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Journal of Pragmatics 31 (1999) 535-556

The 'well-defined' is ' ambiguous' - Indeterminacy

in Chinese conversation"
Hui-Ching Chang*
Department of Communication (M/C 132), University of Illinois at Chicago,
1140C Behavioral Sciences Building, 1007 W. Harrison Street, Chicago, IL 60607, USA

Received 15 January 1998; revised version 3 September 1998

Abstract
This paper discusses the idea of 'indeterminacy' in Chinese discourse space as a way to
build the link between the well-defined role relationship systems of Chinese and a tendency
to engage in indirect, ambiguous verbal discourse. Because Chinese relations are welldefined, it is possible to employ a repertoire of ambiguous verbal strategies to negotiate and
redefine interpersonal position without having to directly challenge the established rules of
relationship. The indeterminate linguistic space is particularly necessary for individuals to
handle not-so-close, yet connected, relational partners, such as in-laws, relatives, and
acquaintances. Created by the exchange of indirect messages, the indeterminate linguistic
space provides interactants opportunities to protect and serve their own ends, while at the
same time integrating the needs of the self with the greater good of society. Underneath externally harmonious Chinese social interaction lie elaborate verbal means of relational manipulation. To illustrate how the operation of the indeterminate linguistic space constitutes the
contents of relationships, three discourse samples collected from fieldwork in Taiwan are analyzed in depth. A critical evaluation of current literature on Chinese communication is also
provided. 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Chinese conversation; Indirect communication; Language ambiguity; Relational
negotiation; Role hierarchy

I. Introduction
Analyzing conversational discourse in specific cultural contexts is an important
challenge to studies o f verbal style. One must deal not only with describing verbal
performance but also with the cultural system(s) that engender such performance.
The linguistic style called for depends on so m a n y factors, including the situation in
The author would like to thank Dr. Jacob L. Mey and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful
comments on this paper.
* Phone: +1 312 413 2199; E-mail: huiching@uic.edu
0378-2166/99/$ - see front matter 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.
PII: S0378-2166(98)00088-5

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which speakers find themselves, the relationship between the interactants, the goals
they intend and consider appropriate for the context, and the cultural parameters
which simultaneously define the context for conversational partners and become the
subject for negotiation in specific conversational episodes. Gudykunst and TingToomey (1988: 100) summarize the complexities involved: "Verbal interaction
styles reflect and embody the affective, moral, and aesthetic patterns of a culture ...
expressed through shades of tonal qualities, modes of nonverbal channels, and consistent thematic developments in the discourse process".
Past research has identified various dimensions of linguistic style - such as indirect versus direct, elaborate versus succinct, personal versus contextual, instrumental
versus affective, and so on (Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey, 1988) - across cultural
boundaries. Among many activities accomplished through verbal interaction, individual cultures choose to prioritize some and ignore others, thereby making it possible for cultural meaning to be successfully enacted through sense-making processes
pursued by conversants. It could be said that macro-level cultural rules are accomplished through the micro-level verbal exchanges.
Through observing traditional Chinese emphasis on hierarchical relations and a
generally tighter cultural constitution which allows for less role deviation, scholars
have concluded that Chinese conversational discourse is characterized by welldefined rules governing how people of different role relationships should speak to
one another (Bond and Hwang, 1986; Chen and Chung, 1994; Yum, 1988). Compared to Western cultures, where 'communication' is often seen as an expression of
the 'self' (Katriel and Philipsen, 1981), Chinese cultures treat 'communication' as a
means of reaffirming the communicator as a member of society and maintaining
social harmony (Oliver, 1971).
On the other hand, in contrast to Western styles that are said to stress precise,
straightforward expression of thought (due to emphasis on individualism), Chinese
verbal style is often described as imprecise and ambiguous (due to emphasis on collectivism) (Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey, 1988). Thus, while Western speakers tend
to fashion meanings clearly in verbal utterances, Chinese speakers emphasize listener
interpretation of received messages. Considering Chinese conversation, then, one
finds the puzzling conflation of two apparently contradictory qualities of speech:
more well-defined role relationship systems lead to less direct verbal discourse.
How can Chinese rules of speaking be at the same time 'well-defined' and
'ambiguous'? If there are well-defined rules governing how speakers of different
relationships should talk to each other, why would they need to exchange ambiguous, indirect messages? The usual answer is that, precisely because Chinese relationships are well-defined, there is little need to be verbally explicit since utterances
can be interpreted against definitions of the relationship. This still does not, however, answer the question of how a sociolinguistic variable such as clarity of role
definition relates to degree of verbal explicitness. The issue of how speakers in traditional Chinese cultures enact 'defined' roles within layers of relational hierarchy
by exchanging 'ill-defined' messages, remains to be explored.
In this paper, I offer the principle of indeterminacy as the link between 'welldefined' and 'ambiguous', to resolve the seeming contradiction. Indeterminacy is the

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537

missing element in studies of Chinese verbal style. As will be evident, there is in

Chinese conversation an indeterminate linguistic space, created by the exchange of
indirect messages, which allows interactants considerable flexibility in negotiating
relational position and role behavior within the confines of a relational system.

2. I n d i r e c t m o d e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n - T h e C h i n e s e r e l a t i o n a l c o n t e x t

Indirectness, as a discourse strategy or communication style, has received considerable scholarly attention. Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey (1988: 100) define indirect
verbal style as "verbal messages that camouflage and conceal speakers' true intentions in terms of their wants, needs, and goals in the discourse situation". Indirectness often occurs as politeness strategies (Brown and Levinson, 1987), frequently
defined in terms which relate it to 'restricted code' (Bernstein, 1971) and 'high-context' communication (Hall, 1976). Several studies analyze specific cultural contexts
in which indirect communication performs various social functions and realizes
diverse cultural meanings (Katriel, 1986; Keenan, 1974; Rosaldo, 1973).
2.1. The Chinese mode of indirectness

A prevalent Western impression of Chinese has to do with the purported

'inscrutability' of their speech and interpersonal behavior (Young, 1982). This view
is fostered not only in popular media, but by scholars who assert that the indirect
mode of speaking is a signature feature of Chinese communication (Gudykunst and
Ting-Toomey, 1988; Ma, 1996; Ting-Toomey, 1988; Yum, 1988; see also Triandis,
1995), evocatively described in Kaplan's (1966: 10) description of Chinese written
discourse:
"In this kind of writing, the developmentof the paragraph may be said to be 'turning and turning in a
widening gyre'. The circles or gyres turn around the subject and show it from a variety of tangential
views, but the subject is never looked at directly."
According to some, Chinese indirectness comes from teachings of Confucius on
the importance of relational hierarchy and social harmony (Chen and Chung, 1994;
Yum, 1988). Yum (1988) views Asian communication patterns as idiosyncratic,
marked by process orientation, differentiated linguistic codes, indirect communication emphasis, and receiver centeredness. These qualities, Yum argues, are influenced by Confucian ideals: particulafism, emphasis on long-term relational development, asymmetrical reciprocity, drawing of clear distinctions between ingroup and
outgroup members, use of informal intermediaries, and overlapping of personal with
public relations.
The Confucian view of hierarchical relationship leads to different rules of communication for different relationships (Chang and Holt, 1991; Chen and Chung,
1994). Since each relationship is special, communication style tends to be 'high-context', with outsiders unlikely to share contextual information needed to understand
communication episodes (Gudykunst and Kim, 1992; Ting-Toomey, 1988).

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In asymmetrical relationships, for example, subordinates are often reluctant to initiate direct communication with superiors (Lu, 1998), particularly in conflict situations (Solomon, 1971; Ting-Toomey, 1988). Solomon (1971: 120) notes that Chinese children are "not taught to see conflict as a legitimate aspect of social life", but
rather to inhibit aggression (Dana, 1993; Wu, 1985). Instead of communicating
directly to solve problems, superiors may treat subordinates with human-heartedness,
while subordinates can appeal for sympathy or fair treatment based upon past loyalty.
Underpinning such practices are self-cultivation and 'toning down' any desires the
self may have, so the greater good of society may be achieved (Bond and Hwang,
1986; Dana, 1993; Solomon, 1971). Hence, direct confrontation is discouraged
whereas indirect forms of communication permeate aspects of Chinese daily life.
Chinese interaction is often based upon the contents of relationship; as a result,
Chinese tend to use more convoluted approaches - such as going to acquaintances to communicate messages. Hence, rather than communicate directly with targets,
Chinese often use intermediaries for a variety of interpersonal transactions, such as
building connections or making requests (Chang and Holt, 1991; King and Bond,
1985), and resolving conflicts (Ma, 1992).
The indirect mode of communication said to characterize Chinese societies (Giles
and Powesland, 1975) is closely connected to the Chinese tendency to focus on interactional partners in communication episodes (Young, 1982; Yum, 1988). Gudykunst
and Ting-Toomey (1988) note that indirect style is used to preserve mutual face
needs and to uphold group harmony. In addition to these theoretical accounts, several scholars have conducted linguistic and discourse analysis of Chinese indirect
communication. For example, Ma (1996) proposes four categories of 'contrary-tothe-face-value' communication (CFVC), based upon internal motivation (whether
the speaker aims at self-serving or other serving) and external speech (whether the
speaker says 'yes' for 'no' or says 'no' for 'yes'.) As strange and complex as CFVC
may seem, it allows the speaker to maintain harmony or avoid damaging the face of
the interactant. Contrary to the common precepts that Chinese communication does
not emphasize self, Ma (1996: 263) notes that not all CFVC messages are oriented
exclusively toward harmony-building; rather, these messages " c a n be quite strategic
and manipulative as well".
Based on the views of several native Chinese regarding what they expect in Chinese norms of argument, Young (1982: 83) concludes,
"... [T]here is a genuine concern that the ability to retain the listener's attention not be jeopardized.Such
a task is accomplishedin Chinese discourse, then, by a deliberate maneuveringin the direction of a less
aggressive and more consensual appearance, with the intent to create and maintain a receptive environment for one's remark .... The speaker and the listener become bonded in a cooperative endeavor."
The Chinese tendency to practice harmony actually reflects a willingness to recognize and respect diversity. Perhaps one of the most important characteristics of
Chinese communication lies in the cognitive and emotive effort expended in
attempting to include other people in discourse processes. Chinese discourse style
"... assumes a dynamic, outward movement that redirects or broadens the focus to
include the other in the communication" (Young, 1994: 195).

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539

In addition, these values (often characterized as 'Confucian') are conflated with

values of collectivist cultures (Hofstede, 1984; Triandis, 1988, 1995). The intersection of Chinese/Confucian and collectivist values can be observed in the following
description:
"'The value orientationof collectivism,in contrast, constrainsmembers of cultures such as China,Japan,
and Korea from speaking boldly through explicit verbal communicationstyle. Collectivistcultures like
China, Japan, and Koreaemphasizethe importanceof group harmonyand group conformity.Group harmony and group conformityare accomplishedthroughthe use of imprecise, ambiguousverbal communication behaviors." (Gudykunstand Ting-Toomey, 1988: 102)
In summary, Chinese communication style has the following characteristics: it
emphasizes protection of face; it promotes indirect communication; it practices deference; it avoids confrontation; and it places a greater burden on receivers to interpret messages (Giles and Powesland, 1975; Gudykunst and Kim, 1992; Gudykunst
and Ting-Toomey, 1988; Ma, 1996; Ting-Toomey, 1988; Triandis, 1995). The positive and negative implications of these characterizations are summarized by Young
(1982: 82): "Viewed callously, the Chinese discourse appears imprecise, unwieldy,
and downright inept. Cast more charitably, it is seen to emphasize cooperation, prudence, and clear-headed caution".
2.2. The Chinese relational context

Despite the apparent divergence of these descriptions of Chinese communication,

it is generally agreed that Chinese communicative activity is inseparable from Chinese views of interpersonal relationship (Chang and Holt, 1991; Chen and Chung,
1994; Ma, 1992; Solomon, 1971; Yum, 1988). Taking the well-defined character of
Chinese relationships, along with Chinese emphasis on social harmony and tendency
to mark distinctions between the ingroup and outgroup, there appears to be little
need for Chinese to use universalistic meanings (Bernstein, 1971) to elaborate messages through direct communication (Yum, 1988).
Chinese relational complexity is seen not only in the richness and diversity of Chinese philosophy (Chan, 1963; Fung, 1983), but also in a number of seminal ethnographic studies (Fei, 1948; Fried, 1974; Jacobs, 1979; Solomon, 1971). Traditionally, Chinese have emphasized how one's behavior toward others should correspond
with different orders of relationship. Fei (1948) calls Chinese patterns of relationship
'different orders of architecture', the innermost circle of interpersonal connections
typically being family members, and, as the circle extends further, non-kin relations.
Chinese relationships are like the network of ripples generated when a stone is cast
in the water - the individual is the center, and the outwardly moving circles represent an ever-expanding series of interpersonal connections (Fei, 1948).
From their Confucian roots, Chinese relationships are often described as hierarchical and particularistic, with rights and obligations for roles clearly defined
Solomon (1971: 22) explains that the 'Oriental inscrutability'referred to by Westerners is "only a
way of saying that their own cultural inheritancehad not prepared them to 'read the signals' of interpersonal relations in Chinese society".

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(Jacobs, 1979; King and Bond, 1985; Lu, 1998). Confucius saw relational distinction as the natural expression of human emotion: one is most closely attached to
family relationships, and gradually expands to include non-family relationships.
Depending on how close or distant a given relationship is, relational partners experience different degrees of emotion, and thus exhibit different give-and-take behaviors. As LaBarre (1946: 226) describes it, "[Confucianism's] concern for proper parent-child, husband-wife, and sibling relationships grew and extended itself to a
profound preoccupation with interpersonal relationships: man and man, ruler and
subject, man and the ancestral gods".
That idea - different orders of relationship - also permeates Buddhist and Taoist
philosophies. Although Buddhism does not view different orders of relationships as
the basis of society (as does Confucianism), it recognizes each relationship's special
character (depth, involvement, and content), because each relationship is said to have
a distinctive karmic quality that can be fulfilled only when facilitating conditions are
right (Fung, 1983; Nakamura, 1976). Relationships are seen as brief moments in
endless life and death cycles, with partners thought to meet and relate to one another
to fulfill previous obligations. Thus, some relationships seem destined, presenting
little or no opportunity for partners to disengage.
Unlike some Westerners (for example, Americans) who stress independence and
self-reliance that results in children detaching from their parents, Chinese stress lifelong ties between parent and child. Children, once grown, not only support parents
economically but satisfy their wishes and protect them (Hsu, 1981). These values emphasizing parental authority and respecting the elderly - are part of traditional
Chinese social fabric, orchestrating the complex web of relationships within which
each individual functions. As Hsu (1981: 88) puts it, "It]he Chinese child learns to
see the world in terms of a network of relationships".
However, although family ties are central to Chinese relationship, Chinese culture encourages developing connections in all realms of life (Fried, 1974; King
and Bond, 1985; Silin, 1972). While kinship relations are defined by blood, nonkinship relations are established by appropriate mutual exchange (Fried, 1974) or
through existing relationships (Chang and Holt, 1991). Fei's (1948: 24) analysis of
the Chinese character for family, jia, 2 shows Chinese relational flexibility, starting
from the family: "'Inside our jia' can refer to my wife, 'door of jia' can refer to
all my uncles and cousins, and 'people of my own jia' can include any one who I
want to include in my circle, whom I want to express closeness to. The scope of
what constitutes 'people of our own jia' varies according to different times and
places".
To Chinese, both family and nonfar/iily relationships are needed to achieve personal goals, with the depth of a given relationship determining what interpersonal
behavior is appropriate (Hwang, 1988). Those in the network are provided a particular sense of warmth, knowing they can always find shelter in ingroup relationships.
2 It should be noted that romanization used to transliterate Chinese terms and concepts is based upon
Pinyin system, except when the authors of the original articles utilize other systems, such as Wade-Giles.
Hence, both Wade-Giles and Pinyin systems appear in this article.

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541

More negatively, however, relationship also allows people to manipulate others to

satisfy personal desires, often at the expense of the public good.
Since emotional concern for 'one's own people' is often actualized in mutually
beneficial exchanges and practical support, distinctions between ingroup and outgroup members allow relationship to be used as a social resource (Bond and Hwang,
1986; Chang and Holt, 1991; Chang and Holt, 1994b; Fried, 1974; Hwang, 1988;
Jacobs, 1979; Lu, 1998). This practice further perpetuates hierarchical relational patterns by tying relational partners to seemingly endless cycles of give-and-take. Chinese philosophical and spiritual considerations are thus tinged with utilitarian concerns: Chinese people often use emotion to help them achieve instrumental goals
through redefining rights and obligations they have toward each other.
2.3. Conclusion

On the one hand, Chinese communication is indirect and circumscribed, emphasizing face needs of self and other. On the other hand, Chinese relationships are welldefined, extensive, tightly integrated, and vertically positioned. Nevertheless, while
these studies document Chinese communication and relationships, no investigation
has answered the question of how Chinese manage their complex webs of interpersonal relationships through indirect communication. The answer to this question can
only be discovered by exploring the cultural resources regulating talk (Hymes,
1972). As Goldsmith and Baxter (1996: 87) put it, "social and personal relationships
are constituted in the mundane, everyday interaction between two partners".

3. 'Indeterminacy' in Chinese discourse - Negotiating boundaries of role relationships

While culturally-defined relational rules set parameters for interaction, verbal

ambiguity permits Chinese to flexibly manage social distance between self and other.
Precisely because their relations are well-defined, Chinese in Taiwan employ a repertoire of effective verbal strategies which they use to mediate, redefine, or even
relieve interpersonal obligations. The social mechanism which enables relational
adjustment to take place is something I have chosen to call 'indeterminate linguistic
space'. In the following, | discuss the creation and maintenance of such space, the
personal and social functions it performs, and the context under which it operates.
3.1. Creation and maintenance

An indeterminate linguistic space is created by individual interactants utilizing the

exchange of ambiguous messages, and is maintained by interactants' mutual understanding of how such messages could be interpreted and responded to, given the
parameters of the relationship. Exchanging indirect messages is a culturally acceptable means for Chinese speakers to negotiate finely-tuned degrees of relational status. The participants may continue to exchange ambiguous messages in order to keep

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the linguistic space open, or they may choose to close the space at a particular point,
depending upon whether they are satisfied with the relational status so negotiated.
Such exchanges embody what Bauman and Sherzer (1974: 6) call "the radical linking of the verbal and the sociocultural in the conduct of speaking" (see also Hymes,
1972).
By effectively utilizing the indeterminate linguistic space, participants may use
verbal strategies to equalize, or even further perpetuate inequalities inherent in hierarchical relationships. What originally might appear to be a 'rigid' relational system
can thus be made flexible by opening up the indeterminate linguistic space.
3.2. Personal and social functions

One might ask why Chinese in Taiwan would not simply prefer to engage in
direct communication, should they want to challenge pre-existing relational definitions. The answer lies in the observation that traditional Chinese prefer to maintain
social harmony and demonstrate their respect for the established social order. The
'indeterminate linguistic space' allows interactants to negotiate their relational status
without directly challenging the well-defined cultural rules of relationship, while
at the same time protecting and serving their own ends, by utilizing ambiguous
messages.
Thus, the 'indeterminate linguistic space' allows participants the opportunity to
integrate the needs of the self with the greater good of society. By sending or
responding to indirect messages, participants are able simultaneously to accomplish
the goals of self-assertion, emotional intimacy, face protection, and social harmony
for all parties involved. It is not surprising that, throughout their history, traditional
Chinese developed very elaborate, frequently verbal, means of relational manipulation (Ma, 1996; Raphals, 1992). As Lu (1998: 97) puts it, "... Chinese people are
known as realistic and Machiavellian in their skillful use of appropriate communication strategies in social relations for personal benefits".
3.3. Operational contexts

The indeterminate linguistic space is the place where rules of relationships can be
constituted and maintained. Relational systems are not defined a priori, but generally through interactional process and specifically through communication. Relational rules are parameters against which relational partners must decide whether,
and the extent to which, they should honor such rules in their conversational
exchanges. As Goldsmith and Baxter (1996: 91) note, "The change in relational status ... [is] seldom explicitly articulated but ... rather tried out, embodied, and ratified in new patterns of communicative enactment ... ". Indeed, to see relational rules
as simply providing specific guidance on how people should talk to each o t h e r - as
suggested by current literature - ultimately misses the essence of Chinese social life.
This observation is particularly evident in somewhat involuntary relationships that
share little emotional foundation, such as in-laws, or relationships built on other relationships. As discussed in the previous section, the extended web of interpersonal

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543

connections in traditional Chinese societies make it difficult for individual to disengage him- or herself from the broader social network. Hence, the indeterminate linguistic space is particularly needed for individuals to handle these not-so-close and
yet connected relational partners. Indeed, such space may be seen as a social mechanism designed to lessen the exigencies engendered by relational boundaries.
The indeterminate linguistic space provides interactants entering into a social situation the freedom to redefine their relational status and accomplish personal and
social goals at the same time. No social order has been disturbed, and yet the individual is given the opportunity to jettison the constraints of the role relationship
designed by society at large. The interactants' messages are seldom direct, since they
are artists formulating messages that redefine the contents of the relationship, but
leave its formality intact. Operating within relational parameters, the interactants can
decide whether, and the extent to which, they think it important to express what is on
their minds. However, regardless of whether one chooses to equalize or disrupt the
balance of the relationship through manipulation of indeterminate linguistic space,
one remains connected to one's relational partner.
To see how Chinese exchange ambiguous messages to negotiate relational status, I analyzed selected conversational episodes recorded in the course of several
ethnographic studies in Taipei (Taiwan's capital city). These data were collected
during June and July, 1996, and January, 1997. Most respondents ranged in age
between 35 and 50 years old, and had received at least a high school education.
Data presented in this paper include specific interactional episodes reported by
respondents, interviews concerning how they would evaluate and respond to
episodes reported by themselves and by other informants, and information collected
by the author through participant observation. These data (exemplified by the three
episodes, each illustrating a different type of relationship, analyzed below) show
how message content determines both how closely one individual is related to
another and how multiple goals may be accomplished through indeterminate linguistic space.
4.4. Example 1: 'Taking a bus to the department store'
Although in modem Taiwan the traditional cultural value of filial piety is not as
emphasized as it has been in times past, its impact can still be felt. While many middle-aged Taiwanese complain that their children no longer show as much parental
respect as they have, they try to honor the obligations they have toward their own
parents.
Given the importance Chinese assign to parent-child relationships, it is not surprising that a child's spouse is rigorously scrutinized by parents-in-law. As Hsu
(1981: 145) contends, "Chinese marital adjustment, instead of being exclusively a
matter between a man and his wife, is very much the parents' business. In fact, some
Chinese parents not only participate in quarrels between their sons and daughters-inlaw, but it is not at all unusual for them to openly force a showdown between the
younger couple". Hsu's observation still holds true in much of contemporary Taiwanese society.

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Nevertheless, as much as parents would like children to be filial and helpful, they
must take into account spouses who may have greater influence over their children's
behavioral choices. Handling the relationship with one's married child is difficult,
since parental authority is less likely to be taken for granted. Especially in a situation
where parents need to make a request, communication strategy is important to mediate relational status and take care of face needs.
In the following sequence, a mother-in-law wants her son and daughter-in-law,
who have been married for more than 15 years, to drive her and her husband to a
department store. The daughter-in-law and the mother-in-law have not gotten along
particularly well with each other; friends and relatives have heard many complaints
from the two parties about each other. Rather than asking the couple directly if they
have time to help, the mother-in-law resorts to a 'hinting' strategy:
We are going to the department store. We'd better take a bus and
take our time getting there.
D a u g h t e r - i n - l a w Mom, why do you need to take a bus? We'll take you there.
Mother-in-law

Knowing her daughter-in-law could not fail to understand the implicit message,
the mother-in-law chooses to communicate indirectly and somewhat maliciously. 3
Her strategy accomplishes four goals: (1) she enforces her authority without having
to ask for a favor from her daughter-in-law (letting her daughter-in-law volunteer her
service); (2) she presents a 'front' to the interactants which does not appear too
authoritative, since she does not order the daughter-in-law to help; (3) she avoids
losing face in case her daughter-in-law refuses to help; and (4) she makes it clear
that the couple is ignoring her, particularly by emphasizing that the action she is contemplating will 'take time'.
If the daughter-in-law is to fulfill the surpassingly important traditional Chinese
cultural expectation that she be filial, she has little choice but to volunteer help, even
if she resents her mother-in-law's sarcastic message(s). As Hsu (1981: 152) puts it,
"... Chinese marital adjustment is influenced by a multiplicity of duties and obligations ... which are definable by definite rules". The simple response - 'we'll take
you there' - reaffirms Chinese parental authority and the cultural value of filial
piety. Since the mother-in-law never asks a favor directly - although she needs help,
she does not seem dependent - her authority becomes almost unassailable. By leaving the linguistic space open and having her own daughter-in-law voluntarily take
the inferior position, the mother-in-law gains an upper hand beyond the relational
definitions of the roles of 'mother-in-law' and 'daughter-in-law'. The indirect message issued by the mother-in-law is thus less a way to avoid being rejected, than
another way of reinforcing her superior relational status.
However, although the mother-in-law's intent is clear, the daughter-in-law is
hardly limited in her choice of how to respond. Quite the contrary, the mother-inWa-ku, a Chinese term, might be used to describe such a communication style which puts the other
in a hurtful situation by the implication that the listener is not good enough for certain things. Wa-ku can
be conceived of as 'indirect communication' uttered with intention to purposely hurt the other person.

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545

law's ambiguous message opens an indeterminate linguistic space, allowing the

daughter-in-law to negotiate her status. As many respondents noted, rather than
being forced to volunteer her service, a skillful daughter-in-law could steer the conversation differently:

Mother-in-law

We are going to the department store. We'd better take a bus and
take our time getting there.
Daughter-in-law Mom, there is no need to take a bus - a taxi will do.
Without assuming any duty, the daughter-in-law offers the mother-in-law an alternative solution. If the daughter-in-law wants to refuse the implied request but still
appear filial, the talk could go this way:

Mother-in-law

We are going to the department store. We'd better take a bus and
take our time getting there.
Daughter-in-law Morn, there is no need to take a bus. I am sorry that we don't have
time to take you there, but we'll hire a taxi and pay for you.
This response is more negative, implying the mother-in-law might not be able to
afford the taxi, but at the same time somewhat positive, since the daughter-in-law
still proposes that she assume the responsibility of paying for the taxi. The following
response is more negative and elevates the daughter-in-law to a superior position:

Mother-in-law

We are going to the department store. We'd better take a bus and
take our time getting there.
Daughter-in-law Oh, Morn. Don't tire yourself with a bus, I know you can afford a
taxi !
In this sequence, the daughter-in-law - for the moment, at least - assumes a more
dominant position than her mother-in-law. Not only does she ignore the implied
request, she presumes to evaluate her mother-in-law's economic status. Several
respondents stated that if this response were delivered with a smile and a friendly
voice, it would be difficult for the mother-in-law to complain that her daughter-inlaw is unfilial. While the mother-in-law may find such a statement objectionable, the
daughter-in-law can always justify her response by saying 'I know our mother-inlaw is very well-off', a statement that hardly seems offensive, and may indeed even
be viewed as flattering the mother-in-law.
These alternative scenarios show how a seemingly rigid role relationship in modem Taiwanese society is in fact quite flexible and negotiable. Although traditional
cultural values would appear to grant mothers-in-law considerably more power than
daughters-in-law, examples found in modem Taiwan clearly show that verbal negotiation can easily adjust the relational balance. Indeed, the mother-in-law and the
daughter-in-law collaborate with each other by choosing verbal strategies that best
suit their respective needs. The indeterminacy of the linguistic space, created
through exchanges of indirect messages, allows interactants to constitute the well-

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defined relational rules uniquely, according to context. As Katriel (1986: 2)

explains, "[t]he mode of a cultural way of speaking encapsulates the culture's ethos,
its moral and aesthetic tone. It is articulated in the structured units of interaction such
as the interactional patterns underlying interpersonal rituals of various kinds".
These verbal strategies may at first seem perplexing. If relationally superior partners are granted higher social status, it would seem easier to get compliance either
simply by issuing direct commands to relational inferiors, or by assuming that their
indirect messages should encounter few, if any, objections (because their social status is sanctioned and not to be challenged).
However, these strategies do not correspond with Chinese cultural sentiment. The
indeterminate linguistic space is created by an exchange ritual that allows the relational
superior to assert authority while giving the relational inferior opportunities to redefine
the give-and-take of the conversation. For their part, listeners can choose between
lessening their relational burden or willingly taking on more responsibility. By not
losing one's temper, one may gain the upper hand even if one has been 'assigned' an
inferior position. Ultimately, these interactants still appear to be abiding by the cultural rules of relational hierarchy between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law.
In addition, by being indirect, particularly in the context of well-defined relationships, the speaker (here, the mother-in-law) can direct a message to a specific target,
while avoiding complications with others who are present. Since there is neither the
direct mention of a request, nor a direct refusal, other participants can simply ignore
the unique exchange between the two. Thus, social harmony may be maintained and
the face of participants protected, even though underlying such seemingly smooth
interaction, there may be manipulation, frustration, and turbulence.
4.5. Example 2: The successful niece

The next episode exemplifies a common interaction pattern in which an older person tries to 'put down' a particularly successful younger person, but receives a perhaps unexpected response. The interaction is between two relatives - aunt and niece
whose relationship, according to traditional Chinese cultural values, cannot be disengaged. Although the aunt has been married to the niece's uncle for more than
twenty years, there has been little interaction between the niece's immediate family
and her uncle's immediate family, except at gatherings of the extended family for
specific occasions. Although the relationship might be assumed to be somewhat
close, there is little true emotional concern between these two individuals.
-

Aunt
Niece

I never thought that you would be this successful!

If you can see through me so readily, I couldn't be that good!

Here, the relational inferior (the niece) tries somewhat humorously to negotiate
her relationship with her aunt. Cultural rules allow the aunt (who is older and related
by marriage) to evaluate her niece. However, the niece does not have to allow the
evaluation to go 'on record' without challenge. Instead, she can successfully manipulate the indeterminate linguistic space created by her aunt.

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547

Rather than praise the niece directly, the aunt chooses to issue an indirect message
which not only lessens the degree of praise ('I never thought'), but also subtly voices
the aunt's doubt about her niece's accomplishments within the confines of Chinese
relational system. While the aunt manages to appear polite, by manipulating the
indeterminate linguistic space, she also skillfully communicates her bitterness and
reluctance. Nevertheless, such a strategy has its inherent risk: because the message
is ambiguous, it opens an opportunity for the niece to 'return fire'. The niece's
response - 'if you can see through me so readily' - implies the aunt is not qualified
to make such a judgment and that her failure to anticipate her niece's excellence is
the aunt's problem, not a result of the niece's deficiency.
Many scholars note the well-defined relational systems in Chinese cultures (Hsu,
1981) and the associated constraints they place on Chinese communication (Bond
and Hwang, 1986; Yum, 1988). What these studies do not emphasize is how Chinese manage strategic communication, in spite of the relationship. As the current
example shows, although the aunt is presumed to occupy a higher position, the
niece's response reverses the relational balance. I have had this point confirmed
many times by Taiwanese respondents who insist that relational hierarchy is more
an ideal than a reality. Against the clever, verbally skillful individual, one woman
told me, 'you have no way to get an upper hand regardless of your relational
status'.
Although the niece equalizes her relational status with the aunt, cultural parameters regulating relational exchanges between niece and aunt (or, more generally,
younger and elder) are not thus rendered useless. Indeed, that these parameters exist
means interactants must communicate indirectly. The aunt thinks it is appropriate to
evaluate her niece, even sarcastically. The niece, on the other hand, while probably
thinking it impolite or even immoral to dismiss her aunt's comments outright, evidently considers her indirect response perfectly acceptable. An indeterminate linguistic space, mutually agreed on, lessens each partner's relational obligations.
Exchanging indirect verbal messages in the confines of culturally defined relational
parameters, aunt and niece simultaneously affirm and validate their relationship,
emphasizing the value Chinese place on maintaining extensive webs of interpersonal
connections.
A more benevolent niece might have chosen a different response, resulting in a
completely different relational situation:
Aunt
Niece

I never thought that you would be this successful!

I have learned and I have changed.

This alternative allows the niece to display a willingness to accept the aunt's
authority. Rather than challenging her aunt, the niece provides further evidence to
support the evaluation, confirming the relational imbalance between the two.
Such mechanisms, seemingly opaque, in fact allow interactants to adjust their
emotions even while maintaining the relationship's integrity. On the surface, it
appears that indirect messages avoid imposing on respondents, thereby maintaining
harmony (Gudykunst and Kim, 1992; Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey, 1988). More

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H.C. Chang / Journal of Pragmatics 31 (1999) 535-556

negatively, however, indirectness allows speakers the opportunity to hurt respondents 'off record' - it can be used to 'get back at' the speaker under the veneer of
maintaining harmony.
Two seemingly incompatible goals - social harmony and hurting someone's feelings - can be integrated in indirect speech rituals, primarily because an indeterminate linguistic space is maintained, through their utterances, by the participants. Such
dual-purpose utterances are acknowledged by many Chinese as examples of skillful
and subtle manipulation. 4 Despite the purported influence of Chinese relational rules,
it can be extraordinarily difficult to judge the precise relational balance between any
two interactants. The balance may coincide with social formality or it may run opposite to formal expectations.
While issuing an indirect message may help the speaker protect his or her own
face by avoiding being rejected outright, such action at the same time leaves the
speaker's face open to respondent's challenges. Should the respondent cooperate (by
not issuing a face-threatening response), the speaker's face is enhanced by not having declared anything. If, on the other hand, the respondent chooses to manipulating
the indeterminate linguistic space and construct a message that puts the speaker
down, the speaker's face can be damaged. Facework strategies are thus gambles,
with rewards depending on risk. This dynamic picture of asymmetrical Chinese face
management is made possible through the indeterminate linguistic space, and provides a considerably richer reading of the interaction than is offered by the generalization that members of collectivist cultures tend to use indirect or avoidance conflict
styles to protect the face of all parties (Ting-Toomey, 1988; see also Ma, 1996).
While most respondents in my research agree that Chinese often prefer indirect to
direct messages, they also feel indirect messages offer more room to violate someone else's face. This challenges participants as they negotiate the flow of verbal
play-and-response, their enjoyment heightened by using indirectness. As Raphals
(1992: xi-xii) describes it, "[t]his mode of intelligence ... relies on skill, strategy,
and a general knack for handling whatever comes along".
In our current example, the indeterminate linguistic space provides opportunities
for participants to decide their relational hierarchy (hence, the evaluation rendered
by the aunt); to define the extent to which mutual face should be protected (hence,
either the rebuttal or willing acceptance of the aunt's relational status); and to negotiate the relational balance between the two (hence, the sarcasm and seemingly innocent humor). All of these goals are accomplished within the brief, superficially
smooth, and harmonious exchange. One could say that social harmony is maintained
as a surface facade beneath which verbal games are played. This observation is reminiscent of King and Bond's (1985: 35) statement that Chinese conformity is "often

4 Thisobservation is similar to Katriel's (1986: 58-59) analysis on the use of Israeli dugri speech: "It
was a ritual of confrontation, a ceremony of discord, performed in the culture's legitimate idioms....
The use of dugri speech here ... served to counteract what in the Sabra culture is considered the
tendency to gloss over interpersonaldifferencesin the serviceof a false, superficialconsensus, a concern
with harmony in interpersonal relations at the expense of dealing with basic issues and matters of
principles".

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549

nothing more than surface conformity, that is, compliance without intemalization ... formalistic conformity has a ceremonial function in maintaining social
harmony".
4.6. Example 3: A 'real leather' purse

Even when two people are approximate social equals - such as friends - use of
indeterminate linguistic space is common. One revealing example reported by informants is the following sequence. Interactant B helped A in the past - by taking A on
a trip - and therefore A feels obligated to repay the debt. A has bought a genuine
leather purse as a gift so that she can repay B's kindness and not owe B anymore.
The relationship between B and A is assumed to be close, but not especially so, since
it is built upon other family connections - B is A's sister's husband's sister. When
the incident occurred, A's sister and B's brother had been married for more than two
years - due in part to the fact that they have shared a happy married life, the in-laws
of both families have been on friendly terms.
A:
B:
A:
B:

Thanks so much for your help. I got this from Singapore. It's very good quality.
Oh, it smells so bad.
That's because it is genuine leather.
Thanks very much ...

In addition to criteria traditionally considered as determining relational hierarchy

- such as parents having power over children, elders over younger people, men over
women, and so on - Chinese relational status is also based upon the extent to which
one interactant owes the other. Since the need to reciprocate another's kindness is a
signature feature of traditional Chinese culture (Chang and Holt, 1994b; Hwang,
1988), a person who owes another is considered the relational inferior. There is even
a Chinese saying for this situation: 'when you eat from other people, your mouth
becomes soft; when you take from other people, your hands become short'. In other
words, owing another prevents you from saying or doing anything bad toward that
person, as if your mouth has been muffled and your hands tied.
Mutual awareness of Chinese rules about debt appear to drive the interaction
between A and B. Their relational balance reflects a dynamic struggle which
attempts to resolve the question of who owes whom more. A uses two utterances she 'got this from Singapore' and 'it's very high quality' - to reassure B of the quality of her gift. Implicitly, through establishing the indeterminate linguistic space, A
asserts her repayment is sufficient, perhaps even more than sufficient, to return B's
original favor.
While A probably expects B to be more appreciative, B's statement on opening
the box - 'Oh, it smells so bad' - immediately suggests the purse is unworthy, thus
skillfully discounting A's efforts to discharge the debt. On the surface, the statement
describes reality (the present, being genuine leather, may indeed 'smell bad'), but the
underlying message is that the debt A owes B cannot be so readily resolved. However, A refuses to accept this depiction, reasserting an implicit claim that the gift

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does cancel the debt (only a 'genuine leather' purse would smell like that). Notice

that none of the evaluations is communicated directly: rather, there is a back-andforth struggle to balance the relationship, each partner offering the other a reformulated indeterminate linguistic space within which they can design their respective
messages.
To fully understand the subtleties of this exchange, some remarks about the Chinese norm of reciprocity are necessary. Those who receive benevolence from others
are obliged to repay. When someone does another a favor, Chinese describe the
recipient as having received the favor out of the other's concern for human emotion.
The recipient is then said to owe the favor-giver a 'human emotional debt '5 (Chang
and Holt, 1994a; Hwang, 1988).
The critical question, though, is who owes whom more, and an ancillary concern
is the extent to which the incurred 'debt' can be cleared. Equally important to actual
gift value and statements of appreciation are how well one uses verbal skill to manage the situation and create a desirable image. In the example, what is at stake is not
the purse - the gift i t s e l f - but the extent to which the gift clears the debt A owes B.
A wants B to acknowledge her gift as more than sufficient, placing' her as the relational superior; B, however, resists, not by saying directly the debt is unresolved, but
casting aspersion on the purse, suggesting it is insufficient and therefore that she will
remain the relational superior until the debt is resolved. B ' s manipulation is possible
since the indeterminate linguistic space allows she and A to negotiate the size of the
debt and the amount of return needed in each successive encounter.
Some interesting elements relevant to the current topic are found in A ' s first utterance. Although the purse is intended as a gift to repay B ' s kindness, the connection
between 'help' and 'gift' is tenuous. According to Chinese reciprocity, the gift is
offered not only as a means to show appreciation, but - if used effectively - as a way
to erase 'debt'. A makes a point of emphasizing the quality of the gift, instead of
making a simple statement such as, 'you have been really kind, so I bought this gift
for you'. By explaining the quality of her gift, A implicitly yet clearly informs B that
her gift is, at the very least, equal to the favor she received. A ' s remark - 'it's very
good quality' - is especially noteworthy because B is not a close friend to A, so that
the relation can be dealt with in terms of money value rather than emotion.
When I presented this incident to other informants for comment, many said verbal
skill is important when one returns another's favor. If one is not skillful, one may
give an excellent gift without getting much credit. On the other hand, some are so
good with words that they can make even a small gift seem expensive or at least
make it seem they have gone to a great deal of trouble. Female respondents were
especially conscious of impression management in gift-giving. At the very least,
they said, one must let the receiver know that one has bought the gift solely to return

5 The cultural mechanism of reciprocity simultaneouslymakes the relationship closer and more distant.
On the one hand, since whenever one gives, one automatically triggers the obligation to return from the
other, the self and the other are inevitably bound into a sequence of receive-and-return exchanges. On
the other hand, since emotional concern is frequently defined as a form of 'debt' that can be calculated
to a certain degree, the emotional burden will be released once the 'debt' is returned.

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551

human emotion. People who know how to talk can claim credit by their words,
rather than their actions, and thus occupy the relationally superior position.
This is not, however, to say that the discourse space marked by A's initial utterance is set in stone. Quite the contrary, since A introduces the quality of her gift, B
is expected to respond to the indeterminate linguistic space. B is allowed the opportunity to comment upon the gift, and to evaluate whether the return presented to her
is sufficient to resolve the debt. As a rather skilled interactant herself, B does not let
A get the upper hand - rather, B manages the indeterminate discourse space to discount the initial offering, implying the debt is not discharged because the gift is not
valuable enough.
Had B used the indeterminate linguistic space differently - by, for example, simply showing appreciation - the relational hierarchy between A and B would have
been modified:
A: Thanks so much for your help. I got this from Singapore. It's very good quality.
B: Oh, what a lovely gift - it's so beautiful! Thanks very much.
Under such circumstances, A's debt would be cleared and B would voluntarily
abandon her superior position. By responding differently, B lets A know that further
repayment may be expected in the future. While traditional Chinese culture regulates
how and when kindness or malice is to be repaid, their application must be negotiated by interactants through a variety of verbal strategies. Verbal play, then, is more
than manipulation: it also allows a fine-tuned level of reciprocity to be enacted by
the parties involved, thus charting the course of future relationship development.
This is clearly illustrated when interactants accomplish personal goals through
manipulating indeterminate linguistic space in even the mundane transaction of giving a gift in appreciation.
Most respondents found A's initial utterance appropriate, but B's response
uncalled for. Instead of responding as B did, most said that they would simply show
their appreciation, provided A had not exaggerated the gift's value. This may explain
why A decided to respond by defending her gift's integrity.
Relational partners can issue indirect messages only within the parameters of specific relationships. Such culturally-defined limits allow the message to be interpreted
with minimal misunderstanding, while providing background against which contents
of the relationship - particularly with regard to relational status - can be negotiated.
Moreover, relational hierarchy simply does not exist a priori, and thus neither do
specific, immutable, communication strategies. Because discourse space must be
determined in moment-to-moment exchanges, the rules are 'well-defined' even as
the message is 'ambiguous'.
If a message recipient feels taken advantage of and wants to redress an imbalance,
s/he can use communication resources to protect the self and minimize the other's
power. Such cultural resources are not only abundant but their usefulness enhanced,
particularly because interactants' relationships are well-defined. Indeed, while the
culture provides parameters for relational hierarchy, the precise contents of any
given relationship remain to be negotiated by interactants through exercising their

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verbal skills. By fashioning indeterminate discourse spaces, interactants define relational positions by communication strategies rather than simply following established cultural rules.

5. Further thoughts
The indirect message is a built-in cultural resource upon which interactants can
draw to negotiate relational balance, and integrate personal goals within the broader
social system. Regardless of the source validating relational superiority, the 'welldefined' relational system can appear quite fragile when a message recipient maneuvers the message in a different direction, thus upsetting the hierarchical balance. The
indeterminate linguistic space thus created allows interactants to mediate relational
obligations while at the same time maintaining their essential structural integrity.
These are 'pressure-valve' mechanisms, "... contained, encased in a ritual framework, not the outburst of the person blowing his top or the recklessness of the rebel
burning bridges behind him" (Katriel, 1986: 67).
Verbal games, conducted through exchanging ambiguous messages, are constantly practiced on various occasions in modem Taiwanese life. With access to such
resources, Chinese in Taiwan can show dissatisfaction with relational partners without having to engage in outright confrontation. On a personal level, the mechanism
allows the individual respect and protection within multiple layers of interpersonal
connectedness. On a societal level, it maintains relational structure and a harmonious
society. Precisely because of tight interpersonal relationships, Chinese develop elaborate verbal strategies to mediate their burdens. Through utilization of indeterminate
linguistic space, they do not need to disrupt the social system nor must they passively accept utterances that lessen their status.
Chinese are often ambivalent about verbal interplay. Many in modem Taipei share
the disdain expressed by the philosopher Confucius for 'sharp-tongued' (verbally
skillful) people. However, other streams of thought - such as popular books and
seminars teaching 'verbal skills' - now publicly proclaim the benefits of being able
to use words skillfully. Apart from those born 'naturally sharp-tongued', my informants insisted that one can be trained to be 'sharp-tongued', if not to hurt other people, then to protect oneself. At the very least, informants think that people can be
taught not to think of themselves as helpless pawns of a culturally-defined relational
system.
Chinese verbal skill in manipulating obligation and social expectation is well documented in both modem and ancient sources (Raphals, 1992; Xi, 1994; Xiao, 1992).
In one well-known example, an ancient Chinese scholar is invited to write some sayings to celebrate an elderly woman's birthday. Under the scrutiny of many guests, he
wrote his first sentence: 'This woman is not a human being'. The guests were horrified. Calmly, he wrote the second phrase: 'She, as a spirit lady, descends directly
from Heaven'. Everyone was relieved, and then came the third sentence: 'Her offspring are thieves'. More consternation among the guests. The scholar then finished
the final sentence: 'They stole the spirit peach from Heaven to offer to their mother'.

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553

At the end of each of the first three phrases, the discourse space is kept tantalizingly
open, so the scholar is able to manipulate audience emotions by playing with words.
The external formality which would seem to be dictated by such a solemn occasion
is flexibly handled with good humor and irony (Xi, 1994).

6. Conclusion
This study has explored the indeterminate linguistic space used by Chinese in Taiwan to negotiate their relational status. Seemingly ambiguous messages perform
important social functions in maintaining Chinese interpersonal connections. How
one speaks to different relational partners is not predetermined by society at large;
rather, it is left to interactants' verbal skills to craft the specific contents of their relationship. As King and Bond (1985: 31) note, "[u]ltimately, the individual is more
than a role player mechanically performing the role-related behavior prescribed by
the social structure". Under the seemingly calm facade of 'social harmony', we see
many different kinds of verbal games made exciting and challenging. The indeterminate linguistic space mediates the seemingly rigid cultural relational system by
providing interactants opportunities to negotiate and challenge the established social
order without usurping its authority. Through such social mechanisms, the relational
partners' face needs are protected, and their self-respect simultaneously preserved.
Past research has documented the importance of relational status in determining
the rules of Chinese communication; consequently, scholars tend to view the idea of
'status differential' as a given. As this analysis has shown, relational status is negotiated rather than prescribed. Thus, the literature about Chinese indirectness appears to
be deficient. An indirect message is not assigned meaning simply through welldefined relationships; on the contrary, indirect messages provide more 'internal
space' for conversationalists to address the balance (or lack of it) in their relationship.
The question is how cultural rules, meanings, and resources shape Chinese linguistic strategies. As Young (1982: 81) has argued, we need to analyze specific
notions of acceptable discourse strategies, since "whether it is a genuine demonstration of deference or simply the consequences of a particular discourse style needs
further investigation". It is a mistake to assume that relational rules provide Chinese
with detailed instructions about how to speak. Individual speakers must apply these
rules in ways they deem appropriate.
The view advanced by current literature that Chinese communication involves a
listener orientation - that is, the listener strives to understand what the other is saying rather than trying to express his or her own viewpoint - tells only half the story.
While the listener certainly tries to understand the other's message, s/he does not
merely take the message passively but also adjusts the balance of the relationship.
The listener can always utilize the indeterminate discourse space to formulate a message that can best serve his or her own interest.
The indeterminate linguistic space can only be managed successfully by someone
who has an extensive linguistic repertoire and who is aware enough of the boundaries among interactants to find an alternative way to define the socially prescribed

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relationship. The ' w e l l - d e f i n e d ' relational system and the ' a m b i g u o u s ' verbal message are thus c o m b i n e d through the local use of indeterminate linguistic space.
Katriel's (1986: 1) notion of 'cultural ethos' as expressed through linguistic strategies clarifies this cultural quality:
"The notion of a cultural ethos, which refers to the affective patterning, the moral and aesthetic 'tone' of
a culture, is often invoked - either explicitly or implicitly - in discussions of cross-cultural differences
in interactional strategies. Most typically, these strategies are linguistically realized as devices associated
with the direct-indirect dimension of speech."
Chinese interpersonal connections are extensive and ever-evolving (Fei, 1948), as
exemplified by the ways in which m e m b e r s of Chinese cultures play out their relational roles through indirect verbal strategies. This fascinating subject requires more
in-depth, ethnographic study. The notion of the indeterminate linguistic space, as
discussed in this study, represents such an initial effort in this direction.

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Hui-Ching Chang (Ph.D., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champagin, 1994) is currently an assistant

professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her research interests lie in Chinese relationships and
communication, cross-cultural communication, and critical ethnography. She has published in the Journal of Language and Social Psychology, Research on Language and Social Interaction, Intercultural
and International Communication Annual, Communication Quarterly, and Critical Studies in Mass
Communication, among others.