Smart Leaders Ias: Test - 2 Explanation General Studies Mains

SMART LEADERS IAS
TEST 2 EXPLANATION
GENERAL STUDIES MAINS
1. The poverty estimation in India has evolved into various methodologies which portrays the
extent of people below the poverty line in India. Discuss whether the poverty identification
and its eradication will be more effective if these methodologies targets geospecific regions
of poor than identifying poor households.
The objective of estimation of poverty is to identify those who cannot afford to minimum
standards of living and enable state intervention in providing livelihood opportunities.
But theconcept of poverty itself is ambiguous and its identification strategies has evolved
continuously since independence.
Beginning with the DadabhaiNaorojis poverty estimation in India till C.Rangarajan Committee
poverty estimation in 2012, the methodologies to identify the BPL has been many. It includes
poverty identification based on calorie requirements, purchasing power parity andcost of living. Al
these methodologies invariably identifies poor households based on these indicators.
It is well known that poverty is concentrated in pockets of rural and urban areas such as slums,
uncultivated agricultural lands. It thus becomes logical to arrive at poverty estimation at the level
of these geospecific pockets rather than conventional household level.
Challenges in identifying pockets of poor
It necessitates a fundamental revamping of poverty indicators. It means a shift from
household based indicators to region specific indicators such as scale of agricultural
productivity, industries, etc.
Such pockets may include those household who are not poor. This results in leakage of
governmental support and subsidies and further strain the purse of the government.
Advantages
Region specific identification of poverty can be easier than identifying individual
households.
Regions once identified as poor, can be specifically targeted for schemes and state support.
This provides avenue for tailoring the provisions of the scheme according to the needs of
the region rather than the traditional one size fits all approach.
Monitoring of the scheme in terms of its implementation and output becomes easier.
The identifying of poverty is a politically and socially sensitive issue which should be humane
and just. It is also recognized that no poverty estimation based on households can be absolute
and needs constant revision. Region specific poverty and developmental issues is already
being looked at through Special Category Status. Such a large scale model, at the level of
State, can be replicated to the zones or districts or tehsils to identify poverty and lack of
development. At least, government should consider including region specific indicators, in
addition to household, to arrive at the poverty rate and further policy interventions.
2. Like any other constitution, Nepal Constitution has loopholes. Suggestions are welcome,
dictation is not. Critically correlate the Constitutional logjam and Economical blockade of
Nepal, with concerns of India.
Issues of Nepali Constitution:
Provinces have been carved out keeping political interest and Demarcation does not follow
identity basis or geographic basis. The demand was for single identity basis federalism.
Interest of Marginalized group have been not promoted
Delineation of electoral constituencies in the Terai (where more than 50 per cent of Nepals
people live) which has not been done on the basis of the population in the plains;
Other complaints relate to citizenship norms that disallow children of Nepali mothers married
to foreigners from inheriting Nepali citizenship.
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Women groups are also opposing for representations, citizenship and marriage issues =
created categories of citizenship = causing division = restricting empowerment
What are the concerns for India on recent Constitution?
The present format of the constitution is not inclusive
The past assurances have gone in vain.
Aspirations of all regions and sections of society have not been met.
India wants a stable Nepal; future instability can also lead to heavy in-migration in India.
India has an open border with Nepal. Bordering states like Bihar had raised concerns of
violence in Terai region spilling over to India.
Economic blockade and Indian Concerns:
The unofficial Indian blockade has led to petrol shortages in Nepal. Essential goods coming
into country from India are also blocked. People in Nepal are forced to cook in firewood stoves,
walk to offices, schools are shut, tourism has come down and public transport is in disarray
due to shortage of fuel. The blame game between the two countries has become bitter.
Nepals new Prime Minister Oli Sharma has described the blockade of key border points with
India as more inhuman than a war. In the midst of this political crisis India has slammed Nepal
at the UN for human rights violations. Recently India called on Nepal at the UNHRC to
consolidate constitution building by accommodating all sections and emphasized that current
problems cannot be solved through force.
India has also urged Nepal to investigate and take credible measures to prevent recurrence of
incidents of violence and ethnic discrimination in the country.
Reeling under pressure, Nepal has warmed up to China to open border trade points for the
much needed supplies ahead of the festive season.
Nepali government has every right to deal with internal unrest as it sees fit, but it should be
aware of the trans-national consequences of its action, given the open border that India and
Nepal have enjoyed for decades.
While it is hoped the Chinese offer of oil will ease the immediate crisis for Nepal, it is hardly a
long-term and cost-effective solution for the country.
The government and the major political parties in Nepal cannot shy away from their collective
responsibilities of addressing the political and constitutional issues raised by the agitating
parties.
It is the duty of the government and the ruling parties to reach out to the agitating parties, who
have recently joined the parliament, so that the problems can be resolved through negotiation.
3. Compare and contrast the features of democratic systems of India and USA.
Indian Constitution
1) Indian federation is not the result of an agreement between States.
2) There is only one citizenship for both the States and Union.
3) Each State sends M.P.s to the Parliament depending upon the population of the State.
4) There is no principle of equality between the states.
5) There are three Lists- Union List-(First List); State List (Second List); and Concurrent List
(Third List). The Parliament can legislate only the subjects of the State List and Concurrent
List. The States are not sovereign. The Union can encroach upon States Lists.
6) No State can be separated from Indian Territory.
7) The Parliament, i.e. Center has been residuary powers.
8) There is only one Constitution for Union and States.
9) India achieved uniformity in basic civil and criminal laws, except personal laws in some
matters.
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10)The Indian Union is an indestructible Union of destructible States. The area, identity of a state
can be changed by Parliament. The States can be destructible. But the Union can not be
changed. The Union is indestructible.
11)The Central Government has been the power to form a new State, to increase the area of any
State, to diminish the area of any State; to alter the boundaries of any State; to alter the name
of any State; and to form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting
two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a partnership the of any
State(Article 3)
12)The word Federal is not at all used in our Constitution. Simply the framers described Union.
13)The Supreme Court has been given very wide powers, including appellate (Civil and criminal)
jurisdiction.
14)No referendum is necessary. For the amendment of the Constitution, the people need not give
their consent. It is sufficient to get the majority of M.P.s and in certain cases, the majority of the
State legislatures.
American Constitution
1) American Federation is the result of an agreement between States.
2) There are dual citizenships- one Federal Citizenship- another State Citizenship.
3) Each State sends equal number of representatives to the Senate.
4) There is principle of equality between the States, irrespective of its population, extent etc.
5) There is a clear division of legislative powers among Federal and Units. The Union and as well
as each Unit is sovereign in its sphere. The Union is sovereign in their respective State
legislative fields. Strictly one can not trench upon the others area of power. Each is confined to
its own sphere.
6) The State, if wants, can separate itself with the Federal, being the relation is based only the
Agreement .
7) The States have residuary powers.
8) There are two Constitutions.
9) There are different civil and criminal laws, differing from State to State.
10)Union is based only the agreement. Any State can separate at any time. When the States are
separated, there will be no Union at all. Hence, it is called that the American Union is an
indestructible Union of indestructible States.
11)The word Federal is used in the Constitution very often, and still now it is used very
frequently.
12)The Supreme Court of America has not been given such type of appellate jurisdiction.
13)For the amendment of Federal Constitution, a referendum must be conducted. Amendment to
the Constitution can be made only with the consent of the people.
4. Despite its uneven history in India, decentralisation is vital to strengthen participatory
democracy, facilitate responsive governance and enable public service delivery. Discuss
The rationale for decentralisation comes from the need to strengthen participatory democracy,
facilitate responsive governance, ensure greater accountability and enable public service
delivery according to diversified preferences of the people. The possibility of greater visibility
and linkage between revenue-expenditure decisions is supposed to ensure greater
responsiveness and accountability.
There are some who advocate decentralisation as an end itself while others take this as a
means to strengthen the democratic fabric through participatory governance and responsive
and accountable public service delivery.
The Constitution placed local governance in the State List (Entry 5). Thus, administrative,
political and fiscal decentralisation was entirely left to the discretion of the State governments.
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There are five important issues for understanding the legal framework for the decentralisation
process in the country.
First, the Constitution assigns decentralisation including funding entirely to the discretion of
State governments.
Secondly, the constitutional framework does not (and perhaps should not) prescribe any
pattern, standard or model of decentralisation which again is left to the discretion of State
governments.
Third, there are no easy mechanisms to ensure compliance of even the prescribed provisions
of the Constitution by the States. Most States have not complied with the requirement of
having to appoint gram sabhas (243 A), ward committees (243 sabhas) district planning
committees and metropolitan planning committees.
Fourth, on the financial side, local bodies do not have any independent revenues. There is no
separate list of tax bases assigned to them in the Constitution and they have to depend on the
State governments to levy the taxes that the States choose to devolve.
First, it is important to have clarity in the assignment of functions and the local governments
should have clear and independent sources of finance.
Second, there should be clear mechanisms to ensure that States comply with the constitutional
provisions, particularly in the appointment and implementation of the recommendations of
the SFCs.
Third, sustainable decentralisation comes from the demands of the people and advocacy
should focus on a decentralisation agenda. Indeed, the framework needs to be evolved to
accommodate the demand for decentralisation. Even within the existing framework, it is
important for intellectuals and the press to pressurise the States to comply with the
Constitutional provisions like creation of planning authorities and appointment.
Some of our IAS Toppers with Mr.U.Sagayam IAS, Mr.S.Bharath, Former Civil Judge and our
Founder-Directors Mr.S.Sivarajavel & Mr.M.A.Sadik.
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5. The Give It Up Campaign motivates well-to-do citizens to voluntarily surrender their
subsidized LPG connection and purchase it in market price. Analyse the campaign for its
strength and weakness and justify whether it will succeed in realizing its objective.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi coined the slogan - "give it up" - to exhort the better off sections
of society to forego their LPG subsidy that can be utilised in providing subsidised LPG connections
to the poor. Accordingly, the Government has launched the GiveItUp campaign which is aimed at
motivating LPG users who can afford to pay the market price for LPG to voluntarily surrender
their LPG subsidy.
LPG is a highly subsidized commodity in India and the subsidy burden was more than Rs.
40,000 crores during 2013-14. The subsidy saved can be used for development activities thereby
benefitting all citizens.
It is a very well-known fact that LPG subsidies hold major share in government expenditures
because of which UPA 2 government reduced number of subsidized cylinder per connection to 6
which was later on changed to 12 due to political pressure. Since LPG gas is major source of fuel
for most Indian kitchens thus their price matters a lot to common man.
After the appeal of the ex-PM of India Lal Bahadur Shastri to the people to donate for the cause of
the Indo-Pak War of 1965, comes this direct appeal from the PM.
Strength of the scheme
The PM through his slogan evokes a moral conscience of well-to-do families to surrender their
LPG connections voluntarily and play a direct role in nation building. This connects individual
action to the overall growth of the country which was never tried before.
The campaign while aims to target the LPG subsidies to poor and deserved families, pleads
only to above middle class families which will not affect the soul of the scheme.
The campaign brings immense financial relief to the government by reducing the subsidy
burden on LPG cylinders.
As it is a voluntary campaign, there can be no legal issues for cutting down the LPG subsidies.
The LPG subsidy is a much better candidate for 'targeted' subsidies (than, say, the food
subsidy) since the majority of households that benefit from it currently are those who can
afford it anyway
Weakness of the scheme
There is a popular negative perception about foregoing the subsidies that once they let go off,
their other social benefits from the government will be automatically suspended.
The consistent high price of LPG despite a considerable decrease in international market
demotivates the customers to let go off their subsidies.
The lack of details and inadequate publication about this campaign led to low reach and poor
reception.
The Giveitup campaign is a multipronged campaign to reduce the subsidy burden and to
target the deserved families for LPG subsidies. the uniques is its voluntariness and linking this
campaign to corporate social responsibility motivating their employees to surrender their
subsidized LPG connections. The government should make the campaign more popular, easier
with an assurance that the surrendered LPG subsidized can be received later upon request.
According to sources at the petroleum ministry, the next step after achieving the one million
mark would be to leverage the campaign on the social media.
6. Indian diplomacy appears to have changed by mentioning Baluchistan and talking openly
about the alleged human rights violations in the region. Is this the beginning of a new
diplomacy? Comment
India has never been drawn into Pakistans internal troubles or territorial disputes with other
countries, with the exception of Bangladesh
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Delhi has in the past not backed claims in Kabul disputing the legitimacy of the Durand Line
that separates Afghanistan from Pakistan. India has also avoided embracing the secessionist
movements in Balochistan and Sindh.
It shows Indias willingness to increase the cost Pakistan will incur for supporting terrorism in
India
India can do a lot in terms of highlighting human rights violations in Balochistan. India can
additionally join the unfolding Great Game in Balochistan which hosts the Afghan Taliban
fighting the Kabul government, is the site of frequent contestation between Tehran and
Islamabad, and draws Sunni dissident groups fighting Irans Islamic Republic.
Balochistans Makran coast is where Chinas economic corridor through Pakistan connects
with the Arabian Sea. Islamabad has also offered the Gwadar port as a naval base for China.
The stakes and risks are high with both India and Pakistan being nuclear powers
It is not an attractive option for India to indulge in a payback in Balochistan. Benefits to India
are not well defined and it would be difficult to predict what Pakistans reaction would be.
International consequences to this strategic shift as well. For example, Iran fears Baloch
nationalism. It even backed Pakistans 1973 campaign. Iran would take a dim view of India
supporting Balochistan. Also, with India supporting Balochistan, its case on terror might stand
diminished, with the world seeing its actions as reprehensible.
Change in Foreign policy?
Baluchistan Issue Not new for India but this time more aggressively taken.
Generally, no interference in Internal matter of countries
India is being more vocal about the Pakistan occupied Kashmir and try to shift the discourse
from J&K to PoK.
Global supporter of Human Rights cant be a mute spectator of violation of the same in the next
door.
India, in the recent phase of vibrant diplomacy trying to play an assertive power politics in the
region.
Even though it can be a risky affair but now in diplomatic arena India is taking bold steps.
Conclusion:
Thus Panchsheel and Gujral doctrine of non interference is still Indias diplomatic tool though
eventual departure to correct course and putting relations in right track should not be regarded as
big departure.
7. China is not too worried by expanding US-India Ties. What are the reasons for Beijings
composure? Critically discuss
India US Engagements are Obama as Chief guest for Republic day celebrations, LEMOA,
repeated visited of Modi to Washington,
U.S.-India ties over the past few years have become increasingly close, but this movement has
evoked limited response in China. Beijings composure is based on three factors:
(1) Indian foreign policy is independent and free of strategic commitments to other
countries;
(2) India has been cautious in its handling of Chinas differences with the United States,
most prominently the South China Sea, and
(3) The focus of Chinese foreign policy is to the East and not the South. India, the weakest
of these three countries, seems to be engaged in a hedging strategy to gain concessions
from its two more powerful counterparts.
China remained calm about the deepening Indo-U.S. ties, as the Chinese press coverage of
Modis visit was void of hawkish language. The change is likely rooted in New Delhis recent
moves toward equidistance between Beijing and Washington.
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First of all, Indias categorical refusal of the U.S. suggestion of joint patrols in the Indian Ocean
and the Asia-Pacific seems to be a critically important step that allayed Chinese concerns about
India teaming up with the United States.
Second, the high-profile exchanges between China and India during Indian Defense Minister
Manohar Parrikar and National Security Advisor Ajit Dovals visits to Beijing seem to have
succeeded in mutual trust-building. Chinese media accentuated that bilateral ties are
improving and that India does not have hostile feelings against China.
Third, a communique issued by Indian Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and her Chinese and
Russian counterparts in April 2016, among other things, takes a stand against the
internationalization of the South China Sea disputes and advocates that the issue should be
solved by the involved parties. This argument shows a striking parallel with the Chinese point
of view related to the situation in that area.
Fourth, While the Indian prime ministers vow of assistance in safeguarding the freedom of
navigation on seas could be interpreted as a hidden reference to Chinas behaviour in the
issue, the article argues that the statement was not specific enough to be understood in this
way.
Finally, the fact that LEMOA was not signed during the June 2016 Modi visit and the sluggish
development of the more consequential Communications and Information Security
Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) suggests India will be cautious about engaging in
strategic agreements with the United States. This further implies that China does not have to
worry about Indias engagement with Washington. Still, if LEMOA is concluded, it would allow
the signatories to use each others bases for resupplies, repair and rest, and thus mark a
significant development in Indo-U.S. military ties.
By taking an ambivalent stand on the internationalization of the disputes, India supports the
Chinese position only partially, but there is nothing to suggest that New Delhi backs Chinas
territorial claims in the area.
On the other hand, India does not fully depart from the U.S. stance by reiterating its commitment
to the freedom of navigation. India thus walks a careful line between these two powerful states,
able to shift incrementally one way or the other depending on their actions impact on India.
Our Student, Ms. Sharanya Ari (AIR-7, Tamil Nadu Rank-1)

Felicitated by Mr.U.Sagayam IAS
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8. Critically discuss the battle between "Right to reputation and Right to freedom of
expression in India today in the light of Supreme Court judgements.
Key points:
Defamation refers to the act of publication of defamatory content that lowers the reputation of
an individual or an entity when observed through the perspective of an ordinary man. If
defamation occurs in spoken words or gestures (or other such transitory form) then it is
termed as slander and the same if in written or printed form is libel. Defamation in India is
both a civil and a criminal offence.
Section 499: Whoever, by words either spoken or intended to be read, or by signs or by visible
representations, makes or publishes any imputation concerning any person intending to harm,
or knowing or having reason to believe that such imputation will harm, the reputation of such
person, is said, except in the cases hereinafter expected, to defame that person.
Section 500: Whoever defames another shall be punished with simple imprisonment for a
term which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both.
The challenge to the validity of Section 499 and 500 of the IPC was undoubtedly the biggest
free speech issue to have arisen in recent times.
defamation is one of the reasonable restrictions to free speech envisaged in the Constitution,
but this is not enough to justify retaining its criminal component.
Present structure of law imposes arbitrary restrictions instead of reasonable restrictions and
thus there will be regular arrests even for criticizing government. Acts can be misused to settle
political scores and thwart others freedom of speech. Structure of section 499/500 dates back
to 1860 and thus the law is not in tune with the present trends of promoting free speech
The court has sought to create an artificial balance between the fundamental right of free
speech under Article 19(1) (a) and the right to reputation as part of ones right to life under
Article 21.
Such obfuscations prohibit the freedom of speech from performing one of its most essential
functions: the pursuit of truth. This truth-seeking endeavour marks an important philosophical
justification for any state to recognize free speech as an inalienable right of its citizenry.
Sec 66A of IT Act was stuck down because it violates freedom of expression. In this case the
preference was not given to reputation of the person. These two judgements are contradictory
in nature.
Positive side of the judgement:
a. This judgement is a stern message to all those who consider freedom of speech as absolute
and to think twice before defaming a person.
b. Apart from Article 19(2), the court also relied on the expanded meaning of the right to life
under Article 21, which has been interpreted as the right to live with dignity. Defamation
affects an individuals dignity and, therefore, for the protection of his/her dignity, an
individual must have effective legal recourse. It is no answer to say that such legal recourse
is available under the civil law, because the civil law is expensive to invoke and a defamed
person in addition has to bear the burden of paying court fees on a civil suit.
The criminal defamation judgement is disappointing and reiterates the Supreme Courts
lukewarm commitment to free speech in recent times. the court strikes down amendments by
a democratically elected Parliament but upholds a colonial law is highly regressive.
The SC passed its judgement on a series of petition on Criminal defamation filed by famous
politicians like A Kejriwal, Subramanian Swamy, and Rahul Gandhi. In its judgement supreme
court upheld the Sec 499 and 500 of IPC which amounts to criminal defamation and ruled that
right to freedom of speech and expression is not absolute. This judgement is viewed by some
with positivity while others view this as an effective tool to silence dissent and free speech.
This article deals with the issues associated with the supreme court ruling and its impact on
free speech
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The Supreme Court has categorically mentioned through its judgement that the right to
freedom of expression cannot be used to malign the reputation of the person. This being the
crux of the judgement has to be viewed with more prudence as it tries to strike a balance
between Freedom of speech & expression and individual reputation.
Through this judgement SC has given a right message to all the people who use defamation as
per their whims and fancies. The motive to defame a person may be to gain undue advantage
however there are instances where people have used this draconian section of 499 & 500 to
malign the reputation of a person which is accumulated over years with much hard work and
perseverance. This judgement is a stern message to all those who consider freedom of speech
as absolute and to think twice before defaming a person.
However on the other side of the discourse they are sections arguing that it curtails any form
of criticism. Media which expresses the above concern has a view that people with deep
pockets can go on and on by dragging the person to court considering all forms of criticism as
defaming.
Finally with this judgement the court has cautioned indirectly to not to take judiciary for
granted in solving issues like defamation which are of not that important. This judgement has
come at a time when the judiciary is overburdened with crores of pending cases.
Politics in a democracy should be fought by having constructive criticism of each other and not
by maligning a person in a public domain. Politicians need to play politics in a more sensible and
mature way to develop the country and not to set personal scores or with power motive. India is a
country with still millions of people deeply engrained in poverty; our entire discourse should
focus on how to get these people out of poverty than settling insults in courts. With the new
judgement media needs to be more diligent and prudent while reporting issues that have serious
implications. The Supreme Court in its wisdom has given its judgement in true sense at a time
when we need to focus on development and not on defamation.
Our Student, Dr.R.Vaithinathan (AIR-37)

Felicitated by Mr.U.Sagayam IAS
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9. Is insisting on formal academic qualifications for elected representatives harnesses or
hampers the spirit of democracy? Give your opinion in the light of the Haryana Panchayati
Raj (Amendment) Act.
Haryana Panchayat Raj act and Haryana Panchayat act had been amended by laying down
some qualifications for contesting the rural and urban local bodies elections. The Rajasthan
government also had imposed similar conditions in 2014 just before the panchayat elections in
that state.
According to Section 175 of the Act, the minimum qualification to contest for the post of a
sarpanch or panch of a gram panchayat or to that of a member of a panchayat samiti or zilla
parishad is class 10 or its equivalent. For a woman candidate or a candidate belonging to the
Scheduled Castes (S.C.s), the minimum qualification shall be middle pass and for an S.C. woman
candidate contesting for the post of panch, it shall be fifth pass.
Other disqualifying criteria include failure to pay arrears of any primary agricultural
cooperative society, district central cooperative bank or district primary cooperative
agriculture and rural development bank, or failure to clear electricity dues. The Act also
stipulates that the candidate give a self-declaration that he/she has a functional toilet at their
place of residence.
Excluded from participation - Violation of equality of opportunity
The conditions imposed by the amendment to the panchayati raj law in Haryana have not only
excluded a large section of the population from contesting elections but have also deprived
voters of their right to choose.
The All India Democratic Womens Association (AIDWA) was critical of the Supreme Court
order which, according to it, had long-term implications for socially and economically
disadvantaged sections, including Dalits and women.
The extent of the exclusion in relation to Scheduled Caste (SC) women was more than 80%
while in a district like Mewat which is dominated by Meo Muslims, the exclusion of women was
more than 90%.
It is very clear that it discriminates against the poor, the marginalized and women and denies
them their fundamental right to contest an election
The Supreme Courts judgment upholding the amendment has placed the right to vote and
right to contest on a different footing.
The exclusionary measure is totally disastrous and anathema to the spirit behind the 73rd
constitutional amendment as it goes against the interest of those very downtrodden sections
for whose empowerment the landmark changes were brought about in 1992.
When no such criteria applies to members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) and Members of
Parliament it is a clear discrimination to grass root level leaders.
10. The findings of fourth National Food Health Survey (NFHS-4) is quite disturbing in terms of
health of children in India. In this context, analyze what are the bottlenecks in attaining
healthy younger India and suggest suitable remedies.
As per NFHS-4 data released in 2016 revealed a grim picture about the health indicators for the
children. According to the survey, 37% of under five children are stunted, 22% are wasted and
34% of children under the age of 5 are underweight.
Bottlenecks in attaining the better health index:
Poor implementation of the schemes at the ground level targeting the nutritional security
for the children ie. ICDS and MDM.
Reduction in budgetary allocation of about in 2016 budget that promotes nutritional food
availability to the children. A budgetary cut of about 7% in Integrated Child Development
scheme (ICDS) and 0.34% cut in mid-day meal scheme.
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Lack of institutional oversight on the scheme outputs
Issues in the quality of food supplied through angaanwadi centres
Widespread corruption at the lower branches of the government
Remedies
India, being a welfare State, should desist from making grant cuts for social sectors and the
present cut need to be compensated with out-of-budget fund allocations.
The right to food and nutritional security to all children need to be guaranteed through
policy approach. The national policyon children, 2013 does not include such a vision for
ensuring nutritional security for children.
Regular and periodic awareness programmes at the level of blocks, local bodies and
government schools need to be conducted on the issue
Corruption should be addressed through inspections, audits preferably social audits and
mandating periodic reports on the implementation status of welfare programmes need to
be placed
The economic survey 2016 points out the importance of welfare schemes, particularly ICDS
and MDM, in dealing with the nutritional security of the children. The results of the NFHS-4 report
are eye opening and the government need to become pro-active on this issue. Government need to
reconsider the budgetary cuts for the vital supply line reaching the children and put in place
effective apparatus for their better implementation.
11. Judiciary has been increasingly becoming the first port of call for solving all problems.
Critically comment
1) Indian Judiciary is one of the three pillars of the democracy other than Legislature and
Executive.
2) Though Indian constitution has envisaged separation of powers between these pillars judiciary
has been accused of encroaching on the powers of legislative and executive authorities.
3) The judiciary has appropriated for itself a role far beyond its primary duties of dispensing
justice and interpreting laws.
4) A series of judgements, most notably S.P. Gupta vs President of India and others (1981), gave
rise to a new legal instrument called public interest litigation. This instrument allowed publicspirited individuals seeking judicial redress on a variety of matters.
5) Through several judgements thereafter, the judiciary has unhesitatingly shuffled into the roles
of both the legislature and the executive. It assumed wide powers in matters of protection of
the environment.
6) The overzealousness of the judiciary and the neglect by the executive has been responsible for
the destruction of the separation of powers between the judiciary, the legislature and the
executive.
7) Examples of such judicial acts:
a. ordering the creation of a National Disaster Mitigation Fund while national and state
disaster response funds already exist
b. to move Indian Premier League matches out of Maharashtra given the drought in Latur and
other parts of the state.
c. concerns about the problem of pollution in the National Capital Region. Doubled the entry
tax on trucks entering Delhi. Ban of registration of diesel vehicles.
d. Trying to fix the air connectivity to Shimla.
e. Directed the Centre to take proactive steps in drought mitigation as well as in assessment,
planning and relief as mandated by the Disaster Management Act, 2005.
8) Courts which are ill-equipped to weigh the economic, environmental and political costs
involved should keep away from such issues.
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12. Why Assertive power politics in South China Sea is not recommendable for India? Critically
discuss the stance of India in South China Sea dispute.
Bad relations with China would be a disaster.
o Militarily this translates to more confrontation along the LAC and more incursions by the
PLA into the Indian side.
o It also means more support to Pakistan on the Western theatre.
o The Chinese navy with its submarines would become more assertive in Indias own
backyard - the Indian Ocean. The String of Pearls would be implemented with more vigour.
o Economically, China is our largest trading partner and bilateral trade is worth almost
US$100 billion. This would take a serious hit with the Chinese placing various sanctions on
the trade. India would be more impacted as it imports more from China than what it
exports with the trade deficit being almost US$ 45 billion.
o All the improvement in diplomatic relations that has happened in recent times (Xis visit to
India and Modis visit to China) would become null and void. Indias role in BRICS and AIIB
would be in jeopardy.
We cannot brush away the concerns of the ASEAN countries. The South China Sea holds
immense energy prospects and the countries there want the Elephant to play an active part in
countering the Dragons weight. Trade with those nations and defence cooperation - sale of
arms, joint exercises - is important for us.
Therein lies the importance of having an ambivalent stand. This is most significantly brought
out in the following two points:
o Support of the Chinese stance: In a recent RIC meet in April, the Indian Foreign Minister
Sushma Swaraj along with her Russian and Chinese counterparts released a joint statement
which called for the resolution of disputes in the South China Sea directly by the parties
concerned without external interference. This was seen as a slight change in Indias stance
regarding the matter. Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and NSA Ajit Doval visited
China and conducted high level meetings to establish trust between the two sides. The
refusal of India to the US proposal of Joint Navy Patrols in the South China Sea is seen as a
further vindication of its tilt in policy.
By ensuring that the leaders issue contradicting statements back to back (both in April), the
Indian policy makers have done a tremendous job so far, in not antagonizing anyone while at
the same time safeguarding Indias interests. This ambivalent policy should continue as things
stand.
Our Student, N.L. Beno Zephine, India's 1st visually challenged IPS Officer
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13. India would be delighted to have a civilian partner to work with in Myanmar. What are the
opportunities and challenges that the new government faces? How can India lend its hand
to the new government? Examine
To transform Myanmar into peaceful society With democratic functioning, Consensus and
negotiation with Ethinic minorities like Kachin tribes, Kokang rebels - Brings peace and triggers
development
Lifting of economic sanction from US and EU - Provide chance to bring development and to
promote industry, export and new ventures. New, services, job creation, infrastructure Quality
life
Fresh reconstruction of society on genuine democratic setup Great chance to implement real
democracy
Chance to address the issue Rohingya tribes and their acceptance into society
Joint infrastructure projects like Kaladan project, BCIM corridor Win win situation
To move away from the influence of China and to engage with other world leaders like India, US,
EU, etc.
Challenges
25% of seats in both houses reserved for Military representatives Great unity among
democratic leaders to bring constitutional amendments and other legislations Hence, consensus
and common ground with military junta is essential at the same time maintaining the democratic
character
After effects of Economic sanctions from USA and western countries on the country are still
lingering in the form of poor capital formation, poor infrastructure, weak business and
industry, poor exports and institutions. Hence, to reform and improvise the situation in a
daunting task
Separatist movement by Ethnic minorities (20 of them) and their violent struggle is a big
challenge. Need to bring them into democratic fold
Drug mafia, Illegal arms smuggling, alternate economy and their nexus with politicians and
Bureaucrats is a big challenge. Need systemic approach to this problem
Indias role
Service sector and BPO being a leader, India can assist to develop service Industry with the
help of Industry collaboration (ASSOCHOM, NASSOCOM and their counter parts)
Agriculture Can help Myanmar to adopt modern agriculture technologies to suit their
conditions with the help of ICAR and other premier Indian institutions
Establishment of Democratic institutions India, being diverse country, succeeded in taking all
the groups together. Valuable source to Myanmar to develop democratic institutions like
Parliament, state legislature, ULB, PRI,
Establishment of Independent institutions Election commission, CAG, UPSC can be
replicated in Myanmar to deliver independent functions
Progressive legislation and best practices SHG, RTI, RTE, Food security mission provides
valuable lesson to Myanmar
14. Critically evaluate India-Afghan relationship with the recent inauguration of India Afghan
Friendship dam and other bilateral Infrastructural engagements
Indias policy of deepening its engagement in the post-Taliban Afghanistan through economic
reconstruction will mark a milestone when Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurates a dam
built with Indian aid in Herat province. The 42 MW dam, with an investment of over $275
million, will boost the agricultural and industrial sectors of Herat, one of the few success
stories in this war-torn country.
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Indias interest in seeing Afghanistan move towards greater peace and prosperity cannot be
overstated. India is one of the closest regional powers that have invested in institution and
infrastructure building in Afghanistan.
Salma Dam has become a reality, it is tempting to bring in the Pakistan factor. One can
underline how India is sending engineers and doctors, who work alongside ordinary Afghans
to build a peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan, while Pakistan sends the jihadi militants who
spill Afghan blood and destroy that beautiful country.
But a little triumphalism apart, why should India even bother with Pakistan? Instead, it should
focus on the larger picture: Leverage the Afghan goodwill into geo-strategic gains and also
learn lessons in developmental diplomacy from the Afghan experience and improve it
diplomatic outreach as it seeks a larger global footprint.
Indian grants, estimated to be over $2 billion has led to the culmination of major projects like
the Zeranj-Delaram road, the Pul-e-Khumri power transmission line, the parliament building in
Kabul and several other projects covering schools, healthcare, rural irrigation, buses,
electricity distribution, capacity building and training programmes and so on.
The Salma Dam stands in the heart of the province in western Afghanistan from where the
Chisti Silsila or Chisti tradition of Sufism came to India and found an abode in Ajmer, Delhi and
Fathepur Sikri. In building and completing the dam, India has finally offered its "guru
dakshina" to the messengers of peace, compassion and harmony.
Indias interest in seeing Afghanistan move towards greater peace and prosperity cannot be
overstated. India is one of the closest regional powers that has invested in institution and
infrastructure building in Afghanistan.
For India, Afghanistan has immense strategic potential. Besides the infrastructure work India
has initiated and completed, it has also signed the TAPI pipeline project that aims to bring
natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India. More important, a
friendly, stable regime in Kabul is geopolitical insurance against Pakistans deep state. Both
countries share concerns about Pakistans good-terrorist-bad-terrorist nuancing.
Afghanistan is currently going through a particularly turbulent transition. The government in
Kabul has been stretched in trying to stop Taliban advances over the past few months.
President Ashraf Ghani seems to have realised that a complete military victory is improbable.
In fact, Mr. Modi goes to Afghanistan at a time when Mr. Ghani is openly targeting Pakistan for
supporting the Taliban. This raises the question of whether New Delhis engagement should be
limited to infrastructure development or whether it should expand its relationship.
Lately, India has signalled a small shift in its policy by delivering M-25 attack helicopters to
Kabul. But it remains cautious about making larger overtures on security and is wary of being
sucked into a never-ending war. Such caution is required. But it should not deter India from
playing a bigger role in a country whose stability is vital for its regional ambitions and whose
people traditionally count India as a well-meaning friend. As the Chabahar agreement brought
together India, Afghanistan and Iran, New Delhi should work to bring together more regional
powers invested in Afghanistans stability and economic development.
15. Despite having Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act since
1996, the child sex ratio in India is alarmingly skewed. Critically examine why the PCPNDT
Act has not yielded success. Do you think rather than banning sex identification of a fetus
through this Act, mandatory sex identification and registration of a fetus will tackle the
issue of female feticide?
The main objectives of PCPNDT Act, 1994 are
Prohibition of sex selection before or after conception
Regulating the pre-natal diagnostic techniques for detecting the genetic, metabolic or
congenital disorders
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To prevent the misuse of technology and tackle the issue of female foeticide
Outcomes of the Act
Despite the Act being in force, the child sex ration has deteriorated continuously for the second
time, as per 2011 census. As compared to 2001 census, the child sex ratio was 927 female child
per 1000 male child. This got worsened to 917 per 1000, according to 2011 census data.
The skewed sex ratio is a natural outcome. This altered ratio suggests the sex preference during
pregnancy. Thus, the PCPNDT Act was enforced poorly.
Positive outcomes of the Act
Increased registration of pre-natal diagnostic labs across the country
Check on misuse of latest medical technologies for sex identification and preference.
A check on advertisements for sex selection in popular media
A 2003 amendment to the Act also included ultrasound techniques under its ambit which
covers the widely used tool for pregnancy related diagnostics.
Challenges
Very low conviction rate against those who use the technology for wrong purposes. This is
mainly due a hand-in-gloves attitude between the service providers and service seekers
with no one to blow the whistle.
Despite the stringent provisions of the Act, rampant proliferation of unregistered
diagnostic clinics which goes unnoticed
A passive resistance from the medical professional for effective implementation of the Act
Poor literacy and awareness campaigns on the issue to sensitize the public
Overburdened staff of the health authorities thus resulting in poor oversight
Way forward
Sensitisation and capacity building of the regulatory agencies on the importance of the Act.
Identification of the blocks/regions with low child sex ration and focussing governmental efforts
to alleviate the menace
Mobilization of the civil society and incorporating them as a major partner in arresting the trend
16. The Inter-state Council (ISC) can be the core component of cooperative federalism.
Critically discuss
Trust Deficit solver
The council proved to be crucial in the implementation of many of the Sarkaria commissions
247 recommendations, such as altering the states share of central taxes. Just as importantly,
the council helped bridge the trust deficit between the centre and the states.
NITI Aayog's Governing Council
NITI Aayogs Governing Councilit has a similar composition, including the prime minister,
chosen cabinet ministers and chief ministersthat could address centre-state issues. But the
ISC has constitutional backing, as against the NITI Aayog which only has an executive mandate.
This puts the states on more solid footingan essential ingredient in building the atmosphere
of cooperation needed for calibrating centre-state relations.
Federalist visionone with an emphasis on decentralizing decision
The challenges of maintaining a federation are many, but the solution is no mystery: healthy
debate and discussion. In past decades, the centralized nature of the Indian economyeven
after liberalizationmade biggest challenges to federation. The vision of federation with
emphasis on decentralised decision making and competition environment ISC must be a core
component.
Addressing Inter- State Conflicts
Clause A of Article 263, which gave the council the power to investigate issues of inter-state
conflict, was dropped in the presidential ordinance establishing the ISC. It should provide
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greater opportunities to civil society institutions and the corporate sector to make their
representations.
The ISC should be further strengthened to become the critical forum for not merely
administrative but also political and legislative give and take between the centre and states.
Even though the ISCs mandate is very broad, its aspiration has generally been limited to
discussing affirmative action, welfare subjects and administrative efficiency and coordination.
In addition, inter-State coordination on issues such as river water disputes, problems
pertaining to the location, funding and execution of mega projects, ecosystems management,
climate change and natural disasters, development of tourism will help States harness their
growth potential.
This would require making the most of the available institutional mechanisms like Zonal
Councils and the Inter-State Council, to promote better Centre-State and inter-State relations.
ISC meet has shown some positive signs. The centre was willing in principle to discuss and
implement some of the Punchhi Commissions recommendations on centre-state relations,
broadly falling under legislative, administrative and financial heads. With regard to legislating
on education and forestsboth subjects that have been transferred from the state list to the
concurrent listthe centre would do well to consult states more extensively and offer them
greater flexibility.
Over the decades, the role of governors and, by extension, the relationship between the centre
and states headed by rival parties have both come into prominence on occasion. The recent
crises in Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh show that we are in the midst of one such phase
again.
Expectedly, a number of chief ministers had much to say about adventurism by governors at
the ISC meeting. And the Punchhi Commission has recommendations here as wellfrom fixing
governors tenures to mandatory consultation of chief ministers before the appointment of
governors and choosing individuals who have been outside active politics for at least a couple
of years.
Tax devolution is another crucial issue. The acceptance of the 14th Finance Commissions
recommendation to change the quantum of the funds allocated to the states from 32% to 42% of
the tax pool was well received at the council meet, The goods and services tax, currently on the
threshold of being passed, would change the landscape even more drasticallyall but mandates
periodic consultation and assessment of the kind the ISC can provide.
17. India must go beyond a mere demonstration of goodwill. Critically examine the IndiaNepal relationship in the context of China in Nepal.
The impasse of approximately five months in India-Nepal diplomatic engagement ended with
the recent six-day visit by Nepals Prime Minister K P S Oli to India.
New Delhis geographical trump card, Indias External Affairs Minister Sushma Swarajs Quiet
Diplomacy, and the Nepali Governments realisation of the limitations of China card in
dealing with its southern neighbour, created a suitable environment for an effective
interaction between India and Nepal to restore momentum.
While, as a sovereign nation, Nepal is naturally free to choose its partners, the Nepali leaders
seem to have accepted the logic of geographical reality. The open land frontier, straddling five
north Indian states and Nepal, is a fact which binds both these countries by language, religions,
cuisine, culture and marriage, among other linkages.
The Nepalese resentment against an exclusive dependence on India is not mitigated by an
often-uncomprehending Indian attitude. Indias diplomatic- and communication-strategy
towards small neighbours is in urgent need of an overhaul.
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The Nepali Government tried to play its northern neighbour against southern neighbour. This
time there was a change in Chinas approach. On earlier occasions, China had politely
expressed its inability to send fuel to Nepal, but the voluntary offer by China to supply fuel
during the present crisis demonstrates Beijings growing interests in Nepal. Beijing has focused
its policies vis--vis Nepal by trying to reduce its dependence on India in the political,
economic, and security arena.
There was a realisation in Nepal, too, that politically and economically, it is heavily southwardoriented. Furthermore, its foreign trade is largely dependent on access to and through India,
not China. The consequences of the economic blockade by the agitators forced the Nepali
Government to soften its stand.
The rapprochement between New Delhi and Kathmandu began with the first step was taken by
the Nepali Government. It displayed some flexibility by agreeing to some of the core demands
of the protestors. This paved the way for an easing of tensions between India and Nepal, as
well as the Madhesi calling off their protests.
India welcomed the developments as positive steps that helped create the basis for a
resolution of the current impasse. New Delhi was also aware of ground realities and anti-India
sentiments which were detrimental to a strong relationship between the two countries, and
hence, India was looking for a way-out to restore normalcy.
The Madhesi parties, however, described Mr Olis visit to India as unsuccessful. The failure of
both sides to issue a joint statement at the conclusion of the visit, and the inking of deals which
had already been cleared in 2009, were cited as some examples of why the visit failed to have
any impact.
Exactly one month after his India-visit, Mr Oli visited China. The most celebrated agreement of
transit through China aims to relax the obstacles created by geography
In reality, however, implementing this agreement is a remote possibility due to two key
reasons one, the distance and hence economic unviability, and two, the missing
infrastructure facilities within Nepal. Indeed, geographical factors cannot be ignored and
certainly without strengthening domestic institutions and facilities, such an agreement would
be of little use. Also, Nepals political uncertainty is a major impediment to achieving the
desired results.
While Mr Oli showed some signs of pragmatism by visiting India first, India-Nepal relations
will get the right momentum only after Nepal addresses its domestic political problems,
particularly the task of making its Constitution more inclusive.
For India, too, the complex regional dynamics forced the Modi Government to rethink its
approach towards its neighbourhood which calls for more than a mere demonstration of
goodwill. Indias key challenge in Nepal is to overcome the wave of anti-India sentiment.
The Nepalese resentment of dependence on India is not reduced by an often-patronising
Indian attitude. India considers Nepal mainly as a source of cheap, and not always welcome,
labour.
Further, India seems not to have decided whether to treat Nepal as one of its neglected northeastern states or as a sovereign country. Hence, this attitude and perception must change. It
also underlines the fact that persistent engagement and dialogue with immediate neighbours
in all circumstances should be the mantra for India for deepening ties
18. "Constitution is a vehicle of Life, and its spirit is always the spirit of Age. Discuss
1) India is the only country in the world with a written constitution that has been amended so
many times in the six and a half decades since its inception in 1950.
2) The fact that it has been amended for more than 100 times gives rise to 2 questions:
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3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
a. the constant and unending process by which the Constitution is being mutated and
mutilated, to suit the needs of the political party in power. - E.g: controversial 42nd
amendment brought in by Indira Gandhi at the height of the Emergency.
b. Other point - Constitution is a living document and must reflect the growing aspirations
of the people of India from time to time. It is the will of people to carve out their own
destiny.
The procedure for such amendment is laid out in Article 368 of the Constitution and indeed
can be said to protect the sanctity of the Constitution as well as to check the arbitrary power of
Parliament.
42nd amendment even introduced amends and altered provisions to check constitutionality of
amendments:
a. To check constitutionality of legislation enacted by Parliament and State Legislatures a
minimum number of Judges for determining constitutionality of laws was introduced.
b. Jurisdiction of High Courts with respect to constitutionality of Central laws was curbed
under Article 131 (Exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in regard to questions as
to the Constitutional validity of Central laws) and
c. Article 228A(No high court shall have the jurisdiction to declare any Central law to be
constitutionally invalid.)
3 judgements that altered the course of Indian Constitution:
a. Gokalnath case - upheld that constitutional amendments through Article 368 were subject
to fundamental rights issue
b. Keshavanandha Bharathi case - the Constitution has a basic structure of constitutional
principles and values and that the judiciary has the power to review and strike down
amendments which conflict with, or seek to alter, this basic structure of the
c. Minerva mills case - applied and evolved the basic structure doctrine of the Constitution,
unanimously ruling that Parliament cannot exercise unlimited power to alter this basic
structure or tread upon the fundamental rights of individuals, including the right to liberty
and equality.
Amendment of fundamental rights a. 1st constitutional amendment i. It provided against abuse of freedom of speech and expression, validation
of zamindari abolition laws, and clarified that the right to equality does not bar the
enactment of laws which provide special consideration for weaker sections of society.
ii. This amendment set the precedent for amending the Constitution to overcome judicial
judgments which purportedly impeded the fulfilment of the governments
responsibilities to particular policies and programmes.
b. Obliterating Fundamental right to property.
c. The Swaran Singh Committee on Constitutional reforms appointed by the President of the
Indian National Congress early in 1976, suggested that the primacy of the Directive
Principles of State Policy over Fundamental Rights must be proclaimed once for all and no
law giving effect to the Directive Principles should be called in question on the ground of
infringement of any of the Fundamental Rights.
Some of the Recent amendments that live up to the spirit of age:
a. 91st Amendment 2004 - Restricted the size of the Council of Ministers (CoM) to 15 percent
of legislative members & strengthened the Anti Defection laws
b. 93rd Amendment Act, 2006 - Provided for 27 percent reserrvation for other backward
classes in government as well as private higher educational institutions.
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c. 97th Amendment Act, 2012 - inserted article 43B related to promotion of co-operative
societies
d. 100th Amndment act 2015 - related to the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) between India
and Bangladesh.
8) Indian Constitution lives upto the age in the name of Constitutional amendments which when
arbitrary have even been struck down by the Judiciary in the name of judicial review.
19. Critically discuss the need for India and Bangladesh to address the rising incidents of
religious intolerance
Terrorist attacks on innocent people who dont conform to the rigid interpretation of Islam of
the fundamentalist have been a routine instance in Bangladesh for the past four years.
The recent attack on a popular caf in Bangladesh has revealed two things, Bangladesh
government must strengthen the security system and the ruling Awami League must provide
ample space for dissent to the opposing voices and co-ordinate its efforts with the entire
political spectrum to weed out extremist tendencies.
These isolated events are not of only Bangladeshs concern but Indias as well.
o Bangladesh shares a long border with India. Any threat there can be used a means to
launch attacks on the Indian soil. The already inimical attitude of Assam population to
Bangladesh migrants may lead to ethnic clashes that will pose a law and order problem
for both the nations.
o The arms and drug mafia will become more active. Smuggling cannot be checked
effectively by the border forces on both sides.
o India is home to second largest Shia population. The terrorist outfits who are at
loggerheads with the Shia way if Islam may turn to attack India after strengthening
their hold in Bangladesh. The AQIS (Al Queda in Indian Subcontinent) will also turn to
become a force to reckon with. The secular fabric of both Bangladesh and India will be
torn subsequently.
However, it is not that all is beyond the control of governments of both India and Bangladesh.
Isolated attacks are an indication of imminent danger. It is time that Bangladesh accepts and
realises that it is under terrorist threat and instead of seeking political mileage, concerted
efforts be taken by the government. India can co-operate and offer needed expertise to her
neighbour in this regard.
20. It is highly recognized about the role of civil society in a democratic society. Discuss the
challenges faced by the civil society in India.
A community of citizens brought together by common interests and objectives is termed as civil
society. In a democratic state, civil society serve as an important pillar in sustaining plurality of
opinions and healthy criticism, which is a hallmark of democracy.
Civil society is usually comprised by middle class and they influence the policies of the
government without being a part of governmental machinery. They play an active role in policy
making, bringing accountability and an element of public scrutiny thus serving as a watchdog of a
democracy. Despite being divided on many lines such as race, gender, culture, hierarchy or ethnic,
civil society symbolizes a unity of minds and a collective action for larger good.
Challenges faced by the civil society
The space for dissent and criticism is becoming more restricted with the might of the State
falls on those who criticise the governmental actions or inactions. The recent trend of
increasing cases of sedition against the members of the civil society is a tell-tale example.
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Despite being characterised as a united force, recently civil society has become more
radicalised and acts on fundamentalist principles. (RSS and VHP). The issue of Dalits and
cow vigilantism points to this radicalisation tendency of civil society groups.
As such civil society with diverse base and objectives, becomes very fragmented. Thus they
lack a concerted action and a coordinated approach to deal with a social ill.
The recent emergence of government sponsored civil society (in Andhra Pradesh, where
District Collector is the chairman) and retired government officials promoted NGOs colors
the popular perception about the credibility of these organizations.
The lack of role clarity and the sense of purpose
Lack of democratic principles in their functioning
Lack of institutional interaction with the State machinery
Increased political tendency of the civil society organizations which becomes a proxy for
political parties.
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GS-Prelims & Mains Online Test Available Visit : www.smartleadersias.com