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The Sacred and the Profane: "Qawwl" Represented in the Performances of Nusrat Fateh
Ali Khan
Author(s): Hiromi Lorraine Sakata
Source: The World of Music, Vol. 36, No. 3 (1994), pp. 86-99
Published by: VWB - Verlag fr Wissenschaft und Bildung
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43562829
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86 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

The Sacred and the Profane: Qawwl

Represented in the Performances of
Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan

Hiromi Lorraine Sakata

Abstract
Qawwall is the musical expression of Sufi poetry in South Asia, a form of devotion that con-

veys mystic, religious songs in a manner that is intended to make the listeners more receptive to understanding the message of the songs. This traditional, spiritual genre has under-

gone a dramatic transformation that now allows its presentation as a secular, concert genre

as well as a popular, commerdal genre both inside and outside of Pakistan. This article
explains how such a traditional spiritual genre manages to retain its spiritual identity even
in the secular-popular spheres. All the examples in the article are based on performances of
Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan of Pakistan.

Qawwl is the musical expression of Sufi poetry in South Asia, a form of devotion that conveys mystical songs in a manner that is intended to make the listeners more receptive to understanding the message of the songs.1 The sama' , trans-

lated as "audition" (Nicholson, transi., in Hujwiri 1911:393) or "spiritual concert" (Trimingham 1971:195) is a feature of Sufi practice. "The mystics have a
special interest in music, looking on it more as a spiritual exercise than an art"

(Robson 1938:4). According to 'All b. 'Uthmn al-Jullb al-Hujwr who wrote j

the most ancient 11th-century Persian treatise on Sufism, "Kashf al-mahjb'' '
"audition is a Divine influence (wrid al-haqq) which stirs the heart to seek God: ;

those who listen to it spiritually (ba-haqq) attain unto God (tahaqqaqa), and j
those who listen to it sensually (ba-nafs) fall into heresy (tazandaq)" (Hujwiri j

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 87

1911:404). He further attributes a general religious importance to the sense of

hearing or listening when he states, "It is hearing, then, that makes religion obligatory; and for this reason Sunnis regard hearing as superior to sight in the

domain of religious obligation" {ibid., 393). Trimingham (1971:195) states that

Sufis found music had the "mystical power to draw out the deepest emotions,

but also, when coordinated with symbolic words and rhythmical movements,
has power over man's will.*
These very mainstays of Sufi sam' the music, the poetry, and the ecstatic
dancing, have been controversially interpreted through the years. Although the

Qur'n makes no mention of music, orthodox theologians have generally condemned it. However, there are interpretations that say that music is lawful if it is
not used for diversion and if the effect of listening is permissible.2

Poetry is most certainly permissible to hear.3 In fact, to many, poetry is Islam's highest form of art. Singing is generated by the human voice, the same
voice that gives color and life to one of Islam's highest forms of expression, the
"word." In Persian, the term khndan means "to sing" as well as "to read." It is
precisely this fluid notion of singing, at times associated with music, at other
times associated with sacred texts - this mixture of the sacred and the profane that is intentionally used by Sufis. Sufi songs may appear to be profane to" the
uninitiated, but embody sacred meaning to the initiated.
The sam ' of the Chishtiya order of Sufism, established in India in the 13th
century, revolves mainly around qawwl. Abul Hasan (1253-1325), popularly
known as Amir Khusrau, is generally acknowledged as being responsible for the
present form of the sam' in the Chishtiya order (Nayyar 1988:2).
Many contradictions are prominendy featured in qawwl texts. The Sufis
made love the foundation of their relationship with God. This spiritual love is
often described as worldly love between man and woman. The pious and devoted are sometimes portrayed as rogues or as non-Muslims. The Sufi meeting
place or the heart is often referred to as a "tavern." The sam' ritual is at times
described as a gathering involving drinking, dancing and singing. The use of this
ambivalent imagery can be demonstrated by translations of several qawwl texts
in which there are references to love, intoxication, madness, dancing, Hindu
jogs (mendicant), scoundrels and dancing girls. Thus clothed in these worldly
images, they signify the mystic state and the mission of the Sufis.
The opening lines of the following Persian verses are attributed to a contro-

versial Sufi poet, Bu Ali Qalandar (b. 1242):

haideriam qalandaram mastam I am a Haideri, a Qalandar, I am

intoxicated,

band-i-murtaz (al bastam I am a slave of Ali Murtaza

pishw-i-tamm rindnam I am the chief of all drinkers

keh sag-i-kuh-i-sher-i-yazdnam 4 And the dog of the streets of the

lion of Yazd5

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88 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

Most Sufi orders in India and Pakistan, regardless of their alignment, acknowledge Ali, the son-in-law and cousin of the Prophet, to be the master of all
Sufi orders. "Drinking" is a term used often by Sufis to portray the imbibing of

esoteric knowledge. Thus, the "chief of all the drinkers" is someone who has
drunk deeply of the wine of gnosis (m'arifat).
The next verses are from the simple but multilayered Panjabi mystical poetry of Bulleh Shah of Kasur (d. 1758).6 It includes two important Sufi elements
of teaching, firq or separation, and visai , the union (Nayyar 1989):
ter ' ishq nachya kar thaiya thaiya Your love makes me dance, thaiya
thaiya

kanjri bany meri 'izzat n ghatdi My honor does not grow less if
I become a dancing girl,

main nach ke yr manvan de Let me dance and make my friend

happy
The devotee is here portrayed as a dancing girl, where the syllables thaiya
thaiya are references to dance syllables:

dhla chhup gaya suraj O, lover, the sun is hidden

mat kothe carh dekh Oh, I climb the roof and look

dhola jnd jnd, ve My lover is leaving, leaving, oh

The theme of union and separation are clearly portrayed by the image of the
lover leaving his beloved:

aj khuli meri guti Oh, today my hair is open

hath dast parnd ve In my hands the parnd
pia mai bhul gaiy Oh, my lover, I forgot,
tere nl n gaiy I did not go with you
pi je xabar hundi If I had known, my lover,
mal rti pair rachdi I would have decorated my feet at
night

pia mat bhul gaiy Oh, my lover, I forgot,

tere nl n gaiy I did not go with you
The image of a distraught devotee (distraught at the thought of separation),

is painted as a woman in an erotic state whose hair is loose and flowing, he

parnd or cotton cloth used for braiding, in her hand rather than in her hair.
She regrets that she did not decorate her feet with henna like a bride and go with
her lover or God. The sorrow and regret of separation after union is expressed
in the following lines:

morio ni, ohnu mor liavo Turn him around, oh turn him
around,

kite muy phir hath na ave Maybe he will never be in my hands

again

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 89

Another famous song by Bulleh Shah, "Ni mat ja jog de nl'' ("I Will Go
with the jogi") is a song in which a village girl shows her love for a wandering
jogi and goes away with him. Much of the imagery used demonstrates a common
Indian duality of Krishna-Muhammad. In Bulleh Shah's poem, the theme of the
girl following the jog is repeated until the very end when the jog is recognized
as Muhammad:
o jog n, meri akhiy nl te vekho, o jog na
e jog jog matvl, hath vich il allh di ml
nm hai usda kamli vl
That's not a jog, look at him with my eyes, that's not a jog.
This is a unique jog , in his hand is the rosary of il allah

His name is "the black-shawled one."7

One of the main purposes of sam ' is to attain ecstasy. Ecstasy takes on
many forms,8 but "commotion and movement" seem to be common reactions
(Robson 1938:9). Dancing has always been frowned upon in orthodox Sufism:
You must know that dancing (raqs) has no foundation either in the religious law (of
Islam) or in the path (of Sufism), ... but when the heart throbs with exhilaration and
rapture becomes intense and the agitation of ecstasy is manifested and conventional
forms are gone, that agitation is neither dancing nor foot-play nor bodily indulgence,

but a dissolution of the soul. Those who call it "dancing" are utterly wrong. It is a

state that cannot be explained in words: "without experience, no knowledge"

(Hujwiri 1911:416).

Through this excited state known as hl, the Sufi achieves a state of spiritual
exaltation.9

If you ask a Sufi to explain spiritual knowledge, he will say, "it is such a
thing that I understand but cannot explain. But we shall clothe it with words and

its repetition may make you reach that exalted place. You can only gauge its
pleasure by discovering it yourself, there is no pleasure in describing it"
(Raziuddin Qawwal 1989). In this way, spiritual knowledge is transferred to the
people through the words that prepare them to listen, to influence their hearts,
to strike at their emotions, to prepare them to experience that knowledge. According to qawwl or singers of qawwl , "there is no other reason for qawwlf

(ibid.).

This very traditional spiritual genre has recendy undergone a dramatic

transformation that now allows its presentation as a secular, concert genre in
Pakistan, and as a popular, commercial genre outside of Pakistan. At the outset
of her authoritative work on qaww Qureshi (1986:1) distinguishes between
the "authentic spiritual song" of the Sufis and "the popular version of Qawwali
adapted for entertainment in clubs and on the screen." I speak of a popular,
commercial genre which not only developed out of the "authentic" genre, but
contains many of the essential elements of the spiritual genre.10 Most impor-

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90 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

tantly, both types of qawwl are performed by the same musicians.

The traditional qawwl ensemble consists of a lead male singer, soloists and
a chorus of male singers. Their repertoire consists of liturgical poetry in Persian,

Urdu, Panjabi, and Hindi, although it has been said that "qawwl has no language, apart from the language of the soul" (Raziuddin Qawwal 1989). They
normally perform at shrines on Thursdays or on special days commemorating
anniversary dates of a saint or spiritual leader.
Traditional performances can last all night with only very short breaks for
the musicians. In the context of a Sufi gathering, one song may last 15 minutes to

even longer than an hour, depending on the mood of the gathering, and then
lead smoothly into another song. The qawwl , the lead singer, has complete control over the words, lines, or sections to be repeated, and the musical settings of
these repetitions. He gauges the atmosphere of the assembly, observes the activities of individuals, then tries to capture the mood of the moment to lead the listeners to a deeper understanding and appreciation of the text.
The qawwl is guided by general rules regarding the sequence of song types

such as praises to God (hamd), then to Muhammad (na't), then to saints

(manqabat), but the choice of repertoire and the manner of performance are left

to the performer.11 Even the sequence of text is not standardized since the
qawwl is free to join various segments from different poems. In general, the
qawwl uses tempo, melodic structures, and song texts to build toward a climax.

When a qawwl performance is secularized, certain spiritually motivated

performance rules are no longer retained, while other artistically motivated performance practices are adopted. For example, a strict sequence of song types is
no longer necessarily observed; each song is clearly demarcated with a beginning
and an end as separate items in a musical concert; and musically interesting sections are added more frequendy without regard to the text-emphasis function it
played in the religious setting.
An important feature of the religious qawwl performance is the interaction
between the performer and his audience. The same is true of secular performances, but the audience's background and knowledge is different and more varied than an assembly of Sufis. Therefore, the qawwl relies more on the artistic
expression of the text rather than the mystical meaning of the text to communicate to the audience. He will incorporate more purely musical passages to entertain his listeners. The choice of poems in certain languages is also dictated by the
audience. When the audience is foreign, the elements of rhythm and purely musical artistry are emphasized even more.
Qawwl as a secular, popular style of singing was first brought to the atten-

tion of young western audiences by Peter Gabriel and the WOMAD (World of
Music and Dance) festivals.12 A collaboration between Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan
and Michael Brook of Real World Records resulted in the popular album
"Mustt, Must which included the hit song with the same tide:

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 91

"Mast, Mast"1*

dam mast qalandar mast mast

mera vird hai dam dam 'all ' all
saxi ll qalandar mast mast
jhule ll qalandar mast mast
khi j malanga t ' 'alt ' 'alt ' alt (al

khi j malanga sach pi man lain ge

aj ni te kal sre 'al 'al kai ge
mast, mast, mast, mast

Breath enraptured (drunken) qalandar , intoxicated, intoxicated

My refrain with every breath is Ali Ali
Generous red qalandar , intoxicated, intoxicated
Bridegroom red qalandar , intoxicated, intoxicated
O malang , keep on saying Ali Ali Ali Ali
O malang , keep on saying the truth, they themselves will believe
If not today, then tomorrow, all will say Ali Ali.
Mast, mast, mast, mast
This particular recording became extremely popular in Pakistan and firmly
established Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan as the master of popular qawwl in Pakistan.

It spawned local Pakistani "arrangements" and remixed versions and Nusrat

began collaborating with South Asian popular musicians in performing and mix-

ing his own songs14. These pop versions prompted Jawwad Ali, host of a
qawwl program for the "Celebration of Muslim Peoples and Cultures" on radio station KPFK in Los Angeles, to call Nusrat "the Grand Master of Hip Hop
Mix Master." Peter Watrous (1993) of the New York Times suggests that
qawwl "translates internationally in part because it shares so much with popular music."

The popularization of qaww whether sung in a traditional style, a filmi

style, or a Western pop style, seems not to }lessen its identification as qawwl.

How can this be? How a traditional spiritual genre such as qawwl manages to
retain its identity in the secular-popular sphere can be illustrated by focusing on
the ambiguous nature of qawwl performance to explain the ease with which it
can be at one and the same time, a religious, ritual genre, and a popular, secular
genre.

Three elements of qawwl performance, namely, song texts, monetary offerings to the singers, and the listener's behavior, all invite a secular interpretation of qawwl. Conversely, these three elements, and perhaps the most important element of all, the singer's state of mind in the context of a secular performance, are strikingly similar to those of the religious ritual.
The multiple levels of interpretation of Sufi song texts have been discussed
above. Many of the themes and text, such as "mast" meaning "intoxication", can

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92 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

Fig. 1. Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan in concert, University of Washington, Seattle, January 23,
1993

easily serve the secular as well as the sacred audiences. The following discussion
will focus on the offerings to the musicians in the form of money, the behavior of
the listeners in reaction to the music in the form of arousal, and a discussion of

the state of mind of the singer, the qawwl . All examples to which I refer in this
article are based on performances by Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan.1^

The traditional context for a qawwli performance known as sama is at

shrines on occasions of Sufi anniversaries or other days of remembrance. The

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 93

principal occasion is the 'urs, literally "wedding," signifying the Saint's union
with God on his death anniversary. According to Hujwiri (1911:419), "it is necessary that a spiritual director should be present during the performance, and
that the place should be cleared of common people, and that the singer should

be a respectable person".
The spiritual director is known as the pr , literally, "an old man; founder or
chief of any religious body or sect" (Steingass 1892:264). The pr sits at the head
of a Sufi gathering, while the singers sit at the opposite end. After formal read-

ings from the Qur'n, the singers sing mystical songs which help listeners
achieve a state of spiritual arousal. According to Qureshi (1986:107), "the focus
in the mahfil-e-sama ' concept, rather than being on the music itself, is on the listener and on his ability to draw spiritual benefits from it." It is therefore of interest to focus on the actions of the audience in terms of formal offerings of money
made to the spiritual leader and the less formal offerings given to the musicians.
The manner of offering money differs from one of formal deference to the
leader, and one of showering the money, known as vel, on the musicians, but at
times, the spiritual leader is showered as well. Qureshi (1986:123) indicates that
these offerings can be deliberate gestures of deference, or can be a spontaneous
reaction to emotional arousal but adds that in India, the offering is never given

directly to the musicians 126-7). The showering of vel on the musicians

seems to be a form of spontaneous reaction to spiritual arousal. The question of
whether the offerings are made direcdy to the musicians or not is apparendy a
controversial one that was evident even in the 11th century when al-Hujwr discusses not money, but the proper disposal of a garment torn off a Sufi while he is
in a state of rapture. Hujwiri (1911:418) notes: "'The spoils belong to the slayer/

and that not to give it to the singer is to violate the obligations imposed by
Sufism." He continues: "Others contend - and I [Hujwiri] prefer this view that, just as some theologians are of the opinion that the dress of a slain man
should not be given to his slayer except by permission of the Imam, so, here, this

garment should not be given to the singer except by command of the spiritual

director" (ibid.).

Other than the offerings, individual listeners respond expressively in various

stages of spiritual arousal. ^ When a Sufi attains an ecstatic state, other devotees
recognize his spiritual state by showering the man with their offerings of v el, all
of which go direcdy to the musicians.
Figure 2 lists descriptive elements of four qatvwl performance contexts.

All performances involve Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan. Two occasions for performance are religious and two are secular.
Although the tomb of Waris Ali Shah is in India, the 'urs is celebrated at the
shrine of Waris Ali Shah in Lahore (see Figure 2). 17 The pr sits at the head of
the all male assembly in the courtyard of the shrine while the qawwls sit at the

opposite end. A small number of women sit indoors in an area adjacent to the
courtyard. Members of the order, identified by their long yellow robes, sit along

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94 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

RELIGIOUS

SECULAR

Urs of Waris Ali Shah Urs

Lahore Bakhsh, Lahore Islamabad of Washington, Seattle

of

Da

reason for performance: reason for performance: reason for performance: reason for perfo

religious imperative religious imperative financial contract part of contra

at shrine vicinity of shrine no shrine no shrine
ptr

no

ptr

members

no

of

ptr

Sufi

audience

no

pr

orders

Sufi

orders

mainly male mainly male mixed mixed

space for women in no space for women [not applicable] [not applicable]
periphery

annual event annual event one time event one time event

200+ audience 2,500+ audience 150+ audience 1,000+ audience

audience sits on ground audience sits on ground audience sits on floor audience sits in
outdoor outdoor/tent indoor/auditorium indoor/auditorium

invitation invitation invitation ticket

two groups perform all 100+ groups perform one gr

night day and night 4 hours 2 1/2 hours

no announcements each group announced compre/present

beginning

specialized performance specialized performance specialized performance composite sequence seauence or specific Sufi sequence inclusive of sequence inclusive of opens with hamd but
oraer* - opens with several orders**- opens several orders** - opens does not close with rang

qaul and closes with with hamd and closes with hamd and closes

rang with rang with rang

no clapping no clapping clapping clapping

indirect and direct cash indirect and direct cash direct cash offerings

offerings offerings

members of order dance individuals dance one ecstatic believer groups of ma

dances Asian men dance

* Chishti sequence, see Note 11.

** Chishti, Qadrt, Suhrvardt. For more information on Sufi orders, see T

Fig. 2. Table of Performance Contexts

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 95

the inner open space in front of the leader. Audience members listen quiedy,
while individuals get up to make formal offerings to the p/r, often joining three
or four others to make group offerings. Other individuals shower the musicians
direcdy with vel. From time to time, men in their yellow robes get up to sway and
move in a way that indicates spiritual arousal.

The 'urs of al-Hujwr, better known as Data Ganj Bakhsh, Patron Saint of
the city of Lahore, is the most important, the largest, and the best known mahfil-

e sam' in Lahore, yet, it is the most secular of the sam' or ritual performance in
the city (see Figure 2). 18 It is a completely public event where individuals are al-

lowed into the main tent with a pass, where there is an assembly of approximately 2,500 men inside and outside the fenced area. There is no spiritual leader
as the government has nationalized the shrine. The organization of the sam' is
undertaken by a committee of citizens of Lahore. Many of the special guests are
politicians rather than spiritual elites. The tinsel, the glitter, and the flashing,
colored disco lights, are appropriate for a wedding celebration. Throughout the

two days and nights of the 'urs, more than one-hundred qawwl groups perform, one after the other, some singing for less than 10 minutes. All the vel col-

lected during a particular performance goes to that performing group of

qawwls. Individual members of the assembly display a wide range of behavior

from those appropriate for spiritual arousal to those appropriate for social
behavior normally displayed among friends.

The 'urs of Data Ganj Bakhsh (see Figure 2) is opened with prayers (fajr
prayers), readings from the Qur'n (Qurn khni) and the singing of na't ( na't
khn)y after which qawwl begins. Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan19 sings the opening
set of songs (around 10 a.m. of the first morning). He returns to sing again in the
middle of the sam ' (around midnight of the first night) and finally closes the

sam! (around 4 a.m. of the second night) with the rang , a hymn by Amir
Khusrau paying tribute to his p/r, Nizamuddin Auliya. At times, members of the
assembly clapped and were reprimanded for this inappropriate behavior in a re-

ligious gathering. The audience's attention focused on the star musician, their
gaze upward rather than inward. They made tape recordings and took photographs. Some enthusiastic listeners stood up and danced briefly, indicating enjoyment of the worldly senses rather than a manifestation of spiritual arousal.
This annual event challenges the delicate boundary between the sacred and the
secular spheres of qamwl performance and provides a clear example of how
audience behavior, though different in intent, is similar in form.
In contrast to the (urs of Data Ganj Bakhsh, the audience at a secular, formal

concert in Islamabad20 seemed to display behavior more fitting to a sam' than a

secular concert. Although the concert was secular, Nusrat sang the sequence of
songs as he would have in a sam'. In fact, when the presenter asked him to be-

gin by singing a na't (a song in praise of Muhammad) he politely said that he

would, after singing a hamd (a song in praise of God), thereby recognizing a
proper hierarchy and sequence of songs. He ended the concert with a rang

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96 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

which is normally the final ritual hymn. The audience, like Sufis, stood up for
the rang. They offered their vel to Nusrat in a formal, deferential manner, not
unlike that used for the spiritual leader in a Sufi ritual. Again, all the vel collected during the concert went direcdy to the musicians, above and beyond the
contracted fees. Individual members of the audience seemed to attain a level of
ecstasy, even in this secular context.

Audience behavior at some decidedly secular and popular concerts in the

United States can be compared to the more flamboyant behavior displayed at the

(urs of Data Ganj Bakhsh. Individual members of the audience approach the
musicians to either formally offer their vel, shower their vel on the musicians,

one note at a time, or dramatically throw a bundle of notes towards them.

Groups of Pakistani and Indian males dance down the aisles to the front of the
stage where they dance in appreciation, and some, in ecstasy.
Besides the unvarying Sufi message of the song texts and the behavior of the
audience to the songs, there is one more aspect of qawwli which does not seem
to change radically from one performance context to another: the attitude and
intent of the performer. In an interview for the Philadelphia Inquirer, Nusrat
admits that the music is changed for different audiences, however, "the purpose

is the same" (Moon 1993). In a New York Times article, he responds to a question regarding his work with Peter Gabriel, "That was just a litde experiment."
Then he adds:
But really, I'm just singing for God. You see, music is a thing that can make a rapport

between God and people special. You can't gain that sort of rapport from prayers,
even if you spend years praying. If a listener can't understand the words, just partici-

pating in the music as a concert will light a flame in the soul (Watrous 1993).

In the same article, Nusrat states:

When I sing it doesn't seem to come from my mind, and I don't feel myself. ... At that
time I'm feeling in another world. An imaginary world. When I perform in concert, I
feel that the poetry is for my God and I feel nearer to Him, to the sacred personality

(ibid.).

In this modern age when many forms of musical expression have been pack-

aged as a cultural product, how can qawwl retain its essential meaning as a
spiritual genre in its varying roles of religious music, concert art music, and
popular music? When the religious context of qawwl is substituted by a secular context, how can it still be considered a traditional, spiritual genre?

One of the most important bases of Islamic authority is the concept of

hadth. Hadth is often translated as "tradition," however, it differs from the
English word which implies something unwritten, anonymous and imprecise, a
vague custom. In contrast, hadth are explicit statements, texts put into writing,
naming both the transmitters and the original source. They are reports about
what the Prophet and his Companions had said or done that establishes authority second only to that of the Holy Qur'n.
The most important ingredient in the concept of musical tradition in Islamic

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Sakata. The Sacred and the Profane 97

societies is repertoire. Somewhat analogous to hadth texts, the most important

aspect of repertoire is song text. It provides the literary links to the past and to
religious recitation. The importance and authority of the written word in Islamic
cultures is generally recognized, but the extent to which the literary tradition
plays a role in a basically oral musical tradition cannot be minimized. Here, the
acknowledgment of a known poet establishes an important link to the past and

names the original source. Even popular songs like "Mast Mast" are based on

Sufi texts.

The performer himself provides an endorsement of authenticity even when

unconventional elements such as new instruments and new arrangements are

incorporated into the performances. The musician's own heritage as a qawwl
establishes a link to the past as a transmitter and keeper of the qawwl tradition.
Nusrat's father and uncles were all famous qawwls. Most qawwls acknowledge
their ancestors as the source of their own knowledge and place in the tradition.

According to Munshi Raziuddin Qawwal (1989), "protecting the elders is the

protection of knowledge. ^
The musical elements associated with the classical tradition or regional folk
traditions establish yet another link to the past, to a sense of some cultural authority which then authenticates the tradition by referring to the original source.
Nusrat improvises in the Hindustani classical style, and sings Panjabi songs.
Of all the considerations, the one of context of performance seems to be the

least important criterion in sustaining tradition. Thus, performances sacred or

secular, local or international, do not seem to be significant in altering the con-

cept of qawwl as a spiritual genre. Rather, the essence of qawwl lies in the
authority of tradition identified by the text, the poet, the music, and the musician.

[Final version received: 18 May 1994]

Notes

1 This paper at various stages of its development was presented as a lecture with video illustrations at sev
eral universities and presented as a paper with video documentation at the 1993 ICTM conference
Berlin. I am indebted to Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan who invited me to attend his performances whenever

possible. The information for this paper is based on at least 20 performances of Nusrat Fateh Ali Kha
in both religious and secular settings, in Pakistan and the United States, spanning the years 1989
1993. 1 am also indebted to Adam Nayyar who first introduced me to Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, and wh
kindly read this article and suggested changes, corrections and additions.

2 For a discussion of various interpretations, see Sakata 1983:35-8.

3 "It is permissible to hear poetry. The Apostle heard it, and the Companions not only heard it but a
spoke it" (Hujwiri 1911:397).

4 All the song texts in this article were translated by Adam Nayyar. For an example of this Persian verse

listen to "Ali ali maula ali ali" on "Mehfl-e Sama, Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan in Concert", Voi. 29 (E
TC.CEMCP-61 12).
5 " Haiden " is a reference to "one of the sect of Ali" (Platts 1884:482). "Qalandar" is described as "a k
of wandering Muhammadan monk, with shaven head and beard, who abandons everything, wif

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98 the world of music 36(3) - 1994

friends and possessions and travels about" (Platts 1884:794). The reference to "the lion of Yazd" is a
reference to Ali. Thus, this devoted Sufi is a slave of Ali or even a dog of his street.

6 From notes to song texts translated for the film "Pardesi" (Paris: Ethnievision, 1992).
7 For an example of this song, listen to Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, Vol. 2 (Lok Virsa GM-18A).
8 Robson (1938:9) lists a number of differing reactions to ecstasy in his introduction to "Tracts on Listening to Music".
9 Gilbert Rouget (1985:6-7) refers to this state as "trance." Jean During (1991:170) describes hl as an
"intense emotional state."

10 Qureshi (1992/93:118) calls this genre, "serious popular religious qawwali."

11 In the Chishtiya order, it is common to begin with the qaul , a Sun hymn attributed to Amir Khusrau.

12 Here, I emphasize the word "young" because of the popularity of music known as "world music"
among our youth today. The Sabri Brothers initially introduced qawwli to the West in the early 1980s.
The senior of the brothers, Ghulam Farid Sabri, died on April 5, 1994 in Karachi.
13 The Panjabi text is by a contemporary poet, Bari Niami. I have chosen to transliterate the title according to the Persian: mast instead of mustt. Malang refers to a type of mendicant. Saxi meaning "generous" here refers to Lai Qalandar.

14 One such collaboration was with Bally Sagoo, popular musician from Birmingham, England who
mixed and produced "Magic Touch" in 1991 for Oriental Star Agencies (CD 030 SR, Vol. 12). The
same tracks are also available on a cassette manufactured in Karachi (Eagle No. 113782); however, no
mention is made of Bally Sagoo on the cassette.

15 I am indebted to Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan who introduced me to the authorities at Ghausia Darbar in

Faisalabad, Waris Ali Shah in Lahore, and Data Ganj Bakhsh in Lahore who gave me permission to
attend and record their 'urs and barst (the death anniversary of an individual other than a saint).
1 6 Qureshi ( 1 986) describes the various stages of spiritual arousal in T able 24 on page 119 and the types of

expressive responses displayed by Sufis in Table 25 on page 121.

17 Description of the 1991 'urs of Waris Ali Shah.

18 Combined description of the 1991, 1992, 1993 'urs of Data Ganj Bakhsh.
19 Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan has opened, sung in the middle, and closed the sam' for at least the last three
years I attended; however, in 1993, due to illness, he did not perform in the middle of the sama .

20 Sponsored by Lok Virsa in Islamabad, 1989.

References
During, Jean

1991 The Art of Persian Music. Washington D.C.: Mage Publishers.

Hujwiri, Ali b. Usman al Jullabi al-

1911 Kashf al-mahjb. Translated by Reynold A. Nicholson. Karachi: Darul-Ishaat, 1990.

Moon, Tom
1993 "Virtuoso in Ritual Music of the East." Philadelphia Inquirer , November 21:n.p.
Nayyar, Adam

1988 Qawwali. Islamabad: Lok Virsa Research Centre.

1989 Program notes for Concert of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan. Brooklyn Academy of Music.
Platts, John T.

1884 A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi and English. Oxford: Oxford University Press. New Delhi
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1977.
Qureshi, Regula Burckhardt
1986 Sufi Music of India and Pakistan. Sound, Context and Meaning in Qawwali. Cambridge Studies
in Ethnomusicology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1992/93 "'Muslim Devotional': Popular Religious Music and Muslim Identity Under British, Indian an
Pakistani Hegemony." Asian Music 24(1): 11 1-21.
Raziuddin Qawwal, Munshi
1989 Interview at Lok Virsa, Islamabad on March 8, 1989. Translated by Adam Nayyar.
Robson, James
1938 Tracts on Listening to Music. London: The Royal Asiatic Society.

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S akata. The Sacred and the Profane 99

Rouget, Gilbert

1985 Music and Trance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Sakata, Hiromi Lorraine
1983 Music in the Mind: Concepts of Music and Musician in Afghanistan. Kent: Kent State University
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Steingass, F.

1892 A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary. Beirut: Librairie du Liban. (New Impression

1970.)
Trimingham, J. Spencer

197 1 The Sufi Orders in Islam. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Watrous, Peter
1993 "Singer Uses Virtuosity as a Vehicle to a Higher Realm." New York Times , November 12:n.p.

Discography
Khan, Nusrat Fateh Ali
1988 Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan. A cassette recording, Lok Virsa GM- 18 A.
1990 Mustt Mustt. A WOMAD production sound recording for Real World 91630.
1991 Magic Touch. A sound recording, mixed and produced by Bally Sagoo for Oriental Star Agencies, Ltd., CD 030 SR, Vol. 12.

1993 Mehfil-e Sama, Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan , Vol. 29. EMI TC. CEMCP-6112.
n.d. Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan Qawwal. A cassette recording, Eagle, E-1567, Vol. 3.

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