerk'-"Brothers" (Fr. Freres). The Knights
Templar was a military order dedicated to fighting the Muslims in the
East.
3. An animal disease causing acute diarrhea (Ar. tabikh-"hot fever").
4. Sometimes the title l),iijib was given to a general or military com
mander.
5. Both the Armenian and Syriac sources relate this debacle of Mas'tid's
army, although with varying details. Vardan says that Mas'tid's
general Ya'qub was defeated by T'oros's brother Stephen while 5mbat
says that it was the Templars who caused his defeat. 'On the other
hand, Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian state that the Armenian
prince himself fell upon the Muslims and annihilated them.
6. Kavadh I, Sassanid king (488531).
7. The text reads "Causing a great deal of plunder." Two variants and the
Jerusalem text have "Spending many days," which seems to make more
sense here.
8. James of Nisibis (early fourth century), bishop of Nisibis and a
prominent figure in Syrian church tradition.
Section 29
1. The Armenian has melik'ut'ean-"ofthe kingdom."
Section 30
1. A town north-northeast of Ankara.
2. The Armenian has mets ishkhan-"great prince."
Section 32
1. One variant and the Jerusalem text add "and after the rain a torrential
hail."
2. A branch of the Isma'ilite sect of Islam.
3, Stephen.
Section 33
1. Perhaps this is an allusion to the Arabic word hasan-''beautiful''which can be construed (after an initial consonant change) to be the
word Kesoun.
Section 34
1. Also known as Marzban. Located north-northwest of Edessa on the
other side of the Euphrates.
2. According to Michael the Syrian Kilij was barely able to defend his
territories against the Danishmendids; so Nur-ad-Dln was able to take
Marzban and Aintab without a fight.
Section 35
1. Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem (1143-1162).
Section 36
1. The text reads "the Scythian nation." The term is used by the Armenians to refer to the Altaic peoples of central Asia (Turks, Turkomans,
Mongols, etc.).
2. The text reads yeghernat'iwn, which is untranslatable. One variant
and the Jerusalem text have "nefarious."
3. The text reads "because of their unfortunate children." Two variants
and the Jerusalem text have "out of concern for their children."
Section 38
1. Her name was Theodora.
. .
2. William of Tyre gives a detailed account of the invasion R?d plna~ng
of Cyprus, although he makes no mention ofT'oros and hIS ~eman
troops uniting with Reginald in the undertaking of the expedltlon.
358
NOTES-CONTINUATION
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
Section 40
1. The Byzantine emperor and the king of Jerusalem.
2. A ford north-northwest of Aleppo, at the 'AfrIn River.
3. Both the oriental and occidental sources tell of Manuel's withdrawal at
the last moment. Vardan and 5mbat say that the emperor returned to
Constantinople when he received some sort of news from the imperial
city, the latter stating that Manuel used the news as a pretext to
withdraw his troops. Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that
the emperor, after receiving a report from Constantinople that there
was a plot to establish someone else on the imperial throne, departed;
the latter adds that the plot did not succeed. Cinnamus says that an
agreement was established between Manuel and Nur-ad-Din whereby
the emir freed many Frankish noblemen and promised to help the
emperor in his Asiatic campaign. However, Nur-ad-DIn broke his
promise and began to harass the emperor's troops. At this point news
of new events taking place in the West (Constantinople)-Cinnamus
does not mention what these events were-arrived, and so Manuel was
forced to withdraw. On the other hand, William ofTyre simply states
that after the emperor had arranged with Nur-ad-DIn to have certain
Franks freed, he returned to his country where the state ofMs private
affairs necessitated his presence and immediate attention.
4. The Armenian text has lur, which is untranslatable in this context.
One variant has "[when] he."
Section 41
1. The text reads "melted away with fear."
2. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of Manuel's
expedition to Cilicia and upper Mesopotamia (1158-1159), relating the
occupation of CHicia, the triumphal entry into Antioch, the reconcilia
tion with T'oros and Reginald, the meeting with Baldwin, the coopera
tion of the Byzantines, Franks, and Armenians against Nur-ad-Din l
and finally the withdrawal from Aleppo.
Section 42
1. The text leaves out "of the emperor." Two variants and the Jerusalem
text include it.
2. The Jerusalem text has "having fortified [himselfJ."
3. A town southeast of Aleppo, on the Euphrates.
Section 43
1. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the son of Joscelin
was continually plundering the territory of Aleppo, until Nur-ad-Din
laid an ambush for him and captured him.
Section 44
1. Also called Sokman II, grandson of Sokman al-Qutbi, Turkoman ruler
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
359
Section 45
1. One dank is equivalent to an obo!.
Section 46
1. The Jerusalem text has "upon the territory of Alexius.1t
2. Or Tsovk'. Located east-northeast of Edessa, on the other side of the
Euphrates.
3. The Armenian philologist H. Acharyan says this term (Arm. Tsluk) is
derived from the Arabic word zlwq (fast, speedy). It is probably a
derivative of the Arabic root zlq_"to slither, to look at someone disapprovingly."
4. The Armenian has Kharuantay, the meaning of which according to
Malkhaseants perhaps is "mule driver," but not fully ascertainable.
6. William of Tyre gives a rather detailed account of Reginald's capture
by the Muslims, although slightly varying in details from Gregory the
Priest's narration. The count ofAntioch was told that there were many
flocks and herds around the area of Marash, all of them defenseless.
So Reginald set out with a large force and, when he reached the area,
found it full of animals; the people of that area were Christians, while
the Turks only occupied the fortresses. Reginald plundered the area,
but on his way back, laden with booty, he met up with the governor of
Aleppo, an ally of Nfir-ad-Din. The Franks could have escaped by
abandoning their plunder and fleeing, but they chose to stay and fight.
After a brief resistance the Franks fled, leaving their booty, while
Reginald was taken captive and led ignominiously to Aleppo.
6. A town located due east of Antioch, in the direction of Aleppo.
7. Located south-southeast of Antioch on the Orontes River.
Section 47
1. 5mbat, Bar Hebraeus, Michael the Syrian, and Cinnamus give accounts
of Kilij's visit to Constantinople. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the
Syrian say that the sultan, realizing that Ya'qub Arslan (his general)
and the other emirs wished to get rid of him and install his brother on
the throne in his stead, went to Constantinople to get support from the
emperor. There he was greatly honored by the Byzantines, remaining
360
MATTHEW OF EDESSA
in the imperial city for eighty days. The two Syrian chroniclers give a
very fascinating description of how the sultan was honored by the
empe~or. and h~s.. , court. .Cinnamus gives an equally interesting
des rlptlon of KillJ s stay In Constantinople. He says that Manuel
7
~eslred to show the sultan the greatness of the imperial city. Accord-
Section 49
1. The person in question was Andronicus Comnenus. See sec. 26.
\
!
\
i
Aintab-Gaziantep (Turk.)
Aleppo-l;Ialab (Arab.)
Amida-Diyarbekir (Turk.)
Antioch-Antakya (Turk.)
Aplast'a(n)-Elbistan (Turk.)
Aratsani-Murat Su (Turk.)
Archesh-Erjish (Turk.)
Arkni-Ergani (Turk.)
Ascalon-'Asqalan (Arab.)
Akhurian-Arpa Chai (Turk.)
Baghesh-Bitlis (Turk.)
Behesni-Besni (Turk.)
Beirut-Bairiit (Arab.)
Bira-Birejik (Turk.)
.
Caesarea-Qaisariyah (Arab.)
Caesarea Mazaca-Kayseri (Turk.)
Chorokh-Choruh (Turk.)
Cilician Gates-Kuleh Boghazi (Turk.)
Damascus-Dimashq (ash-Sham) (Arab.)
Duluk-Duluk (Turk.)
Edessa-Urfa (Turk.)
Erznka-Erzinjan (Turk.)
Euphrates-Firat (Turk.)
.. .
Gandzak (Ganja)-Kirovabad (AzerbaIJanI)
Gargar-Gerger (Turk.)
Her-Khoy (Khvoy) (Pers.)
Hi~n Kaifa-Hasankeyf (Turk.)
~il?n Manl;lur-Adiyaman (Turk.)
Homs-~im~ (Arab.)
'I
;,)
1:
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*'~
[..,"1;'
/>..
'<I.j
rn
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Aleppo
Al-Athmib
Damascus
100 MILES
100 KM
CILICIA, SYRIA,
AND PALESTINE
lo-12TH CENTURIES
Index
Aaron, Byzantine governor of Ani
and Iberia 78
Abas I, king of Kars 24
Abkhazes 23, 64, 134
Ablgharib, Armenian rnler of Bira
205,220
Ablgharib, Byzantine governor of
Tarsus 144
Ablgharib, commander of Derenik
Ashot 3536
Abu'IHajji, emir of Her 35-36
Ahl1.'l-Uswar, Kurdish emir ofDvin
24,63-64, 132
Abukab, tent-guard of David of
Tayk' 51,55
Abusahl, son of Senek'erim-John
65, 95, 97, 110, 13233
Acre (Ptolemais) 31
Adana 21, 135
Mricans (Fatimids of Egypt) 29,
31,40-41
MshIn, Muslim emir 124-25
A.Qm.ad-Il, Kurdish chief 207
Aintab 242, 27071
Akhalk'alak (town) 101
Akhurian 77, 102, 104
Aksungur, emir of Aleppo 158, 16061
Aksungur al-Bursukl, governor of
Mosul 215, 234-35
Alar (town) 55
Albanians 64-65, 101, 151
Aleppo 20, 51, 132-33, 149, 151,
153,161,199,228,234
Alexius I Comnenus, Byzantine
emperor 143, 155, 165, 185,
224-25
Alp Arslan, Seljuk sultan 101, 102-
368
INDEX
INDEX
Ch'ortuanel, lieutenant of Liparit
79
Christ 113-18
Christians 37-38, 44, 59, 64, 74,
93-94, 98, 125-26, 143, 156,
205-6,257,268,274
Christmas, see Nativity
Chrysopolis (town) 89
Chuash (district of Greater Armenia) 36
Church of the Holy Sepulcher 17879,274
Cilicia 21, 148, 166, 237
comets 41, 62, 124, 129, 168, 198
Comnenus, see Isaac I Comnenus
Constantine VIII, Byzantine emperor 49-50
Constantine IX Monomachus, Byzantine emperor 70-72, 74-79,
81,88
Constantine X Ducas, Byzantine
emperor 91, 97, 99, 104-5,
108-11, 120-21, 127
Constantine I, prince of Cilician Armenia 166-67,174-75
Constantine, ruler of Gargar 168,
220
Constantinople 33, 41, 45, 69, 71,
75,77-78,80,89,97,106,111,
120, 123, 127, 143, 158
creation 111
Crete 20
Cyprus 272
Cyrrhus (town) 51
Cyrus, vardapet 237
Damascus 30, 152, 271
Danishmend, see Malik-Gazi
Danube River 105
Da,ud, son of Sokman 236
David III, Georgian king 227,231,
233,236
David, king of Israel 105
David, son of Senek'erim-John 4445,47, 50,55
David Lackland, king of LoP. 6366,68
David of Tayk', Georgian ruler 37-
369
39,51
Dawatanos, dux of Edessa 99-101
Daylamites of Azerbajian, see Delumk'
Delumk' (Daylamites of Azerbaijan)
24
Demetrius I, Georgian king 231,
236
Derenik-Ashot, king ofVaspurakan
35
Dinar, Muslim emir 92
Diogenes, see Romanus IV
Dioscorus, superior of Dzor 61-62
Drazark (monastery) 218, 237, 280
Ducas, see Constantine X
Dvin 24, 73-75, 280
Dzor (monastery) 61
earthquakes 85,157,267
Easter 41-42, 187-88, 190-91
Edessa 19,28,41,51-55,91,107-9,
126, 130-31, 133, 142-43, 14647, 154, 157, 161-63, 168-70,
175, 177, 188, 190-91, 193,
197, 199, 201, 205, 209-10,
212-13,215,225,243,245
Eghishe, Armenian bishop 78
Egypt 140,173,221
Erznka 73
Erzurum 100
Ethiopians 25, 36, 79, 191
Eucharist (Holy Communion) 117,
124
Eudocia, wife of Constantine IX
127
eulogies 245-57
Euphrates River 126, 146, 205-6,
224
famines 19, 55, 94, 143, 144, 175
al-Faraj, Seljuk sultan 163
fasting 118-20
Fatimids, see Africans
floods 191
Francopoulos, see Herve
Franks 59, 87-88, 107-8, 138, 164
67, 170-73, 178-79, 186-87,
197.98, 205-6, 212-13, 217,
221,243,269,275
370
INDEX
INDEX
Isaiah, Old Testament prophet 45
Isfahan 161
Ishkhan, son of Khach'ik 6970
lsma'il, general ofBerkyaruk 158,
160-61
lsma'll, uncle of Berkyaruk 158
Jabala (town) 32
Jahan (district in CUicia) 149
James, fourth-century bishop of
Nisibis 29
James K'arap'nets'i, vardapet 110,
149
James ofSanahin, vardapet 11011
J awakhk' (district of Greater Arme
nia) 101
Jerusalem 30, 42, 152, 17273,
176-77, 191,213,221
John I Tzimisces, Byzantine emper
or 21-22, 2728
John II Comnenus, Byzantine em
peror 225, 239, 241-42
John, Albanian catholicos 20, 36,
37
John the Baptist 32-33
John the Evangelist 34, 48
John Koze:t;n, vardapet 42,46,48,
56,60,151
John-Smbat III, king of Ani 22.23,
46, 48, 61, 6364, 66
Joscelin I, count of Edessa 165,
193, 201-4, 207, 210, 22526,
228-30, 232, 234, 236-38
Joscelin II, count of Edessa 242,
244, 257-58, 270, 277
Joseph, Albanian catholicos 62
Joseph, vardapet 42
Jubail (fortress) 31
Kara Arslan, ruler of ~~n Kaila
242,258
Karmir-Vank' (monastery) 196,
211, 215, 238, 259
Rars 24,46
Katramide, daughter of George I
Georgian king 23
Kerbogha, see Berkyaruk
Kesoun 211, 217, 226, 238, 241,
259, 267,269
371
372
INDEX
INDEX
373
374
INDEX
INDEX
Tzimisces, see John I Tzimisces
'Utair, emir of Edessa 51-52
Uzes 80, 105, 135
Vahan I, catholicos 28, 36-37
Vahka 174
Vahram, see Gregory II
Vahram Pahlawuni, Armenian
commander 6667, 74
Valania (town) 32
Varag (monastery) 22,35,50
Varazhnunik' (district of Greater
Armenia) 41
Vasak, commander of Bjni 24-25
Vasak, dux of Antioch 141
Vasil, ruler of Bardzraberd 261
375