Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Reflections on Development in
Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
!'r.
Outlturcs of
131
From the momenl ihe typical Filipino student begins to learn about
himself, his society, history artcl culture in books, the niass-media and the
classroom, he becomes immersed in ideas of development, emergence,
linear time, scientific reason, humane pragmatism, governmental ordering,
and nation-building. He becomes so immersed in them that he takes them
to be part of the natural ordering of things. J.itlle does he know that such
categories are historical, that they were devised at a cerlain time by men
borrnd by their unique interests and environments. The operations by which
sorne events are highlighled while others suppressed, the establishment of
chains of cause and effect, the temporal ordering of phenomena in a certain
way, such as from primitive to advanced, religious to secular revolts - all
Outlines of a
Non-Linear Emplotment of
Philippine History
lhese are obscured in textbooks and teaching methods. The student is made
to learn the facts as they are strung out in some linear fashion, not the
relationship of histories to power groups, the silences of the past, or the
history of the linear scheme itself.2
This paf:er will, first of all, look into the common struclural features
that underlay linear Philippine histories of different political persuasions.
These texts have dominated the educational scene for at least a decade,
and have become part and parcel of the intellectual baggage of the present
generation of politicians, radical activists, and technocrats. By interrogating
these texts one may begin to understand why it is so difficult for lhe men
and women at lhe top to escape the'linear developmental'mode of com'
prehending national 2roblems ancl prospects. But it is not enough to discern
lhe structure or discourse of Philippine history. The second part of this
REYNALDO C. ILETO
paper will look into the late nineteenth-century context of its irruption,
particularly the still unexplored rise of medical power. Finally, the question
of what to do with the data lhat is marginalized in the dominant histories
will be discussed. It is suggested that an alternative historical project might
consist of retrieving such data and allowing it to challenge the dominant
constructs, fomenting what Foucault calls 'the insurrection of subjugated
knowledges" which were'present but disguised within the body of functionalist and systematizing theory".3
Linear History
The late lbodoro Agoncillq the Philippines' most influential history textbook writer, is famous for his construction of a history that begins after
1B?2, the year of the exccutions of three reformist priests, or lhe -r,'ear
that a 'national consciousness" was born.a Agoncillo justified this view on
the grounds that one cannol hear an authentic Filipino voice prior lo L872
in the masses of Spanish colonial records that have survived. At most
there are isolated, regional and tribal assertions against the colonial order,
but hardly one that articulates a common experience and destiny of the
Filipino people.
i
I
i
1
132
llqnal<lo C. Ileto
with a beginning (the Creation) and an end (the final Judgment). After
the fall from an original state of perfection in ihe Garden of Eden, history
consists of man's strivings for salvation which ultimately is to be found in
the afterlife, in the City of God.S
The well-known opening of the countryside to capitalist penetration
from the 1820s onwards, but particularly after 185O, was accompanied
by the crystallization of new knowledge which was readily accepted by
the generations of upper- and middleclass Filipinos who went to Spanishlanguage schools. Up to the eighteenth century man's perfectabilily was
deemed impossible on earth. The Spanish clergy was determined to keep
tffi
I
I
Oul/ines of
133
134
ReynalCc C. Ilelo
consists of realizing this dream, this destiny, in the face of American, Japanese, rightist, leftist arrd other ihreats to it.7
Marcos's history departs from Agoncillo's in taking a more positive view
of the "Conquista' (that is, the 'fall") and the 'dark agei It accommodates
the research of Phelan and others lhat have shown that while the native
perception of reality was strained by the impositions of colonialism, there
was no break or disruption arising from the conversion and relocation of
the lowland populace. Phelan demonstrates that Spanish missionaries could
not have succeeded vrithout building on pre-existing notions of curative
waters, amulets, anito worship, family alliances, and the like. The process
of Hispanizing the native 6lite was as much through the latter's initiative as
it was Spain's.8 Marcos develops this notion of indio creativity and assertion
into that of the'bounter-society" - the substratum of indigenous civilization - taking the form of a primitive yearning for liberty lhat simmered
beneath the surface of Spanish rule.
The tounter-society" in Marcos's history in the process of revealing itself,
of making liberty manifest, gradually lransforms itself into a state. Here is
the culminalion of ilus/rodo efforts to construct a chain of events leading
lo the modern nalion-state. "Marcosl', in fact, is also the name of a large
group of contemporary scholars who have used the idiom of modern scholarship to essentially fulfil the dreams of their forebears. They see the origins
of the state in the pre-Spanish borongcry, which was gradually transformed
during the cclonial period into the much larger pueblq dominated at the
centre by the municipal hall and church/convent complex. Thus, from this
pueblo cenlre emerged the pnhcipolio anci ilustrado classes which wrote
and subscribed to a history organized from the centre's perspective.
Ib put it another way, if history was continuous iind progressive, the
pueblo and its fulfilment, the state, would be the very site of progress. Thus,
there is a disproportioned celebration, in both history books and national
festivities, of the founding of the first Philippine republic in 1898, despite
the latter's suppression of religio-political movements that preceded it and
plagued its shortlived experience. The sacred character of the state is evi
denced in Marcos's selfconsciously Hegelian argument that the state was
the "self realization of the Absolutdl and that the form of constitutional
authoritarianism his regime practised - in which through him as "world
historical" leadet the guidiqg hand of history/progress operated - was the
only way that lhe ilustrado dream could be realized.e
The most effective critics thus far of the "statist" construction of history have been those who go by the much-misunderstood name, "Marxist'i
Ilruo examples will be mentioned here: Renato Constantino, author of a
best-selling textbook, The Philippines: A ^Fosf Revrsiled, and the National
Democratic Front (NDF), whose version of Philippine history is derived
from A. Guemero's Philippine Sociefy and Rqolution.ro Constantino pointed
out, in reply to Agoncillo's dismissal of the 'dark age" of Spanish rule, that
135
Spanish coioniai poiicy, and even Spanish history and society, from the
beginninc "had profor-rnd effects on the evolving Filipino socicly and cannot
therefore be ignored'l His criticism of Agoncillo's 'great men" approach was
also an attack on Marcos's history at the height of martial rule: 'All powerful
leaders, and especially tyrants, exerled efforts to insure that the history
of their lime would be written in their imagel' In the final analysis, however, "it is the people who make or unmake heroes". The NDF has likewise
rejecled lhe lreat heroes" approach; leaders or rebels are thrown up by the
particular social and economic formatiorrs in which they livcd. In [acl, one
groups) has been lo locate states in the Philippine past so that development
and its concomitant struggles can be more scientifically plotted.rt
'There must be no segmentation of the different stages of our history'l
argues Constantino. Despite the 'evolution and disappearance of forms
of social life and institutions'l there is a conlinuity in the people's material
and subjective growth. Constantino calls revolts and other assertions during colonial rule "the schools of lhe masses'l 'From blind responses to
foreign oppression, mass actions against the Spaniards and later against
the Americans underwent various transformations until they finally became
a conscious struggle for national liberationl Nole that lhe end poinl of
popular struggles is not state formation but "nalional liberation'or, as Constantino says elsewhere, "the birth of a naliort'. Note, too, thal revolts are
shown lo be increasingly self-conscious and secular, evolving in states as
lhe economy develops. Variations on the theme are found elsewhere. For
example, Constantino-inspired church aclivists picture religious unrest as
developing in stages, from Hermano Pule's primitive Cofradia movement
of 1840-41 io the highesl stage in Fr. Gregorio Aglipay's schisrn from the
Roman Catholic Church during the revolution. The former is pictured as a
blind groping, with the leader, Hermano Pule, still encumbered by idark
agd superstition; hence his failure.l2
The problem is that, their sincerity noti,vithstanding, Conslantino and the
NDF have failed to exlricate themselves from the discourse of the liberal
136
Reynaldo C. Ileto
represented by articulate leaders who are said to have a deeper understanding than ''ordinary people' of the causes of oppression, and who began to emerge in the second half of the nineteenth century. Here we see
another intersection of nationalist establishment writing and nationalist/
Marxist oppositionist writing. It is a very subtle kind of 6litism, because
it draws upon the Filipino 'bommon sense'view that colonialization made
the masses passive, that Spanish colonialism preached such virtues as
'resignation, passivity and respect for autt5ity". An example cited by both
Marcos and the NDF is the Spanish use of such lexts as the Posyon indigenous versions of the New lbstament story - to make the masses
submissive.r3 Naturally, if such writers ignore the creative appropriation
of Spanish-Christian texts by the masses, then it follows that the coming of
the intelligentsia is sorely needed.
It is not surprising that such ostensibly diverse texls share a common
hisiorical emplotment. The reason most educated Filipinos find the lineardevelopmental mode a natural one for ordering such phenomena as revolts
and the consolidation of state power in the name of nationalism is because this framoauork puts lhem at the forefront of the development process.
137
medicine, politics, and society during the cholera epidemics lhat swepl the
colony from 1820 to 1902. The 1820 epidemic was particularly frightening
since Asiatic cholera had not been experienced previously. colonial (that
is, European) doctors were guite helpless about preventive and curative
procedures. The 1820 expcrience was particularly remembered for the antiforeign riots that originated in the native district surrounding Manila, which
resulted in the deaths of many foreigners. Afflicted natives of the lower
class abandoned the pueblos, and turned in droves to what the Frenchman
Gironiere, himself a physician, called "native sorcerers". The almost total
disruption of public order al the height of the epidemic was as equally
feared by the colonial establishment as the disease itself.ra
The experience of the 1820 epidemic as a time of chaos was constantly
al the back of the minds of colonial health officials during subsequent
visitations. Mec.ical and sanitary practices that were devised in succeeding
decades had the additional, if not essenlial, function of preventing a repeti-
tion of chaos.rs
Soon after 1820, Spanish health officials were in touch with physicians
from British India, and much of the developmenls in cholera cures elswhere were adopted. From hindsight it is easy to smile at the noi'uetd of
the cures and such "mistaken' conceptions as the dreaded mrosmo. But
documents of the sanilary and health commissions reveal a reverence towards the advances in knowledge and technigues in the nineteenlh century.
Baltling a killer disease such as cholera with the weapons of science gave
the Tunfo.s sonrlonos, or sanitary commissions, a rising prestige among
the nascent Filipino middle class, a prestige previously enjoyed only by
ihe Church.
The fairly exlensive documentation on the 1882 and 1889 epictemics
reveal a situation far different from that of 1820.16 sanitary commissions
were quickly mobilized in each torvn at thc first sign of an outbreak. Inilially, parish priesls, either Spaniards or Filipinq served as presidents of
these commissions but, increasingly, gobemadorcillos (justices of peace)
were allowed lo assume this function. Individuals who showed a lack of
enthusiasm and competence were immediately sacked. By and large, local
138
Reynoldo C. Iieto
was
strictly obsen'ed.
ffi
Outlines of
Nort-Linear Emplotment
of Philippine History
139
thus framed by the aura, the power, of "Ciencial and "Medicina Racional'l
r,r'hich in turn were harncsscd by the stale for its consoliclation. With support
from the centre. meclicos easily ciisplaced the vocunadorcillo rvhom they
regarded as backward and ineffective practitioners of molos orles. The post
of Vacunador General was taken over by a medico titulor in 1889. In some
cases, though, power struggles between the two erupled, usuaily as a result
of meclicos clumsily allempting to subordinate long-established vaccinators
in the lowns. The meclico did not really know mtrch more about cholera
control than the vaccinator who had the experience of past epidemics to
his credit, but an arena of conflict was created by the distinction that had
arisen between "licensed" and "unlicensed" medical practitioners, with the
vaccinator slipping into the lalter category.18
The medicos inevitably encountered rhe power of the parish priests,
particularly the Spanish friars. The latter, armed with handbooks that encapsulated the missionary experience with tropical disease, had in the past
assumed the role of doctors in the pueblo centres, though, as far as they
were concerned, being in a proper moral condition was still the best weapon
against disease. It u'as still common for parish priests to head the local
sanitary commissions in 1882. With the appearance of the medico, clerical
dorninance in health rhatlers began to decline. The medrcos'struggle against
the priests was an uphill one, however. Since meclrcos, apafi from being
few in number, were generally helpless against the 1882 visitation, priests
still ruled lhe scene as deaths multiplied.
The rise of scientific medicine in the context of the epidemics of lhe
1880s also signalled the delegitimation of the activities of the mediquiilol
curandero. The municipal police and Guardia Civil tried to prevent access
lo curers. The epidemics were also a time of war on illegitimate doclors.
Tb quote an 1889 proposal for reforms in lhe vaccination service, "hopefully
these changes, without added cost to taxpayers, will diminish the numbers
of curunderos and mediquillos, and will advance the public's education in the
methods of rational medicine. . ..'re Mediquillos, formerly indispensable
in lhe pueblo centres, were steadily pushed back to the peripheries, their
aclivities increasingly coming to coincide with those of "illicit associalions".
There was, needless to say, resistance even in lhe pueblo centres to
disease control measures. Documents of the sanitary commissions complain
of stubborn, secretive, apathetic, filthy, undisciplined towndwellers, generally
of the poorer class. They are accused of egorsfo indifercncio and posrvo
rcsr'sfencro. Worst of all, as far as the commissions were concerned, rvas the
'irrational' preference of many for the mediquillo and curundero, resulting
in discernible population movements to the fringes of. pueblos or lo nearby
hills where these curers continued to practise their art virtually unimpeded.
The 1882 cholera epidemic began lo subside, nol so much as a result of
aclion by the locallunfos sonitorias, but in the aftermath of powerful slorms
that washed oui the sources of infection. The onset of natural immunily
140
P'qnoldo C. Ilcto
amongst the populace was also a tactor. I'he Filipino metlicos titulores
errrrged nevertheless as powerful figures in ihe comrnunity.20 Il quitc naturally fell upon lhern to speak on behalf of the Filipino people during the
propaganda, or reform movemenl, from 1BB2 to aboul 1895. The meclrcos
in the towns, together with the schoolteacher, or moeslro, sccretly disseminated the views that their compatriots were publicly advocating in Europe:
Filipinos should be recognized as equal to any Spanish citizen; the people's
education and livelihood should be properly attended to by the state.2r
The friar quite easily became the figure of backrvardness, the 'bther" of
the rising medico lifurlor. When separation from Spain became a reality at
the turn of the century physicians and pharmacists were actively involved
in setting up the shorllived Republic under Aguinaldo's leadership.
Medical ProgressAVarfare
The irony of the story narrated above is thal when thc Uniled States began
to take over lhe reins of the stale at the beginning of this cenlrrry (1901 and
after), the progress of the earlier decades was simply consigned to another
Outllnes of
141
ing of his
habitat.2a
With the final surrender of most guerrilla officers in May 1902, the discourse of lerm-warfare" guickly replaced "pacification" discourse. Military
surgeons supplanted the strategists and combal troops. As one veteran
surgeon wrole, 'the sanitary work of combating this disease among an
ignorant and suspicious people, impoverished by war, locusts and rinderpest
and embittered by conguest was an exlremely difficult task, calling for much
patience, tact and firmness, the brunt of which fell on the Armylzs In effect,
the epidemic was the scene of another war, a "combal zone'of disputes
over power and definitions of illness and lreatment, involving American
military surgeons, Filipino medico titulorcs (veterans of '82 and '89), parish
priests, lhe principalia. stricken townspeople, and ahernative curers in the
142
manners of their American superiors. The only way they could be macle
to co-operate was when they were given some measure of conlrol themselves. In Manila this came when Filipinos were made heads of auxiliary
boarcls of healrh. That meclicos simply desired what later would be called
..Filipinization'of government
the
- in this case control over health programmes involving their countrymen - is only part of the story' Their
ionflict with American health authorities appears to have run deeper. The
fact that their exemplar, Jose Rizal, had been an associate of the German
physician and scientist, Rudolf Virchouw, has sorne implications here'
In an investigation of an epidemic in Upper Silesia in 1847, Virchouw
traced its origins to heavy rains which had ruined the year's crops, resulting
in famine. The winter following had been extremely severe, forcing the
poor people to hudclle together in their homes, cold and hungry. It was then
ihat a typhus epidemic broke out and spread rapidly among the poorer
class, eventually attacking lhe wealthy classes as well. Virchouw's experience
led him
in
medicos lilulores were sympathetic io Virchouw'." ideas, here is one explanation of their antipathy towards American anti'cholera efforts.
American physicians by 1902 almost universally subscribed to the germ
theory or more generally lhe doctrine of "specific etiology". of disease. Pasteur'.s writings on the subject appeared at about the same time as Darwin's
theory of evolution. At a time when relationships between living beings
were being set in a context of a struggle for survival, where one was either
friend or foe, the germ theory gave rise to a kind of aggressive warfare
against diseasecausing microbes, which had to be eliminated from the
stricken individual and from lhe community. lbwards the end of the nineteenth century the notion of disease as, in the final analysis' a lack of
harmony between man and his environment, was giving way in the W'est to
the search for the specific germ and the specific weapon against il. In
History
143
Rqnaldo C. Ileto
144
once again, Foucault's suggestions have a ring of familiarity in the Philippine context. Disease control in 1882 and l9O2 are repetitions of other
events in which the taming of disorder figures prominently. Historical writings, in giving emphasis to the integration of. pueblo cenlres and central
administration, and the leading aclors of both (pnncrpoles, bureaucrats),
have relegated to the margins the events taking place beyond the control
of such centres. Much of recent Philippine social history deals with the
expansion of the frontiers, the rise of cash crop agriculture and urban
entrepots, the links of the Philippine economy to the world capitalist system,
and the activities of the inqreasingly entrepreneurial principalialChinese
mestizo class.32 After all, these are what the colonial archives tell us most
about. But, to cite W.H. Scott, there are'hracks in the parchment curtain',
through which we can fleetingly glimpse the unique wala in which Filipinos
reacted to Spanish rule. Unfortunately, says Scott, 'these insights do not
generally appear in the official histories'.s Even "non-official" histories can
be at a loss as to how to situate such insights. For example, Cruickshank's
recent history of Samar offers us fascinating glimpses of the bther sidd' of
Oullines of
14s
the pueblo centre rvltere vagalt<.rnds are a "plaguc', alternative priests beckon
the populace, and a pilgrimage site constitutes a powerful focus of popular
aspirations. But, in the end, Cruickshank warns us that all this may give us
"a distorted image of the major lhemes of Samar's hislory'l a history lhat
was largely enacted on the coasls (with settled populations) and that reflects
the activities of the 6lite, are the foci of investigation. The consolidation
of the Spanish colonial state which was inherited by the princrpqlio al the
turn of the nineteenth century, 'happened" or was accomplished through
countless encounters with the phenomenon it named 'banditry'l and with
many small but authenlic communities - "illicit associations" to the estab-
146
Rqnoldo C. Ileto
\\'as an
Medinas conclusion, in deference to linear history, is that barrditry
period, a phettomenon
the
Spanislr
during
peasant
unrest
of
form
inciroale
peasant
that clevelopect through the nineteenth century into a full-blown
"already
movement. His ciata, however, suggests that banditry was always
pueblo
existence'36
to
settled,
threat
perpetual
therel a
The bandit was ubiquitous, yet he remained a hidden and slipperSr figuls.
In contrast to the inhabitants of lhe pueblo centre, particularly the prinor
cipales, the bandit often lacked a proper christian name and lineage,
*as kno*r, by an alias signifying a certain character or physical trait. He
was illiterate, yet helct in awe by the common folk for his bravery and invulnerability. He robbecl and killecl the rich, particularly chinese merchants
pueblo'
ancl native lancllorcls, including the occasional spanish priest. Unlike
"wanderer"
definition,.and
by
a
people, he usually hacl no fixed abode, was
when a base was stakecl out, lhis was in distant and isolated borrios or in
for the service". The police.regulations of the day'amounted to virtual martial law, with no civil rights to redress for military abuses". For bandits rvhatever thc4, really were - were /eored. Spanish leaders and lo.:al principolia alike imagined an army of them poised to attack not only towns but
also at one point Manila itself. In the sugar districts of Negros, such grouPs
proliferated, creating the need for extensive police surveillance and military
operations. The abaca plantations of Bikol, the districts of cagayan planted
wiih tobacco, and just about every region where economic development
took place, all witnessed the same phenomenon.3e
147
One obvious explanation for briganclage is that it is a mark cf the onslaughl of capitalism upon viliage society, creating a deprived class that
then turned to pillage. While not denying this, it can be pointed out that lhe
lerrain of the nincteenth-century brigands had almost alwal's been the site
of'clisorder'] "assertion'or "resistance'in earlier periods, and revolutionary
guerrilla warfare at the turn of the century. Inslead of. seeing banditry as
a unigue nineteenth-century response to new socio-economic forces, it can
just as readily be seen as another, perhaps more visible, embodiment of
-that shadowy 'bther side' of the developing pueblo and its principolia.
The intensity of banditry in the nineteenth century may perhaps be
explained by the fact that the Spanish colonial state was determined to
become self-supporting and financially independent from Spain and Mexico.
tooking to its neighbour, the Netherlands East Indies, for inspiration, it
tried to implement a new ethic of efficiency and profit. Spaniards, Englishmen, Americans, Frenchmen, Chinese and mestizos were invited to finance
the Iabour-intensive clearing of virgin lands. Sturtevant, following Hobsbawm,
sees the coalitions of bandit groups that emerged after 1850 as another
sign of lhe attempt of the Little Tladition "to lurn back or resist unwelcome changes'l Certainly, the colonial state undertook to subjugate what it
regarded as pockets of resistance to central authority, represented by the
spread of capitalist agriculture.
By depicting "banditry" as a form of resistance to change, Sturtevant, like
Medina and mosl others who have looked into this phenomenon, incorporated it into another form of linear history through the implication that
'change'was inevitable and historically determined, and lhat more effective
forms of resistance to its negative consequences would appear later. On
lhe contrary to reslate whal we said earlier, banditry was lhe hidden bther
side" of the developing pueblo centre. The bandit was one of the signs
.of fundamental disorder in the colonial polity, of the gap between pueblo
.centre and periphery..In combatting the bandit, the colonial state and its
local pnrtcrpolio allies were extending the state's authority and legal appar-a-tus beyond lhe pueblo centre, literally attempling to put the countryside
in order. Cruickshank describes how the new system of head tax, or cedulo,
the proliferation of bureaus and regulations, and the increase in number
of provincial and pueblo police, functioned to tie the Samareflo people to
the administrative centres, and isolate vagabonds and bandits. Local leaders,
especially the gobernodorcillos, saw in bandit suppression a chance to gain
distinctions and rewards, and a longer lerm of office, within the colonial
bureaucracy. The town-dwellers' consciousness of the difference behileen
them and 'outsiders' was heightened. The principalia's self-conception
as leader or spokesman of the townspeople was made possible not only
througtr its co-operation with or opposition to the colonial power, but lhrough
its difference from the bandil chiefs.
ReYnaido
148
C lleto
whether as Robin
in Philippine histories'
However banclitry is treated
to thc
rebellion' its status renrains tied
piu'ur't
of
Hooci-ism or a precursot
bandits
against
wars
the
about
is silence
'clark age'of such t'i'toti"""' iftt'e
it
pueblo-based Filipino idcnrily. tnstead'
;h";;
,"
much
so
lhal
that servccl
idcas
libcral
of
influx
an<l the
is againsl the backdrop;il;;;;t"s
revoluseen to emerge cluring the 1896
are
masses
the
and
lhe principali'o
the rcvolution:
of
narrative
the
in
abound
tion against Spain' But i;;;i;t
ban<litandKatipunanchiefscollaboratecltoterrorizethesuburbsofManila.
of townspeople and Spanish
There was
U"came
San Mateo area, east crt:no*ii"'
semi-eclucated leacler
Bt;ift;;"
b;;ii;hi"f;
of betng
accusecl by Cavite principalia
he
defeated
iI
that
admittecl
he himself
;;;;l;itiatlv wrltten bv
banctitry. Accounls
Malvar
"f
uy cl.iefs ,,"h u" Agrrinaldo and.
line. There *u" u f,unti"- "u"*p'
bandits'
from
soldiers
Ls to distinguish
to procure the proper "^ii"t*t ""
of the lou'n centres to lhe very
resiclents
tft"
n't"tghi
war
of
The exigencies
them from the'other side"'ar
margin that normally ilti'is;t"hta
the
educatecl in American 56[6615'
Thus, to gur,u.utio#"J'"r';li;i;;t
episode in history' since the grealer
Philippine-American
*ut *""
U'i"t
oartofithadbecome.conflateclwiththefamiliarthemeoftowncentres
parr of official town historics
ffi;;il;;;;;;il"
countryside. A major
Outlines of
llislory
149
ment files of cases and investigations) covering roughly the years 1880
to 1897 when the iluslrodos were making their statements, has revealed a
starlling piclure of "fanatical" religious movements all over the archipelago.
Some of lhem are named - for example, Pulajan, Dios Dios, Babaylar,
Colorum, Santa Iglesia, Ttes Crislos. Others are identified in the records by
place names, such as the "Dapdap affair" in Samar, or the names of lheir
leaders, such as the "Gabinista'in Pampanga and'Ruhawi" in Negros.a3 It
is a startling scene because conventional Philippine history, in valorizing
the saga of lhe ilusfrocloJed propaganda or reform movement, has ignored
this parallel set of events. Where they are given ample trealment, as in the
works of Constantino and Sturtevant, they are subjected to a classificatory
scheme that includes categories like primitive, prolo-nationalist, nativist,
fanalical, religious, millenarian, and irrational. The understanding is lhat
primitive becomes modern, religious becomes secular, fanatical becomes
pragmatic and rational, and so forth. The.vantage point is rationality and
progress, rather than the inner logic of these movements, their plain and
simple difference from familiar, "modernl ones
Spanish officialdom called these movemenls or communities'illicit asso-
Reynaldo C. Ileto
150
poverisheclbythepricecrashofthel880s,debtors,displacedfarmers,tax
epidemics
Lr labour evaclers- Many were survivors of cholera and smallpox
vorvs Others
their
of
fulfiiment
in
sites
pilgrimage
journeyecl
to
*no nua
wereptalnvaga-bonclsanclseekersofmagicalpower.Someassociations
powers was
were iominatect or led by women, rryhose access to magical
,.ot"..potentthanthemen's'Thebrethrencametogetherinformally,perand
i,up. to'p.uy, to listen to the leacler's homilies, to partake of a meal,
to be cured.
a cofra'
An illicit association coulcl be a rnore structured affair: a church,
natural sites
clio, or an association (somohon) of brethren' These became
generally
of resistance 1o control bypueblo'cenlres and the state. Members
."t*"a to pay the poll oi heacl tax and thus were called indocumentadb
the larger
in short, they refusecl to be..processed'' by the state. Furthermore,
boundaries associaiio.,s transcended not onlypueb/o but also provincial
of populacontrol
their
to
bolster
aclministration
the
those lines clrawn by
movements,
iions. This was the situation in the 1880s; in later decades, these
or others that arose in their place, would widen their field of altraction.
In the late 1880s, the time - in linear history that is - of the Propaera'
ganda Movement, there seems to have been an expectation of a new
or
one
under
unified
be
in which all inhabitants of the archipelago would
would
particular'
in
poor
dispossessed,
and
the
in which
more native kings;
"knowleclge
(lishil, prosperitv, and phvsical well-being' The
of
;;j;;;*
had to
Ciiy of God woull become i .uuiity on earth. But first, the brethren
associatheir
growth
of
the
nurturing
in
sacrifice
exierience harclship ancl
tions.IndepresseclareassuchasNegrosandcentral'Luzon,lheb.rethren
Civil
armed themselves and raicled the houses of the ricl-r. Tb the Guardia
brigandsfrom
them
distinguished
nothing
and the viciimized principalia,
it"U, *".", above all, siins of irrationality and disorder surrounding and
threatening lhe Pueblo centres.
"illicil assoIn this paper there is no attempt to enter the world of these
complex of
the
of
elaboration
a
cletailed
require
woulcl
ciations", ioi tt i.
spanish-catholic and Malay cultural elements that shaped their perception
and
oi reality. We can, however, ieflect on their function in the construction
movelhese
regard
to
a
mistake
It
is
history.
developmental
challeniing of
They
ments ai simply reactions to accelerated social and economic changes.
the
because
records
archival
appearecl in ihe 1880s - that is, in the
process
1he
in
them
'discovered"
concernedprincipalia
Spanish police and
holcl of the centre would be contaminated, subverted, if these associations were allowed to exist and spread. While some
movements saw lhe participation of. principalio elements - mainly headmen
of villages loosely iiu.l to the pueblo centre - the majority precipitated
the
antagonisms between the gocl-kings and princrpoles, or landlords, in
sho*s
151
pueblo centres. Ib the i/us/roclos, joining illicil associations was not the
proper rnode of challenging th.e colonial order. Thus, both native 6lite and
colonial state felt it had to conquer and re-form this phenomenon.
What is the furrction of this type of event in an alternative history that
allows it to enter.into play with more "traditional" elements? Since it is now
evident that the ilus/rodo construction of reality is indeed a consrruc/ion
along the lines of enlightenment and progress, and not the "trudl "correcl",
or "proper" view, in effect it has the same status as the world of the Tles
Crislos and l)ios-Dios. The differerrce is thal the i/usfrodo construclion has
been upheld by current standards of objectivity and truth while the Tles
Cristos and Dios-Dios were marks, precisely, of what had to be excised
from history.
Illicit associations, as their name implies, have been cast outside the
mainstream of Philippine history and for understandable reasons. They were
marginal, archaic, and undecideable in their orientation to progress and
change. Yet, despite attempts to ignore or marginalize this "dark side' of
Philippine history it appears in the gaps of this history. For an example of
ironic reversals there is no need to go farther than the career of the ver1,
archetype of ilusfroc/o-ness, Jose Rizal.aa Here is the principal and ilusfrqclo,
the phlaician and historian, whose popular biography was conflated rvith
that of Christ's life and various Ihgalog mythical figures. In 1888 this Filipino reformist, based in Madrid, was expected to return as the Messiah by
people 'in the mountains'l When he returned he was hailed as a magical
curer. The Spanish courts decided that because Rizal was regarded by the
'ignorant classes' as a god-man and redeemer he must be publidy executed.
Just the same, his mode of death was a scattering of signs that the Passion
and Death of Christ (a popular epic) was being re-enacted. Rizal the Filipino
.Christ, rather than Rizal the physician and historian, was the rallying point
of thousands who joined the Katipunan rebellion in 1897. After his death,
he became the source of healing and other powers to peasant leaders way
into the twentieth cenlury.
The word "Katipunan" means hssociationl The revolutionary organization's full Thgalog name means "Highest and Most Venerable Association of
the Sons and Daughters of the [,and". It was, in fact, an illicit associalion,
not too different in some respects from the others mentioned. Historical
wriiing, however, has turned it into an emblem of development. The uprising
against Spain that it instigated in 1896 is regarded as a turning point in
the struggle for national indcpendence, a stage higher than the ineffectual
reform movement of earlier decades. The sanitized version of this period
of history portrays a working man, Andres Bonifacio, fusing the ideas of
Rizal and the French revolutionists and calling for armed struggle against
the evil colonizer. The Philippine Army and Communist Party find common
inspiration in this historical episode.
Yet,'Katipunali also means those illicit associations in the peripheries
152
Reyrrcldo C. Ileto
punan of san cristobal, with their saints and magical ropes attacked the
spanish garrison at thyabas. The Gabinistas resurrected as the santa lglesia
oi Fulipe Salvador. The followers of Buhawi became a Katipunan under
Papa (Pope) Isio. In the name of the Katipunan revolution these groups
threatenecl, not just the spanish establishments, but also the princrpolro of
lb-e puablo ccntres.
Many members of the princrpolio regarded the 'briginal" IGtipunan itself
not just as a bandit gang, as already mentioned, but also as a fanalical,
illicit association. In Cavite province, the heartland of the revolution, principolio elements accused the Katipunan's supremo, Bonifacio, of entertaining
ambitions to kingship, and ridiculed him for' among other things, making'
the unlettered folk think that the mythical Thgalog King Bernardo Carpio
would soon escape from his mounlain prison 1o aid the Katipunan forces.
In the revolutionary era, it was anathema for the supreme leader to hold
such'clark age'views. Bonifacio had to go; indeed, he was executed by his
forrner comrades. A replacement, this ti-me from theprincrpolio, was needed
to rid the movemenl of its unsavoury characteristics. Thus, the emergence
of a new leader, Aguinaldo, who put the Katipunan in'proper order" as a
liberal nationalist movement seeking to form a republican state that would
be recognized by all civilized nations.as
Philippine histories conveniently ignore the idark age" aspects of Bonifacio's career. His death is attributed to a variety of causes: personal or
factional rivalry class antagonism, his hot ternper, his stubborn commitment
lo the secret sociely mode of struggle, and so forth. His death has left a
troublesome gap in the otherwise smooth transition to the hext stage of the
nationalist struggle. The first Philippine republic of 1898-1901 is universally
regarded as the crowning achievement of nationalist efforts from the 1880s
onwards Advanced state institutions were created: a Cabinet, a Cougress, a
bureaucracy, a legal system inherited from Spain, an army, a school syslem,
and so forth. Only in recent historical writing, however, has the chaos and
disorder of this period come to light. Newly-installed officials all over the
nation complained to President Aguinaldo of centres of power beyond their
control, frequent bandil attacks and fanatical movemenls - all of which
Aguinaldo labelled as "anti-revolutionary".a6 Are these simply to be regarded
as technical problems faced by a fledgling nation-state?
The {act is, most of these "bandit" groups aud'fanatit',a1" associations.
had participated in the liberation of pueblo centres from Spanish control
in 1898. But their support for the national revolution - insofar as this was
orchestrated by the pueblo centres - was inconsistent. The conlroversies
fJJ
Country'l dating from 1900, starts with the Parable of the Lost Sheep.ae
The refreated image of the enclosed space into which the sheep are to be
led is an emblem of salvation, unity and identity. This fenced-in space is
substituled later in the poem with images of kingdom, nation, and molherland. In this oruil as well as other slalements collected, the nation and its
administrative apparatus are to be built upon closely-knit, village-based,
associations; it is to be a voluntary toming together" of many small clusters
of people rather than the forging of a whole. There are lo be no taxes, no
surveillance, no police, and no forced labour.
'History" might take on a different complexion as well in the new order
that was imagined. As an example, in the abovementioned awit there is
mention of a Rajah Malanda (Old Man), who is the ancestor of the Thgalog
people. In ilusfrodo history Rajah Matanda is one of those who signify the
pre-conquest civilization. In the ouif, however, Rajah Matancla is prefigured
by Noah, described as "old beloved father". Furthermore, his immediate
ancestor is no less than Jesus Christ himself. Unlike ilustmdo history the
ou.rif refuses to recognize a pre-Christian past. There is no anxiety about
some losl purity of race. "lktoliko" and "Kristiano" are appropriated and
made emblerns of Filipino identity in the 'Holy War" then being waged
againsl the American invaders.
Not all groups and individuals subscribed lo the same set of ideals.
Challenges to the Republic were not necessarily on ihe side of the good
and the moral. And lhere were Republican officials who had similar ideals
in mind but simply could not put them into action. This is not necessarily
outlining better alternatives to the goals of the first Republic and its Presentday successor..The point of this is to show that the Republic cannot be
abstracted as a slage in the development of political institutions, national
.consciousness and the struggle for freedom. Despite the good intentions
of most of its leaders, the Republic failed to break out of the structures ihat
preceded it. Differences characterized it from the start. It then reproduced
1s4
Retnaldo C. Ileto
centres,
data that can be retrieved and reslored into play in an alternative history,
in which an event, to cite Foucault's reading of Nietzsche,
This history should lhrow into focus a whole range of phenomena which
have been discredited or denied a history. It should have a conception
of historical beginnings as lowly, complex and contingent. It should give
eqtral slatus to inlerruptions, repetitions and reversals, uncovering the subjugations, confrontations, power struggles and resistances that linear history
tends to conceal. It should reveal history for what it has been: a weapon
in ihe struggle for and against domination of all shades. As has been shown
here, the subversion of linear history also strikes at the tevelopmentalism"
that presently dominates the core of the state/centre's ideology.
155
NO'I'ES
Ar;krrowledgcr:rents arc due to lbrry Commins, Ranajit Guha, Albert Hirschman.
Norman Owen, Craig Reynolds, William H. Scotl, my Southeast Asian and African
colleagues in the'Reflections on Devclopment" project, and the project advisers,
for eilher cornmenting on an earlier draft or providing me with new insights through
our conversations. My thanks, also, to Benedict Anderson, Andrew Gonzales, F.S.C..
and Anthony Reid for helping me get started. My apologies to all of the above for
the shortcomings of this final product.
Reynaldo C. Ileto
156
(1982): 105-8.
15. The changes in governmenl and medical attitudes to disease control after
the 1820 epidemic are outlined irr fragments of a long treatise by Fernando
Gonzales Casas, with the endorsement of the Junta Municipal de Sanidad,
daled 15 January 1822 (Philippine National Archives [hereafler cited as PNA],
Colera 74).
16. Our main sources of information on the 1882 and 1889 epidemics are lhe
bundles in ihe PNA with the following markings: Colera 1, Colera 4, Colera
B-S 86, Colera 101, Colera 121, Colera 6 (B-S 93), and Colera 7 (B-S 90). Therc
are also fragments of information on epidemics in 1843 and 1863. Scattered
throughout these bundles are government orders, daily reports of sanitary
commissions, and complaints of medrcos, vaccinators and parish priests.
P.
Bantug, Bosquejo
historia de lq medicina HisputoFilipino lunfinished historical sketch of SpanishFilipino medicirre], (Madrid, 1952). Part 2 is a history of medical and charitable
institutions, and public sanilation projects.
18. For a representative text that illustrates these processes, see Director GraI. de
Mministracion Civil, lnspeccion Gral. de Beneficia y Sanidad, "Expediente sobre
reorganizacion del servicio de vacuna del Archiepelago e instalacion de un
Ynstituto de vacunacion" (Manila, 6 May 1889). This document is accompanied
by an assessment by the Faculty of Medicine, Real Colegio de San Jose, Mss.,
Outlines of
1s7
y Rebeliones (here-
after cited as SR), vol. 35, and Medico Rianzares of Nagcarlan, SR, vol. 17,
PNA.
22.
Worcester's ideas on the epidemic and public health matters are also in his
The Philippines Past qnd Prcsenl, 2 vols. (New York, 1914), chapter 16. For a
thorough exandnation of early American attitudes towards medical progress
in the Philippines, see R. Sullivan, "Exemplar of Americanism: the Philippine
career of Dean C. Worcester" (Ph.D. dissertalion, James Cook University of
23. This accounl of the Philippine experience of ihe 1902 visitation is based
largely on the following: reports of commanding officers and surgeons of U.S.
Arnry garrisons in the southern Thgalog provinces, in Record Group 395, United
States National Archives (hereafter cited as USNA); Repori of lhe Philippine
Commission for 1902; and the circulars and reports collected in the Bureau
24. The precise linkages of rvar, disease and famine are examined in R. Ileto,
"Cholera and colonialism in southwest Luzon, 1902" (Paper presented at a conference on "Death, Disease and Drugs in the Southeast Asian Past", Australian
war",
Reynaldo C. Ileto
158
Outlines of
40.
41.
159
Ilelo, Poslon, pp.228-29. The best juxtapositions of Katipunan and tulr'son are
found in Spanish reports from the August iB96 lo lr{arch 1897 period, in the
Sediciones y Rebeliones bundles, PNA. Cuesta (p. 436 ff.) shows how support
for the Katipunan in Negros came solely from groups tagged as bandits.
These are conclusions based largely on research on the Philippine Insurgent
Records lodged in the Philippine National Library and Record Groups 395 and
94, Military Records Division, USNA. See Renaldo C. Ileto, "Chiefs, gunq and
men: the jefes insurrectos of Tiaong" (Paper presented at a conference on
44.
4s.
46.
47.
48.
reunrbnes rlrcilos such as the 4-5 women "fanatics" under one Severino Morales,
discovered in the outskirts of Manila in 1887; 8G1886-89, PNA. For recently
published studies: on the Dapdap affair and other'Dios Dios" phenomena see
Cruickshank, op. cit., chapters 7-8; on Buhawi, see Cuesta, op. cit., pp. 433-35;
on the Babaylan and others in the western Visayas, see Alfred McCoy,'Baylan:
animist religion and Philippine peasant ideology", in Wyatt and Woodside, eds.,
pp. 373-82; on the Gabinista and Colorum, see lleto, Foslon.
For a fuller account, see lleto, "Rizal", pp. 307-21.
See lletq Pagon, pp. L35-44.
See ibid., pp. 146ff.; and Milagros Guerrerq "Luzon at war: contradictions in
Philippine society" (Ph.D. .lissertation, University of Michigan, 1977), chapter 4.
See lletq .Fogon, chapters 3-4.
Awit na Pinagdoonang Buhay ng Is/os Filrpinos [Awit of the life experience of
the Philippine Islandsl, by'Dimatigtig", 15 July 1900 (Ms in Philippine Insurgent Records, box I-19, Philippine National Library).
49. 'Nietzsche, genealogy, histoq/, inLanguage, Counter-memory, Pmctice; Sr.lelc,ted
Esscaa ond Inle rviews by ltlichel Foucault, ediled by D. Bouchard (Ithaca: Cornell, 1977), p. 154.