Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Bron McKillop
The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 45, No. 3. (Summer, 1997), pp. 527-583.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-919X%28199722%2945%3A3%3C527%3AAOAFMC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6
The American Journal of Comparative Law is currently published by American Society of Comparative Law.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained
prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in
the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/journals/ascl.html.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.
The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic
journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,
and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take
advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
http://www.jstor.org
Wed Oct 31 16:59:45 2007
BRON MCKILLOP
......................................... 528
1. INTRODUCTION
2. THEFACTS
OF THE CASE ............................... 529
........................................... 544
4 . THE DOSSIER
. .........................
547
5. THE COMMITTAL
FOR HEARING
.......................................... 548
6. THE HEARING
(a) The jury panel ..................................... 548
550
551
558
560
560
561
562
562
563
563
563
564
564
565
567
569
570
528
[Vol. 45
...........................................
582
10. CONCLUSION
There is no shortage of writing in English about Continental European criminal justice systems, particularly the French system.
These systems have been much described, characterized,l demythified2 and converted into models3 by academic writers.4 They have
1. The characterization of Continental criminal justice systems as "inquisitorial"
continues to be common, particularly when contrasted with the "adversarial" or "accusatorial" anglophone or common law systems. Other noteworthy characterizations
are as "inquest," "official inquiry," "investigatory," ujudicial." See Mijan Damaika,
The Faces of Justice and State Authority 3-6 (1986); Zeidler, "Evolution of the Adversary System: As Comparison, Some Remarks on the Investigatory System of Procedure," (1981) 55 A.L.J. 390.
2. See Goldstein & Marcus, "The Myth of Judicial Supervision in Three 'Inquisitorial' Systems: France, Italy and Germany," (1978) 87 Yale L.J. 240. For a riposte to
this article see Langbein & Weinreb, "Continental Criminal Procedure: Myth and
Reality," (1978) 87 Yale L.J. 1549. See also in reply Volkmann-Schluk, "Continental
European Criminal Procedures: True or Illusive Model?," (1981) 9 Am. J. Crim. Law
1.
3. See Damaika, "Evidentiary Barriers to Conviction and Two Models of Criminal Procedure: A Comparative Study," (1973) 121 U. Pa. L.R. 506; ("Barriers");
"Structures of Authority and Comparative Criminal Procedure," (1975) 84 Yale L.J.
480 ("Structures"); Goldstein, "Reflections on Two Models: Inquisitorial Themes in
American Criminal Procedure," (1974) 26 Stan. L.R. 1009; Leigh, "Liberty and Efficiency in the Criminal Process: The Significance of Models," (1977) 26 I.C.L.Q. 516.
4. Other informative writings in English about Continental criminal justice systems include Ploscowe, "The Development of Present-Day Criminal Procedures in Europe and America," (1935) 48 Ham. L.R. 433; The Accused, A Comparative Study (J.A.
Coutts ed., 1966);Gerhard O.W. Mueller & Fre Le Poole-Griffiths,Comparative Criminal Procedure (1969); Discretionary Justice in Europe and America (Kenneth Culp
Davis ed., 1976); Lloyd L. Weinreb, Denial of Justice (1977);John H. Langbein, Comparative Crimimal Procedure: Germany (1977); Weigend, "Criminal Procedure: Comparative Aspects," in Encyclopedia of Crime and Justice 537 (Sanford H. Kadish ed.,
1983); Human Rights in Criminal Procedure: A Comparative Study (J.A. Andrews,
ed. 1982); Criminal Procedure Systems in the European Community (Christine Van
Den Wyngaert, ed. 1993); Criminal Justice in Europe: A Comparative Study (Phil
Fennel1 et al., eds., 1995).
On the French system more particularly see Pugh, 'Administration of Criminal
Justice in France: An Introductory Analysis," 23 La. L.R. (1962); A.V. Sheehan,
Criminal Procedure in Scotland and France (1975);Tomlinson, "Non-adversarial Justice: The French Experience," 42 Md. L.R. 131 (1983);Frase, Introduction to translation of French Code of Criminal Procedure (1988); Frase, "Comparative Criminal
Justice as a Guide to American Law Reform: How Do the French Do It, How Can We
Find Out, and Why Should We Care?," 78 Cal. L.R. 539 (1990) ("How and Why");
Pradel, "France" in Criminal Procedure Systems in the European Community (Christine Van Den Wyngaert ed., 1993).
19971
529
also been surveyed as potential sources for the importation of procedures into anglophone systems.6 There is, however, a dearth of written material in English about the detail of the manner in which
criminal cases are actually processed through their successive stages
in Continental systems.6 Knowledge of the manner of processing
cases can provide a basis for anglophones from which to theorize
about these systems and to make decisions about the importation of
procedures. There are, of course, codes of criminal procedure operative in these Continental systems, but the study of those in the abstract, even with learned commentary, will not provide an adequate
understanding of these systems in operation. As a contribution towards this basic empiric knowledge about the French criminal justice
system I decided to examine as closely as possible through all its
stages a case in that system and to write up what was revealed. References to relevant articles of the Code de Procbdure Pbnale (CPP) are
included where appr~priate.~
The case involved charges of murder and aggravated assault.
The hearing took place in the cour d'assises at Le Mans on 5 and 6
April, 1993.8 I attended it throughout. After the hearing I was permitted to read the dossier of the case in which the pre-hearing stages
were recorded. The people involved in this case I have referred to
anonymously.
The facts of the case, as gleaned from the hearing and the dossier, were briefly as follows. The accused, his wife and two sons had
been living for some 20 years in the Paris area where the accused
worked. They lived in a caravan but spent holidays in a village near
5. See, for example, Weigend, "Continental Cures for American Ailments: European Criminal Procedure as a Model for Law Reform," 2 Crime and Justice 381
(1980); Frase, "How and Why," id.; Van Kessel, "Adversary Excesses in the American
Criminal Trial," 67 Notre Dame L.R. 403 (1992); Leonard H. Leigh & Lucia Zedner, A
Report on the Administration of Criminal Justice in the Pre-Trial Phase in France and
Germany (19921, for the British Royal Commission on Criminal Justice (the Runciman Commission) which reported in 1993.
6. The closest to this I have come across is Sheehan, supra n. 4.
7. References will be to the CPP as it stood at the relevant times, 1991-93. Subsequent pertinent changes have been indicated where appropriate in the footnotes.
The CPP dates from 1958. It replaced, without basic change, the Code dTnstruction
criminelle of 1808.
8. The cour d'assises hears the most serious criminal cases, e.g., murder, rape,
armed robbery. Less serious cases are heard by the tribunal correctionnel and the
least serious by the tribunal de police. The percentage of criminal cases heard by the
cour d'assises is actually less than 1%. See MinistPre de la Justice, L'Annuaire Statistique de la Justice 1988-1992,91-97, showing 0.8% for 1988 and 0.5% for 1992. The
case to be here discussed should not therefore be regarded as typical of the French
criminal justice system but as revealing how serious crimes are dealt with and, like
jury trials in the common law system, as setting a standard for the French system as
a whole.
530
W01.45
Le Mans where the accused had a house. In March 1991the wife left
the accused after starting divorce proceedings and returned to live
with her family in another village near Le Mans. In May 1991 she
took up with another man. The accused returned to the Le Mans
area and discovered that his wife was keeping company with the
other man. The accused armed himself with a shotgun and revolver
and went to the other man's house on the night of 16 June 1991. At
about 10:30 p.m. he fired a number of shots into and through the
front door with the shotgun while the other man was pushing against
the door from the inside to keep the accused out. One of the shots hit
the other man in the left thigh. The accused then broke down the
door, entered the house and fired two more shots from the shotgun.
One shot was fired at point-blank range into the left side of the other
man lying wounded on the ground. (The accused denied throughout
the proceedings having fired such a shot.) The man died within minutes from the two shotgun wounds. The other shot was fired through
the lock of the door to the room in which the accused believed his wife
was hiding. The wife had, however, fled through the window of another room. When the accused realized this he went after her with
his revolver. He fired two shots in the air but the pellets of a third
shot hit her in the back of the head, causing bleeding but no serious
injury. The accused and his wife then conversed, the accused asking
her to come and resume cohabitation with him. When the fire brigade arrived on the scene the accused drove off, with his weapons.
He returned to his house, cleaned the weapons and hid them in the
attic. He was apprehended near his house about two and a half hours
after the shooting. There were two other people in the other man's
house when the shooting started - the man's daughter and her boyfriend. At the time of the shooting the accused was aged 44, his wife
was 6 years younger. The accused's appeal against a divorce decree
obtained by the wife had been rejected a few days before the shooting.
This was not known by the wife at the time of the shooting but was
apparently known by the accused.
19971
531
darmes were at the scene a few minutes after the shooting. The
prosecutor's office had also been informed of the shooting10 and the
prosecutor on duty arrived at the scene soon after the gendarmes.
The initial stages of the investigationll included:
- an examination of the house and its surrounds which included the discovery of 4 cartridge cases outside the front
door (later written up in detail),
- photographing the scene, including the position of the
body,
- arranging for an examination of the body by a medical expert and receiving his preliminary findings,
- arranging for the body to be removed to the morgue and
held there (on the authority of the prosecutor),
placing seals on the doors to the house (on the authority of
the prosecutor),
- visiting, with the prosecutor, the house of the suspect (the
subsequent accused) and searching it for weapons (none
found),
- searching further for the suspect,
- arranging medical examinations by a local doctor of the
wife of the suspect and the two other people in the house
at the time of the shooting.
Other more technical investigations were carried out by the Research Brigade of the gendarmerie at Le Mans. These included:
- a more detailed examination of the scene and the body,
- taking samples for analysis,
- taking photographs (67 in the dossier),
- making drawings of the plan of the house, of what was
seen on arrival, and of the trajectories of the shots.
At midnight, an hour and a half after the shooting and about an
hour before the suspect was apprehended, the village gendarmerie
began taking statements from two of the people (the deceased's
daughter and her boyfriend) in the house at the time of the shooting.
These statements were typed up on the appropriate form and signed
by the person making the statement and the officer to whom it was
made.12 They eventually became part of the dossier.
10. The judicial police are required to inform the prosecutor immediately of a
crime flagrant (CPP art. 54). The offence in this case was a crime because it carried a
punishment greater than the minimum then provided for a crime which was r6clusion
criminelle for 5 years (Code Pknal arts. 6 and 7 and Ordonnunce 60-529art. 8). (The
minimum has since been increased to 10 years.) It was flagrant because it had just
been committed (CPP art. 53).
11. The investigative powers of the judicial police in relation to crimes (and &Zits)
flugrants are set out in Chapter 1,Title 2,Book 1 of the CPP.
12. The power to take statements fkom witnesses is contained in CPP art. 62,
which makes the giving of such statements obligatory. The written record of such a
532
[Vol. 45
The suspect was found by the gendarmes near his house about
two and a half hours after the shooting. He was brought to the gendarmerie station in the village. He was placed under garde a vue.
(This is a procedure by which the judicial police may detain for interrogation and other investigative purposes a person caught at the time
of or soon after the commission of an offense and suspected of having
committed it. The period of detention may be up to 24 hours, extendible to 48 hours on the authority of a prosecutor. At the time of these
events the suspect had no right to legal advice during the garde a
vue. Thegarde a vue is an integral part of the French criminal justice
system.13 The procedure has been the subject of statutory revisions
recently14 and there is provision now for some legal advice during the
garde a vue.)
The suspect was medically examined by the local doctor early in
the garde a vue and was found to be fit to undergo it. He was also
given an alcohol test. In the evening of 17 June the gendarmerie requested and obtained from the prosecutor a prolongation of the garde
a vue for another 24 hours from the expiration of the first 24 hours
after the apprehension of the suspect.l5 Both the request and the
prolongation were in writing and signed. The garde a vue in fact
came to an end at 8 p.m. on 18 June, giving a period of detention of
about 43 hours. The suspect was medically examined at the end of
this period and nothing pathological was noted.16 The dossier contained a record of the garde a vue specifying the reasons for it, the
time it lasted (with the prolongation noted) and what transpired during it.l7
The suspect was questioned by the gendarmes intermittently
over the period of the garde a vue. Periods of rest up to three and a
half hours were noted.18 He was questioned both about his personal
history (part of his personnalite')lg and the facts relative to the shooting (faits). The suspect denied throughout the garde a vue any involvement in the shooting of the deceased. He denied having a
shotgun and denied being in the village concerned on the night of the
statement, and indeed of other investigative measures, is referred to as a procks-verbal (procb-verbaux in the plural).
13. The garde ci vue
is dealt with in CPP arts. 63 to 65.
14. These statutory revisions are detailed in section 9 below.
15. CPP art. 63 authorizes such prolongations.
16. A person under a garde a vue has the right to a medical examination aRer 24
hours, but the prosecutor may authorize a medical examination at any time during a
garde a vue: CPP art. 64.
17. As required by CPP art. 64.
18. Also as required by CPP art. 64.
19. "PersonnalitPis not easy to translate. It includes personal history (familylife
[with parents, siblings, spouse, children], schooling, work record, military service),
material situation, leisure interests, and character traits (particularly traits indicative of good or bad character). I will use the word personnalitt! (as including those
elements) in this article rather than English approximations.
19971
533
534
W01.45
the shooting occurrred in the afternoon before the shooting and was
struck by his "haggard look" and got the impression that he was
"looking for someone".
The record of these interviews was typewritten on forms headed
"PROCES-VERBAL D'AUDITION DE TEMOIN" (RECORD OF EXAMINATION OF WITNESS), except in the case of the suspect, a
"PERSONNE GARDEE A VUE", who was referred to as such in the
heading rather than as a "TEMOIN".
Other recorded steps in the investigation by the gendarmerie included searches (of the houses of the suspect and his mother),
seizures (of the suspect's possessions when apprehended, some of his
clothes and the car he was driving - actually the property of a
brother), requisitions to cany out work (drain the pond, develop
films, take possession of the seized car), placing under seals (the
houses of the deceased and the suspect), and ascertainment of the
state of public lighting outside the deceased's house. An inventory of
(potential) exhibits was also compiled - 15 in all.
The results of the investigation by the gendarmerie were summarised in a document headed "PROCES-VERBAL DE
SYNTHESE. This became the first of the 57 documents recording
the whole of the investigation by or at the instance of the gendarmerie. The summary of the interrogation of the suspect was that
"whatever the question asked, it is impossible to obtain a coherent
reply'' and that the suspect "remains imperturbable before the seriousness of the facts and appears to show no emotion". The conclusion
drawn from the investigation was that there were weighty and corroborative indicia (des indices graves et concordants) sufficient to justify charging the suspect with assassinat (premeditated homicide),
tentative d'assassinat (attempted premeditated homicide) and coups
et blessures volontaires avec arme (assault and wounding with a
weapon). The gendarmerie consequently directed that the suspect be
taken before the prosecutor who had initially been involved in the
investigation. This was at 8 p.m. on 18 June.
(b)
The prosecutor, having been notified that the garde a vue had
come to an end and that the suspect was being brought to his office a t
the court house (cite'judiciaire) requested, by a requisitoire introductif,22 that the investigating judge on duty that week (also with an
office in the court house) investigate the "serious presumptions" of
-
21. Juge d'instruction is often translated as examining magistrate but I prefer the
19971
535
536
Wol. 45
investigation. An order for detention can only be for one year, but may be renewed for
successive periods of a year: CPP art. 145-2.
26. Commissions rogatoires (commissions to make inquiries) are dealt with in
CPP arts. 151 to 155.
27. The investigating judge has the power to "proceed to all investigative acts that
he judges useful for the manifestation of the truth": CPP art. 81.
28. Provisions dealing with experts and expert evidence are contained in CPP
arts. 156 to 169-1.Experts are drawn from lists maintained by the superior courts the cour de cassation (national), the cours d'appel (regional). The subject is dealt with
more fully in section 9 below.
29. This was within the power given to the investigating judge to visit les l i e u
(the scene(s) of the crime) by CPP art. 92.
30. The power of search (perquisition) includes the power of seizure (saisie).
These powers are dealt with in CPP arts. 94 to 98.
19971
537
same date. After the visit the defendant was taken back to the office
of the investigating judge where he was further interrogated, in the
presence of his lawyer. He was first interrogated about the facts. He
added some further details to his original statement to the investigating judge. He said he had been around the deceased's house in the
early evening of the shooting, had seen the deceased and his (the defendant's) wife together in the parking area, became angry and went
off and got his two weapons. He returned to the deceased's house,
saw the deceased and his wife inside, called out: "Open up or I'll
shoot", fired twice into the lock, tried to open the door, did not know if
someone was behind the door or not, fired two shots through the door,
pushed down the door, crossed the hallway, saw nobody on the
ground, saw his wife fleeing, fired two shots after her in the air and a
third, lower, which hit her. He was "mad with anger" and panicked
when the firemen arrived. (This expanded account opened up the
possibility of knowledge that there was someone behind the door
when he shot through it, and conceded that he hit his wife with a
revolver shot.)
The defendant was questioned on the same occasion on his personnalite'. The results of this and other such inquiries will be dealt
with later.
After the discovery of the defendant's weapons, the investigating
judge commissioned a ballistics expert to investigate and report generally and with particular attention to the question whether a shot
from the shotgun had been fired at the victim while lying on the
ground. The gendarmerie were commissioned to assist the ballistics
expert a t the scene and with photography. In a four-page report the
expert noted that the shotgun in question had two different barrels one fired bullets (balles) and the other fired buckshot (chevrotine). He
concluded in his report that five shots had been fired from the gun a t
the scene - the first into the lock of the door (a bullet), the second
through the right side of the door (buckshot), the third through the
left side of the door (a bullet), the fourth into the left side of the victim
on the ground (buckshot), the fifth through a bedroom door and into
the skirting board on the other side of the room (a bullet).
A further ("complementary") report was then requested of the
ballistics expert by the investigating judge seeking greater precision
on the relation between the shots fired and the wounds to the deceased. The clothing of the deceased when shot was forwarded to the
expert. This second ballistics report was of 31 pages accompanied by
two books of photographs - one showing the trajectories of the five
shots and the other showing the weapons (in detail), the munitions
and the results of test firings. The conclusions on the shots that hit
the deceased were as follows. The second shot, through the right side
of the door, had hit the deceased in the left thigh while he was braced
538
[Vol. 45
("buttressed") against the door from the inside. The fourth shot, resulting in a wound under the left rib-cage, was "incontestably" fired
directly into the victim at point blank range (2-5 cms). This was
"proved" by the size and nature of the tatouage around the wound as
evidenced by the expert autopsy report and the accompanying photographs. Further, the trajectory of the shot in the victim's body excluded any material possibility that the victim was upright when
fired upon.
At the time the second ballistics report was requested, the same
ballistics expert and an expert chemist were commissioned to investigate and report on whether powder traces on the pullover of the deceased and the jacket of the defendant matched. An earlier expert
report from a research laboratory on this question had been inconclusive. The report of the second expertise, highly technical and with
many spectrograms, concluded that the powder traces on the two garments matched and further, although there had been no such specific
commission, that the powder from inside other buckshot cartridges of
the same brand as used by the defendant also matched that on the
garments. The experts drew a further conclusion that the defendant
had shot at least once "from the hip".
After the experts' reports had been received the defendant was
brought again before the investigating judge and was informed about
them and the conclusions reached. His lawyer was also present (a
different one again). The defendant was informed of his right to ask
for a "counter-expertise"or a "complementary expertise" and the time
limit applicable (up to 10 days). The defendant was further interrogated by the investigating judge on the basis of the conclusions
reached by the experts. He reaffirmed that he had only fired four
shots from the shotgun, all from outside the front door, that he did
not think anyone was behind the door when he fired, and that there
was no-one on the ground when he entered the house.
About this time in the investigation the defendant's brother, who
owned the car (a Citroen BX)the defendant had been driving on the
night of the shooting, wrote to the investigating judge requesting the
return of his car. The investigating judge sought, in writing, the
views of the prosecutor on the matter. The prosecutor replied that he
did not oppose the restitution of the vehicle to its owner. The investigating judge then ordered in writing that the vehicle be returned to
the brother and that the order be executed by the gendarmerie in the
village of the (private) garage to which the vehicle had been taken
when seized. The wife of the defendant subsequently wrote to the
investigating judge protesting the restitution of the vehicle to the defendant's brother but no action was taken on this letter. The gendarmerie involved forwarded in due course to the investigating judge
a proc8s-verbal describing the execution of the order of restitution.
19971
539
At this stage in the investigation a lawyer wrote to the investigating judge advising that she was the counsel (conseil)for the wife of
the defendant who wished to become a civil party (partie civile) in the
proceedings. The lawyer later wrote to the same effect on behalf of
the mother and father of the deceased and their nine surviving children (brothers and sisters of the deceased).S1
As the next step in the investigation the investigating judge ordered a re-enactment and a c~nfrontation.~~
These occurred on 27
November 1991. The defendant was taken to his house and asked to
re-enact his departure and return, his weapons being returned to him
for the purpose. He was photographed doing all this. Present also
were the investigating judge, the greffier, the prosecutor, the defendant's lawyer, his wife's lawyer and many gendarmes. The party then
moved to the deceased's house (in another village), where it was
joined by the defendant's wife and the two other people in the house
at the time of the shooting. For this part of the re-enactment the
defendant wore a bullet-proof vest. The versions of events according
to the defendant, his wife and the other two present at the time were
acted out and photographed (including the defendant pursuing his
wife with a revolver). This resulted in a "photographic dossier" of 79
photographs.
After the re-enactment a confrontation between the defendant
and the other three in the house a t the time was held. The defendant
continued to maintain that he had shot twice into the lock and twice
through the door. Asked by the investigating judge why he had shot
twice through the door, he said he really did not know why. Asked to
explain the shot through the bedroom door, he did not deny firing it
but did not remember doing so. The defendant's wife thought there
were two shots fired into the lock of the front door but could not remember the number of shots in all. The boyfriend of the deceased's
daughter also thought two shots were fired into the front door lock
but thought there was a fifth shot fired, not being the one (the sixth
on this account) fired through the bedroom door (where in fact he
happened to be hiding).
At the end of the re-enactment and confrontation the investigating judge asked the defendant and his wife (a civil party) if they
31. A victim of a criminal offense, the family of the victim and others having interests based on the rights of a victim, are entitled to become civil parties in criminal
proceedings. They are entitled to be legally represented, to be notified about and have
a say on investigative measures affecting them, to appear as parties at the hearing,
and to claim damages from the accused, which can be awarded in addition to any
penal sanction. CPP arts. 85 to 91 deal with the position of a civil party during an
investigation by an investigatingjudge. The subject is dealt with more m y in section
9 below.
32. Confrontations are provided for in CPP arts. 118 to 121 but re-enactments are
not specifically referred to in the CPP.
540
[Vol. 45
19971
541
542
W01.45
ter - two neighbors where he had lived near Paris, one neighbor in
his village and one friend since childhood. The defendant's lawyer
was recorded as having asked some questions towards the end of the
interview about the defendant's earnings and the maintenance he
had been paying to his wife.
The investigating judge then issued a commission rogatoire (curriculum vitae) to the Commissaire de la Police at Le Mans to conduct
a detailed inquiry into the behavior, morals, associates, family background and means of existence of the defendant, to interview all appropriate people, and to verify thoroughly the information contained
in the record of the defendant's interrogation on his curriculum vitae.
The police at Le Mans proceeded to arrange the detailed inquiries
required through local police branches and gendarmeries. Interviews
were recorded with the mother, four of the brothers, a sister and the
two sons of the defendant, with the four witnesses nominated by the
defendant, and with two of the defendant's ex-employers. Two other
ex-employers were sought out - one knew nothing of the defendant
and the other had closed down. Other information about the defendant's domestic life in the caravan park near Paris, including two reported episodes of violence towards his wife, was forwarded by the
local police. The interviews and information, in the form of procdsverbaux, were relayed to the investigating judge through the police a t
Le Mans.
At the beginning of the investigation the investigating judge
commissioned an expert psychologist to examine and report on the
defendant. The expert was specifically asked to explain how the defendant had come to commit the acts in question and to advise how to
prevent the defendant acting anti-socially in the future. The expert's
report was 16 pages long. It had sections headed: Psycho-Social History, The Facts, Examination: Interview, Rorschach, Discussion, Conclusions. There were 17 conclusions reached, including that the
defendant had an egocentric and rigid psychological structure, that
he thought of his wife as an object that he owned, that he refused to
accept the reality of the divorce proceedings pursued by his wife, that
his behavior could be characterized as suppressing an intruder (the
deceased) and re-appropriating his wife as object, that his behavior
could be described as passionnel, impulsive, aggressive and even paranoiac, but that, psychologically, there was no insanity,35 delirium, or
even "extenuating circumstance^",^^ that he continued to be danger35. Insanity (&menee) was a defense under the old Code Pbml art. 64. See now
art. 122-1 of the new Code Pbnal for the effects of s~ecifiedtmes
- - of mental disorder on
criminal responsibility.
36. The question of whether or not there are "extenuatingcircumstancesn(circonstances attdnuantes) is to be considered by the courts after a finding of guilt: CPP arts.
356 to 359, 467-1.
19971
543
ous in relation to his wife, and that he was likely to present the facts
to suit himself.
The investigating judge also commissioned an expert psychiatrist to examine and report on the accused. In response to specific
questions posed, this expert reported that the defendant was not suffering from any mental abnormality but that his depressive condition
during the months before the shooting resulted in a "slight diminution of responsibility", that the defendant was not dangerous, that he
was "accessible" to a penal sanction, that no specific treatment was
called for, that the defendant was socially readaptable, and that he
was not insane at the time of the shooting. This report was more
favorable to the defendant than that of the psychologist.
On receipt of these two expert reports the defendant was brought
before the investigating judge and acquainted with their conclusions.
The defendant's lawyer was not present. The defendant stated he
wanted time to consider whether he should request any "counter-expertise" or "complementary expertisen. The proc&s-verbauxof all the
people interviewed about his personnalitt! were also read to the defendant. He made observations on two of them only. About that of
his younger son he said it had clearly been "dictated" by his mother.
About his elder son's description of the earlier incident with the shotgun he said he had not fired the gun but that it had gone off accidentally when his wife had tried to take it from him after he had held it
out for her to take.
The conclusions of the two expert reports were forwarded by mail
to the wife and the members of the deceased's family (as civil parties)
and to their lawyer.
Included in the personnalitt part of the dossier was a further
procis-verbal from the gendarmerie at Le Mans, reporting on inquiries made by thepolice in the area near Paris where the wife and children were still living in the family caravan. The effect of the report
was that the wife was extremely hostile towards the defendant because he had killed "the man of her life", that she feared other deaths
(of the defendant or her brothers) and that afier a visit to his father
in prison the younger son "had it in forn the police and the justice
system and had assaulted a young man in the caravan park whose
brother was doing military service with the police.
(iii) Further investigation
At the conclusion of the investigating judge's investigation of the
facts and personnulit6 the dossier was sent to the p r o s e c ~ t o r .The
~~
prosecutor, two weeks later, issued a supplementary requisition (rdquisitoire supplt!tifl requesting the investigating judge to investigate
37. As required by CPP art. 175.
544
[VO~.
45
The aspects of the investigation referred to so far were all recorded in the dossier. The documents in the dossier were accumulated over the period of the investigation and were generally in
chronological order.
The dossier was divided into four parts (cotes). Each part had its
own folder. Part A contained formal documents (entitled Pibces de
Forme) such as the list of exhibits, memoranda of transfer of documents from the gendarmerie to the investigating judge (bordereaux
d'envoi), a report from the gendarmerie about the removal of seals,
letters from the defendant about changes of lawyer, letters from
those connected to the deceased seeking to become civil parties.
There were 47 documents in Part A and they were listed on an inventory (inventaire).
Part B contained documents on the defendant's personnalitk (entitled Renseignements et Personnalitt!). These documents included
various certificates about the defendant (birth, previous convictions
(none), military service), the record of the investigating judge's inter38. Provided for also by CPP art. 175.
39. As empowered by CPP art. 181.
19973
545
546
[Vol. 45
The dossier in this case was an impressive record of the investigation. All the steps taken in the investigation were recorded in detail, generally typed or printed, and on paper with appropriate,
usually pro forma, headings. Records of interviews, however, did not
appear to be verbatim transcripts but officialparaphrases. The interviews generally read like continuous statements and this was made
more apparent by the contrast with occasional passages noted as being in response to a question (Sur Interrogation, or S.I.). The records
of the interviews by the investigating judge with the defendant appeared to be summaries of the defendant's account of things. There
would seem to have been no inhibition in asking leading questions.
The investigating judge was obviously well-informed on the subjectmatter of the interviews. The interviews were recorded by the greffier, present at the time, on dictation from the investigating judge.40
The lawyers for the defendant and for the civil parties have
rights of access to the dossier and may have copies of the documents
contained in it.41 Apart from that the investigation and the dossier
are meant to be secret.42
The prosecutor has a right of appeal to the chambre d'accusation
against any decision taken by the investigating j ~ d g e . ~The
3 defendant and a civil party have more limited rights of appeal, also to the
chambre d'accusation.~No appeal was taken during the subject investigation although on one minor point the investigating judge declined to accept a requisition of the prosecutor. Appeals from
decisions of the investigating judge are apparently rare.
The record of what happened after the investigation was not as
comprehensive or as well organized as the record of the investigation.
The documents relating to the committal for hearing and to the hearing did not become separate parts of the dossier or go into separate,
additional folders but were kept loose on top of the folders for the four
parts of the investigation. This is indicative of the importance of the
investigation in relation to the totality of the proceedings.
40. I was informed of this by investigating judges and have observed the process
in operation. The investigating judge, from my observations, checks with the interviewee that what is being recorded is acceptable to the interviewee.
41. At the time of the investigation in this case such access was available for a
period of 48 hours preceding an interview by the investigating judge with the defendant or a civil party: CPP art. 100. Amendments to the Code from January 1993 gave
defense lawyers continuous access to the dossier in their client's case from four days
before a defendant's first appearance before the investigating judge. After the change
of government in May 1993 the Code was further amended to subject access by defense lawyers to their client's dossier to a determination by the investigating judge
taking into account the "conditions necessary for the smooth-running of the investigating judge's practice," although access from four days before the defendant's first
interrogation was preserved. For these recent amendments to the Code see Trouille,
"A Look a t French Criminal Procedure," [I9941Crim. L.R. 735 a t 741-42.
42. CPP art. 11.
43. CPP art. 185.
44. CPP arts. 186 and 186-1.
548
Wo1. 45
The hearing of the two charges against the accused54 took place
before the cour d'assises at Le Mans on 5 and 6 April 1993.
(a)
The morning of the first day was given over to matters concerning the jury panel. By 10 a.m. the jury panel had been assembled in
the public gallery of the courtroom. A bell then rang and the Presi47. See, for England, John Frederick Archbold, Pleading, Evidence and Practice
in Criminal Cases (44th ed. 1992) 8 4305 to 4-307; for Australia, Mark I. Aronson &
Jill B. Hunter, Litigation: Evidence and Procedure (5th ed. 1995) 88 12.96-98.
48. Heading to Ch. 2 of Title 3 of Book 1 of the CPP.
49. Heading to Ch. 1 of Title 3 of Book 1 of the CPP.
50. CPP art. 214.
51. CPP art. 213.
52. CPP art. 212.
53. CPP art. 201.
54. L'accusl, so called after committal for hearing before the cour d'assises.
19971
549
dent (red robed), two other judges55 (black robed) and a prosecutor
(black robed) entered from a side door at the bench end of the courtroom. The lawyer for the accused (black robed, white trim), but not
the accused, was already present, as was a grefler (black robed). The
prosecutor and the greffier sat on the same elevated level as the
judges, and at right angles to them, the prosecutor to their right, the
grefler to their left. The accused's lawyer sat at a desk on the floor of
the court, in front of the seat for the accused, which adjoined, at a
lower level and separated by a glass screen, the prosecutor's desk. At
the request of the President the greffier proceeded to call the roll of
the jury panel. The name, place and date of birth, occupation and
address of each person on the panel list was read out and, if present,
the person so responded. Two persons not present were excused,
with the consent of the prosecutor, after medical certificates were
read out and a third, reported to be in hospital, was also excused.
One person on the list had not been served with the appropriate summons. A fireman who had come from Paris was excused as not liable
to jury service. There were no applications from those present to be
excused from service. Thirty-two "titular" jurors were found to be
present and 7 "supplementary" jurors. At this point the court adjourned but the jurors were asked by the President to remain in the
court in order for him to explain, less formally, their function. The
President and the other two judges returned, unrobed, to the court
soon after and stood in front of the jurors on the floor of the court.
The President proceeded to explain the nature and function of the
jury in the French criminal justice system. He referred to the history
of the jury in France, its democratic nature, its importance in the
justice system, the selection of the jury and the rights of challenge (5
for the defense and 4 for the prose~ution),~~
the number of jurors (9)57
and their collegiate functioning with the 3 judges, the anonymity of
the vote in the jury room (by secret ballot) and for public purposes
(through the expression "a majority of at least 8 votes" against the
accused),58 the need to be impartial and neutral until the time for
judgment and the requirement not to talk about the case outside the
deliberation room. The panel was then told of the three cases listed
for hearing that week and that a jury would have to be selected
afresh from the panel for each case. Pamphlets explaining the court
and jury systems were handed out to the members of the panel. The
panel was invited by the President to ask any questions. Questions
-
55. Called assesseurs. A trainee assesseur was present with the other three
judges during the proceedings but did not participate in them.
56. So provided by CPP art. 298.
57. CPP art. 296.
58. This way of expressing the decision is required by CPP art 360. Any decision
against the accused must be by a majority of at least 8 votes, i.e., a two-thirds majority: CPP art. 359.
550
W01.45
asked included: whether the jurors could take notes (yes); whether
the jurors decided upon punishment as well as liability (yes); why
there were supplementary jurors (in case a titular juror became indisposed); whether a juror could be recalled for jury service later (not
within 5 years); how much would they be paid (a modest flat fee plus
the cost of meals and any travel and accommodation, slightly more
for salaried people). The panel was then asked to be back at court by
2 p.m. when the first listed trial would start.
(6) Selection of the jury, call-over of witnesses, and reading of the
committal judgment
At 2 p.m. the court reassembled. The accused was brought in
through a side door handcuffed to one police officer and accompanied
by another. The handcuffs were removed and the accused sat down
between the two police officers. Names of jurors on the panel were
drawn from an urn by the President. Five challenges were made by
the lawyer for the accused (all women) and 3 by the prosecutor. The
jury as finally struck consisted of 8 men and 1woman, with two supplementaries (1 man and 1 woman). The jury was sworn in
collectively.
A lawyer announced her appearance for the original 12 civil parties and for 4 additional ones - the wife (separated) and the 3 children of the deceased.
There was then a roll-call of witnesses - 4 experts (2 of whom
were present), 3 police officers (all present), and 5 other witnesses
(one of whom - the daughter of the deceased present in the house at
the time of the shooting - was absent, an absence explained by a
medical certificate to the effect that she was at a very late stage of
pregnancy and could not come to court, leading the President to excuse the witness, without objection from any party, on the basis that
her deposition could be read out in due course). The President asked
the witnesses to wait in the witnesses' room until it was their turn to
testify.
The President next asked if there were any applications about
publicity in relation to the hearing.59 There were none.
The President then asked the greffier to read out, and the accused to listen to, the judgment of the chambre d'accusation sending
the case before the cour d'assises (the renv~i).~O
The greffier proceeded to read, somewhat haltingly, the 10 pages of that judgment.
This constituted a detailed account for the jurors (or those who could
absorb it) of the course of the investigation, the conclusions reached
by it, and of the accused's personnalite'. The judgment concluded by
59. A hearing is to be open to the public unless publicity would be "dangerous for
order or morals" in which case the judges can order a closed court: CPP art. 306.
60. As required by CPP art. 327.
19971
551
552
[Vol. 45
19971
553
554
Wo1.45
a madman." The President then took the accused through the events
of the fatal evening. He suggested to the accused that he must have
known there was someone behind the front door when he fired two
shots through it (denied), and that when he entered the house he
must have seen the deceased, then wounded, lying on the floor in the
front hall (also denied). Generally the accused stuck to the story he
told to the investigating judge despite some close questioning on its
credibility by the President. The President again asked the other
members of the court, the prosecutor, the lawyers for the civil parties
and the accused if there were any further questions of the accused
but there were none.
The psychologist now having arrived at court, he was taken as
the next witness. The President announced that the hearing on the
personnalite' was being resumed. The psychologist referred to his report on the accused in the dossier and proceeded to summarize his
conclusions. He said the accused was obstinate, aggressive, egocentric, rigid in his views, had an intense affectivity, regarded his wife as
his property, as an object he had to control, and as the cause of any
problem in their relationship. He also said that the accused was of
normal intelligence, not suffering from any pathology, and that there
were no "extenuating circumstances" benefiting the accused in relation to the shootings. The psychologist was then asked some questions by the accused's lawyer. The lawyer pointed out that the
psychologist had examined the accused one and a half years ago and
asked if his opinion would necessarily be the same today (would be no
different). The lawyer also pointed out that the psychologist had examined the accused's wife as well as the accused and asked if the wife
had been the source of any of his opinions about the accused (no).
The President proceeded next to question the psychologist on his report on the wife.67 His conclusions were that for the wife the marriage had been a "catastrophe", that she had wanted to divorce, or to
suicide, soon after she was married, that she was the subject of continuous violence during the marriage but was too afraid to leave, that
she had been "very strongly marked" by the marriage, that she had a
tendency to hysteria and for good reason but that she showed no pathology. There were no questions other than from the President on
this report.
The trial now returned to "the facts". The next witness was the
medical expert who had conducted the autopsy on the deceased and
who had also examined the body at the house soon a h r the shooting.
He described the two wounds to the deceased, concluded that they
were shotgun wounds and that they were the cause of death. He was
"practically certain" that one shot (left thigh) was fired through the
67. This was in the context of an examination of the accused's personnalitk but it
had the potential for additional prejudice to the accused on the question of guilt.
19971
555
door and the second (under left ribcage) was fired directly into the
body at close range.
The next three witnesses were from the gendarmerie at Le Mans.
They were members of the judicial police. They had all visited the
scene soon after the shooting but after the arrival of the village gendarmerie. The first of the three witnesses was the Commander of the
gendarmerie for the Le Mans area. He recounted the early stages of
the investigation by the gendarmerie, both those from the village (the
main investigators) and those from Le Mans. He referred to the fact
that the accused had made no admissions during the garde a vue and
remarked that he had not known such "defiance" in his 20 years experience. In answer to a question by the accused's lawyer he conceded
that the investigation had been by the local gendarmerie, not by himself or the Le Mans gendarmerie, but said they (the locals) had
"touched nothing" before his arrival. He also conceded to the accused's lawyer that he had noticed on arrival a t the scene that the
front door had fallen on the victim. The other two gendarmes, senior
officers of the Research Brigade a t Le Mans, confirmed in brief the
account of the early stages of the investigation given by their Commander. One had found two cartridge cases at the scene.
The next witness was the boyfriend of the deceased's daughter,
present at the house at the time of the shooting. His evidence was
that he and the victim were pushing against the front door from the
inside trying to keep the accused (recognized by his wife when
outside and known to have a shotgun) from entering. He said that
two shots were fired into the lock of the door, the door was pushed
open a little, the barrel of the shotgun came through the opening and
he tried, unsuccessfully, to wrest the gun from the accused. Two
shots were then fired through the door, the second of which hit the
victim. The witness then sought refuge in a bedroom. The front door
was forced open and he heard it fall into the hallway. He thought two
more shots were fired, one through the door of the bedroom he was
hiding in. He thereupon jumped out the window, ran to a neighbor
and rang thegendarmerie. After the President had finished questioning the witness, the prosecutor asked him the width of the front hall.
The witness said "about one metre". The prosecutor suggested it
might have been wider but remarked that the correct width could be
found in the dossier. The witness also confirmed to the prosecutor
that he had been lightly wounded by the gunfire through the front
door. There were no other questions of the witness.
The President next read out the deposition of the deceased's
daughter given to the gendarmerie during the garde a vue. She had
been medically certified as in a late stage of pregnancy (to the previous witness) and unable to attend court. She had become a civil party
at the beginning of the hearing. She deposed that she had been hid-
556
[Vol. 45
ing in a wardrobe most of the relevant time but thought she heard
four shots into the front door, then one more inside the house, followed by more shots outside.
The accused's wife was then called. She was not sworn because
of her relationship to the accused and because she was a civil party.68
She spoke first of her "atrocious" and "poisoned" life with the accused,
saying she wanted a divorce within months of her marriage but was
too scared to leave her husband. She said she fmally had a chance of
happiness with the victim but that had now been destroyed. She
then, in response to the President, recalled what she could of the
events in question. After she saw her husband outside the house
with a shotgun and revolver she hurried inside wanting to lock the
front door. Before that could be done her husband had fired two shots
into the lock. She took refuge in an inside room. She heard other
shots but did not remember how many. After her husband had entered the house she escaped through a window but was pursued by
him firing his revolver. She was hit in the back of the head by revolver shot. She persuaded him to come back into the house where
she got him to hand over his weapons and ammunition. He asked her
to come away with him but she refused. She heard the fire brigade
arriving whereupon her husband took back his weapons and ammunition and drove off. In response to questions from the accused's lawyer the wife denied that her family had been a real problem in her
marriage. She also said that she had not really known the victim
when she left the accused and had only become close to him two
months later.
The President adjourned the court at about 7 p.m. until 9 a.m.
the following morning. The court had been sitting for five hours with
one short adjournment.
At 9 a.m. the following day the ballistics expert was called and
sworn as an expert witness. The President referred to the three reports of this expert which dealt with the firing of the shotgun. The
expert described the gun and how it worked (bullets from the right
barrel, buckshot from the left). He was categorical about the number
of shots fired and where they went - the first, a bullet, into the lock
of the door; the second, buckshot, through the door and into the body
of the victim; gun then recharged; the third shot, a bullet, through
the door and into a piece of furniture inside; the fourth, buckshot,
directly into the body of the victim then lying on the ground from very
short range (10 centimetres k 10%); gun recharged again; the fifth
shot, a bullet, through a bedroom door and into the skirting board on
the other side of the room.
68. Both categories are exempted under CPP art. 335 from swearing an oath, the
exemption for spouses subsisting even aRer a divorce.
19971
557
558
[Vol. 45
19971
559
his neighbors, and that he had no criminal record. The problems between the accused and his in-laws, it was claimed, were not the fault
of the accused but of the in-laws, as witness the savage assault on the
accused by his brother-in-law two months after the wife had left the
accused. The sons had been proved to be liars by their evasiveness
over the outcome of the assault charges against them and had obviously taken their mother's side against their father. It was necessary
also, claimed the accused's lawyer, to look at the character of the
wife. She had lied to the divorce court in claiming she was separated
from her husband so as to obtain maintenance payments from the
state (pension aZiment~ire),7~
she had lied to the accused in telling
him she had discontinued the divorce proceedings, she had asked the
investigating judge to return to her the vehicle her husband had been
driving knowing that it belonged to her husband's brother, and she
had lied about her acquaintance with the victim as she was able to
describe him soon after his death as "the man of my life". It was clear
that the wife hated the accused and would say anything against him.
By contrast, the lawyer claimed, the accused was "obsessed" about
getting his wife back and restoring their relationship. In fact, psychologically, the wife "dominated" her husband and this was evidenced by the scene between them after the shooting when the wife
calmed her husband, brought him back into the house and disarmed
him. The lawyer then turned to the facts of the case. He pointed out
that two witnesses, as well as the accused, had said that 4 shots were
fired into the front door. If only 5 shots were fired and the fifth went
through a bedroom door then, it was suggested, no shot could have
been fired directly into the victim. At this point the lawyer asked for
the photographs of the re-enactment to be shown to the jurors. The
President refused this request, saying to the lawyer: 'You are pleading now". The lawyer then held up his own copy of a photograph
before the jurors. The photograph showed the victim lying on the
hallway floor in the angle between the wall and the door with his left
side towards the ground. The lawyer asked how a second shot in
those circumstances could have been fired into the victim's left side.
The lawyer then referred to the statements (in the dossier) by the
local gendarmerie to the effect that when they arrived on the scene
the victim was lying on his back under the front door. How, he asked,
could the accused have shot the victim in the side towards the back?
The lawyer also pointed out that the medical expert accepted that the
second shot into the victim could have come through the door. The
lawyer concluded by suggesting that there were very considerable
"extenuating circumstances" in favor of the accused.
560
[Vol. 45
The President then announced the hearing was closed. He ordered the dossier to be placed in the hands of the grefier.73 He then
adjourned the court for the judges and jurors to retire74 and deliberate. It was 4:00 p.m.
19971
561
30,000 francs
40,000 francs each
10,000 francs each
20,000 francs
40,000 francs each
79. The damages are payable by the accused, or by a state insurance fund which
may then seek to recover them from the accused.
80. The proceedings are under the direction of the President: CPP art. 309.
Under art. 307 the proceedings are not to be interrupted but may be suspended for
rest where necessary.
562
[Vol. 45
There was no transcript or summary of the evidence given by the witnesses. It was simply noted, for example, that: "The President interrogated the accused and received his declarations on his
personnulite'". A record is required to be made of any "additions,
changes or variations" as between the evidence of a witness and his
or her previous statements (as recorded in the dossier).81 No such
record appeared on the dossier after the hearing, but probably because there were no significant "additions, changes or variations" in
this case. The record seemed concerned to make clear that the proceedings were regular in form. For example, it was noted several
times that the hearings (criminal and civil) and the judgments were
"in public", as required by CPP article 306. It was also noted that the
President "presented" the exhibits to the accused, the witnesses, and
the jurors, as specified by article 341 that they be so presented. The
exhibits (including the shotgun and the revolver) were in fact not so
"presented", but then they did not have to be under the article unless
it were necessary.
The record of the hearing noted as well that the President dispensed, under CPP article 348, with the reading of the questions to
which the judges and jury had to respond as the questions had been
posed in the committal judgment. This dispensation became the
ground of an appeal to the cour de cassation.
The dossier also contained a record of the criminal and the civil
judgments pronounced by the President at the hearing.
The dossier revealed that 28 statements were taken by the gendarmerie or the police during the investigation, apart from statements made by the accu~ed.8~
Fourteen of these were taken about
"the facts" and 14 about the accused's personnalitd. Two people made
statements about both - the wife and the mother of the accused. Of
the statements about "the facts", four were from the firemen who
were first to arrive on the scene and five were from neighbors of the
deceased who saw the accused in the vicinity andlor heard the shooting. These statements were of little probative value in the event.
At the trial only two people, again apart from the accused, gave
evidence about "the facts", and the statement of a third was read out
by the President. Four people, apart from the experts, gave evidence
about the accused's personnalite'. The lawyer for the accused read
81. Pursuant to CPP art. 333.
82. As I will compendiously call the suspectldefendantlaccused henceforth.
19971
563
564
W01.45
The investigation in this case, was by any standard, comprehensive, thorough and well recorded. The dossier produced from the investigation, including the summarizing requisition by the prosecutor,
formed the basis for the committal decision and, more importantly,
the basis for the hearing. The judges, the prosecutor and the lawyers
for the accused and the civil parties were all familiar with the dossier
and referred to it during the hearing. The presiding judge interrogated the accused and the witnesses from their depositions in the
dossier and generally sought to have their oral evidence conform to
those depositions. Some witnesses simply confirmed their depositions as read out by the presiding judge. The expert witnesses gener84. As reproduced in the judgment of the cour de cassation from the written submission (&moire) on his behalf.
85. For a longer look at a judgment of the cour de cassation in a criminal case see
McKillop, "A French Judgment through Common Law Eyes," 4 J. of Jud. Admin. 245
(1995).
86. These comments will mainly be from an Australian perspective, the common
law perspective with which I am the most familiar.
19971
565
ally gave oral summaries of their often quite lengthy written reports.
The hearing thus became essentially a public review and confirmation of the contents of the dossier,87 and hence of the conclusions that
were reached in the investigation. It could be said that the investigation was the crucial and determinative phase of the whole process
and that the hearing simply added a public dimension to the
investigation.
If the investigation in France, as evidenced by this case, is primary and the hearing secondary, then the reverse could be said to
characterize the adversarial system. What happens at the hearing,
or rather the trial, in that system is crucial in determining guilt or its
absence in that it is only on the evidence adduced at the trial before a
court that is meant to know nothing of that evidence beforehand that
the determination is made. The investigation does no more than collect material that will be presented, selectively, by the prosecution at
the trial and within the limits of examination-in-chief.
One consequence of this difference in relative importance of the
investigation and the trial is that outcomes are more predictable in
the French than in the adversarial system. The French investigation
that results in a committal for trial will generally result in a conviction a t the hearing. Only those cases in which the investigation
reveals strong evidence of guilt are sent to a hearing so that hearings
should normally result in convictions. The acquittal rate in the cours
d'assises throughout France for the five years 1988-92in fact averaged 5%of all cases heard.88 In the adversarial system the trial is
something of a lottery. Outcomes are dependent upon many variables - witnesses depart from their proofs of evidence or their prior
testimony or are unexpectedly damaged in cross-examination, the defense produces some surprises, the judge rules on the admissibility of
evidence in ways that may not have been predicted, counsel perform
well or badly, the jury is capricious, to mention a few such variables.
These variables may make for good theatre but they are not conducive to predictability in the criminal justice system.
(b)
566
[Vol. 45
19971
567
568
[Vol. 45
The investigating judge, it will be seen, in fact, carried out, instigated or controlled most of the investigation in this case.g1 He has
done most of the interrogation of the accused, has commissioned all
the expert reports and the personnulit4 inquiries, and has arranged
for and officiated at the re-enactment and confrontation. Statements
from the witnesses to the crucial events were also sought by the investigating judge although they were already in the dossier. These
statements, and they were important ones for the purposes of the investigation, were the only ones generated by the gendarmerie and not
by the investigating judge.92
The subordinate role of the gendarmerie and the police in this
investigation contrasts with the role of the police in criminal investigations in common law jurisdictions. The police in those jurisdictions
generally have a discretion to investigate as they see fit without control from prosecutors or the judiciary. For particularly intrusive investigative measures such as the search of premises or the
interception of telecommunications the warrant of a magistrate or
judge will normally be required, but decisions to pursue such measures and plans for their pursuit will be those of the police. Prosecutors are generally presented with the results of the police
91. This obsellration runs counter to the conclusion reached by Goldstein and
Marcus in their study of the French (and Italian and German) system(s) that when
there is a judicial investigation "it is o h n little more than a limited superintendence
of a police investigationn: supra n. 2, a t 280. This conclusion is supported by some
Continental scholars: see, e.g. Weigend, supra n. 5, a t 389-95. The conclusion has
been contested by Langbein & Weinreb on the ground that Goldstein and Marcus
"misinterpreted the most important characteristics of the procedures they intended to
describe" and that they were captives of the myths they sought to explode, myths
derived from writings in English on Contintinental systems: supra n. 2, at 1549-50,
1567-68.
92. It should however be noted as regards the investigating judge that that officer's relative importance in French criminal investigations has been declining steadily over the years in comparison with the activities of the judicial police and the
prosecutor. The Delmas-Marty Commission Report, supra n. 61, a t 130, notes that
the proportion of cases involving an investigating judge to total cases investigated has
fallen between 1960 and 1988 from 20% to less than 10%. That Report recommended
the removal of investigative functions from judges (and their transfer to prosecutors),
but the retention (and some extension) of judicial powers in relation to investigations,
particularly regarding issues of individual liberties. A "divergent opinionn of one
Commission member (M. Braunshweig, an ex-President of the cour de cassation) favored the retention of the investigating judge, noting that the Commission's recommendation was firmly rejected by a large majority of judges. The debate in France
following the publication of the Report in June, 1990, was scarcely supportive of the
Commission's recommendation. See Pradel, "La mise en B t a t des affaires p6nales.
Propos sceptiques sur le rapport de la Commission," Dalloz 1990 Chronique L11301;
Waquet, "IUflexions sur les rapports de la Commission Justice penale et droits de
l'homme," Revue de Science Criminelle et de Droit Pbml Cornpark 518 (1991). It
should also be noted that the investigating judge has been abolished in most Continental jurisdictions, including Germany in 1975 and Italy in 1989.
19971
569
570
LVo1.45
eth hour to continue. The socialists had also provided that suspects
under a garde a vue were to have the right to inform their families by
telephone of their whereabouts, and that witnesses were no longer to
be held under agarde a vue except in special circumstances. The conservatives in fact extended the right of suspects to inform their families of their whereabouts to include the right to inform parents,
siblings, co-habitees and employers.98
The garde a vue gives to the French judicial police a t the beginning of an investigation powers generally greater than those legally
available to the police in adversarial systems. The exercise of these
powers has become significant in the totality of the French criminal
investigation, to an extent apparently never intended by the framers
of the Criminal Procedure Code.99 Given that the judicial police are
also commissioned by investigating judges and prosecutors to do
much of the remaining investigative work, it could be maintained
that most criminal investigation is actually done by the police.100 As
already demonstrated, however, there is significant control of that
work by the investigating judge or the prosecutor.
(e) Re-enactment and confrontation
Re-enactment and confrontation as exemplified in the investigation in this case are generally not a part of criminal investigations in
common law jurisdictions.lOl The main purpose of the re-enactment
seems to have been the re-creation for the benefit of the investigating
judge of the behavior of all concerned in the events associated with
the shootings. The players in those events would be able to make
manifest what they believed had happened and the investigating
judge would thus arrive at a better understanding of the events. Another purpose would seem to have been to provide a photographic record of the re-creation for the benefit of those involved in subsequent
stages of the proceedings, particularly the judges and jurors a t the
hearing. Although the photographic record was seen by the jurors as
well as the judges in the present case, it seems clear that the re-en98. For the recent legislative changes to the garde d: vue (and to other aspects of
French criminal procedure) see Trouille, "A Look a t French Criminal Procedure,"
Crim. L.R. 735 (1994).
99. There are 22 articles in the CPP dealing with "inquiriesn by the judicial police
and 112 dealing with "investigations" by investigating judges.
100. See supra n. 91.
101. Some common law cases have involved re-enactments as part of the investigation, e.g., R v. Lowery and King (No. 1) 1972 V.R. 554 (separate re-enactments of a
murder by two co-accused which were filmed), Collins v. R (1980) 31 A.L.R. 257 (reenactment of a murder by four accused which was photographed), and Lam Chi-ming
v. R [I9911 2 All E.R. 172 (re-enactment of a murder by three accused, and of them
throwing the knife used into the water, both of which were video-taped). Confrontation as an investigative technique is likely to draw judicial criticism and result (in
Australia) in the exclusion of confessional evidence resulting from it as unfair to the
accused: Van der Meer v. R (1988) 62 A.L.J.R. 656 a t 657, 665, 672-3.
19971
57 1
actment is essentially an investigative device carried out for the benefit of the chief investigator, in this case the investigating judge. The
record is available to the participants at the hearing to allow them to
confirm (or perhaps question) the thoroughness of the investigation
rather than as evidence of the events in question.
At an adversarial trial the photographic record of any re-enactment of material events by witnesses other than the accused would
generally not be admissible in evidence in substitution for or as confirmation of direct testimony as to those events. A record of any voluntary participation by the accused in such a re-enactment would,
however, normally be admissible as a confession or an admission by
conduct.12 This difference in approach should be understood in the
context of the emphasis on the investigation in the French criminal
justice process as opposed to the emphasis on the trial in the adversarial process.
There were two confrontations between the accused and the accusing witnesses in the present case - one arranged by the gendarmerie during the garde a vue and the other arranged by the
investigating judge.103 Confrontation is more integral to the French
system than is re-enactment. Confrontation, unlike re-enactment, is
specifically dealt with in the Criminal Procedure Code. Article 118
requires that the accused's lawyer be present at any confrontation
unless such presence is waived by the accused. Article 119 allows the
prosecution to be present at any confrontation. Under article 120 the
prosecutor and the accused's lawyer can only ask questions a t the
confrontation by leave of the investigating judge. Article 121 regulates the form of the record (procss-verbal) of any confrontation.
Under article 152 the powers accorded the judicial police under a
commission to make inquiries (commission rogatoire) from an investigating judge do not include a power to conduct a confrontation with
the accused. There is no provision for any confrontation at the hearing although the allegations of the accusing witnesses will be put to
the accused at the hearing by the presiding judge.
Confrontation of the accused with the accusing witnesses is, of
course, an integral part of the adversarial system, but this happens
a t the trial rather than during the investigation. This again highlights the primacy of the trial for the adversarial system and of the
investigation for the French system. As will be discussed later the
consequences for an accused failing to respond or to respond satisfac102. The re-enactment evidence described in the preceding footnote was treated as
a confession in Collins and Lam Chi-ming and as an admission by conduct in Lowery
and King.
103. The aim of a confrontation is to find the truth, particularly to ascertain if a
participant is lying, forgetful or mistaken. It is thought to be both effective and fairer
to an accused. See Sheehan, supra n. 4, at 55-6 and his example of a confrontation at
199-201. See also Frase, "How and Why,"supra n. 4, at 589 n. 274.
572
[Vol. 45
19971
573
to know who were the best, impartial experts to consult and call. In
addition there is the problem that experts should be asked to address
the issues of concern during the investigation rather than at, or even
just prior to, the trial. There is also a problem of equity in the use of
experts in the adversarial system. The prosecution is generally better resourced and has better access to experts (ofken also in government employ) than the defense, so the prosecution generally has an
advantage in the battle of the experts.
Although the French way with expert evidence may not be capable of outright adoption by the adversarial system, some relief for the
jury from their onerous obligation as adjudicators in the battle of partisan experts could be suggested from a consideration of the French
way. A jurisdiction-wide panel of experts could be accredited by the
courts whose fees would come from public funds and whose members
would normally be called upon by both prosecution and defense to
report and give evidence on matters of expertise. There could also be
established a publicly-funded, jurisdiction-wide laboratory available
to any expert on the panel for scientific tests. Alternatively, trial
judges could be given the power in appropriate circumstances to call
independent experts in an endeavor to resolve conflicts between experts for the prosecution and the defense.108
(g)
Civil parties
574
[VO~.
45
110. For example, in South Australia under the Criminal Law (Sentencing) Act
1989, s. 7,and in New South Wales under the Victims Rights Act 1996.
111. For example, in New South Wales under the Victims Compensation Act 1987.
19971
576
[Vol. 45
obligation to contribute information within his knowledge to the common endeavor of establishing the truth.
It would hardly be accurate to describe an adversarial accused as
an information source. The adversarial system is posited upon the
prosecution having to prove the guilt of the accused without the accused having to assist.113 The accused has a right to silence, incorporating a privilege against self-incrimination, and is to be presumed
innocent until proved guilty by the prosecution. Investigating police
will generally seek a statement if not a confession from a suspect but
the suspect need not say anything and should be so informed by the
police. If a confession is made it will often be consequent upon a belief by the suspect that the police have enough evidence for a conviction apart from the confession. Sometimes it will be because the
police have by one means or another induced a confession seeking
thereby to bolster their case or to avoid a fuller investigation,
although such a confession may well be excluded from evidence at
trial. At trial the accused can avoid being questioned or having to
provide any information to the court. In addition the law tries to protect the accused from having the exercise of the right to silence, both
before and a t trial, used against him or her at the trial.ll4
(ii) A right to silence?
The accused in this case was interrogated by the gendarmerie,
the investigating judge and the President of the cour d'assises. He
responded to all of them though he made no admissions to the gendarmerie. He was not told by the gendarmerie or the President that
he did not have to answer their questions or to say anything. The law
does not require that he be so told. The investigating judge a t the
"first appearance interrogation" did so warn the accused, as the law
113. One commentator has suggested that the reliance on confessions as evidence
amounts to a negation of the notion of an English trial which should rely only on
primary and direct evidence given in court "in the light of dayn rather than on "proceedings effectively conducted in the dark purlieus of a police station": C.J. Hamson,
The English Trial and Comparative Law 27 (1955). See also Van Kessel, "The Suspect as a Source of Testimonial Evidence: A Comparison of the English and American
Approaches," Hustings L.J. 1, a t 2-5 (1986).
114. In Australia and the United States this is generally sought to be achieved by
excluding evidence of silence during police interrogation, a t least after a caution has
been given, and by prohibiting comment on the accused's failure to give evidence at
trial. For Australia see A.L.C. Ligertwood, Australian Evidence 242-53 (2nd ed.
1993). For the United States see Rudolph B. Schlesinger, Hans Baade, Miqan
DamaBka & Peter Herzog, Comparative Law 486-90 (5th ed. 1988) (noting the skepticism of Schlesinger in his article there partly reproduced about the efficacy of the
prohibition on judicial comment), and Van Kessel, id. at 10-15. Restrictions on comment have recently been removed in the United Kingdom by the Criminal Justice and
Public Order Act 1994, both as regards silence pre-trial (s. 34) and a t trial (s. 35) and
modified in Australia by the Evidence Act 1995 (Commonwealth of Australia and New
South Wales) s. 20.
19971
577
578
[Vol. 45
uncommon to hear the presiding judge inform an accused who is silent or prevaricating under interrogation that the court will draw its
own conclusions from such behavior.llg
To what extent, then, does an accused in France have a right to
silence, or a privilege against self-incrimination. It is generally asserted that there is such a right or privilege.120 It is based, somewhat
tenuously, on two articles of the CPP - article 62 allowing the police
(to do no more than) to bring a person who refuses to answer their
questions about a flagrant offense before a prosecutor, and article 114
requiring the investigating judge to notify a defendant a t the first
interrogation that he or she is free not to make any statement. These
provisions are not likely to subvert the culture of response rather
than silence nor impede the drawing of adverse inferences from
silence.121
(iii) Presumption of innocence
The accused at an adversarial trial is said to benefit from the
presumption of innocence. This means no more than if the prosecution fail to adduce sufficient evidence to prove the guilt of the accused
then the accused is entitled to an acquittal. In other words, the prosecution bears the burden of proving the guilt of the accused.122 The
presumption does not operate in such a case to establish the accused's innocence, the result is simply that the accused has not been
proved g ~ i 1 t y . lThe
~ ~ presumption of innocence has, however, acquired an emotive and symbolic value for critics of legal regimes that
do not boast such a presumption.
It is sometimes suggested that there is no presumption of innocence in the French legal system. In so far as the presumption requires the prosecution to adduce sufficient evidence to prove guilt,
the presumption cannot in those terms be properly applied to the
French system. The prosecution does not adduce evidence at a
French hearing. Such evidence as is adduced is adduced by the presiding judge, either by interrogating the witnesses or by reading from
the dossier. In that sense any burden of proof is on the court.
119. It should also be noted that an accused at a hearing who wishes to direct the
court's attention to matters in mitigation of sentence will have to forgo silence.
120. See Vouin, "PrivilegeAgainst Self-Incrimination:France," 51 J. Crim. L.C. &
P.S. 169 (1960); Pieck, T h e Accused's Privilege Against Self-Incrimination in the
Civil Law," 11 Am. J. of Comp. L. 585 (1962).
121. See, confirming this, Pieck, id. at 598.
122. Referrred to variously as the burden of proof, the legal burden of proof, the
persuasive burden of proof, and the risk of non-persuasion. This burden is to be distinguished from the evidential burden. See generally, Cross on Evidence 183-87 (Rupert Cross, et al., 4th Aust. ed. 1991) and the references there cited.
123. See DPP v. Shannon 119751 A.C. 717 at 772 and R v. Darby (1982)56 A.L.J.R.
588 at 692.
19971
579
580
Wo1.45
19971
581
prejudice in the case of evidence of bad character, either being disregarded or addressed for what they are worth during the deliberations
on judgment by the court. As to the prior incident when the accused
was alleged to have "taken a shotgunn to his wife, this could perhaps
be considered by a common lawyer as evidence probative of the facts
in issue (particularly whether the accused deliberately fired a shot
into the deceased on entering the deceased's house) rather than as
evidence merely of disposition or propensity, although if consideration of the matter were to be through cases requiring proof of "similar
facts* for admissibility130 then evidence of this incident would probably not be admissible were the trial at common law. The French investigators and presiding judge in this case seemed quite prepared to
draw inferences against the accused on liability from this incident.
Why is the French system prepared to use evidence of bad character and disposition while the common law system is not? If the evidence, as it is apparently regarded, is relevant to issues going to guilt
in that inferences can rationally be drawn from that evidence towards those issues, then the common law must protect accused persons from those inferences in ways the French system does not.
What are those protections and how far can they be justified? One is
said to be the requirement that the guilt of the accused be proved
beyond reasonable doubt.131 This seems to confuse the question of
the admissibility of an item of evidence with the persuasive effect of
all items of evidence that come ultimately to be considered by the
tribunal of fact. In any event the standard of proof of guilt required
in the French system is similar to that required in the common law
system. Another protection is to be found in the common law's skepticism about the capabilities of the jury. This skepticism is to the
effect that juries may not be able to draw the proper inferences from
some types of evidence, such as evidence of bad character, and may be
unduly prejudiced against the accused by that evidence.132 This view
of the jury is not without irony in that the jury is championed by
common lawyers as bringing the experience and capabilities of a
cross-section of society to the task of judging accused persons. This
view also presupposes that judges can determine when juries are
likely to be unduly prejudiced by probative material.
While there can clearly be prejudice to an accused under the
French system when prior convictions and other material evincing
bad character are indiscriminately aired at the outset of a hearing,
the arrangements at common law to protect an accused from evidence
130. See, e.g., DPP v. Boardman [I9751 A.C. 421, Peny v. R (1982) 150 C.L.R. 580,
and, more particularly, R v. P [I9911 3 All E.R. 337, Pfennig v. R (1995) 127 A.L.R. 99,
and now Evidence Act 1995 (Commonwealth of Australia & New South Wales) s. 98.
131. Ligertwood, supra n. 114, at 81.
132. Id. at 81-2.
582
[Vol. 45
The aim of this exercise has been to expose in some detail the
manner in which a case involving a serious criminal charge is actually dealt with by the French criminal justice system. This has involved laying out compendiously, perhaps tediously, the procedures
and processes involved from the commission of the offense to the
judgment on appeal. My hope is that anglophones will be helped to a
better understanding of the French system, and that this will be of
benefit to comparative criminal justice studies and particularly to the
consideration of whether procedures in the French (or Continental)
system could or should be transplanted into anglophone systems.
I appreciate that the procedures and processes described apply in
only a small percentage of all criminal cases. The way the most serious cases are dealt with in any system, however, goes far in characterizing that system. Also less serious cases, particularly in the
French system (after allowing for the absence of an investigating
judge and of a jury in less serious cases), can be seen as speedier,
more summary versions of more serious cases. Of course if my approach to understanding the French system has merit, similar studies of cases at the other two levels of the criminal courts - the
tribunal correctionnel and the tribunal de police - should be
undertaken.
Perhaps the most significant conclusion to be drawn by an anglophone from the study is that the investigation is of determinative
importance in the French criminal justice system and that the hearing or trial does little more than present the results of the investigation in public. This means, further, that the characteristics of the
investigation become the characteristics of the whole system. Thus
the dossier produced by the investigation contains the material on
which all the subsequent decisions in a case are made and provides
the link between the stages through which a case passes. The dossier
being written (or documentary) means that the system is essentially
a written one. Those who are instrumental in compiling the dossier
- the investigating judge, the prosecutor, the judicial police, official
experts - are professionals within the system who, within their respective areas of competence, work together to realize the objectives
of the system. The system is thus ultimately a bureaucratic one in
that it is characterized by trained and interdependent official operatives the results of whose activities are to be found in written records.
It could also be concluded that, partly as a result of the bureaucratic character of the investigation and hence of the whole criminal
justice system, and partly as a result of the pursuit of the objective
19971
583
that the truth of a matter be manifested, the suspect/accused is pressured to be responsive to the needs of the investigation and the system as a whole. There is pressure, in other words, to "assist the
officials with their inquiries", to provide all information relevant to
the manifestation of the truth, to participate in the realization of the
objectives of the system. Without this participation it is difficult for
the officials to close the file. A non-cooperative or an adversarial position is thus counterindicated by the system. This combination of bureaucratic endeavor and pursuit of the truth could also help to
explain why the system concerns itself with the whole person of the
suspect/accused, with his or her personnalite' as well as with the allegation of a particular offense.
http://www.jstor.org
LINKED CITATIONS
- Page 1 of 1 -
This article references the following linked citations. If you are trying to access articles from an
off-campus location, you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR. Please
visit your library's website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR.
[Footnotes]
5
Continental Cures for American Ailments: European Criminal Procedure as a Model for
Law Reform
Thomas Weigend
Crime and Justice, Vol. 2. (1980), pp. 381-428.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0192-3234%281980%292%3C381%3ACCFAAE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
91
Continental Cures for American Ailments: European Criminal Procedure as a Model for
Law Reform
Thomas Weigend
Crime and Justice, Vol. 2. (1980), pp. 381-428.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0192-3234%281980%292%3C381%3ACCFAAE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
103
Continental Cures for American Ailments: European Criminal Procedure as a Model for
Law Reform
Thomas Weigend
Crime and Justice, Vol. 2. (1980), pp. 381-428.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0192-3234%281980%292%3C381%3ACCFAAE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
NOTE: The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list.