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Presidential Address
one devoted to politics of human action-is not only what the theory
explicitly says but what it omits to say or what it contains that is difficult
to acknowledge. I shall argue also that what matters about methodology
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EPSTEIN
from the way Noah and Eckstein view the field's development, n
others, report the rise of what now have become the "new" met
and the relations between school and the nation are no long
subjects of analysis." However much these descriptions of the
they all maintain the notion of progress.
Bibliography of Comparative Education, ed. Philip G. Altbach, Gail P. Kelly, and David
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relations.
fails to identify a third major theoretical perspective-the "problem" approach-which differs substantially from the equilibrium and conflict paradigms.
To show how irreconcilable these paradigms are, infused as they are
by rival ideologies, I shall examine two debates. The first was between
Philip Foster on the one side and Martin Carnoy and others. The second
was between Margaret Archer and Edmund King. These debates represent,
in my judgment, the most acerbic, but possibly the most significant, exchanges ever to grace the literature in comparative education. At the risk
of oversimplification, I will label the competing frameworks in these debates
Mind (Boston: Little, Brown, 1976), p. 4. I prefer Roelof's definition to others that make little
distinction between ideology and epistemology or cultural expression, because my purpose is to show
that an intrinsic bias exists in prevailing comparative approaches. For example, Wuthnow's definitionas "any subset of symbolic constructions which, in fact, serves as a vehicle for the expression and
transmission of collectively shared meanings"-would not serve my purpose (see Robert Wuthnow,
"Comparative Ideology," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 22 [1981]: 121-40, at 121).
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EPSTEIN
universal laws. This is not to say that in all cases positivists use mul
of the debates.
First, however, it will be important to recognize that comparative education invites ideology insofar as that field has practical utility in the
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state into the workings of the market erodes the inherent equitab
efficiency of that system and is therefore usually unwarranted.
contends, however, that the Schumpeterian model is naive, that
state can simply refrain from interfering with the market is fatuous
7 Martin Carnoy, "The Role of Education in a Strategy for Social Change," Comparative E
1975): 423-33, quote on 424. That the arguments of radical scholars are no more th
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EPSTEIN
that exists only in the minds of neo-Marxists. His critics rely not o
rhetoric is a theme to which Foster has returned recurrently. In his 1971 presidential
claimed that radicals are "trapped at a level of rhetoric which makes it difficult for
through the full implications of their arguments" (Philip Foster, "Presidential Addre
against the Schools," Comparative Education Review 15 [October 1971]: 268).
10 Foster, "Commentary of the Commentaries," p. 423.
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12 Ibid., and Philip Foster, "Comparative Methodology and the Study of African Education,"
Comparative Education Review, vol. 4 (October 1960). See also S. F. Nadel, Foundations of Social Anthropology
37]).
is Earl I. Hopper, "A Typology for the Classification of Educational Systems," Sociology 2 (1968):
29-46; Margaret Archer, Social Origins of Educational Systems (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1979); C.
Arnold Anderson, "Social Selection in Education and Economic Development," mimeographed (Education Department of the World Bank, February 1982).
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EPSTEIN
16 Anderson specifically mentions Murdoch's study of kinship and Udy's study of economic
organization-both displaying hologeistic methods-as models for comparative analysis (Anderson,
"Methodology of Comparative Education," p. 30). See G. P. Murdock, Social Structure (New York:
Macmillan, 1949); and Stanley Udy, Organization of Work (New Haven, Conn.: HRAF Press, 1959).
Perhaps the only examples of hologeistic research to be found in the literature on education are
Erwin H. Epstein, "Cross-cultural Sampling and a Conceptualization of 'Professional' Instruction,"
Journal of Experimental Education 33 (Summer 1965): 395-401; and John D. Herzog, "Deliberate
Instruction and Household Structure: A Cross-cultural Study," Harvard Educational Review 32 (1962):
310-42. For a description of the early development of the hologeistic approach, see John W. M.
Whiting, "The Cross-cultural Method," in Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. Gardner Lindsey, 2 vols.
"17 Abraham Kaplan, "Positivism," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. David L.
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could be.
The third obstacle is the most important and the one on which I wis
to focus most attention. I refer here to the ideological component in th
positivist orientation. Ironically, positivism-or scientific empiricism as
is sometimes called-emerged as a reaction against religious, metaphysica
and political explanation. Yet we find the positivist impulse under in
creasingly strident attack because of its ideological bias. To be sure, classi
positivism is open to criticism because the degree of clarity it can brin
to propositions is necessarily limited; criteria for confirmation or discon
firmation of propositions must be liberal enough to allow for statemen
containing theoretical terms, whose verification must remain remote a
indirect and therefore susceptible to ideologies, myths, and even metaphysics. On this point Max Weber has given eloquent testimony, and
need do no more than refer you to his work.20 But most of those who
have advocated more precise measurement of variables and greater clarit
in propositions about education have deliberately gone beyond the searc
for lawlike regularities. Anderson, for example, contended 2 decades ag
that the great "missing link" in comparative education is "the almost tot
absence of information about the outcomes or products of education
systems."21 Unlike the classical positivists, who were content with findi
"logical" connections among statements capable of verification, leadi
ultimately to a comprehensive synthesis of such knowledge, Anders
and most other neopositivists in comparative education are preoccupied
with causal connections. They are concerned not merely with how educati
covaries with other variables but with the consequences of education as
an independent variable, especially as it has affected the developmen
or "modernization," of nations. It is in this regard that they have open
themselves up to the most serious criticism of all-that of ideological bi
"Development" is not a value-free concept. It is infused with normativ
meaning, and, indeed, its content has changed, as have the end stat
with which it has been associated. Packenham has contended, for example
that as prevailing political values in the United States were revised durin
largely to the research on international achievement in mathematics (see Torsten Husen, ed., Internation
Study of Achievement in Mathematics: A Comparison between Twelve Countries [New York: Wiley, 1967
vols. 1-2).
20 Max Weber, Methodology of the Social Sciences, trans. and ed. Edward A. Shils and Henry
Finch (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1949), pp. 49-112. See also Kaplan, p. 390.
21 Anderson, "Methodology of Comparative Education," p. 30.
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was translated into policy by the Marshall Plan and Point Four Leg
Shortly afterward, as reflected in the Mutual Security Act, devel
2 R. A. Packenham, Liberal America and the Third World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer
Press, 1973).
23 See, e.g., Irma Adelman and C. T. Morris, Economic Growth and Social Equity in Developing
Countries (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1973); and Dudley Seers, "The Meaning of
Development," in The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment, ed. C. K. Wilber (New
24 Robert N. Bellah, Beyond Belief (New York: Harper & Row, 1970); Dean C. Tibbs, "Modernization
Theory and the Study of National Societies: A Critical Perspective," Comparative Studies in Society and
History 15 (1973): 199-226; S. Chodak, Societal Development (New York: Oxford University Press,
1973); C. H. Anderson, The Sociology of Survival (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1976); and Daniel Chirot,
"Changing Fashions in the Study of the Social Causes of Economic and Political Change," in The
State of Sociology: Problems and Prospects, ed. James F. Short, Jr. (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1981), pp.
259-82.
Europe, ed. Peter L. Berger (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969), pp. 18-36.
12
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I wish now to turn to the second pivotal debate in comparative education-that between Archer and King-in which positivism is challenged
on another side, by exponents of the problem approach, whom I refer
to as neorelativists. However radical the neo-Marxists are in comparison
to the neopositivists, the neorelativists are conservative.
The debate between Archer and King was precipitated by King's criticisms of Archer's recent book, Social Origins of Educational Systems, in a
review published in Comparative Education, of which King is editor.27 Briefly,
King views Archer's work as "so much quasi-theology about 'thinking and
theorising about educational systems,' 'universal characteristics of structural
the most ambitious attempt thus far to achieve the kind of comprehensive
synthesis of propositions about education that positivists crave. It is about
the mechanisms through which pressures for educational change or stability
are transformed into policy. But what is noteworthy here is that synthesis
1979): 350-52.
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of factors and forces within particular societies. Despite her careful att
Why then is the comparative method found so wanting by King? The ans
lies deep at the heart of the "reformative" purpose of comparative education
is because the comparative method can never tell us what ought to be done
King the ultimate test of a theoretical framework is quite simply whether it
"29 John E. Craig, "On the Development of Educational Systems," American Journal of
14
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"aid policy development." Hence his blurring of validity with utility parallels th
earlier elision between facts and values and between explanation and prescrip
tion .... The instrumental criterion of validity has all the defects... for i
33 Karl Marx, A Critique of the Gotha Program (New York: International Publishers, 1938), and
The Poverty of Philosophy (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, n.d.).
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their observations according to how well they fall into their part
matrix. We all fall prey to delusions, distortive defense mechanism
udices, group pressures, and mental sets that twist our percep
reality. However, positivists, who rely on sensory experience t
data and whose view of reality is therefore shaped by the fallible
are particularly susceptible to such distortions. Instead of objective
edge, their reliance on sense perceptions yields a misrepresent
reality. Rather than promote the individual as the source of know
positivist ideology, by viewing knowledge as something to be exper
34 See Koula Mellos, "The Concept of Ideology in Marx," Social Praxis 7 (1980): 5-19
5 Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 19
also Georg Lukacs, History and Class Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1972);
"Hegemony and Consciousness in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci," Political Studies 23 (1
48; and Ron Eyerman, "False Consciousness and Ideology in Marxist Theory," Acta Soci
(1981): 43-56.
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from and outside the control of, the individual who labors
while ignoring the results: relatively little real social mobility and a
Society meeting, Vancouver, Canada, March 1980); and Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Cla
Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977).
37 Robert F. Arnove, "Comparative Education and World-System Analysis," Comparativ
Review 24 (February 1980): 48-62; see also Martin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imp
York: McKay, 1974).
38 Kevin Harris, Education and Knowledge: The Structured Misrepresentation of Rea
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979).
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attainment. The fact remains, however, that they have worked wit
39 Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Ref
Contradictions of Economic Life (New York: Basic, 1976).
1971): 43-58.
41 See L. J. Kamin, The Science and Politics of I.Q. (New York: Wiley, 1974); N. J
Dworkin, eds., The I.Q. Controversy (New York: Pantheon, 1976); Stephen Jay Gould,
Stand," New York Review of Books 27 (May 1, 1980): 38-44; and Sandra Scarr, Race, S
Individual Differences in I.Q. (Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum, 1981).
42 Michael R. Olneck and David B. Bills, "What Makes Sammy Run? An Empiric
of the Bowles-Gintis Correspondence Theory," American Journal of Education 89 (N
27-61.
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45 Diane Ravitch, The Revisionists Revised: A Critique of the Radical Attack on the Sch
Basic, 1978); Wilbur Brookover, Charles Beady, Patricia Flood, et al., School Social Syst
Achievement: Schools Can Make a Difference (New York: Praeger, 1979); G. Madaus,
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unable to recognize it. From this reasoning it is a short step to the con
that the very existence of the party is tangible proof of its infallib
using Harris's criterion of serving all social, economic, and political interes
existing stratification systems. However, recent analyses have seriously questioned the assum
and historical reasoning that have given rise to Marxist world-system theory (see, e.g., Chirot
above]). Cardoso and Faletto even claim that dependency theory, a Marxist corollary to world-s
theory, is dead (see F. H. Cardoso and E. Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America [Ber
University of California Press, 1979]; see also Mary Jean Bowman, review of Martin Carnoy, Educa
as Cultural Imperialism, Economic Development and Cultural Change 24 [July 1976]: 833-40). Yet no
world-system analyses are Marxist. In particular, the findings of Meyer, Ramirez, Rubinson,
Boli-Bennett oppose the Marxist contention that educational expansion has helped to maintain
existing status hierarchy as well as the functionalist use of modernization to explain educa
growth (John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez, Richard Rubinson, and John Boli-Bennett
World Educational Revolution, 1950-1970," Sociology of Education 50 [Fall 1977]: 242-58; se
John W. Meyer and Michael T. Hannan, eds., National Development and the World System [Ch
University of Chicago Press, 1979]; and Francisco O. Ramirez andJohn Boli-Bennett, "Global Pa
48 Lukacs, pp. 42 and 327; see also Frank Parkin, Marxism and Class Theory: A Bourgeois Cri
49 Peter L. Berger, Pyramids of Sacrifice: Political Ethics and Social Change (New York: Basic, 1
50 For a discussion of this point, see Erwin H. Epstein, "The Social Control Thesis and Educational
Reform in Dependent Nations," Theory and Society 5 (1978): 255-76.
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51 David Lane, The End of Inequality? Stratification under State Socialism (Baltimore: Penguin, 1971);
Mervin Matthews, Class and Society in Soviet Russia (New York: Walker, 1972); Seymour Martin Lipset
and Richard B. Dobson, "Social Stratification and Sociology in the Soviet Union," Survey, no. 19
(Summer 1973), pp. 114-85; Murray Yanowitch, Social and Economic Inequality in the Soviet Union:
Six Studies (White Plains, N.Y.: Sharpe, 1977); and Walter D. Connor, Socialism, Politics, and Equality:
Hierarchy and Change in Eastern Europe and the U.S.S.R. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979).
52 Frank Parkin, Class Inequality and Political Order (New York: Praeger, 1971).
53 Murray Yanowitch and Norton Dodge, "Social Class and Education: Soviet Findings and
Reactions," Comparative Education Review 12 (October 1968): 248-67; Richard B. Dobson, "Mobility
and Stratification in the Soviet Union," Annual Review of Sociology 3 (1977): 297-329; and Richard
B. Dobson and Michael Swafford, "The Educational Attainment Process in the Soviet Union: A Case
Study," Comparative Education Review 24 (June 1980): 252-69.
54 Erwin H. Epstein, "Ideological Factors in Soviet Educational Policy toward Jews," Education
and Urban Society 10 (February 1978): 223-54.
55 See Michael Harrington, The Twilight of Capitalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976).
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and social development, an idea that forms the basis for most con
social research. Rather than eternal or infallible laws, social the
be informed by a search for contextual generalizations in whic
is seen as governed by specific spatiotemporal, linguistic, and
chological conditions within varying circumstances. Since the p
absolute laws is fruitless, "pure" research is unwarranted and r
a waste of time and resources. Instead, the social sciences, and c
- However much King and Holmes bicker about their mutual epistemological diffe
both were students of Karl Popper and are very much in the Popperian neorelativist
Brian Holmes, Problems in Education: A Comparative Approach [London: Routledge
1965], p. 53; Edmund J. King, Comparative Studies and Educational Decision [New York:
1968], pp. 53-54; Brian Holmes, Comparative Education: Some Considerations of Method
& Unwin, 1981], pp. 70-71, and "Models in Comparative Education," Compare 11 [1
57 Holmes, Comparative Education: Some Considerations of Method.
22
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Educational Reforms," Comparative Education Review 25 (October 1981): 330-52; see als
Science and the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Allen & Unwin, 1979).
59 Francis Schrag, "Knowing and Doing," American Journal of Education 89 (May
see also D. C. Phillips, "Toward an Evaluation of the Experiment in Educational Context
Researcher 10 (June/July 1981): 13-20.
60 Karl Popper, Conjectures and Refutations (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1968),
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identification with others' motives and views does not constitute valid
deceptions. As Frankel put it, "if we really believed that we can only pro
the truth of a theory about human behavior by taking the attitude of t
human beings we are talking about, we would ask paranoids to verify o
theories about paranoia."61
The second component of the positivist critique focuses on the existen
of certain permanent demands of human nature and certain unchangin
necessities in human society that govern the effects that an idea has in
history. There seems to be an intangible, universal need to believe that
24
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irrelevant factors.
others.63
If, indeed, the concept of relativity is not limited in its validity, and
its truth transcends the historical circumstances in which it is uttered,
then it seems logical that certain individuals -those trained to evaluate
events in terms of their unique psychosocial circumstances, namely, the
and Eckstein admit that these stages are far from being discrete in
63 Frankel, pp. 135-36.
"6 This is essentially what Mannheim proposed (see Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia
York: Harcourt, Brace, 1951]).
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EPSTEIN
any given developmental stage, except for time itself, are virtually
tinguishable from any other. For instance, Noah and Eckstein char
the early nineteenth-century writings of Marc-Antoine Jullien a
prime example" of work done during the stage of educational bor
Yet their description of Jullien's contribution makes it clear that
65 Noah and Eckstein (n. 1 above), p. 4.
66 These principles correspond roughly to particular criteria for assessing theories in the p
of-science literature. Internal consistency and mutual exclusivity are analogues of logical c
and inclusiveness is similar to the scope of a theory (see Philipp G. Frank, The Validation o
Theories [Boston: Beacon, 1956], pp. 3-36; and Jack Gibbs, Sociological Theory Construction
Ill.: Dryden, 1972], pp. 58-70). For an explanation of how the criterion of logical consi
apply to dealing a "death blow" to a theory, see James D. Carney and Richard K. Scheer, Fu
of Logic (New York: Macmillan, 1964), pp. 367-68. A variety of disciplines have violated th
of inclusiveness. The early years of American sociology, for example, were marked by narrow
dinger, The Sociologists of the Chair [New York: Basic, 1974]; and Patrick J. Gurney, "Historic
26
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period, reveals his affinity to Cousin rather than to Jullien, and to relat
both before and after his time. By ignoring Sadler's negligible infl
on nonrelativists and glorifying his contributions to the field overal
and Eckstein and other comparative educationists persistently viola
69 Andreas M. Kazamias and Byron G. Massialas, Tradition and Change in Education: A Compa
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proclaims against the others, and what this may imply in regard to
purposes: (1) it would make us more self-conscious about the bias and
70 Paulston (n. 4 above), p. 395. Paulston's framework includes the equilibrium paradigm, whic
shares assumptions in common with neopositivism, and the conflict paradigm, whose most prominen
analogue is neo-Marxism:
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age is the abandonment of the idea that history can be truthfully wri
done in the past. I trust that with sensitivity toward others' presuppos
will reap ample rewards in the new paths to be paved and in the m
that is sure to follow from mutual understanding.
"71 George Orwell, Such, Such Were the Joys (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1953), p. 141
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29