Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Territories of Poverty
SERIES EDITORS
ADV1SORY BOARD
EDITED BY
ANANYA ROY
EMMA SHAW CRANE
CONTENTS
ix
SectiDn 1
ROY
Programs of GOIJernment
vVhat Kind ot Problem Is Poverty? The Archeology of an Idea
39
MICHAEL B. KATZ
79
84
103
12.6
SeClion 2
144
151
17~
vii
viii
CONTENTS
176
PREFACE
19;
198
Section 3
225
STEPIlAN(E ULLRICH
28\}
315
SOMAYA ABDELGAI";Y
355
363
ix
244 ERICA
KOHL-ARENA~
NGOS,
and
Section 3
LaClau, Ernesto. 1977. PoliriC's Clfld Ideology it! 1\;f,Ir:ri,t Theory: Capitalism, Fa~,cism
Mora, Dambi~a. 2010. Dead Aid: Why Aid is Noc ~'r(Jrkillg anJ f{U\\' There 1~ 1 Berter
\-1'ayjl)T Africa. \'ew York. Farrar, Stram dnd Gimux.
Peterson, M. N., 1"'1. /. Pc-terson, and T. R. Peterson. 2005. "Conservation and the Myth
of Consensus." Conservation Biology 19, 762-.67-
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Prahalad, C K. 200'1_ The Fcwtl1ne at the HotfDm of the P,YIwnid' EmdiC'atinS Poverty
Thruugrl Pront. Upprr Saddle River. N.!.: Wharton School Publishing.
Rodriguez:, Dylan. 2007. "The Political Logic of the .son-Proht Indcstrial Complex:' In
The RcvolutlO!1 will Not Re Hmd~'d &yund the l\\m-Pru{rt INd"strial Camp/e)(, ed.
lNCTl'E! Wumen of Color against \'iolence, 21-40. Cmnbr:dge, Mas~.: South End
Press.
Rodofs, Joan. 2003. POlmduticl1S and Publk Puliey: The Mask ofPlJ~rali~m, Albany'
State University of :-.Jew York Pres~.
Roy, Ananya. 2003. Cit)' Requiem. Calcutta: Gender and Ihe Poliiics of Pavcrty. MlOncJ.?olb. University of ,\1mnesota Press .
Roy, Anany,l. lOW. Pul'l:'rt)' Capital: Micmjilllmt"c' mod the ,'-laking ajDf't'dopment. New
YorK Routledge.
Taylor, J, Edward, Philip L. Martin, aud Michael fix. 199;'. Poverty amid Pro$perity
[mmigraUon and the Ch,wXilJg },uc of Rural Cul~fomia. \-Vashington, D.C'.: The
Urh;m Imtitute.
u.s. Environment,ll Protection Agency. 2013. "State Agricultural Profiles: California."
From .t~e g.he!fOS of the North Atlantic to the cities o[ the global South-and at
t~le mlbtarlLed ~orden that confound sllch neat <Ul<llytic categories-the questIon of powrt~' lS also and always a question of surplus popUlations. Poverty
program,', malt seek to integrate the poor and transform poor neighborhood;,
b~t ,ther an;> <lls~ ca~culative strukgics for managing risky bodies and stigmatized
places. In arguing tor an analytical shift from spaces of ponrty to territories of
poverty, we art' particularly attentive to hov", practices of security normalize and
~~pmdl1ct'. the ways in whkh puverty is spatia1ized and borde;ed. We are also
~nter~ste(~ m the qllt:~tion of praxis in ten (luries and spaces of poverty: collective
lm<lglIlatlCm that r~lnVents public institutions and rearranges geographies of
knowledge productIon and exprrtisc.
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To relegale (from lhe late Middle English, relegaren, meaning to send away,
to hanish) i~ lo a.'isign an individual, population, or category to an obscure or
inferior pusition, condition, or \oc;)tion. In the postindustrial city, relegation
takes the form of real or imaginary consignment to distinctive sociospatial formations variously and vaguely referred to as inner cities, ghettos, enclaves, no-go
area:-., problem uisLricts, or simply rough neighborhoods. How are we to characteriLe and differentiate these spaces, what determines their trajectory (birth,
growth, decay, amI death), whence comes the intense symbolic taint attached
to them al century's edge, and what constellations of class, ethnicity, and state
do they both materialize and signify? These are the questions I pursue in my
book Urban OUlcasts through a methodical comparison of the traJectories of
the black American ghetto and the European working-class peripheries in the
era of neoliberal asu:'IHlancy (Wacqnant 2oo8b)l 1n this chapter, I revisit this
cross-cunlinental sociology of"aclvanced marginality" to tease out its lessons for
our understanding of the tangled nexu<; of symbolic, social, and physical space
in the polarizing metnlp{llis.
To ~peak of urban relegation - rather than "territories of poverty" or "lowincome coI1llIlunil y:' for instance-is to insist that the proper object of inquiry
is not the place itself and its residents but the multilevel structural processes
whereby persons are selected., thrust, and maintained in marginal locations, as
well as the social webs and cultural forms they subsequently dewlop therein.
Relegation is a collective aLlivily, not an individual state; a relation (of economic,
social, and symbolic puwer) hetween collectives, not a gradational attribute of
persons. It reminus Wi lhal, to avoid falling into the false realism of the ordinary
and scholarly common sense of lhe moment, the <;ociology of marginality must
fasten not on vulnerable "group"," (which often exist merely on paper, if that)
but on the irlStitutionai medlartisms that produce, reproduce, and transform
247
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the network of position:, to which its suppn<.;ed members are dispatched and
attached. And it urges us to remain agIlustic as t(1 the pal'tkular social and spatial
configuration assumed by the resulting district of disposscssion. 2
Urban Outcasts is the summation of a decade of theoretical and empirical
research tracking the cause~" forms, and consequences of mhan "polarization
from below" in the United Slale . . and \Neqern Europe after the close of the
ForJist- Keynesian era, leading to a diagnosis of the predicament of the postindustrial precaddt coaleSCing in the neighborhoods of relegatiull of advanced
society. The book bnngs the core tenets of Rnurdieu's sociology to bear on a
wide array of field, .'lurvey, and histurical data on illiler Chicago and outer Paris
to contrast the suddt~n implosion of the black American ghetto after th~ riots
of the 19605 with the slow decomposition of the working-class districts of the
French urban penphery in the age of deindustrialization. Tt puts forth three
main theses and sketches an analytic fIamewOIh. for renewing the comparatr... e
study of urban marginality that I spotlight to help llS elucidate: the rebtions of
poverty, territory, and power in the postindustrial city.
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[Jrban Outcasts opens by parsing the reconfiguration of race, class, and space
in the American metropolis because the foreboding figure of the dark ghetto
has hecome epicentral to the social and scientioc imaginary of urban transformation at century's tum.' On American shores, the abrupt and unforeseen
im'olution of the "inner city" -a geographk euphemism obfuscating the reality
of the ghetto as an instrument of ethnoracial entrapment imposed II n iqut'ly on
blacks-was the target of a fresh plank of ?olicy worry and scholarly controversy. A(ross vVestern Europe, vague images of "the ghetto" as a pathological
space of segregation, dereliction, and deviance imported from America (with
rekindled inte!1S1ty after the los Angeles riots of spring 199:7.) snffmed a~ well
as obscl1reo jonrnalistic, political, and intellellual debale ... on immigratiun and
inequality in the dualizing city.
The first thesis, accordingly, charts the historic transition fran! gJIetto to I-ty"
perghetto in the United States and stresses the pivotal role of state strtlt~ture and
policy in the (re)production of racializtu marginality. Revoking the trope of
"disorganization" inherited from the Chicago school of the 1930S and rejecting
the talc of the "underdass" (in its structural, behavioral, and neo-ecological
variants) that had come to dominate research nn race and pO\'erty hy the 19Ro.'i,
l !rban Out(QSt.~ shows that the black American ghetto collapsed after the peaking
of the civil rights mon~ment to spawn a novd organizational constellation: the
hyperghctto. To be more precise, the "Black Metropolis;' lodged at the heart of
the white city but cloistered from it, that both ensnared and enjoined African
American urbanites in fl reserved perimeter and a \'.,,~b of shared institutions
built by and for blacks between 1915 and 19t15 (Drake and Cayton 1993), col
lapsed to give way to a dual sociospatial formation. This Jecentered formation,
stretching across the city, is composed of the hypcr~hfttl) proper (HyGh), that
i.~, the vestiges of the historic ghetto now encasing the pn'l"arized fractions of
the black \yorki ng das ... in a barren territory of dreflo ,md dissolution devoid of
economic function and doubly segregated by race and class, on the one hand,
and of the burgeoning bllL"k middle class districts (BMCD) that grew mostly via
pllhlic employment in satellite areas left vacant by the mass exodus of whites to
the suburbs, on the other. Whereas space unified African Americans into a compact if stratified community from \-VorId vVar I to the revolts of the 19nos, now
it fractures them along class lines patrolled by state agencies of social control
increasingly staffed by middle-class blacks charged with overseeing their unruly
lower-class bretlJren (Pattd!o 2000, 2007). The encapsulating dualism of thE
Fordist half-century inscribed in symbolic, sociaL and phy~ical space, summed
up by the equation White:Black :: City:Ghetto has thus been superseded by a
more complex and tension-ridden structure White:Black :: City::nMcD:HyGh
ac(ording to a fractal logic according to which the residents of the hyperghetto
find themselves doubly dominated and marginalized.
Breaking with the stateless cast of mainstream U.S. sociology of race and
poverty, Urhan Outcasts then hnds that hyperghettoizati()J1 is economically underdetei"milled and politically on~rdetermined. The moq distinctive cause of the
extraordinary social intenSity and spatial concentration of black dispossession
in the hyperghetto is not the "disappearance of work" (as argued by Wilson
199(1) or the stubborn persistence of"hypersegregation" (as proposed by Massey
and Denton lYY3), although these two forces are eVidently at play. it is government policies of urban abandonment pur::-ued across the gamut of employment,
welfare, education, housing, and health at multiple scales-federal, state, and
local-and the correlative breakdm<.:n of public institutioI15 in the urban core
that has accompanied the downfall of the communal gh~tto. This means that the
conundrum of class and race (a ... denegated ethnicity) in the American metropoIts cannot be resolved without bringing into our analy1ic purview the shape and
operation of the state, construed as a stratification and classification agency that
decisively shape ... the life option.~ and strategies of the urban poor.
and
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251
even as nodes of high density have emerged to fixate media attention and political worry (Pan Ke Shon and Wacquant 2012); their boundaries are porous and
routinely crossed by residents who climb up the class structure; the number and
variety of organizations in them have dwindled, and they have failed to generate
a collective idenrity for their inhabitants-notwithstanding the fantastical fear,
coursing through Europe, that Islam would supply a shared language to unify
urban outcasts of foreign origins and fuel a process of "inverted assimilation"
(Liogier 2012). In each of these five dimensions, neighborhoods of relegation in
the European metropolis are consistently moving away [rom lhe pattern of the
ghetto as device for sodospaLial enclosure: they are, if one insists on retaining
that spatial idiom, anti-ghettos.
To assert that lower-class districts harboring high denSities of bleak public
housing, vulnerable households, and postcolonial migrants are not ghettos is not
to deny the role of ethnic identity -or assignation -in the patterning of inequalityin contemporary Europe. Urban Outcasts is forthright in stressing the "banal
ization of venomous expressions of xenophobic enmity" and the "cruel reality of
durable exclusion from and abiding discrimination on the lahor market" based
on national origins; it fully acknowledges that "eLhnicity has become a more salient marker in Frem:h social life" (Wacquant 200sb: 195-96) as in much of the
continent. But cognitive salience is not social causation. The sharp appreciation
of the ethnic currency in the political and Journalistic fields does not mf'an that
its weight has grown pari passu as a determinant of position and traje(lory in the
social and urban structure, nOI lhat it now routinely skews ordinary interactions
and everyday experience: Moreover, ethnic rifts, when they do surge and stamp
social relations, do not assume everywhere the same material form.
To maintain that ghettoization is not at work in the pauperized ano sligmatized districts of the European city is simply to recognize that the modalities of ethnuracial classification and stratification, including their inscription
in space, differ on the two sides ofthe Atlantic, in keeping with long-standing
differences in state, citizenship, and urbanism between Westf'rn Europe and the working
United States. In the urban periphery of the Old World, resurging or emerging class,
divisions based on symbolic markers activated by migration do not produce immigrant
"ethnic communities" in the \\Tcbcrian sense of segmented collectivies, ecolog- peripheries
ically separate and culturally unified, liable to act as sLlch on the political stage are not
socio(Hanton 2007), as the inflexible hypodescent -hased cleavage called race has for
politically
African Americam-and only [or lhem in the sweep of history in the country.
unified (as
Ethnicity is defined by shifting and woolly criteria that operate inconsistently they are in
across institutional domains and levels of the class structure, such that it does the US?)
not produce a coordinated alignment of boundaries in symbolic, sodal, and
physical space liable to foster a dynamic uf ghettoization.~
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share of unemployed and precariously employed youths zoomed from 40 percent jn 199() t() abuve 6() pen.t'll\ after 2000. Far from protecting from poverty as
it expands, fragmented wage Jabor is a vector of objective social insecurity among
the rostindustrial proletariat as well as subjectiw 500<1.1 insc..::unty among the
interior strata o( the middle class- whose member~ fear social downfall and are
proving unable to transmit their status to their children due to intensified M..:itool
competition tltld the loosening of the links between credentials, employment,
and income. On this count, U.rban Outcasts is an invitation to rdirlk cla$s structure and urhall structure from the ground up and a warning that an exclusive
focus on the spatial dimension of poverty (as fostered, for imlance, by studies of
"neighborhood dfects")6 partakes of the obfuscation of the new social question
of the early twenty-first century: namely, the spread and normalization of social
insecurity at the bottom of the class ladder and its ramifying impact on the life
strategies and territories of the mban precariat.
But the inexorable propagation of "McJobs"-petits boulots in France,
Billig-Jobs in Germany, lavoretti in Italy, biscatc in Portugal, and so on-is not
the only force impinging on the precariat. A second, properly symbolic vector
acts to entrench the social im:tability and redouble the ClilrurCll1iminality of its
constituents: lerriwrlal stignl!ltl;zllliun. Mating Bourdieu's theory of symbolic
power with Goffman's analysi:-i of the management of spoiled identiti~s (BQurdicu 1990; Goffman 1964), I forged this notion to capture hmv the blemish of
place affixed on zones of urban decline at cenury's turn affects the :-iense of self
and the conduct of their residents, the actions of private t.:ow.:erns and public
bureaucracies, and the policies of the state toward dispossessed populations and
districts in advanced society. First, I document that territorial taint is indeed a
distinctive, novel, and generalized phenomenon, correlative of the dissolution
of the black American ghetto and of the European working-class periphery of
the Fordist- Keynesian ptriod, that has become superimposed on the stigmata
traditionally associated with poverty, lowly ethnic origins, and visible deviance.
Since the publication of Urban Outcasts, proliferating studies have documented
the rise, tenacity. and r3mifying reverberation.~ of spatial stigma in cities spread
across three continents (\Vacquanl, Slater, and Pereira 2013).
Next, I show that the denigration of place wields causal effects 10 the dynamics of marginality via cogniti\' mechanisms operating at multiple levels. Inside
distrjct.~ of relegation, It incites residents to engage in coping strategiC'S of mutual
distancing, lateral denigration, retreat into lh~ private sphere, and neighborhood
tlight that converge to fostel' di ffidence and disidentitication, distend local social
ties, and thus curtail their capacity for proximate social control and collective
action. Around them, spatial disgrace warps the perception and behavior of operators in the civic arena and the economy (as when firms di.s..:riminatt: based on
location for investment and residential addres.<, for hirillg)'- as well as the deliv_
ery of core public sen i...:;;;s such a.s welfare, ht!alth, ~md pulicing (law enforcement
officers tt:t'l warranted to treat inhabitants of lowlr distnct5. in a dlSCOurtcous
and brulallllanner). In the higher reaches of social space, territorial stigma
colors the output uf specialisls in cultural productlon such as journalists and
academics; and it contaminates the views of state eliLe~, and through them the
gamut of public policies that determine marginality upstream and distribute its
burdens downstream. To label a depressed cluster of public housing a cite-ghetto
fated by lts very makeup to devolve into an urban purg,ltorycloses off alternative
diagnoses and facilitates the implementatior. of policies of removal, dispersal,
or ptlnitlve containment.
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dissolution in the lower regions of social and physical space. The sulfurous repres~ntation.'i that 5urround and sLllrLL~t' declining districfs of dispossession in
the dllal metropo:is reinforce the objective fragmentation of the postindustrial
proletariat stemming from the combined press of employ menl precarity, the
shift from categnrical welfare to contractual workfare, and the universalization
of secondary .schooling as a path to access even unskilled jobs. Spatial stigma
robs residents of the ability to claim a place and fashion an idiom of their own;
it saddles them with a noxious identity, imposed from the outside, which adds
to their symholic pulverization and electoral devalorization in a political field
recenlereJ around the educated midcllr class. So much to say that the precariat is not a "new daJlgewus class;' as proposed by GlIY Standing (20ll), but a
miscarried wlketiv!;'" that can never come into its own preCisely became it is
deprived not just of the means of stable living but also of the- means of producing
its own rtpr~scntation. Lacking a shared language and social compass. riven
by hSSlparity, its members do not flock to support feu-rightist parties so much
as disperse and drop out of the voting game altogether as from other forms of
civic participation.
principles are worth spotlighting by \vay of r1o~iJlg since this i~ a facet of tht'
book that has been overlooked even by its more syn;pathetic critics
Tht' fLfst principle derives direLtly from "historical epistemology," the philosophy of science developed by Ga~ton Bachclard and Georges Canguilhem,
and adapted by Bourdicu for sodal inqlliry: clearly demarcate folk from analytic
notions, retrace the travails of existing concepts in order to cast your own, and
engage the latter in the endless task of rational rectification through empirical
confrontation (Bourdieu, ChambOfl'don, and Passeron 1991). Such is the impulse behind the elaboration of <In institutional ist concepLiun of the ghetto il~ a
Janus-like contr<lption for ethnoracial enclosure, (urnmenced in Urban Outcast.>.
and completed in its st:quel, The T'rVll Fllef.' of the Ghetto, which further differentiates lhe ghetto from the ethnic cluster and the derelict district; compares
it with its functional analogues of the reservation, the camp, and the prison;
and stre:,ses the piuadoxical pronts of ghdtolz;]tion as a modality of structural
integration for the subordinate population (Wacquant 2015). Second comes the
relational or topological mode of reasoning, deployed here to disentangle the
mutual connections and conversions between symbolic space (the grid of mental
categories that orient agents in tht'i r cognitive and conative coIlstruction of tht:
world), social space (the distribution of socially dlective resources or capitals),
and physical space (the built environment resulting from rival efforts to appropriate material and ideal goods in and through space).
The third principle expresses Bourdieu's radically historicist and agonistic
vision of action, structure, and knovdedge: capture urban forms as the products, terrains, and stakes of struggles "..'aged over multiple temporalities, ranging
from the tongue duree of secular constellatjons to the midlevel tempos of policy
cydes to the short- term phenomenological horizon of per~ons at ground level.
In this perspective, America's Black Belt and France's ReJ Belt, like districts of
relegation in other societies, emerge as historical animals with a birth, nuturity,
and death determined by the balance of forces vying over the meshing of dass,
honor, alld space in the city. Similarly, the hyperghetto of the u.s. metropolis
and the anti -ghettos of \Vestern Europe arc not eternal entities springing from
some systemic logic but time stamped configurations whose conditlOns of genesis, development, and eventual decJ)' are sustained or undermined by dis! inct
configurations of state and citlZenshlp. The fourth tenet recommends the use of
ethnography as an instrument of rupture Jnd theoretical construction, ratht'f
than simple means for producing <1n experience-near pic lure of OIdinary cultural categories and social rElations. It implit's a fusion of theory and method in
empirical re~earch that overturns the conventional division ofintdlcctuall..tbor
in urban iIlquiry marked by the routine divorce of microscopic observation and
macroscopic conceptualization.o(
256
LOi"c WACQllA.N
l.ast but not least, we must heed the constitutiv~ p(]wer of symholic "I ructllrc:)
onfare" into a single organi7i.1tional and cultural mesh tlung over the problem
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zation, this principle is especially apposite for the analysis of the fate of depI ived
and disparaged populations, such as today's urban precariat, that have nn control
pnme targets and testing ground on which the neoliber<11 Leviathan is being
over their representation and whose very being is thf'rf'fore molded by the Cate-
to scholars of the metropulis, but also to theorists of state power and to citizens
t ht'm
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IS
and social scientists. So much to say that the sociologist of marginality must
punctiliously abide by the imperative of epistemi..: reflexivity and exert cunstant
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vigilance over the myriad operations whereby sbl' pruduct's her object, lest she
that
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in Lhe ~ra of socia 1insecurity across continents, theoretical borders, and institutions. Geographically, they can steer the adaptation of the schema of advanced
the Second -V\Torld where dispilfities in the JTlt'tropolis are both booming and
man
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a new set of powerful and flexible notions (habi Ius, capital, social space, field,
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to both challenge and energize urban sociology in gZabo. It does Ilot jU-;i add
Joxa, symbolic pU\o\ier) to the panoply of establish~d perspectives: it points to
NOTFS
258
Loic WACQUANT
20U,
Lignes.
AnJres~, Hall lurgen, and Henning Lohmann, cds, 2008,
Povert>~
AtKltlSotl, Will, Steven Roberts, and Michael Savage, eds. 2012. C"ISS Inequality il1 A.us-
~
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2012.
de- I;~ .~r'grcg2tinn eth!1ique en Europe." Paper rrestT'tcd allhe lnurnee lj\"ED on "Lil
segregation sClcio-dhniqlle: dynamiques et consequcn.:t's," institut national d'0tudes
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