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Black Studies
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confesses that he is "repeatedly disengaged" by the post1960 music of John Coltrane, by all means Williams (1970) is
to be recommended.'
Were it simply a matter of Williams' book alone, the
matter could be left at that. Implicitly at stake, however, is
what uses will its future custodians make of it? Leaving aside
the particular merits (or failings) of Williams' work, this issue
is sufficiently demanding to require some earnest consideration.
[403]
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written of him (or her). Ah, but the long run may be very
long indeed. Critics are still arguing the relative merits of
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Hodeir and Schuller.2 Beyond mere technical accomplishment, the skilled musicologist must bring to jazz a warm
enthusiasm for his subject, the taste (that cannot be
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views jazz (and other forms of black music) as a manifestation of the Afro-American experience. Examples of this genre
in English that spring readily to mind are Jones (1 963b), parts
of Jones (1968), Spellman (1966), Sidney Finkelstein's Jazz:
A People's Music, Francis Newton's (i.e., E. J. Hobsbawm's)
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no shortcuts to, much less substitutes for, critical judiciousness, empathy, lucidity, and the flexibility and willingness to
musicians en masse.5
The majority of books dealing with jazz, especially those
written by white American authors, have not withstood the
test of time nearly so well as the ones cited above. To
perceive the reasons for this at once forces us to confront the
historical (and contemporary) dilemma of white jazz criticism, a dilemma that both LeRoi Jones and myself (and
probably others as well) have sought to bring to the attention
of the jazz public. For the white author of books about jazz
has typically been neither a trained musicologist nor a
committed Marxist scholar; more often than not, he has
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of other races, and ... that his genius has found a unique
expression in the United States" (Williams, 1970: 8; italics
added). The remaining chapters are merely a series of brief
sketches, which, taken collectively, fail to offer sufficient
new insights and discoveries to justify the volume, still less its
ambitious title. For the 1920s, Gunther Schuller's (1968)
Early Jazz is infinitely more rewarding than Williams'
advantage in the works of Jones (1968, especially), Spellman's (1966) Four Lives, or for that matter, my own
(Kofsky, 1970). In summary, therefore, The Jazz Tradition is
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formulate any conclusions worthy of mention. The assumptions are related (and therefore have to be dealt with
together) simply because once one has rejected a social
interpretation of black music, another one has to be put in its
place. In itself, I suppose this could be construed as some
still denying that it is, after all, black music. But if it is that,
what makes it so? The contemporary Marxist critic would
music are best understood in light of the changing circumstances of those people. Having denied the validity of this
approach and no longer able to skirt the issue of the
Afro-American genesis of all major styles in jazz, Williams in
effect backs himself into a corner with only one way out. If
jazz does not represent the social creation of black people,
then it can only represent-what else?-their "natural
rhythm." There is no third alternative, no middle path. By
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hardly see how that can render his assumptions any more
palatable, once it is perceived what their logical outcome
must be. Though he may shrink from following his ideas to
their inevitable conclusion, in point of fact the argument that
whites, by virtue of their inherent "financial genius," belong
in control of the business aspects of jazz is neither more nor
less legitimate intellectually than Williams' thesis that
"Negroes as a race have a rhythmic genius." The evidence for
the former is of the same type as, and is exactly as good as,
the evidence for the latter-which is to say that there is no
evidence at all.7
with contemporaneous developments in the black community and the larger society. Williams, in rejecting Marxism for
genetic determinism, has denied himself that option. Yes,
changes certainly have taken place: musicians at one time
played in the style of Louis Armstrong, whereas later they
tended more to follow Charlie Parker. But as for what forces
brought these and other stylistic shifts about, what causes
were at the root of those well-known, sudden, dramatic
twists and turns in the history of jazz-to these and all related
questions, Williams, as he must, remains mute. His "answer"
is a shrug of the shoulders.
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cisely when they did, and not a decade earlier or later. That is
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Christian, and hundreds of others; ... [and for that matter] one
can find choruses of non-thematic improvisation in the recordings
of players who were leaders in the 'twenties and earlier.
The practices are, basically, as old as the blues.... One might say
that jazz musicians spent the late 'twenties and the 'thirties
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people; and even though the great bulk of the artists and
intellectuals held themselves aloof from the Garvey movement, as Robert A. Bone (1965: ch. 3) has pointed out, they
could not help but be affected by Garvey's clarion calls for
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poverty. Coupled with this was the fact that new institutions
were appearing, and some of them were open to black participation. Black intellectuals joined the Communist Party. Black
workers joined the new industrial unions that comprised the
CIO. The black poor received some benefits from various
New Deal agencies, even though most of these distributed
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All this was reversed with the coming of World War II.
Here, one can do no better than quote James Baldwin
The list of causes for this radical shift in attitude is long, but
basically can be boiled down to the fact that every aspect of
the war, from employment opportunities in war-production
industries to treatment in the armed services, was conducted
along racist lines at the same time that blacks were urged to
... put a new tone" into the black musician's horn: "open
resentment." In addition to their outrage over the indignities
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who lays claim to some expertise on the music (if not the
history) of this period, dogmatically refuses to concede any
social significance to bebop. Pressed for the meaning of the
title of Charlie Parker's blues Now's the Time, Gitler's (1965:
5) reply is most instructive: "I deny [any] obvious social
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implication. The title refers to the music and the now was the
time for the people to dig it." Similarly, the dean of white
critics, Leonard Feather (1967: 21), baldly asserts that
who were called upon to witness the moment of its birth. For
this reason it must be insisted upon at every step of the way
that jazz (and black music generally) cannot be wrenched
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bebop revolution.
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failure to establish a new function and milieu for jazz was, more
than anything else, the personal tragedy of the members of the
bebop generation.
to liberate jazz from its utterly unsuitable barroom surroundings, as well as those vagaries of Parker's personality that
Williams (1970: e.g., 136) refers to so insensitively, sprang
from the situation of the black musician in the 1940s. It
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Given the fact that no such attack on racism ever took place,
the outcome could readily be predicted. Just as black people
were rarely, if ever, allowed to benefit from the material
fruits of the society their labors had built, so were black
artists rigidly confined to the most ill-paying, cramped, and
anti-artistic circumstances. For the jazz musician, this meant
that the nightclub would continue to be his main source of
ted a new music: as artists, they could not and should not
have been asked to do more. And had they been white, most
black, they met no such fate. The fault, however, lay not
with them, for there was no removing jazz from dingy
nightclubs so long as the remainder of the society's institutions continued to operate on racist assumptions. The
responsibility here rested with the corporate ruling class that
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From one point of view, the post-Monk Coltrane had pushed jazz
harmonies as far as they could go. From another, such complex,
sophisticated knowledge set its own trap, and Coltrane . . . careened around ... in a three-dimensional harmonic maze of his
own making,
the end of the fifties seeking to push [the same verb is used by
Williams] the devices instituted by the bebop revolutionaries to
their logical, evolutionary conclusion....
Thus the Coltrane "sheets of sound" technique . . . must be
viewed in the perspective as the direct successor to the improvisa-
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The purpose of demonstrating Williams' use of my conclusions without attribution is least of all to convict him of
plagarism, for such "borrowing," both conscious and unconscious, is doubtless the fate of innumerable authors. The
point is rather to assert-better yet, to demonstrate-that
the conclusions that I reached-and that Williams repeatedflowed directly out of Marxian theory. To that end, I will
attempt to illustrate the way in practice that such theory can
be applied to concrete historical questions.
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(1) Historical development, whether in the natural universe or the social, does not take place exclusively in a
smooth and continuous fashion, but is marked by abrupt
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That Williams can discover in such a straightforward materialist statement of the way music is shaped by social necessity a
confirmation of his own antimaterialist prejudices is striking
NOTES
1. Williams expands his complaint about Coltrane: "After three or four
minutes my attention wanders, and giving the records try after try does not seem
to help." Further comment on my part would be superfluous.
What I am saying, conversely, is that I know of no work of his that has enriched
my understanding of the music of an artist the way that Hodeir's has in the case
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of Parker or that Schuller's has in the case of Morton. This, moreover, has nothing
whatsoever to do wtih the social views of either of these two authors. Both of
them, for example, appear to believe, as does Martin Williams (1970: 7-8), that
the musical gifts of Afro-Americans and Africans are inherent rather than socially
transmitted. Feather disputes this point (n.d.: ch. 5), and I would side with him
on the issue. Regardless of their views on that question, analyses by Hodeir and
Schuller are far and away the outstanding examples of their kind. A comparison
of their writing with that of Feather should establish beyond question that
technical knowledge of music, in and of itself, offers no guarantee that its
possessor will employ it with skill and discretion.
3. Sadly, the last three volumes are now out of print-a fact that seems even
more incredible in light of the burgeoning interest in black studies on the campus.
Though they deal with another strain of black music, Keil (1966) and Oliver
into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will; these
relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their
material powers of production. The sum total of these relations of production
constitutes the economic structure of society-the real foundation, on which rise
local and political superstructures and to which correspond definite forms of
before one can comprehend the meaning of black music, one must in one way or
another step outside the standard viewpoint and attitudes of the middle-class
white mainstream.
8. The ambivalence of the "new Negroes" of the 1920s to both the Garvey
mass movement (which attracted its recruits primarily from the working class
rather than from the middle class that spawned the artists and intellectuals) and
their white peers is sensitively dissected by Bone (1965: ch. 3). See also, Schuller
(1968: 325). A much more somber view of Harlem life in this period than that of
Johnson is advanced by Ofsofsky (1968). The account of Rudwick (1966) gives
some idea of the savagery shown by whites to innocent blacks.
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serious interest in the social background to bebop. Black opinion on the issues
raised by World War II was virtually unanimous on the hypocrisy involved in
having a nation whose capital was segregated by law pose as the leader of an
ostensibly antiracist and democratic crusade. As Roy Wilkins (1970: 47) rather
pointedly observed, "It sounds pretty foolish to be against park benches marked
'Jude' [Jew] in Berlin, but for park benches marked 'Colored' in Tallahassee,
Florida."
10. One of the most disturbing aspects of the work of some white critics, as
evidenced by Williams' comment on Parker's "failure," is a repeatedly demonstrated readiness to pass judgment on the alleged shortcomings of "their" black
subjects, without taking cognizance of the fact that there are historically
conditioned personality traits that blacks have developed as a defense against a
racist society (see, on this subject, e.g., Kardiner and Ovesy, n.d.; Grier and
Cobbs, 1968). Ample illustration of this tendency in white criticism can be found,
for instance, in Goldberg (1965), a book virtually undistinguished by redeeming
features. Like Williams (1970), Goldberg's volume is a series of unconnected
chapters, each treating a single artist.
precious little confirmation" for their interpretation of black music "in the lyrics
to traditional blues," since these "deal far more often with the problems of
courtship, personal morality, and natural forces-storms, floods-than with
society." Of course, this is the most arrant nonsense, and on several counts, at
that. How, for instance, can "the problems of courtship" and "personal morality"
be said to exist apart from "society"-or, in this case, rather, the "place" assigned
to black people in U.S. society? Are patterns of courtship among the various
classes of black people not socially conditioned, just as they are among the
different classes of whites? Are standards of morality not the same? Moreover, as
shown in his seminal work on the interpretation of traditional blues lyrics, Oliver
(1962) shows that either blues is to be comprehended through a social perspective
or it is not to be comprehended at all. Blues lyrics, Oliver observes (1962: 32;
italics added), "had meaning not only for the singer, but for every Negro who
listened. In the blues were reflected the effects of the economic stress on the
depleted plantations and the unexpected prosperity of the urban centres where
conditions of living still could not improve. In the blues were to be found the
major catastrophes both personal and national, the triumphs and miseries that
were shared by all, yet private to one. In the blues were reflected the family
disputes, the upheavals caused by poverty and migration, the violence and
bitterness, the tears and the happiness of all. In the blues an unsettled, unwanted
people during these periods of social unrest found the security, the unity and the
strength that it so desperately desired."
The noted Africanist scholar Janheinz Jahn is still more explicit. He writes
(1961: 233; italics in original): "The blues singer does not in fact express his
personal experiences and transfer them to his audience; on the contrary, it is the
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Even when there is talk of loneliness, of the beloved one who has run away, of the
neglected wife, of nostalgia for the South, it is not the personal experience that is
emphasized, but the typical experience of all those rejected by society in the
Negro districts of the North. And even though indirectly, the note of rebellion is
always heard too: I'd rather drink muddy water, sleep in a hollow log / Dan to
stay in dis town, Treated like a dirty dog. The melancholy is a camouflage, the
'plaint' hides a complaint."
that "Otis Spann, the pianist with [blues singer] Muddy Waters, told me that in
1940 they were writing protest songs-blues wasn't always singing about
resignation and disaster, this cat was writing some protest music. And he said, we
never used to sing them in the Delta of Mississippi, but everybody knew the songs.
Now . . . that's something Leonard Bernstein hasn't dealt with in discussing jazz."
Professor McWorter might have added the name of Martin Williams as well.
REFERENCES
BONE, R. A. (1965) The Negro Novel in America. New Haven and London: Yale
Univ. Press.
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KOFSKY, F. (1965) "Revolution, Coltrane and the avant-garde." Jazz (July and
September). Reprinted as "John Coltrane and the revolution in black music,"
in F. Kofsky, Black National and the Revolution in Music. New York: Merit.
LOCKE, A. (1968) The New Negro. New York: Atheneum.
ROUT, L. B., Jr. (1969) "Reflections on the evolution of postwar jazz." Negro
Digest 18 (February).
RUDWICK, E. M. (1966) Race Riot at East St. Louis: July 2,1917. Carbondale:
Southern Illinois Univ. Press.
SCHULLER, G. (1968) Early Jazz: Its Roots and Musical Development. New
York: Oxford Univ. Press.
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