Place attachment in rural areas:

a participatory research project with

young people in Cedar, British Columbia
Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven
University of Groningen
In the broader context of rural transformation and economic decline, and the socioeconomic consequences associated with this, in this paper, we explore favorite/key
places of a group of young people in rural British Columbia, and specifically the
village of Cedar. We analyze young peoples affective ties to place by describing the
meanings places have for them in terms of social relations, physical characteristics
and individual aspects such as emotions, memories and imagination (see Altman
and Low 1992; Gustafson 2001; Panelli et al. 2007 for more detail). Our data analysis
is preceded by an introduction of the local context and broader issues related to the
youth and rural change, and the discussion of place-attachment and its importance
for young people in rural areas.
Cedar1 is a rural village with approximately 3000 inhabitants (BC Stats 2006) located on the east coast of Vancouver Island, British Columbia (see figure 1). It is predominantly an agricultural area with many people employed in the forestry sector
(McGillivray 2005). Local businesses include a small shopping mall (with a supermarket, restaurant, police post, videostore, liquor store, hairdresser, bank, dollarstore and real estate agency, see figure 2) and, more geographically spread out, a few
pubs, a second hand shop, a hardware store, a florist and a few petrol stations. Many
local people rely on the services in the city of Nanaimo, located 10 kilometers to the
North of Cedar.
Communities like Cedar, depending largely on one resource, have been under a
considerable amount of pressure during the past 20 years. Economic restructuring
has resulted in unstable demand and prices for resources, increasing global competition and automation of industries. In addition to the lack of diversity, labor markets
in rural areas are often unstable (Halseth and Ryser 2007). In the Cedar area, the
closure (and re-opening) of Harmac pulp-mill, the biggest privately owned employer
in the regional district signifies this instability. In the spring of 2008, Harmac went
bankrupt leaving almost 600 people unemployed (The Vancouver Sun 2009). In the
autumn of 2008, the mill started operating again (ibid). People have been required to
(re-)adjust their lives to being in and out of paid work. Regional statistics illustrate the
1 Cedar belongs to the district of Nanaimo.

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

Figure 1.
Location of
Cedar on
Vancouver
Island.

socio-economic consequences many rural communities are facing in the Nanaimo

district2 (see also McGillivray 2005: 258 for a more comprehensive overview): the unemployment rate is higher (3,2% as compared to 2,7% for British Columbia); the number of families receiving income assistance is twice that of BC (1,2% compared with
0,6%) and the number of poor households is exceeding the provincial average (22,4%
compared to 21,4% for British Columbia) (BC Stats 2006). As a result of such developments, many rural villages in British Columbia have faced economic decline and
out-migration of its workforce, especially younger adults (Halseth and Ryser 2007).
This, in turn, has lead to a further weakening of rural economies and populations and
the closure of service facilities in many small communities, making life in rural areas
relatively problematic3,4 (see Meinhard and Foster 2003, Halseth and Ryser 2007).
2 In relation to British Columbia.
3 Indeed, the lack of (leisure) facilities, and of transportation to areas which do have these is an
issue for many small communities in Canada and can be traced back to the 1980s when the
federal government withdrew from the service sector in small rural areas (Meinhard and Foster 2003). At the beginning of the 1990s, various funding changes and cut-backs occurred also
on provincial levels resulting in reduced services in smaller towns and communities (Halseth
and Ryser 2007). The end of the 1990s then was marked by an increasing regionalization of
services and the concentration of services in regional centers (ibid).
4 In some areas of BC this has led to resource towns being entirely abandoned and turning
into ghost towns. On Vancouver Island, however, with a relatively strong tourism industry,
some towns have successfully reinvented themselves using this opportunity. For example,

Place attachment in rural areas

29

Figure 2: Cedar shopping center.

The above statistics somewhat obscure some of the problems for young rural people in particular. Gledinning et al.s (2003) research in Scotland implies such problems as follows: many young people experience loneliness and isolation, as well as
lack of inclusion in rural communities. A key reason may be transport difficulties,
a restricted peer group, and limited leisure opportunities (National Youth Bureau
1990). Glendinning et al. (2003: 141) also found that young people felt uncomfortable and out of place because they are extremely visible within their (small rural)
community. Its like living in a goldfish bowl as one of Glendinning et al.s (2003:
141) respondents reports. In our own study, we encountered similar sentiments. One
student noted: As teenagers, people put more pressure on us, and they portray us as
trouble makers. When I walk into stores, I find that people watch me more. Negative
news about our lives are more abundant in the media than positive things (Anonymous student, 14-16 years, Cedar Community Secondary School, brainstorming
session). Research on Canadian young people in general, too, supports the negative
connotations of the rural youth, reporting more drug- and alcohol-related problems
than the youth in urban areas (Leatherdale et al. 2007), more drinking and driving
accidents (Leadbeater et al. 2008), higher rates of teenage pregnancy (Shoveller et al.
2007), and greater risks of teenage suicide (Leenaars et al. 1998; Masecar 1998). The
Chemainus, the little town that did, has displayed its resource-based history in the form of
murals.

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

above findings resonate with conclusions by Newnham et al. (2008: 31) who state
that the characteristics of rural communities have the potential to create a risk to
psychological and physical health of young people during their important developmental stage.5
In sum, statistical, scientific and anecdotal evidence suggest that young rural
people often feel dislocated and alienated from village life and, consequently, find it
difficult to develop affective ties to places (see also Matthews et al. 2000). However, it
is exactly these affective ties between people and places that hold a potential to support and strengthen a persons psychological well-being and health (see Bonnes and
Bonaito 2003).6 Positive bonds between people and places can motivate individuals
to be involved in local life, foster care about the society in general and peoples immediate environment in particular and can eventually lead people to commit personal resources to a place (Pretty et al. 2003; Altman and Low 1992). Evans (2007)
maintains that such commitment is what makes communities strong and healthy.
Derr (2002) defined place attachment and place identity as crucial factors influencing young peoples preferences for remaining in their community of origin. Based
on such claims, understanding and facilitating place attachment could be relevant
for small rural communities struggling with out-migration of younger adults.
Place attachment and young people
Places, the physical and social context in which people spend their daily lives, are
sources of personal identity and strong emotions/feelings evoked in people. Through
their experiences in/with specific places people develop a connection with and feelings towards those locations (Shamai and Israel 1991). Such feelings, translated into
affective ties (both positive and negative), are referred to as place attachment (Altman and Low 1992).7 The main characteristic of the concept of place attachment is
defined by Hidalgo and Hernndez (2001: 274) as the tendency of the individual to
maintain closeness to places s/he has an affective relationship to.8 The relationship
5 In spite of the uncertainties of living in rural areas for the working population, research elsewhere emphasises the qualitites of the rural for other population groups, most notably children (see, for example, Glendinning et al. 2003). Rural areas are considered safe for children;
they have more freedom to develop, their being in nature is good for their health and they are
supported by close-knit rural communities (Abbott-Chapman 2006).
6 Moreover, physical places, especially places one is attached to, are found to be defining factors
of an individuals identity. Twigger-Ross et al. (2003) found that people derive much of the
sense of who they are and much of their self-esteem from their group memberships or place
belongings.
7 See also Pretty et al. (2003) or Lewicka (2011) for a comprehensive overview of different
different defi
defininitions (and definition difficulties) of place attachment.
8 Environmental psychologists use Bowlbys (1969) attachment theory to compare place attach-

Place attachment in rural areas

31

itself comprises bonds with both, physical as well as social aspects of a place (see
Altman and Low 1992). Physical aspects of places provide opportunities for desired
activities and, in that way, become associated with positive emotions and experiences.9 People also develop emotional bonds to places because of their relations to and
meetings with other people (e.g. friends, family, local community). That kind of an
attachment, developed in interaction with others, implies a deeper psychological and
emotional investment within a setting, and can develop into place identity (TwiggerRoss et al. 2003).
The place attachment literature makes assumptions about the relative importance
of life experiences (and thus a persons age), the range and extent of activities in and
interaction with place, and power relations pertaining to defining and controlling
place. This literature is therefore more focused on the attachment of places by adults
rather than young people. For example, the legal and societal status of adulthood
affords adults more influence, a greater voice and more freedom of action in the use
of places (and the definition of barriers to places) (Hay 1998). As a dominant group,
adults define places and narratives about places (Larsen 2004). This affords them
more opportunities to develop a positive and caring attachment to places. In protecting adult places, symbolic and physical mechanisms of exclusion, such as signs
in shops (or the mosquito,10 to prevent a notable presence of teenagers in stores),
parks or on the streets, young peoples presence and behavior is controlled. In so doing, young people are denied the same opportunities to develop affective ties with
place.
However, some authors have illustrated that youth young people have different
narratives about place than adults and this merits our attention. Place attachment is
often associated with longer periods of stay during which bonds can be developed via
(repeated) experiences and events in peoples lives that are connected to particular
locales (see Rubenstein and Parmalee 1992). Abbott-Chapman (2006) argues that experiencing place and creating memories of place are important as they link personal
past and present with a sense of who people are. In that sense, attachment to one
place is relative to the experience of other places (ibid). Post (2008), however, found
that an intense experience of short duration can facilitate strong and long lasting attachment to places which people have not necessarily visited frequently or spent a lot
of time in. Such short yet intense experiences are more likely associated with young
people. Because young people operate more in the present and immediate future
ment to a childs attachment and desire to remain close to their mother (see Bonnes et al. 2003).
9 That kind of attachment is also called place dependence or functional attachment (see Vaske
& Korbin 2001).
10 A high-pitched sound device, audible only to young people, used in shops, on the street outside shops and cafes, or in residential areas. Also called anti-teen device as its sound puts
the youth off from gathering in areas in the vicinity of the Mosquito and therefore it helps to
disperse groups of young people (Times Online 2009).

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

rather than attributing different ideal images of past and future to landscape as do
adults, young people, are more likely to become attached to places after a brief but
intense experience (Post 2008: 142). Post (2008: 141) argues that young people are
better and faster able to become attached, but also detached, from places through
their actions and ability to be in the here and now. Such intense experiences are
facilitated by the imagination of young people which is more closely tied to activity.
Post (2008: 143) (drawing on work by Tuan 1977) maintains that [young people]
may look matter of factly on places that to adults are haunted by memories. Whereas
for adults heritage and the past play an important role in their relationship to places,
for the youth it is more important to be free to engage in desired activities and have
enough room for exploration and discovery.

Self

Familiarity & change

(life-path, memories,
experiences); retreat
(privacy); selfexpression (agency)

Physical (natural &

built-up)
environment;
opportunities/lack of
opportunities
Environment

Relations &
meetings; inclusion
& exclusion;
authority &
transgression
Others

Figure 3: Meanings of place (after Gustafson 2001).

Approaches to Measuring Place Attachment: Self, others and the environment

In order to explore young peoples place attachment in Cedar, we draw on Gustafsons (2001) model which, in turn, utilises categories used by other authors in measuring place attachment (see, for example Relph 1976; Sixsmith 1986; Agnew 1987;
Canter 1997; Manzo and Perkins 2006; Panelli et al. 2007). Gustafson (2001) explores
place attachment around three dominant categories: self, others and the environment (see figure 3).

Place attachment in rural areas

33

The category self refers to the personal aspects of place, to familiarity, memories, experiences, privacy, retreat and self-expression. Gustafson (2001) associates the
self with places that over a period of time become a source of self-identification for
people (see also Twigger-Ross and Uzzell 1996). Identifying oneself with a particular
place requires continuity, knowledge of and familiarity with a place. But once it happens, such places of self-identification are for example used by people for explaining
others who they are (Gustafson 2001). The category self is also strongly associated
with emotion (ibid). In Gustafsons (2001) study, respondents associated their daily
places with emotions such as security and a sense of home.
The category others summarizes the social aspects of place the relations and
meetings with people as well as issues connected to inclusion and exclusion. The others also indicates distinctive features/properties and behaviour of inhabitants of a
particular place (e.g. an area where a lot of immigrants live becomes an immigrant
neighbourhood) (ibid).
The environment category encompasses the physical aspects of place together
with the symbolic, historical, institutional and geographical aspects (Gustafson
2001: 11). It can be illustrative of the opportunities as well as the lack of opportunities
that the physical environment provides for certain activities and experiences as well
as the (distinctive features of) natural environment itself. The category environment also indicates the localization of places in terms of nearness or distance to
other places (Gustafson 2001).
In the remainder of this paper we briefly outline our approach and research participants before discussing young peoples place attachment. As noted above, we use
Gustafsons (2001) categories: self, others and the environment. It is important to emphasize, however, that the multiple meanings of place as expressed by our
participants do not exclusively or unambiguously belong to a single category but
can rather be illustrated as a relationship between the self, others and the environment.
Methodology
The research adopted a participatory approach using a mix of qualitative methods
to explore young peoples place experiences. Video, photography, mental mapping,
walking and interviews were used by research participants to communicate their
place experiences to the researchers (Trell
Trell and van Hoven 2010 for a detailed discussion and comparison of the research methods). Such a mix of multiple, qualitative
methods is preferred in order to explore different facets of place experiences, to give
young people with different skills a chance to find alternative ways of expression
(Valentine 2001) and to help them develop and practice new skills (Kellet et al. 2004;
Kellet 2005). In addition, with each method, different aspects and details of young
peoples places can be revealed to the researchers (see Cele 2006). In this research,
our aim was to enable the respondents to participate in the project as co-research-

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

ers.11 Using a participatory approach implied that the respondents helped define the
focus of the project, formulated questions and lead the process of data collection.
Research group
The research group consisted of four students from Cedar Community Secondary
School and the authors of this paper. At the time of carrying out the research, the
four students Shaleeta, Kevin, Ryan and Evan were 17 years old and attended the
11th grade in Cedar Community Secondary School. All of the students were born and
raised on Vancouver Island although Shaleeta and Evan had moved around different
cities before settling in Cedar. Three of the respondents were male and one female,
none of them represented an ethnic minority. Shaleeta was working part time during the whole school-year, the rest of the students had a summer job and, during
school time, were occasionally employed by local businesses. Ryan was the only one
living with both parents, the other students were either living with their mother and
a stepfather (Shaleeta and Kevin) or with relatives (Evan). Evan and Shaleeta moved
to Cedar only in grade 10 whereas Ryan and Kevin had been living in (the vicinity
of) Cedar their whole life.
Data analysis and discussion
Young people and place-attachment in Cedar
Early in the data collection phase it appeared that, although the students had an
extensive list of places which they considered meaningful, a number of locations
stood out as key places in their local, daily lives. These places can be grouped into two
categories: shared key places and individual key places. The first category included
Woodgrove Centre (a large mall in Nanaimo) and Cedar Community Secondary
School (CCSS), which were considered important and visited by all of the participating students. Shared key places appeared to be most directly connected to the
others theme in Gustafsons (2001) model (see figure 2 above). The second category,
individual key places, included a wide range of places for self and reasons for preferring them related to themes of identity (individual interests), solitude and self-expression. In addition, the very specific physical characteristics of a place emerged as
significant. In the following sections we will discuss the students key places within
the framework of self, others and environment (Gustafson 2001) and explore
how different aspects, specific to these categories, can influence young peoples place
preferences and attachment to their places.

11 The work by Hart (1997) on young peoples participation was used as a guideline in achieving
meaningful participation.

Place attachment in rural areas

35

The Self : Place attachment in continuity, memories, retreat and self-expression

According to Gustafson (2001), continuity (i.e. length of residence in a place, lifepath, frequent visits, memories connected to a place, being able to notice change) is
an important aspect connecting a peoples self to places. Indeed, also for our young
research participants, certain places appeared to be meaningful because they acted
as bridges to the past (Manzo, 2005: 78) bringing back memories. The quotes by
young people below illustrate that both continuity and long-term interaction as well
as shorter, but intense, place experiences were relevant for the respondents psychological well-being and sense of self. Manzo (2005) argues that places can provide an
anchor point and stability within the changing world (and changing rural communities). Losing a loved place then can have a great impact on peoples mental well-being
that can be compared to the feelings evoked by loss of a beloved one (Twigger-Ross
et al. 2003). Both aspects were found in our data.
Throughout the project, the students narrations implied a familiarity with even
the smallest details of their places. For example Ryan (male, 17) knew exactly how
high the water in his favorite childhood place, the creek, would rise in spring. And
Kevin (male, 17), demonstrated how small, seemingly insignificant objects in his
house, where he had lived for 17 years, were able to bring back memories:
Got the bathroom [] I like this room. [] And there, these things have actually
been here since I was 4. Theres killer whales up there. Ive been here since I was 4,
thats pretty cool (Kevin, narrating his movie).
However, over longer periods of time, (familiar) places tend to change. Whether
due to external factors or conscious efforts of local people, through changes, places
acquire new meanings and new ties with places may be formed (Gustafson 2001).
For instance, the favourite childhood place of Ryan, the creek, changed as the forest
around it was logged just before the start of our project:
The creek is an area where, when I was a little kid, we used to go to swim, and its
really like a social place where I really used to love to go until they started logging
all the forest around it. [] They came to log our forest and, literally overnight,
there was justtons of trees gone from the area [] the entire forest around my
living area that I grew up with is gone (Ryan, discussing the mental map and
video).
The changes within his favourite and familiar place, which he had no power to prevent, were sources of negative emotions for Ryan. As a result, Ryans previous favourite place lost its meaning. An important bridge to the past was severed.
In Evans case, it was not the length of time spent at a place that facilitated a change
in self but a shorter, intense and positive experience. Evan (male, 17) had lived in

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

22 different places and gone to 11 different schools.12 In Cedar, Evan lived with his
aunt and uncle and intended to graduate at this school. Evan comments:
I have moved around a lot, and I havent gotten a chance to be very social. [..] And
coming to Cedar... I finally have sort of a cohesion where I can say, you know, this
is me, I have something to identify myself with (Evan, student-led interview).
Findings from our research also suggest that certain places, objects, activities, times
of day or combination thereof become meaningful for the youth specifically because
they provide an opportunity for reflection and solitude but also a time and context to
be independent and in control (see Hay 1998). Such places appeared to be mostly private and contained meaningful activities and objects. In these places young people
could express themselves freely, be themselves (Abbot-Chapman 2006: 12) or do
whatever we want (Shaleeta, female, 17). In fact, young people appeared to appreciate and feel the strongest emotional connection, a sense of possession and attachment, towards such places within their daily lives. That resonates with the findings
of Abbott-Chapman (2006: 15) who concluded that young people are more drawn by
quiet and private green retreats where they can reflect on their lives and relax than
by noisy and crowded spaces. Whether its taking a walk to the city at night (Shaleeta), climbing on top of the school roof (Kevin) or gluing a monkey-pen to ones
bedroom door (Evan) such moments of self and places or objects associated with
them were loaded with positive meaning within the everyday landscape as the quotes
by Kevin and Shaleeta below illustrate:
And this [school roof], this is my favorite spot to be. [] I just love this place. I
love Cedar, a lot, especially up here, its great (Kevin, narrating his movie).
I used to want to go on walks late at night and its the easiest time to go is... at
night when nobodys around, when nothings happening, you can just go on a
walk and think and do whatever you want (Shaleeta, peer-led interview).
The Others: Place attachment in relations and meetings, exclusion and inclusion
The others or the social dimension of place attachment characterized by relations
and meetings, in our study were predominantly young peoples friends and peers.
However, adults with whom the youth share their everyday places with have an influence on how young people experience and relate to their places. For our research
participants, sharing places with adults sometimes manifested as experiences of
exclusion, other times as inclusion. The local Cedar Community Secondary School
12 This was due to his mothers medical condition.

Place attachment in rural areas

37

(CCSS) and Woodgrove Center (the shopping mall in Nanaimo) were identified by
young people of our study as key places for meeting and creating relations with the
others.
The local school
In small rural areas such as Cedar, with hardly any places for young people to socialize, school plays a key role in young peoples daily lives. The school (in addition to the
students homes) is a place where the biggest part of a young peoples day is spent. The
relationship between CCSS and the students is an interesting one and contrasts findings from other research projects (see Langhout 2004, Faircloth and Hamm 2005),
where school was experienced by the youth as a place of constant power struggles,
surveillance and control. CCSS is described by the students as one of their favorite
places because of its relaxed atmosphere, the presence of their friends and the laid
back teachers (Ryan, male, 17). CCSS appears as an inclusive place within which it
is easy to interact and where students often have a say in the way things are done, i.e.
can exercise some influence.
The findings suggest that adults the friendly teachers and their attitude towards the students have the greatest positive influence on the students experiences
of their school. Good teacher-student relations contribute to the students experiences of school as a really nice comfortable place (Kevin), open and accepting
(Shaleeta), relaxed and laid back (Ryan) and pretty neat and social (Evan). All of
the students describe their teachers as friendly, understanding or supportive.
Ryan explains in a student-led interview that the teachers are like family almost
and make him feel at home.
We noted above that place can facilitate change in the self. The relaxed atmosphere of CCSS was experienced as a facilitator of positive changes for Evan and Shaleeta and manifested itself (already after a short period of stay in Cedar) in terms of
opening up and becoming more social:
I used to be a complete social introvert and Cedars [CCSS] really broadened me
out, so. Yes,... schools definitely had a huge impact on my life (Evan, peer-led
interview).
The regional mall
In the North-American context, malls in general are considered to be key places for
the youth for meeting friends and peers, being together and hanging out. Malls are
argued to have replaced many public places and their functions in the USA as well
as Canada during the past decades (Shepherd 1998). For young people, malls are
particularly important as places that offer a weatherproof environment in which it is
possible to see different people, get in touch with global consumer culture and practice predefined social roles (ibid). For the youth in small rural areas regional centers
usually offer possibilities to meet other young people. Nanaimo city, the regional

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Elen-Maarja Trell and Bettina van Hoven

centre closest to Cedar, has no compact city centre which would facilitate interaction
between people. The absence of a centre magnified the importance and impact of local malls on young peoples daily lives. The fact that Woodgrove mall was frequently
visited (despite the distance approximately 20 kilometres from Cedar) and considered a key place by all of our research participants reiterates the importance of the
theme others for young people. For example, Ryan explains his reasons for visiting
the Woodgrove mall as follows:
Well a lot of the time its like more of a social hangout place. I dont really go there
much to buy much (Ryan, mental maps discussion).
Indeed, social
ocial psychologists argue that friendship orientation, trying on new identities and roles and seeking affirmation from friends, peaks in mid-adolescence surpassing the influence of parents who are seen as symbols of control and limitations
(see, for example, Crosnoe, 2000). Locations which facilitate such opportunities become key places.
Even though informal and formal control measures also exist at the local school
(e.g. in the form of the school regulations and teacher supervision), this was not noted
as an issue which impacted young peoples overall positive experiences. However, despite predominantly positive experiences at Woodgrove mall, students occasionally
felt excluded and constrained by adult behavior and formal control measures such as
security guards and surveillance cameras (see also Panelli et al. 2002). It is interesting to note in this context that the students themselves conducted interviews during
our project with the manager of the shopping center, a security guard, shopkeepers
and different visitors to explore adult perspectives on young people in the mall. In the
project evaluation the students positively commented on the fact that this had given
them a broader perspective on youth-adult interaction, when compared with their
incidental encounters.
From the above, it appears that social aspects of place can be relevant for the wellbeing and development of young people. In the next section we will turn to exploring
the importance of physical aspects of place, or the environment.
The Environment Place attachment in place-specific opportunities/limitations
The relevance of the physical environment for peoples place-experiences refers to the
important role places play in providing conditions that support intended activities
(Brown and Raymond 2007). Gustafson (2001) found that places that support desired
activities are often perceived as positively meaningful. Below, the opportunities that
the physical environment in Cedar creates for young people and the ways physical
characteristics of place can facilitate place attachment, will be discussed.
As discussed above, the setting of our study (Cedar village) can be characterized as
predominantly natural environment. It is a rural area which the students described

Place attachment in rural areas

39

as rocks and trees, rocks and trees, more rocks and trees (Kevin, discussion during
the planning of the student-led walk). Cedar provides countless opportunities for
outdoor activities and recreation. The interests, personalities and life-paths of young
people were decisive factors in whether such an environment was experienced as full
of opportunities or, on the contrary, full of constraints. In that way, the environment
theme appeared to be strongly connected to peoples self. For example in the case of
Kevin, who is highly active, the physical characteristics of Cedar were enabling him
to pursue desired activities like climbing, mountain biking and running. Kevin and
Ryan had the following discussion while explaining their mental maps:
Kevin: Anyway, theres forest and stuff [in Cedar] that I like to go to and climb
trees. Yeah, and I love climbing, A LOT
Ryan: Hes like a monkey, he just likes climbing, as long as Ive known him, since
grade 8
Kevin: Yeah, Im highly active, I love to climb, I love heights, thats why I climb.
Clark and Moss (2001) argued that the importance of the physical environment and
paying attention to details change with age and are dominant in childhood. In our
project, this appeared to be the case as well. Ryan and Kevin, the only ones who had
childhood experiences with and memories of Cedar, were also the only ones who valued the physical characteristics of the area and experienced it as full of possibilities.
For example, in his movie, Kevin continuously stresses the role of natural characteristics and scenery of Cedar as factors influencing his preferences and attachment:
See, this is why I love this place, its got nice scenery. Theres the swamp there.
Little bird over there, thats always nice. Just a nice area. I love it out here in Cedar.
I love Cedar (Kevin, narrating his movie).
Furthermore, very specific natural features were considered important by Ryan and
Kevin in their activities and experiences of Cedar. For example water (ocean, river,
creek, swamp) featured often among the meaningful places of Kevin and Ryan. For
Kevin, the swamp in Cedar was connected with his childhood I actually used to
come out here in a little tub (explained during the walk). For both, Ryan and Kevin,
Nanaimo river symbolized friends and fun summer activities which made it an important place for them its another place where we like to go for I dont know basically just swim, jump off the cliffs, whatever (Ryan, mental maps discussion). For
Kevin, the ocean was connected to his hobby, dragonboating, being active and sportive I love the ocean. Incidentally, the findings from our study resonate with the
findings of Kaivola and Rikkinen (2004) in Finland who argue that teenagers have
a high level of appreciation of natural sites with water. Similarly, Abbot-Chapman
(2006) found that teenagers favorite places often include places with water because
they afford popular and desired activities such as fishing, sailing or swimming.

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Evan and Shaleeta, who had spent less than two years in Cedar did not have any
special feelings towards the natural environment. They experienced it rather as a
limitation and concluded that they never actually do anything in Cedar (Evan) and
that the only time I ever do anything is like in town [Nanaimo] (Evan), referring to
the possibilities that the built-up environment in the city offers for their needs.
In this paper, we examined place attachment of young people in Cedar, a small
rural area in British Columbia, Canada. We explored narratives about key places for
young people and their reasons for preferring those places, in order to understand
different dimensions of place attachment for young people. Young peoples reasons
for preferring their key places appeared to be connected to both, social and physical
characteristics of places, and, in addition, influenced by an individuals personality,
interests and experiences i.e. personal aspects connected to places (see also Gustafson 2001). The findings suggest that places become meaningful for young people first
of all because of the social interaction they facilitate. Relationships and interaction
with others help people try on different social roles and make and re-make themselves, hence the relevance of places for meeting others, who are in the process of
forming their identities and discovering the self (Manzo 2003).
In a small community, the possibilities for interaction are limited for the youth.
The results of our study imply that young people in rural areas may become more
attached to regional centers with more possibilities for creating new relations and
meeting people. Such places provide more opportunities for young people for meeting people who share their ideas or have things in common. Places shared with
others, however, can also be controversial places for the youth. For example although
entertainment and shopping venues (e.g. Woodgrove mall in our study) are valued
by young people for socialization, meeting friends, seeing other people and being
seen, they may also experience such places as restrictive (see also Abbott-Chapman
2006).
In the literature, a pre-requisite of place attachment is connected to the possibility
to exercise power and influence in certain settings (Hay 1998). In shared settings,
it becomes apparent who does or does not have the power to claim space for their
intended activities. Adults, as the powerful group in society, are able to enforce certain rules, meanings and values on commercial and public space that can clash with
young peoples activities or views. Therefore, even though the regional centers and
shopping malls are relevant for young people, in order to be themselves and make
their own space they have to carve out alternative places within their daily landscape.
In line with the findings of Abbott-Chapman (2006) the results of our study indicate that natural environments in particular offer young people the possibility for
having a place for taking time out, doing nothing and being away from adult supervision. Green retreats were experienced by the youth as places in which they are in
charge, places where they can choose to be alone or with selected friends, in activities
or doing nothing (Abbot-Chapman 2006: 10). Whereas the school and the mall i.e.

Place attachment in rural areas

41

the places to meet others were reported by our research participants as meaningful
for everybody, the depth and intensity of the bond between students and places that
provided possibilities for being alone and reflecting on the world i.e. places for self
appeared to be much greater. Life-paths, childhood experiences and memories connected to places contributed to young peoples valuation of the local natural environment.
In conclusion, our study, although limited in scope, suggests that place attachment can contribute to young peoples well-being and satisfaction and that both,
places for interaction and places for solitude are necessary to maintain that well-being. But more extensive research should be undertaken to understand young peoples
motivation to leave or stay in their community of residence and for finding possibilities to improve psychological and physical well-being of the (rural) youth.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to express their gratitude to the International Council for Canadian
Studies (ICCS), the Association for Canadian Studies in The Netherlands (ACSN),
Groningen Universiteits Fund (GUF), the Faculty of Spatial Sciences (FRW) at the
University of Groningen and the Canadian Studies Centre at the University of Groningen for their financial support to this research project. The authors are particularly grateful to the principal of Cedar Community Secondary School, mrs. Susann
Young, and the research participants Ryan, Shaleeta, Kevin and Evan for their help
and cooperation. We would also like to thank Tamara Kaspers-Westra for her help
with the map of Vancouver Island.
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