Production and Use Technologies in Kalin

82
N E U P E RT A N D L 0 N G AC R E
4. Deviation: Years deviation of the age estimate. Negative is underestimation, positive is overestimation, zero is accurate estimation.
5. Errorabs: The absolute error of the estimation, all deviations
made positive.
6. Origindate: Date of manufacture given at the time the vessel
was first recorded, during either the 1975 or the 1980 inventory.
7. Type: Vessel type. I= ittoyom (rice cooking vessel), U = oppaya
(meat and vegetable cooking vessel), W = water storage vessel.
8. Size: Size of vessel. M =medium, with 6, 7, 8 being progressively larger.
9. Whenget: Manufacture date given during the 1988 inventory.
10. Potage: Vessel age as of 1988.
APPENDIX 2: HOUSEHOLD DATA

Data from forty households provide the basis for sections of the preceding
analysis. The variables examined and their definitions are as follows:
1. House: The number assigned to the household during the 1975
census.
2. Errorabs: The average absolute error for the household.
3. Informant: The number of informants in the household.
4. Age 1: The age of the first or only informant.
5. Education 1: The education level of the first or only informant.
1 = None, 2 = primary education, 3 = secondary education.
6. Potting 1: Years potting experience of first or only informant.
7. Age2: As above, for second informant.
8. Education2: As above, for second informant.
9. Potting2: As above, for second informant.
10. Totalpot: Total number of vessels present in the household at
the time of the 1988 inventory.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank Michael Schiffer for suggesting this study. We
also thank our Kalinga assistants, Christina Tima and Rosalina Busog, as well
as J. Jefferson Reid, Miriam Stark, and Barbara Montgomery for their helpful
comments, and the National Science Foundation for grant BNS 87-10275,
which supported our work among the Kalinga.
5
PRODUCTION AND USE TECHNOLOGIES
IN KALINGA POTTERY
Meredith Aronson, James M. Skibo, and Miriam T. Stark
The relationship between ceramic technology and pottery use (techno-function)

has gained prominence in archaeological research. Theoretical frameworks describing techno-function (Braun 1983; Schiffer and Skibo 1987) and discussions of
materials science techniques (Bronitsky 1986) have established a general framework for linking experimental technological studies to archaeological materials.
Archaeological applications of the "techno-functional" approach have contributed
insights into possible physical justifications for prehistoric technological decisionmaking (Bronitsky and Hamer 1986; Schiffer and Skibo 1987; Skibo et al. 1989;
Stimmell et al. 1982; Tankersley and Meinhart 1982).
Such research, usually involving experimental archaeology, has focused
primarily on the investigation of the processes and products of technological
change. Despite the appeal and innovation that characterize such approaches,
several problems remain unresolved in the interpretive domain. First, in the
case of pottery, it is difficult to discern whether changes in the technology are
behaviorally significant, i.e., whether the performance of the vessel is changed
enough to be noticeable by the users (see Schiffer and Skibo 1987). Second, it
is difficult to determine how non-techno-functional factors influence change in
pottery technology. Finally, the experimental approach has been limited thus
far to the investigation of the motivations for and consequences of a particular
technological change. But a whole series of choices exists in manufacturing,
obtaining, and using pottery that do not occur in the context of technological
change. People in pottery-producing and pottery-using societies continually
make choices about such issues as what clay to use for vessel manufacture or
what pot to obtain. This chapter examines choices concerning pottery production and pottery use by combining ethnoarchaeological data with experimental
testing.
Ethnoarchaeology can examine motivations for specific technological choices,
since the relationship between behavior and material culture can be observed,
uml the material culture can be collected. Previous ethnoarchaeological research hus focused on the relationship between potters' perceptions and the
84
ARONSON, SKIBO, AND STARK
physical properties of clays (e.g., D. Arnold 1971), the theoretical advantages of

particular tempering materials (e.g., Rye 1976), and variability in clay-temper
mixes used to produce functionally distinct ceramic products (e.g., DeBoer and
Lathrap 1979). While performance characteristics may affect potters' decisions in
the selection of clay materials, the relationship between production and use-related
performance characteristics is only anecdotally referenced in the ethnoarchaeological literature (cf. Gyamfi 1980: 107). This study is unique in its explicit focus on
both production and use technologies using ethnoarchaeological data from the
Kalinga of northern Luzon, Philippines.
One possible approach to understanding variability in the material record is to
examine the technology responsible for the variability. In terms of ceramics, this
would be reflected in the integrated group of activities including materials selection, design, production, use, distribution, and discard of an object (Kingery 1987).
Thus we can discuss both a production technology and a use technology. Producer
and consumer expectations regarding a product affect technological decisionmaking, and thus control the range of material variability present.
An example from Western industrialized society illustrates the relationship
between production and use technologies. Consider the production of Pyrex, which
is most commonly seen as used in heat-resistant kitchen vessels, such as measuring
cups and bowls. Physically, Pyrex can be described as a transparent substance that
will withstand thermal stress better than soda-lime glass (the material used in, for
example, an ordinary drinking glass). The producer (Coming) knows which materials, design, and processing are necessary to produce a Pyrex vessel (i.e., production technology). Generally, we assume that consumers will buy Pyrex for its
physical properties; however, nontechnical factors such as tradition (the consumer
who buys Pyrex because his or her parents did), or restricted availability (it was the
only vessel available at the local hardware store) can in fact be central to a
technological decision (i.e., use technology). The importance of technical versus
nontechnical factors is fairly clear in our own Western industrialized society. How
the interaction of these factors differs in nonindustrial, non-Western contexts forms
the basis for this research.
From the perspective of a use technology, the rationale for decision-making
and the resulting patterning of the material record must include both technical
and nontechnical aspects. This is evident in the ethnographic present as well as
the historic and prehistoric past. For the purposes of this chapter, we shall
define technical aspects as physical factors, material properties, or technofunctional performance characteristics, and nontechnical aspects as behavioral
factors not strongly dependent on technical performance.
The objective of this study is to examine the interaction between technical
and nontechnical factors in decisions involving ceramic production and use.
Production and Use Technologies in Kalinga Pottery
85
Specifically, we will examine one aspect of pottery production among the

Kalinga of the Philippines: the expectations and subsequent technical decisions
made by Kalinga potters (i.e., pottery producers), and the expectations and
subsequent decisions made by Kalinga consumers (i.e., pottery users). Potters'
expectations include, among numerous others, specific physical properties of
the clay, the use of particular clay sources for producing ceramic vessels, ease
of preparation, availability, and tradition. Consumers' expectations include
specific performance characteristics of the pot, pot form, and pot source (based
on tradition). The impact of both technical and nontechnical factors on potters'
and consumers' decisions will be considered.
This study has two components. First, we use interview data to examine why
potters select particular materials (i.e., behavioral and physical property factors) for manufacturing pots, and then we compare the potters' responses about
clays to laboratory analysis of the clays. Second, we examine various reasons
(technical and nontechnical) why consumers select pots from one potterymaking community over another, and then we compare the physical reasons for
consumers' pot selection to laboratory analysis of the pots. The result facilitates
a comparison of emic description and laboratory analyses (e.g., D. Arnold
1971) to evaluate the extent to which physical factors affect technological
decisions regarding materials selection, manufacture, and use. Evaluating both
the emic description of technological choice and potential etic (physical) bases
of technological choice yields insight into patterns in the archaeological record.
ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA COLLECTION

Data for this study were collected in the Kalinga villages of Dangtalan, Dalupa,
and Guina-ang (see frontispiece) between March 1988 and May 1988. Interview data used in this study were collected predominantly by Kalinga assistants
at various times throughout the 1987-1988 field season. The villages of Dangtalan and Dalupa both produce pottery for household use; Dalupa additionally
produces pottery for distribution throughout the Pasil River Valley and beyond
(M. T. Stark 199lb; Chapter 8). The th.ird study village, Guina-ang, relies on
Dangtalan and Dalupa for its supply of pots. Guina-ang lacks potters and is here
described as a "pottery-consuming" village.
PRODUCTION TECHNOLOGY
The techniques of Kalinga pottery manufacture are similar in Dangtalan and
Dalupa (Longacre 1981 ). Three utilitarian categories of vessels are regularly
produced: rice cooking jars (ittoyom), vegetable and meat cooking jars (op-
86
Figure 1. Dangtalan potter mining clay from a source near the village. Clay is collected from shallow deposits that contain sufficient amounts of sand to obviate the
need for adding tempering materials to the clay. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona
State Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)
87
Figure 2. This Dangtalan potter is removing impurities from the clay prior to vessel
manufacture. Clay sources vary in the proportion of pebbles in their clay, and potters
prefer sources that have "cleaner" clay. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona State
Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)
paya), and water storage jars (immosso). Nonutilitarian ceramic forms (ay-ayam)
have also recently been introduced to the Dalupa pottery repertoire (Stark 1991a)
and require a different set of manufacturing steps. These forms are not considered
in this study since they are almost exclusively made by Dalupa potters. Clay is
mined locally at one of several sources for each village (Figure 1). Potters themselves collect the clay and often do so in groups of two or three persons. The clay
is then cleaned to remove pebbles and other impurities that can lead to manufacturing problems (Figure 2). Finally, the clay is pounded in portions large enough to
produce one or two vessels at a time. Vessels are formed using a combination of
coil-and-scrape and paddle-and-anvil techniques to produce round-bottomed
pieces. Vessels are left to dry for two and a half to four days (Longacre 1981 :57),
after which they are fired for approximately twenty minutes. A coating of resin
(/ebu) is applied to the interior surface and the exterior neck of the ittoyom and
oppaya (the entire exterior of the immosso may or may not be coated) immediately
after removal from the fire.
Survey of Sources of Materials for Potters

Having documented the production process, we wished to investigate potters'
perceptions of significant factors related to decision-making during the pottery
production process. Accordingly, we interviewed 104 active and retired potters

in Dalupa and Dangtalan. In Dalupa, a village of 76 houses, the survey was
administered to 55 potters; in Dangtalan, a village of 56 houses, 49 potters were
interviewed. The survey of materials for potters included questions on the
following: clay source usage, both past and present; the owner and location of
the field for each clay source; preferred clay sources; and reasons why a given
source was preferred by the potters. Potters were asked to give opinions on clay
sources that they utilized; these sources included those that they disliked but
were obligated to use for social or political reasons. Additional information was
gleaned from open-ended interviews. A list of clay traits important to the
Kalinga is provided in Table 1.
The interviews demonstrate that Kalinga potters use both technical and
nontechnical criteria to select clay materials. Nontechnical factors such as the
relationship between a clay source's landowner and the potter, intracommunity
factionalism, and personal friendship may encourage potters to use or discourage them from using certain clay sources available to them. Indeed, these
factors can be more important than technical considerations in the selection of
cluy sources. Yet what we urc uhlc to measure physicully urc the technical
88
Table 1
Clay descriptions given by Kalinga potters (Dalupa and Dang~lan)
Sticky (plastic)
Clean (no stones)
Fine
Smooth
No cracks/cracks easily during firing
Stands easily
Strong/flimsy (meaning too little sand)
Proximity
Resulting pots have "porcelain" qualities (i.e., ring when tapped)
Presence of "soft" stones
considerations underlying material selection. This technical information adds

either positive or negative support to hypotheses regarding motivations for
material acquisition. At all times, but most particularly in the absence of
positive evidence for the selection of technically superior materials, we must
consider the impact of nontechnical factors in the decision-making process.
Nontechnical Factors in Clay Selection

Dangtalan and Dalupa potters exploit clay sources within one kilometer of their
village, as do 33% of D. Arnold's (1985:39-44) worldwide sample of potterymaking communities. Ease of accessibility to clay sources is an important
consideration in clay procurement. Potters prefer closer locations for reasons of
transport and because they mine sources that are located within the boundaries
of their iii, or political region. The primary reasons that potters stop frequenting
a clay source are the following: landowner prohibition, exhaustion of the clay
supply, structural damage to the stone terrace walls surrounding the field where
the mine is located, or slump damage to the field itself. For example, one of
Dangtalan 's most popular clay sources is located in an area immediately below
the village elementary school, and the threat of slumpage affecting the school
property prompted the prohibition of further mining at this clay source. Other
reasons for restricted access to clay sources involve social relationships between field owners and potters and relationships among potters within a community. Finally, ruptured relations between the field owner and the community
may prevent access to a particular field, a circumstance that occurred in Dalupa
during the 1987-1988 field season.
In comparative ethnographic cases in which clay is mined by potters (rather
than purchased from entrepreneurs), nontechnical and technical factors often
coincide in potters' selections of clay materials. Both the proximity of the clay
89
source to the potters' residences (a nontechnical factor) and the plasticity of the
clay itself (a technical factor) determine Nigerian lgbo potters' choice of clay
materials (Okpoko 1987:448). Nontechnical factors may overrule technical
factors in decision-making. For example, potters can select inferior clays
among those available for potting because of proximity, as is the case in many
parts of the world (P. J. Arnold 1991:23; Haaland 1978:49; Davison and
Hosford 1978; Rye and Evans 1976:126). The proximity of the clay source, the
quality of the clay desired, and details regarding land ownership are often
interrelated determinants in the selection of clay materials, and this pattern has
been documented in the Caribbean (Handler 1963:315), Oaxaca (Van de Velde
and Van de Velde 1939:22), and Melanesia (Lauer 1974:143).
Technical and nontechnical factors are also inseparable for Dangtalan and
Dalupa potters in their selection of clay sources. Distance is an important
nontechnical factor for Kalinga potters. All four Dalupa sources sampled for
are located in the area of fields called Lopok, and the Dangtalan clay sources
are located in different field areas. Lopok is located immediately above the
village of Dalupa, about a 10-minute walk from the village. In Dangtalan, the
Lonong clay source is a 30-minute walk from the village, the Col-ang clay
source is about a 15- to 20-minute walk uphill from the village, and the school
clay source is less than a 5-minute walk from the village. Prohibited access to
the school clay source since about 1983 has resulted in decreased open usage of
the school source, although most Dangtalan potters continue to mine clay
covertly at that source.
Technical Factors in Clay Selection

The frequency of clay source usage is illustrated in Table 2. The relative
frequency of use of clay sources was tallied to select clay sources from which
samples could be taken for further analysis at the University of Arizona.
Samples from four of the most frequently used Dalupa clay sources were
collected; samples from three Dangtalan clay sources were collected. For the
purposes of this paper, Dalupa clay sources will be referred to by the owner of
lhc field, i.e., Awaga refers to clays taken from a property owner named Awaga
Sulwi.
A small portion of each clay source sample was separated and kept in its
pristine state. Expert potters from each village cleaned and pounded the rest of
cuch clay separately, yielding prepared clay that was then dried for shipment.
l\xpcriments were subsequently carried out to determine possible technological
fnclors in clay selection.
From a technical perspective, the potters' interviews suggest that clay
prnpcrtics related to the production of the vessel, us opposed to clay proper-
90
Table2
Frequency of clay source usage
Source
Dalupa
Marcelo
Awaga
Awing
Bullayao
Dangtalan
Lonong
School
Col-ang
91
Percentage of potters using
90
82
43
40
82
79
33
ties related to the distribution or use of the vessel, seem to be more important to Kalinga potters. One clay attribute that is recognized as important by
Kalinga potters is a combination of plasticity and workability (i.e., clay that
is "sticky" [manipot] and that has enough sand). Figure 3 illustrates what
Kalinga potters mean by workability, as the clay must be sufficiently plastic
to assume forms but contain enough "stiffness" to "stand up" during the
forming process. Other attributes cited as important by potters are the
absence of stones and lack of postfiring cracks. It should be noted here that
the prepared clay shipped to the United States is free of stones; potters'
comments regarding a lack of stones are directed toward the clay in its "as
dug" state and reflect the labor involved in preparing and cleaning the clay.
We acknowledge this aspect of the decision-making process, but do not
quantify the degrees of variation in volume fraction of stones.
Potters' commentary on specific clay sources (Table 3) provides insight into
similarities and differences between Dalupa and Dangtalan clays. Plasticity
and lack of stones are important considerations in the description of clays from
both Dalupa and Dangtalan.
Thus we have an emic basis for discussing technical attributes of Kalinga
clays. For example, qualities of "stickiness" and "stiffness" described by the
Kalinga potters conform to technical characteristics including plasticity and
workability (Rye 1981 ).
Laboratory Analysis
Analyses were carried out in order to investigate the possible technological
basis for manufacturing decisions. Because the interview data indicated that
Figure 3. Kalinga potters prefer clay that strikes a balance between "stickiness" and
"stiffness." In this stage of vessel manufacture, certain clays are superior in their
ability to "stand up" and hold a form. (Photograph courtesy of the Arizona State
Museum; W. A. Longacre, photographer.)
workability and drying/firing cracks were of concern to Kalinga potters, our

analyses focused on these characteristics.
The Kalinga clays are yellow-brown in color, ranging from 10 YR 3/3 to I0
YR 5/4 (with one 7.5 YR 4/4) using a Munsell chart on wet clay. All of the
Kalinga clays have a high volume fraction of natural inclusions (Figure 4):
clear rounded quartz grains up to 3.5-4.0 mm in size, long angular black grains
of biotite mica (up to 2-3 mm in size), and a range of siliceous minerals up to
.~ mm in size. The inclusions are not added by the Kalinga potters, but are
present as a product of the clay deposition process. The samples were examined
optically to define the nature of the clay and inclusions, and then at higher
92
93
Table3
Potters' comments on various clays
Source
Dalupa
Awaga
Marcelo
Awing
Bullayao
Dangtalan
Lonong
School
Comments
A superior clay. Smooth with few stones.

Similar to Awaga.
Sticky and a good clay, except that it has a
rough surface when polished.
Contains many small stones, which cause it to
crack when fired.
A superior clay. Stronger, stiffer vessel walls
with few stones and large white inclusions.
A superior clay. Few stones, holds its shape
better than other clays. Fires without cracking.
magnification using a Jeol 840 scanning electron microscope (SEM) to

elucidate the microstructure and clay type. SEM examination of the clay
(Figure 5) indicates that it is probably montmorillonite, as evidenced by the
small particle size and the texture of the microstructure. The clays were examined by x-ray diffraction (using a General Electric XRD-5 unit) to determine
Figure 4. Cross section of Kai inga sherd (I 4x). The dark gray angular regions are incl us ions. Scale bar: I mm.
Figure 5. SEM image of Kalinga clay (10,000x) with submicron clay particles. Scale
bar: 1 m.
the primary mineralogical phases present; results support the presence of montmorillonite as the primary clay mineral, with quartz and biotite inclusions.
Montmorillonite, because of its small particle size, is a highly plastic clay; however, it also tends to suffer from high drying shrinkage and cracking (Grimshaw
1971). Substantial tempering reduces the amount of drying shrinkage, and thus
compensates for the montmorillonite shrinkage properties. In this regard, it is
convenient for the Kalinga that the clay occurs naturally in this form.
Particle size analysis was also carried out using a wet screening technique.
The goal of such analysis was to define fractions of coarse and fine sand, which
are indicative of working properties involving "stiffness." Screen fractions
retained were: >417 m, 417-208 m, and 208-147 m. Samples were dried
and weighed, and fractions relative to the original mixture calculated. The
International Society of Soil Science classifies clay having particles of <2 m;
si It, between 2 and 20 m; fine sand, between 20 and 200 m; and coarse sand,
from 200 m to 2 mm. The results are summarized in Table 4. Thus our
measurements involve the fractions of coarse and fine sand, an indicator of
working properties involving stiffness.
Descriptions of clay as "flimsy" or "stiff' are related to the nature and
quantity of nonclay inclusions. A flimsy clay is likely to have a smaller volume
!'ruction of nonclay inclusions, whereas a stiff clay, or a clay that "stands up
well," is more likely to huve a higher volume fraction of noncluy inclusions.
94
Table 4
Table5
Particle fractions of Kalinga clays (percent of total)
Range of plasticity of Kalinga clays
Source
Dalupa
Awaga
Marcelo
Awing
Bullayao
Dangtalan
Lonong
School
>417m
208-417 m
208-147 m
Source
12
17
12
12
33
28
19
18
12
15
14
16
14
24
25
14
12
14
Results of the particle size analysis show that the school clay (Dangtalan) has a
substantially higher fraction of large inclusions (>417 m) than the other clays.
The Awaga (Dalupa), Marcelo (Dalupa), and the school (Dangtalan) clays have
a measurably greater fraction of inclusions in the size range between coarse and
fine sand than the other clays. In general, the favored clays in both Dalupa and
Dangtalan have a higher volume fraction of coarse inclusions (coarse/fine sand
as opposed to silt). In terms of workability, this would translate into a somewhat stiffer clay; however, it is difficult to predict if these differences in
volume fraction of coarse inclusions (5-10%) would be behaviorally significant in terms of working properties.
Next, the range of plasticity was measured using the ''feel technique" (see, for
example, Rice 1987; Shepard 1976): the clays were pounded in a mortar and
oven-dried at 99C for one hour, then water was added until the clay would just
form a coil without cracking. Water was added until the clay no longer maintained
its structural integrity. The range between the amount of water needed to form a
coil (indicative of extensibility) and that needed to form a "mud pie" (indicative of
the yield point) is known as the range of plasticity, and is useful in loosely
quantifying workability. Unfortunately, this test is to some extent dependent on the
person carrying out the experiment, and as such can only be used in relative terms.
The results are presented in Table 5. The clays with the widest plastic range are
Marcelo and Awaga from Dalupa and Lonong and school from Dangtalan. In
handling the clays, however, the results are in agreement with the "feel" of the clay.
Marcelo (Dalupa), Lonong (Dangtalan), and school (Dangtalan) were the better
clays by feel, consistent with them having the widest plastic range. That the clay
can be worked over a range of water content without cracking is important for hand
modeling. Here we see quantitative evidence for workability that is in agreement
with Kalinga interview data.
Yield point
(weight% H20)
Extensibility
(weight% H 20)
Range
(weight% H20)
17.9
19.6
19.4
20.2
24.7
26.0
25.3
25.8
6.8
6.4
5.9
5.6
21.0
17.5
20.2
27.8
23.6
26.0
6.8
6.1
5.8
Dalupa
Marcelo
Awaga
Bullayao
Awing
Dangtalan
School
Lonong
Col-ang
95
Finally, measurements of drying shrinkage were made. Based on the working properties already described, two of the better clays each from Dalupa and
Dangtalan were selected. Sample tiles of uniform size were made and allowed
to air dry. The results are shown in Figure 6. The Dalupa clays undergo more
drying shrinkage than the Dangtalan clays. The reason for this lies in differences in the nature of the water layer between the clay particles. Because the
relative proportions of aplastic inclusions in both Dalupa and Dangtalan clays
Cl
...."'c:
.Y.
L.
.s::.
U)
Cl
!i
L.
.c
...
L.
....>c:
B
Q)
00
++
'C
c:
Q)
u
Q)
...
+
<>
O +
a..
8.
.c.oo
8.00
12.00
Percent water lost

l'igurc 6. Drying shrinkage of Kulingu clays.
O.ngtalan: Schaal
Oangtalan: Lanang
01lup1: Mlrc1la
01lup1: A111g1
US.OD
(by
20.00
weight)
2.C.00
....
arc similar, we know that the difference In drying shrinkage cannot be

because of displaced clay minerals. Because the potters of both Dalupa and
Dangtalan prepare the clay in a similar fashion, working with the clay
immediately (as opposed to drying and pounding it, then letting it age,
saturating the clay minerals with water), we know that the differences in
drying shrinkage are the result of the clays themselves. Differences in the
amounts of alkali salts present (e.g., sodium or potassium), pH, or size and
shape of the clay particles will all result in changes in the thickness and
nature of the water layer between clay particles. We propose that this is the
reason for the distinguishable levels of drying shrinkage in Dalupa and
Dangtalan. In terms of pottery.manufacture, the rate and degree of drying
shrinkage will affect the probability of forming drying cracks, which in tum
reduce vessel strength.
Thus we have presented a series of analytical methods to provide a physical
basis for discussing "workability" and drying shrinkage in Kalinga clays based
on composition, texture, plasticity, and drying shrinkage. This approach gives
us a means of evaluating the considerations underlying technical decisionmaking in Kalinga production technology.
~_.,.,.,,~---
---------
Survey of Pot Preferences for Consumer.
Table6
To understand better the dynamics of pottery preference, it is necessary to

discuss briefly how Guina-ang residents obtain their pottery (see also Graves
1985; Longacre and Stark 1992; Stark, Chapter 8). Household pottery inventories in Guina-ang during the 1987-1988 field season indicated that most
pots are acquired through barter trips to Guina-ang by Dalupa and Dangtalan
potters who visit the village with loads of pottery to exchange for rice and
other goods. Of the bartered vessels, a little over 90% of the Dalupa- and
Dangtalan-made pots in the village of Guina-ang were obtained in this way.
Within the Pasil River Valley, a potter prefers to barter goods from the house
of a relative or friend within the consuming village; customers for each potter
are frequently related to the hostess of the house in which the pots are sold
(Stark 1992). Although Guina-ang household inventories did not produce a
significant kin-based relationship between potter and consumer, it is possible
that the hostess of the potter is related to the customer in cases in which the
potter herself is not related. Pots are also acquired as gifts between relatives
and friends; gift-giving (of pots and other items) occurs during the householdbased and community-wide events.
....
In Guina-ang, a village of I02 houses, conaumers In IOi houNCholds were Interviewed; in Dalupa, consumers in 73 households were interviewed. We invesdaated
use behavior from two angles: eliciting information on consumer preference and
recording the actual representation of pots in Guina-ang households. Information
about pottery preference was obtained as part of a two-part question. Each woman
of the household who purchased pottery was first asked which village (Dangtalan,
Dalupa, or another) made the best cooking vessels and water jars. Following that
question, each individual was asked to provide reasons for preferring vessels from
a particular village and answers were recorded verbatim.
In Guina-ang the overwhelming preference was for Dangtalan cooking pots.
In 101 households stirveyed, 67% (68) preferred pots from Dangtalan, whereas
only 14% (14) preferred Dalupa-made pots (the remaining 19% either had no
preference or in one case liked pots manufactured in another village). Of those
who preferred Dangtalan pots, 74% (50) cited pottery strength as the reason for
their preference. Table 6 gives the responses of those who prefer Dalupa-made
pots. Aside from the response "I like them because they are the ones I have,"
which was excluded from this analysis, the most common reason (4 or 29%)
cited for preferring Dalupa pots was weight: Dalupa pots were believed to be
lighter than Dangtalan pots.
USE TECHNOLOGY
Kalinga Pottery Exchange
- ---,,
Pottery preference in Guina-ang (cooking pots)

Percent
Reason
Consumers preferring Dangtalan pots (N = 69)

72
33
17
16
10
6
3
Stronger: last longer, more durable

Well polished
Lightweight
Look nice, decorations, shape
Clay quality
Well fired
Thin
Consumers preferring Dalupa pots (N = 14)
29
29
14
14
7
7
Because I have them

Lightweight
Durable
Free or cheaper
Well polished
Conduct heat well
98
A R 0 N S 0 N , S K IB 0 , A N D S TA R K
90
BO
70
2
0
60
Q.
:g
.B
0
~
c:
50
40
"
E
"
CL
30
20
10
0
1985
1984
IZ2I
Oongtalon
1987
1986
IS:sl
1988
Doi u po
Figure 7. Source of cooking pots purchased in Guina-ang through time.
Two points regarding pottery use technology emerge from the Guina-ang
interview data. First, Guina-ang residents clearly prefer Dangtalan pots over
Dalupa pots. The reasons cited for this preference were primarily technical in
nature as the common factor cited was strength; Dangtalan pots are believed to
be stronger and hence more durable. The second point gleaned from the
interview data is that technical reasons are also given by the Guina-ang residents as the criteria for choosing pots from Dalupa. The most consistent reason
given for this preference was weight; Dalupa-made cooking pots are often
perceived as being lighter in weight. From a technological perspective, the
advantages of a stronger pot would be increased durability and vessel use-life.
The advantages of a lighter pot, however, are less clear. Pots are typically
carried daily to a water source but this distance is not great.
Ernie perceptions regarding cooking pot preference are reflected in the
household inventories and pottery exchange records collected during the 19871988 field season. Of the 68 Guina-ang households that prefer Dangtalan
cooking pots, 82% have more Dangtalan- than Dalupa-made vessels. This
pattern also holds true for the Guina-ang households that prefer Dalupa-made
pots. Two-thirds (10/14) of the households that prefer Dalupa pots own more
99
Dalupa- than Dangtalan-made vessels. Pottery exchange records for 1988

indicate that, of 227 vegetable/meat cooking vessels traded to Guina-ang from
Dalupa and Dangtalan, 61 % were made in Dangtalan whereas only 39% came
from Dalupa. Moreover, Figure 7 illustrates that this overall preference for
Dangtalan pots also occurred in years previous to those covered in our study.
The prevalence of Dangtalan pots in Guina-ang households is not a result of
greater availability. The scale of Dangtalan production since 1975 has decreased, with the result that the village has become a minor pottery supplier to
most Pasil Kalinga villages (Stark 1991b; Chapter 8). Moreover, Dalupa potters barter more of their vessels in Guina-ang than in any other Pasil community. Research into social relations and pottery distribution (Longacre and
Stark 1992) suggests that differing relationships between residents of Guinaang and those of Dangtalan and Dalupa (i.e., a closer link to Dangtalan) may
affect the overwhelming preference of Guina-ang residents for Dangtalanmade vessels (also see the section on nontechnical factors in pottery use
technology).
The pattern observed with the cooking vessels does not, however, crosscut
the functional categories of pottery in Guina-ang households. Dalupa-made
water jars (immosso) are found in the majority (71%) of the households although only 26% of the respondents stated a preference for Dalupa-made water
vessels. Water vessels are not studied here, but we should note that the reasons
provided by the Guina-ang residents for water vessel preference differ slightly
from those recorded for cooking vessels (cf. Tables 6 and 7). Respondents who
preferred Dangtalan-made water vessels (63%) provided technological responses similar to those recorded for the cooking pots. Thirty-eight percent cited
strength as the reason. An additional 25% said they preferred Dangtalan water
vessels because they did not leak as much or that more resin is applied to them.
Since Dalupa potters no longer coat the exterior of water jars with resin (an
interior coat of resin is still applied), the Dalupa vessels were said to leak more
initially than did Dangtalan water jars. Guina-ang residents noted this difference, adding that after a short period of use the excessive leakage subsides.
Kalinga statements regarding permeability conform to recent archaeological
studies that have shown that the movement of water through a ceramic body is
controlled primarily by the interior surface treatment (Schiffer 1988).
A different set of responses was found for the Guina-ang residents who
prefer Dalupa water jars, and in this domain nontechnical responses predominate. Recall that the most consistent reason why some Guina-ang residents preferred Dalupa cooking pots was weight. Most Guina-ang residents
who preferred Dalupa water jars cited aesthetic (i.e., nontechnical) reasons for
100
Pottery preference in Guina-ang (water jars)

Reason
29
17
17
15
15
7
Nicely decorated
Stand up well
Durable
Well polished
Lightweight
More available
Pottery preference in Dalupa (cooking pots)

Percent
38
Stronger
Well polished
Do not leak
Lightweight
Better appearance
their preference: Dalupa water jars are now decorated on the exterior with an
ochre design. However, as shown in Table 7, a number of technical reasons
were also cited, such as a built-in ring base (naubotan), greater durability,
better polish, and lighter weight. It is interesting to note that the response of
"lightweight" was also given frequently in regard to the cooking vessels. This
is the only frequently cited technical reason that is found for both the Dalupa
cooking and water vessels.
The water jar data contrast with the cooking pot survey in two important
respects. Dalupa water jars are found in more houses than their Dangtalan
equivalents, despite the stated preference for Dangtalan-made water jars. Aesthetic rather than technical reasons account, in part, for this pattern. Several
possible explanations may underlie Guina-ang residents' stated preference for
Dangtalan water jars even though they own more Dalupa-made water vessels.
First, the close relationship between the villages of Guina-ang and Dangtalan
may explain why Guina-ang consumers say that they prefer Dangtalan-made
vessels over those from Dalupa. Second, the stylistic innovations by the Dalupa
potters in recent years may have prompted many Guina-ang residents to buy
Dalupa vessels. Since Kalinga water jars last approximately eight years (Longacre 1985:343), the Guina-ang consumer of a Dalupa water jar is left with a
technically "inferior," yet aesthetically "superior," vessel. One might anticipate
that Guina-ang residents would replace a broken or worn-out Dangtalan water
Reason

13
12
9
6
4
26
25
7
101
Tables
Table7
Percent
Because I have them

Well formed
Village allegiance
Well polished
Prettier
Thinner
Lightweight
Clay is better
Potters are skilled
Wider mouth
Do not leak

67
33
Wider mouth
Well polished
vessel with an aesthetically "superior" Dalupa water vessel, explaining the

presence of Dalupa water jars in Guina-ang households. An examination of
how the residents of Guina-ang use and replace cooking and water storage
vessels demonstrates why the aesthetically motivated replacement of vessels is
not a complete explanation for why Guina-ang residents prefer Dangtalan
water jars but own more Dalupa-made pots.
Most Guina-ang residents have a stockpile of replacement cooking pots,
which allows a broken pot to be replaced immediately. Few houses, however,
have a replacement supply of water vessels. Rather, with a mean of just over
one water jar per household, most functional water jars are in use. In the event
of vessel breakage, there is a greater probability of replacement with a Dalupa
vessel than a Dangtalan vessel. Dalupa pots are more readily available because
Dangtalan potters have decreased their scale of production while Dalupa potters have increased their activity. This conclusion is substantiated by the responses of Guina-ang housewives who stated that they preferred Dalupa water
jars because they were more available (see Table 7).
The pottery preference survey for cooking pots carried out in Dalupa provides very different results (Table 8) from an identical survey conducted in
Guina-ang (Table 6). Nearly all the household cooking vessels were made in
Dalupa and a vast majority (81 %) of those questioned preferred Dalupa-made
102
vessels. Only 4% preferred pots made in Dangtalan and 15% had no preference. In contrast to Guina-ang, the responses from the Dalupa respondents
referred primarily to nontechnical factors. Here we can observe that there are
factors other than technical performance that influence pottery selection. The
processes that control consumption differ in a village that produces pottery
from those in villages in which pottery is not produced. Dalupa residents would
have little reason to obtain Dangtalan pots even if the pots were somehow
technically superior. In fact it is safe to assume that many Dalupa housewives
rarely cook with Dangtalan pots and thus lack the appropriate means with
which to make a comparison. Using a sample of pots made since 1981, there
are 338 Dalupa-made and 8 Dangtalan-made vegetable/meat cooking pots in
Dalupa households. Of the 8 Dangtalan pots, only 3 are currently in use in
Dalupa. Because Dalupa housewives lack the opportunity to cook with vessels
from both villages, responses are not based on technical aspects of vessel
performance, as is the case in Guina-ang. Dalupa women obtain, use, and
prefer pots from their village because they live with a group of potters (or they
are potters themselves) and in many cases the pots are made by their relatives
and friends.
The analysis that follows will focus on the technological differences in the
Dangtalan and Dalupa pots as perceived by the residents of Guina-ang. In
particular we will test whether Dangtalan pots are in fact stronger and also if
the Dalupa pottery is lighter.
Technical Factors in Pottery Use Technology

As a part of the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological Project, Kalinga pots were
collected and brought back to the Arizona State Museum for further study.
Samples were taken from a sample of uniformly sized vegetable and meat
cooking vessels (oppaya) for experiments to determine possible technological
factors in pot preference, specifically strength. In order to determine potential
physical bases for stronger or technically superior pots, a fourfold analytical
approach was taken.
First, the question of pot strength was addressed using a mechanical model.
It is well established that ceramic fracture is brittle fracture. The modulus of
rupture, or stress at failure under transverse bending and torsional stress, is
defined as directly proportional to the thickness (Grimshaw 1971). Thus, a
thinner specimen will fail at a smaller applied force or load, as should be
intuitively apparent. A difference in the average thickness for Dangtalan pots
versus Dalupa pots would be significant in discussing why they might be
considered stronger, especially given the low hardness and fracture properties
of the Kalinga ceramics. To test this hypothesis, samples were taken from the
103
Table 9
Thickness of Kalinga pots
--
Thickness (mm)
Dalupa
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Dangtalan
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Range
Average
3.2-3.9
3.4-3.7
3.9-4.I
4.1-4.6
5.3-5.6
3.3-3.8
3.8-4.1
2.8-3.6
3.6-4.1
3.3-3.4
3.6
3.6
4.0
4.4
5.5
3.6
4.0
3.2
3.9
3.4
5.2-5.8
3.6-3.9
3.8-4.2
3.8-4.8
4.0-4.4
5.7-6.2
3.7-4.2
5.9-6.4
4.0-4.4
3.1-3.5
5.5
3.8
4.0
4.3
4.2
6.0
4.0
6.2
4.2,
3.3
Arizona State Museum collection of Kalinga meat and vegetable cooking pots.
Round samples 1 inch in diameter were drilled from an area approximately
one-third of the distance from the base to the rim with resin on the inside and 11
polished surface on the outside. Thicknesses were measured using calipers, and
are shown in Table 9. The mean thickness of the Dalupa pots is 3.92 mm
(SD 0.653) and the Dangtalan vessels have a mean thickness of 4.55 mm
(SD 0.987). A Student's t-test performed on the sample indicates that the
sample means are significantly different at the .11 level. Because of the small
sample size, the sample means will be affected strongly by anomalous thickness measurements. To control for this, the extreme high and low measurements were deleted from each sample. The new sample means are 3.81 mm
(SD 0.323) for the Dalupa pots and 4.50 mm (SD 0.709) for the Dangtalan
vessels. These sample means arc significant ut the .04 level. The difference in
104
Table 10
Chemical composition of Kalinga clays (microprobe) a
Dalupa
Awing
Awaga
Bullayao
Marcelo
Dangtalan
School
Lonong
Col-ang
0
Si02
Alz03
Fe203
MgO
50.9
51.0
49.6
53.4
19.7
21.0
23.4
20.3
5.3
4.5
3.6
2.3
1.0
1.2
0.1
0.1
49.8
49.7
51.l
20.3
20.9
20.1
5.7
5.7
5.1
1.2
1.2
0.8
Na20
KzO
1.4
0.7
1.7
0.7
0.7
0.5
0.4
0.5
0.8
1.0
1.0
0.3
0.5
1.5
0.8
0.5
CaO
Values are in weight percent and represent the average of three determinations.
thickness is a critical factor in determining strength, and it establishes Dangtalan pots as stronger than Dalupa pots.
A thinner vessel wall also has an influence on vessel weight. Recall (Tables 6
and 7) that the residents in Guina-ang who preferred Dalupa cooking vessels
and water storage jars often said they did so because the pots were lighter. The
differences in thickness certainly would have a noticeable influence on overall
vessel weight.
As an additional line of evidence, consider the earlier discussion of the
increased drying shrinkage of Dalupa clays relative to Dangtalan clays. With a
higher probability of drying cracks in Dalupa clays, and a subsequently higher
probability of encountering a flawed or weakened vessel, we can conclude that
Dalupa vessels should be weaker than Dangtalan vessels.
The question of pot strength was also addressed using a chemically derived
model. Craft potters (Rhodes 1957) as well as materials scientists (Kingery et
al. 1976) recognize that the addition of fluxing agents will result in a reduced
melting temperature, hence a lower sintering temperature (i.e., the temperature
at which particles begin to fuse together). To test this hypothesis, samples of
clays from Dalupa and Dangtalan were analyzed using a microprobe in order to
determine the chemical composition of the clay. It is important to note that
these unnormalized microprobe totals are low (less than 100%) due to the high
porosity of the clay matrix. Thus it is the relative oxide quantities that are of
interest. Relative amounts of the following fluxes were of particular interest:
iron oxide (assumed to be Fe 20 3, although Fe304 could be present), MgO, CaO,
Na20, and K20. These data are presented in Table 10. Note the difference
lOS
between Dalupa and Dangtalan in potassia (K20) and iron oxide concentrations. The average Fe 20 3 concentration in Dangtalan is 41 % higher than that in
Dalupa (5.5% versus 3.9%); the average K20 concentration in Dangtalan is
80% higher than in Dalupa (0.9% versus 0.5% ). It becomes evident upon
examination of x-ray maps of the Kalinga clay (Figure 8) that both iron and
potassium are well dispersed throughout the system (as opposed to being
concentrated into specific grains); the result is that their mobility, hence their
impact on sinterability, is high. In porous ceramics, better-sintered clay bodies
are stronger. One could conclude on the basis of this chemical argument that
Dangtalan pots will be better sintered and thus stronger than Dalupa pots.
Because the Kalinga pots are fired at low temperature for a relatively short
time, the amount of sintering is limited. That the firing temperature is in fact
low was confirmed by comparing the range of color developed in samples from
Dangtalan and Dalupa after refiring at 50C intervals. In an oxidizing atmosphere, as the temperature rises, organics are burned off, water is driven off, and
iron is converted to an oxidized or ferric state (Fe20 3), resulting in color
changes from gray to yellow, orange, or red depending on the iron concentration (Rice 1987). In the case of the Kalinga ceramics, it would appear that the
firing temperature is quite low, probably 600-650C. The redder color of the
Dangtalan specimens is indicative of either higher levels of iron present, higher
firing temperatures, or greater oxidation. Taking into consideration the low
firing temperature and likely constraints on degree of sintering, it is nonethele11H
probable that a difference in the flux levels of Dalupa and Dangtalan pots may
affect final pot strength.
The difference in strength is not related to longer or hotter firings. Firins
conditions are very similar in Dangtalan and Dalupa and firing times are within
the same range in each village. If anything, Dangtalan firing times are shorter,
a finding that further supports our claim that the difference in vessel wall
strength is related to the presence of varying amounts of flux in the clay.
Thus, by using a mechanically derived model in addition to a chemically
derived model we can provide two independent lines of evidence for explaining
differences in strength between Dalupa and Dangtalan vessels.
In an effort to characterize the absolute hardness (and thus, indirectly, strength)

of the pots themselves, experiments were performed using a Superficial Rockwell Hardness Tester (Simon and Coghlin 1989). Using low-fired plainwares of
the TontoNerde Series of Alameda Brown Ware, Simon and Coghlin report an
nhsolute hardness of 150-190. The Kalinga clays are extremely soft, and prone
10 failure during testing. By reducing the load on the hardness tester to I 05
1otrnms, at>solute hardnesses of 265-285 were measured. By changing the con-
~,,
..
<'' \,
,
,'+,t..#'+w.
'I
\_.. * t . . .
~t
,.
107
~ ..
4!
Table 11
Hardness of Dalupa and Dangtalan pottery
Average hardness
Samples
(N =IO)
Standard
deviation
264.6
271.7
282.4
280.7
273.9
14.6
10.8
2.7
3.2
3.8
285.3
280.9
282.3
280.8
276.l
l.8
3.7
3.0
3.5
3.7
Dangtalan
372
373
374
387
393
Dalupa
327
333
339
340
343
figuration of the hardness tester, the ability to compare hardnesses on a fixed

scale (e.g., the difference between the values reported for Alameda Brown
Ware and those for the Kalinga vessels) is diminished, yet it is still a useful tool
for comparing relative hardnesses between Dalupa and Dangtalan pots. Five
I-inch round samples each from Dalupa and Dangtalan were tested, and ten
hardness measurements were made on each sample. The means for each village
(five samples) with the corresponding standard deviations are shown in Table 11. Surprisingly, the Dalupa samples have a slightly greater hardness than
those from Dangtalan (Dalupa: 281.31 [SD 4.306), Dangtalan: 274.64 [SD
I0.408)). However, given the small sample size and high standard deviations,
we conclude that both Dalupa and Dangtalan vessels are of essentially the same
hardness, and that the difference in strength is related primarily to vessel
lhickness.
Nontechnical Factors in Pottery Use Technology

Our analyses demonstrated significant differences in the performance of Danglalan and Dalupa cooking vessels, reinforcing data from Guina-ang residents
on pottery preference. A methodological restriction of both archaeological and
clhnoarchaeological research to date on pottery production and use technology
fligLirc 8. Electron und x-ruy images of a Kalingu cluy (500x) showing elemental dislrihution. (11) B11ck-sc111tercd electron imugc. (b) X-ruy mup of potassium distribution,
Nnmc urcu UH (u). (c) X-ruy mup of iron diMtribution, NIUllC urcu UH (u).
108
109
ARONSON, SKIBO. AND STARK
lies in these methods' exclusive focus on technical factors. The limitations

of the archaeological record make this analytical imbalance understandable
to some extent, since neither informant-derived nor observational data can
be collected from prehistoric societies to elucidate nontechnical factors
affecting decision-making. The most productive strategy, at present, is to
explore first the relationships in the technical realm and then begin to peer
into how nontechnical factors can influence these relationships. In this
section, some of the nontechnical factors are discussed in order to shed
some light on means for appropriately assigning significance to them within
the realm of use technology.
The largest geographical unit recognized in Kalinga is the region or
village, generally consisting of several kinship groups (Dozier 1966; Takaki
1977). The peace pact (bodong) system is constructed at the regionwide
level, so that a village or a group of villages is a peace pact holding unit that
negotiates treaties with other such units. Guina-ang is a peace pact holding
unit that includes the communities of Galdang, Pugong, and Malucsad;
Dangtalan holds peace pacts largely on its own, and the peace pact unit
containing Dalupa also includes the village of Ableg. The Pasil River Valley
contains two recognized sections: the upper and lower sections of the valley
(see frontispiece). In the Upper Pasil are Guina-ang, Bagtayan, Galdang,
Pogong, and Malucsad. Straddling the middle of the valley is Dangtalan,
which some Kalinga refer to as Upper Pasil. Lower Pasil includes Dalupa,
Ableg, Magsilay, Balenciago, and the five settlements of Cagaluan. In a
society still characterized by regionally based customs related to peace pact
holding units, an individual's affiliation is an essential characteristic and is
reckoned on a number of levels (Dozier 1966). Affiliation first goes to
members of one's own household, then to members of one's area of the
village, next to one's village or peace pact holding unit, and onward. Individuals from the same village are bound by custom to support one another.
There may also be closer kin ties between Guina-ang and Dangtalan than
exist between the people of Guina-ang and Dalupa. Kalinga oral history maintains that Guina-ang is the "mother" village for much of the Upper Pasil and
that the villages of Galdang, Pugong, and Malucsad were founded by groups
budding off from Guina-ang. The origin of Dangtalan in these oral histories is
ambiguous; some believe that Guina-ang was also the source for this village
and others maintain that Dangtalan has an independent history. But clearly the
residents of Guina-ang see a closer affiliation with Dangtalan and one could
envision how this could affect consumer decisions; kinship and social relations
influence the overwhelming preference the Guina-ang residents have for Dangtalan pottery (Longacre and Stark 1992).
SUMMARY
We can now ask to what extent the analyses were successful in confirming
potters' emic judgments of clay properties in the production technology phase.
Of the Dalupa clays, Marcelo and Awaga are considered similar, and these
clays are by far the most popular. Both clays have significantly higher particle
(nonclay) fractions between 208 and 417 m in size and a higher range of
plasticity than the other two Dalupa clays tested. Thus, within certain constraints, Dalupa potters select clays for their working properties: enough sand
to make the clay strong during forming (i.e., such that the clay will stand up
well and not deform) and a wide range of plasticity to maximize clay manipulation. Of the Dangtalan clays, the Lonong and school clays are superior to the
others in the range of plasticity; Col-ang, only used by 33% of the potters, has
a lower plastic range and was as such not considered in most of our analyses.
The school clay differs from the other Dangtalan clays in having a high fraction
of particles greater than 417 m (0.4 mm) in size. This finding suggests that,
although the clay has larger inclusions, proximity to the village is an important
determining factor in potter selection of clay materials. Potters stated that the
higher fraction of large inclusions in the clay from the school source will make
it more difficult to achieve a smooth, polished surface on a pot. Moreover, they
stated that "cleaning" the school clay took more time. The fact that the school
clay is easily accessible, has lower drying shrinkage, and has a plastic range
comparable to that of the Lonong clay probably compensates for the coarseness
of the clay.
It is important that laboratory technical analyses corroborated Kalinga pot
ters' judgments regarding the workability of the available clays. The Lonong
clay source is preferred by most Dangtalan potters and our analyses also found
this clay to have superior working properties. Of the Dangtalan clays that are
utilized, the Lonong source is also the farthest from the village (a 30-minute
uphill walk). The school clay was also favored by the Dangtalan potters despite
the fact that it has more large stones. In this case, proximity to the village
appears to be an important factor. Thus, working properties are an important
consideration for potters in clay selection, but source proximity and other
nontechnical factors also play an important role in the decision-making process. In Dangtalan, if only technical factors were at work, the clay would
always be obtained from the Lonong or school sources, the sources of the clay
with superior working qualities. But the Col-ang source, a clay with working
properties that are less acceptable than those of clay from the Lonong and
school sources, is also used. The majority of the Col-ang clay users are pottel'!i
whose households own rice fields IUld grunaries in Col-ang, enabling the
110
potters to embed clay collecting into the round of agricultural activities. Choice
of clay is influenced by nontechnical factors, such as landowners' attitudes,
intracommunity factionalism, and genealogical connections. Not only do the
exhaustion of clay sources and the threat of structural damage affect the pattern
of clay source usage, but social relationships between a clay source landowner
and a potter or a group of potters may also preclude or encourage access by an
individual potter or the entire wtter community to a particular landowner's
clay.
In examining the dynamics of pottery use, this study has focused on the
importance of both technical and nontechnical factors in consumption decisionmaking. In Guina-ang, solely a pottery-consuming village, residents prefer and
obtain primarily Dangtalan cooking pots and explain this preference by responding that those pots are stronger. The respondents who prefer Dalupa
cooking pots indicated that they prefer vessels made in that village because
they are lighter. Our laboratory and technical analyses demonstrate that Dangtalan cooking pots are stronger and that Dalupa pots are lighter. In Dalupa, a
pottery-producing village, nontechnical factors override technical considerations in the selection of cooking pots. Thus we have an important contrast in the
use technologies of a pottery-producing village and a pottery-consuming village. Consumers in a non-pottery-producing village may place more emphasis
on techno-functional performance than consumers in a pottery-producing village. Longacre and Stark (1992) discuss the importance of nontechnical factors
in pottery consumption patterns. This chapter demonstrates that technical factors also play a role, that consumer decision-making is quite complex, and that
the relative importance of each set of factors must be evaluated on a case-bycase basis.
Graves (1985) observed a preference for Dangtalan-made vessels in the
pottery-consuming villages of Pugong and Malucsad that confirms the distribution of pottery consumption patterns in the Upper versus Lower Pasil River
valleys noted earlier in this analysis. He reports that the people felt, in agreement with our survey, that Dangtalan pots were stronger. But Graves found that
this difference would not affect exchange value and would not preclude individuals from obtaining Dalupa-made pots. In Guina-ang, an exclusively
pottery-consuming village, residents who acquire Dangtalan pots (68%) largely recognize their superiority in technical performance traits. Guina-ang residents who obtain Dalupa pots, however, are selecting for another set of traits
that are unrelated to the vessels' physical performance. The majority of Dalupa
residents obtain Dalupa-made vessels, and nontechnical factors override technical performance characteristics. Thus we can see the importance in considering both technical and nontechnical aspects in consumption decision-making.
111
In extending this study to the archaeological record, it is important to

consider the potential of both technical and nontechnical or behavioral factors
in generating patterns in the material record. It would appear that there are no
techno-functional reasons to acquire Dalupa pots in places where Dangtalan
pots are available. Issues of village allegiance, kinship, and convenience play a
significant role in determining procurement of pots. One important lesson for
archaeologists is that we currently have a better likelihood of testing technical/techno-functional explanations than nontechnical explanations for prehistoric decision-making in its relationship to technology. The other important
implication is that, in exploring technical factors, we are restricted to explaining just one part of the observed variability in prehistoric decision-making and
the study of technological change. It is clear that these issues should be
considered in archaeological interpretation.
A productive direction for archaeological inquiry is the exploration of the
nontechnical factors in technological decision-making, and more specifically
the dynamic between the two. That both technical and nontechnical factors arc
important is clear, and that balances are struck is also evident. What remains to
be discussed is how balances are struck, and in what types of situations one set
of factors may assume priority over the other set. As we learn more about the
dynamic between such factors in technological decision-making, our ability to
develop models of prehistoric technologies will progress markedly.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The fieldwork for this chapter was supported by a grant from the National
Science Foundation (BNS 87-10275) to William A. Longacre. A number of
individuals commented on drafts of this chapter, including members of the
University of Arizona Department of Anthropology writers group: Catherine
Cameron, Kelly Hays, Masashi Kobayashi, Jonathan Mabry, Barbara Montgomery, Barbara Roth, Christine Szuter, Masakazu Tani, John Welch, Lisa
Young, and Nieves Zedeno. In addition, Steve West provided analytical suggestions and Arylen Simon provided the data for the hardness test. Masashi
Kobayashi is gratefully acknowledged for his assistance in collecting the data
and for his aid throughout the study. Many thanks are also extended to our
Kalinga assistants, who aided in all aspects of our field research: Josephine
Bommogas, Narcisa Waggaway, and Amy Awing in Dalupa; Rosalina Busog in
Dangtalan; and Nancy Lugao, Edita Lugao, and Judith Sagayo in Guina-ang.
William Longacre, David Kingery, and Michael Schiffer also commented on
drafts of the chapter and provided assistance throughout.
Kalinga
Ethnoarchaeology
PHILIPPINE
ISLANDS
Expanding Archaeological Method and Theory

Map of the Pasil Municipality (the Kalinga
area), showing the location of Dangtalan,
Guina-ang, and Dalupa, the three principal
villages of the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological
Project. The vertical bar divides the upper
and lower parts of the Pasil River valley.
(Upper map drawn by Brigid Sullivan;
lower map by Ronald Beckwith.)
Edited by William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION l'RESS WASlllNOTON AND l.ONl>ON
CONTENTS
1994 by the Smithsonian Institution

All rights reserved
FOREWORD
vii
Michael Deal
Editor and typesetter: Peter Strupp/Princeton Editorial Associates
PREFACE
xiii
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kalinga ethnoarchaeology: expanding archaeological method and theory I edited by
William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo.
p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p.
) and index.
ISBN 1-56098-272-1 (alk. paper)
1. Kalinga (Philippine people)--Material culture. 2. Pottery, KalingaPhilippines-Dangtalan--Classification. 3. Ethnoarchaeology-PhilippinesDangtalan. 4. Dangtalan (Philippines)--Social life and customs. I. Longacre,
William A., 1937- . II. Skibo, James M.
DS666.K3K35 1994
93-46225
392'.3'09599--dc20
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available.
Manufactured in the United States of America
()() 99 98 97 96 95 94 5 4 3 2 1
@> The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the
American National Standard for Pennanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials
Z39.48-1984.
For pennission to reproduce illustrations appearing in this book, please correspond
directly with the owners of the works, as listed in the individual captions. The
Smithsonian Institution Press does not retain reproduction rights for the11e illu11trutions
individually or maintain 11 file of uddres11cs for photo source11.
l. AN INTRODUCTION TO KALIN GA ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

William A. Longacre and James M. Skibo
2. KALINGA SOCIAL AND MATERIAL CULTURE BOUNDARIES:

A CASE OF SPATIAL CONVERGENCE
13
Michael W. Graves
' WHY SHOULD MORE POTS BREAK IN LARGER

HOUSEHOLDS? MECHANISMS UNDERLYING POPULATION
ESTIMATES FROM CERAMICS
51
Masakazu Tani
4. INFORMANT ACCURACY IN POTTERY USE-LIFE STUDIES:

A KALINGA EXAMPLE
71
Mark A. Neupert and William A. Longacre
S. PRODUCTION AND USE TECHNOLOGIES IN KALINGA

POTT:RY
IB
Meredith Aronson, Jumcs M. Skibo, and Miriam T. Stark

Production and Use Technologies in Kalin

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82

APPENDIX 2: HOUSEHOLD DATA

The relationship between ceramic technology and pottery use (techno-function)

ARONSON, SKIBO, AND STARK

physical properties of clays (e.g., D. Arnold 1971), the theoretical advantages of