Ethnic Identity and Self Esteem: A Case Study With Turkish Cypriots - Nweke Elochukwu Gabriel

GIRNE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY
FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY
Master’s Thesis
22nd of April 2010
ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SELF ESTEEM
Relationship between Ethnic Identity and Self Esteem among Minority
Groups
A case study with Turkish Cypriots
Nweke Elochukwu Gabriel
S/N 070402115
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Ethnic identity and Self esteem
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ………............................................................................................................... 4
Acknowledgement ……………………………………………………………………….5
Chapter One: Introduction………………………………………………………………..6

Background …………………………………………………………………………… 6
Statement of Problem ………………………………………………………………..... 15
Research Questions ………………………………………………………………..… 15
Hypotheses of the Study………………………………………………………….……. 15
Chapter Two: Relevant literature and theoretical review …………………….……..... 17
Introduction ………………………………………………………………………..….. 17
Self esteem and academic achievement …………………………………….………… 19
Self esteem and alcohol/drug abuse………………………………………..………….. 20
Self esteem and socio economic status………………………………………………… 21
Self esteem and inter personal relationships…………………………………………… 24
Ethnic identity theoretical models …………………………………………………… 25
Chapter three: methodological details …………………………………………………. 42
Sample population……………………………………………………………………….42
Research instruments ………………………………………………………………… 42
Data collection and analysis …………………………………………………………… 44
Chapter four: results ………………………………...…………………………………..46
Chapter five: discussions ………………………………………………………………..55
Applications of this study.................................................................................................58
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Future researches …………………………………………………………………….59
Limitations of this study …………………………………………………………….61
References …………………………………………………………………………..62
Appendix A …………………………………………………………………………71
Appendix B………………………………………………………………………….72
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Abstract
This study examined the relationship between ethnic identity and personal self esteem among
ethnic minority groups with Turkish Cypriot undergraduate students as the case study.
Rosenberg’s (1979) self esteem scale and Phinneys (1991) ethnic identity scale was used to
measure self esteem and ethnic identity respectively. A total of sixty two students filled out the
two questionnaires. The students were divided into two groups. Group one comprised of those
that have dual nationality while group two comprised of those that have single nationality. The
results revealed that positive relationships exist between ethnic identity and self esteem among
those that have dual nationality while a negative but not significant relationship was noted
between ethnic identity and self esteem among those that have single nationality. Both results
support the hypothesis. Dual nationality group indicated higher self esteem and higher ethnic
identity than the single nationality group. Females also showed higher ethnic identity than males
but males self esteem scores was slightly higher than the females. These findings imply that level
of self esteem could predict ethnic identity and vice versa.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to give my deepest thanks and gratitude to prof. Tulin Bodamyali for her
supervision, feedback and support. It’s been a pleasure working with you and thanks for allowing
me “creative” freedom in the conceptualization and preparation of this thesis. My appreciation
goes to prof., Andre P. Walton who initially started this work, I say thank you sir. My gratitude
also goes to all the entire staff in the department of psychology who contributed to the successful
completion of my masters’ degree program. Special thanks go to all the students in the
department and also my participants in this study. Finally, I want to thank Mr. Tuner Esoy for
interpreting Turkish articles for me. I thank you all and God bless.
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CHAPTER I
Introduction
Background
In a challenge to the ongoing Cypriot experiment of reconciling unity and peace making,
the need to know the extent to which the citizens identify with their ethnic group and national
identity becomes imperative. Cyprus is an island which has multi ethnic communities including
Turks, Turkish Cypriots, Greek Cypriots, Armenians, and Kurds amongst others. The capricious
historic and recent past of Cyprus is fought with ethnic strife, colonial and post-colonial
struggles, and continuing political conflict. All of these elements contribute to the greater
“Cyprus conflict and identity crisis”. The primary task of this introduction is to outline these
factors and their relationship with ethnic identity and self esteem on the island. I will begin with
a brief historic overview of the Cyprus conflict and the resulting division of “Greek” and
“Turkish” Cypriot ethnicities. Specifically, I will focus on north Cyprus and the assimilation of
Turkish Cypriots into the greater Turkish culture and ethnicity. The essence of the Cyprus
conflict is a result of Greek and Turkish sociopolitical disagreements and military clashes, which
rose during the latter half of the British colonial period from 1878 through 1960. After colonial
rule ended, ethnic strife between the island’s primary ethnic groups increased with Greek
Cypriots striving for reunification with Greece or enosis, and Turkish Cypriots wanting equal
representation in the government and the partition of the island (Papadakis, et al. 2006:2).
Terrorist attacks and inter-ethnic violence increased until the late 1960’s when both sides began
political negotiations with the United Nations. During the same period, a military government
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came to power in Greece. The Greek Cypriot political majority, led by Archbishop Makarios,
was slowly moving away from enosis and maintaining the status quo of Greek Cypriot political
majority on the island. Consequently, in July of 1974, radical pro-Greek factions, supported by
the military government in Greece, attempted a coup against Archbishop Makarios. As a result,
on July 20, 1974, after consultation with Britain, Turkey intervened with a military invasion of
Cyprus; namely peace-keeping action to protect the Turkish Cypriot community. This was in
exercise of the powers of guarantee agreed in the Treaty of Zurich. Since this time the island has
remained divided. On the 15th November 1983 The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC) was founded. It is a fully democratic state and with exception of a few border incidents,
internal peace has been established.
Anthony Smith (1998) states that the main components of an ethnic community are a
collective name, myth of ancestry, historical memories, shared cultural elements, association
with a homeland, and a common language. Although this general definition of ethnicity is
informative, it indirectly implies an isolation and static understanding of ethnic groups. In the
case of Cyprus, Greek and Turkish ethnicities are often reduced to one’s association to a national
homeland (Greece or Turkey), Greek or Turkish language, and shared cultural elements such as
religion (Greek Orthodox or Islam), and food; without discussing the underlying minutia and
interactions among Greek and Turkish ethnic identities. As a result, the marked
oversimplification of ethnicity and its role in the Cyprus conflict is suspect and has resulted in
misdirected understandings of ethnicity on Cyprus. From psychological standpoint, I am
interested in not only what it means to identify with an ethnicity, but also understanding it’s
contextual and dynamic relationship with personal self esteem and other socio-cultural and
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political arrangements. Since 1974, Turkey’s political policy of increasing the Turkish
population vis-à-vis individuals categorized as Greeks is being played out in the social structure
of North Cyprus. As a result of Turkey’s population politics, ethnic Turkish Cypriots are being
politically assimilated into what is considered the pure “Turkish culture of Anatolia”. The
Turkish political rhetoric--with support from the TRNC government then-argues that Turkish
Cypriots and people from the mainland of Turkey are collectively members of the “Turk” ethnic
group (Navaro- Yashin 2006). By this classification, all people of Turk ethnicity (regardless of
one’s geographic location) are of Ottoman descent, share the common homeland of Turkey,
communicate using the standard Turkish language, have common histories, and share cultural
elements such as food and religion--as in Smith’s definition of ethnicity. The institutional policy
trends such as national holidays celebrating the 1974 Turkish “intervention” in the Cyprus
conflict, the teaching of the standardized Turkish language, immigration incentives for Turkish
settlers, nationalistic mountain graffiti, Turkish Army troops stationed in North Cyprus, and
partial TRNC governmental obedience of Turkey’s politics, collectively establish the importance
of mainland Turkish culture while simultaneously de-emphasizing local Turkish Cypriot culture
and ethnicity. This is akin to Michael Herzfeld’s application of political domesticity. “For its
part, a government may try to co-opt the language of intimacy for its utilitarian ends of
commanding loyalty under what seems to be the most unpropitious conditions. Indeed, in the
face of globalizing processes, defensive domesticity can acquire a persuasive appeal.
Domesticity is a common image in this strategy” (Herzfeld, 2005:4). His use of domesticity
almost perfectly describes the movement to incorporate everything Turkish Cypriot into the
greater Turkish culture. Consequently, all of these elements support and justify Turkey’s 1974
military intervention, a continued military presence on the island, and Turkey’s socio-political
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claim to Cyprus. These institutional policies leave many Turkish Cypriots feeling culturally
detached from the “Cypriot” aspects of their ethnic identities. This raises questions about the
Turkish Cypriot perspective and how their sense of ethnic identity has been influenced by the
Turkification policies in North Cyprus. Turkey’s current political policies present a bland and
sterile consensus of Turk ethnicity in North Cyprus. However, political institutions are not the
primary or solitary informer socio-cultural ethnic identity. Given the institutionalized polices of
assimilating Turkish Cypriots into Turkish culture and Turk ethnicity, in what ways do Turkish
Cypriot communities maintain their strength and understandings of Turkish Cypriot ethnicity in
contemporary North Cyprus? I will argue that although indigenous Turkish Cypriots and people
from mainland Turkey share, to some extent, common histories, cultures, language, and myths,
the small cultural differences between the groups are becoming major symbolic distinctions for
Turkish Cypriot ethnic identification, in-group/out-group border maintenance, and potential
resistance to the Turkification of North Cyprus. The theoretical basis of my argument is found in
Herzfeld’s notion of cultural intimacy (Herzfeld 2005) and Scott’s theory of domination and
resistance (see Scott 1999). Herzfeld states, “The approach described here might be presented as
exploring the relationship between the view from the bottom and the view from the top. I prefer,
however, to treat ‘top’ and ‘bottom’ as but two of a host of refractions of a broadly shared
cultural engagement (a more processual term than the static culture). Simplistic talks of ‘elites’
and ordinary people’ conceal that common ground (as well as the fact that these terms are often
themselves instruments in the negotiation of power) and so inhibits analysis. The common
ground that ultimately dissolves the possibility of clearly defined terms is cultural intimacy--the
recognition of those aspects of a cultural identity that are considered a source of external
embarrassment but that nevertheless provide insiders with their assurance of common sociality,
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the familiarity with the bases of power that may at one moment assure the disenfranchised a
degree of creative irreverence and at the next moment reinforce the effectiveness of
intimidation” (Herzfeld, 2005:3). As Herzfeld states, it is not beneficial to separate the Turkish
political and social influence from the Turkish Cypriot population. The separation of groups
conceals their real life connectedness. The daily interaction and processual engagement between
and among Turkish Cypriots, Turks, and Turkey’s policies encases the cultural rich points. For
Turkish Cypriots, the forced emersion into the greater Turkish culture has brought out the
intimate cultural differences between themselves and Turks as important ethnic identity markers.
These cultural nuances may be a form of external embarrassment for Turkish Cypriots (e.g.
ridicule for speaking the Turkish Cypriot dialect of Turkish), but as insiders, these cultural forms
are a source of common sociality and at the same moment can assure a degree of resistance
against the dominating Turkish influence. The primary purpose of Scott’s theory is “to suggest
how we might more successfully read, interpret, and understand the often fugitive political
conduct of subordinate groups. Every subordinate group creates, out of its ordeal, a ‘hidden
transcript’ that represents a critique of power spoken behind the back of the dominant” (Scott,
1999). In the case of North Cyprus, Turkish Cypriots are using various forms of cultural
intimacy as hidden transcripts to critique and possibly resist the strong Turkish political and
cultural influences. Consequently, the already existing intimate cultural differences between
Turkish Cypriots and everything Turkish are becoming marked as potential forms of resistance.
In the context of Turkish Cypriot resistance, I think the notion of hidden transcript is somewhat
inaccurate. For Scott, hidden transcripts are meant to be kept “offstage”, out of public sight, and
unviewed (see Scott 1999). Thus, Scott argues the varying forms of resistance are kept out of the
public domain and are meant to be hidden from the dominant. However, various forms of
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Turkish Cypriot resistance are actually in the public domain, but go largely unnoticed by the
dominant Turkish presence. Consequently, I think Turkish Cypriot practices of resistance are
actually opaque rather than hidden. Thus, various forms of Turkish Cypriot resistance require
referential knowledge of the actors to understand the underlying message of resistance, hence the
event being opaque rather than hidden. In my project, cultural activities provide a number of
different contexts for engagement with Turkish Cypriot ethnic identity, which fosters
understandings of Turkish Cypriot identity and, in some cases, resistance to the dominating
Turkish influence in North Cyprus. These contexts do not attempt to impose a unified
understanding of what Turkish Cypriot ethnicity is, what Turkish Cypriot ethnic identity
practices are, or what Turkish Cypriot collective defiance (Scott 1999) should be; rather, they
represent a symbolic distinction from the other by focusing on the more intimate Cypriot cultural
differences as important expressions of Turkish Cypriot identity. To an outsider there may be no
visible difference between the Turkish political influences in North Cyprus or cultural
differences between Turkish settlers and native Turkish Cypriots. However, for Turkish
Cypriots, the participation in various cultural activities not only serves as a symbolic boundary of
resistance from the policies of Turkification, but is also symbolically informative as to what it
means to be of Turkish Cypriot ethnicity. For Turkish Cypriots, the response to Turkification is
both an individual and collective endeavor. I will argue that through the participation in various
intimate Cypriot cultural practices, Turkish Cypriots gain both an individual and collective
understanding of ethnic identity, while simultaneously creating symbolic boundaries of
resistance that specifically communicate the difference in social organization from mainland
Turk ethnicity and Turkey’s nationalistic politics. Regarding their orientation towards Europe
and their connections to the outside world the Turkish Cypriot diasporas has always been a
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strong reference point for the inhabitants of Northern Cyprus. In the 1950s and 1960s many
Turkish Cypriots migrated from Cyprus as a consequence of the violent conflict between both
communities. After the partition of the island in 1974 it was mainly the fragile political and
economic situation in the internationally isolated TRNC which made large groups of the
population leave the island. The majority of Turkish Cypriot migrants settled in Britain or
Turkey, others went to Australia or – in comparatively small numbers – to countries like
Germany. In addition, many inhabitants of Northern Cyprus studied or worked some years
abroad. Turkish Cypriot immigrants in Britain now form the largest community in the Diasporas.
In one of the very few surveys about this group Kevin Robins and Asu Aksoy (2001), who
carried out detailed research on the cultural experience of Turkish Cypriots in Britain, give their
number as an estimated 100,000, most of them living in London. Robins and Aksoy (2001:686)
state that they chose Britain ‘because, as former colonial subjects, they had, or felt they had, a
“special” historical relationship with the colonial heartland’. According to the authors most
Turkish Cypriot migrants ‘seem to have opted for a pragmatic accommodation to the demands of
their new British circumstances’ (2001:691). This adaptation made them become a relatively
‘invisible population’ (2001:686), for which Robins and Aksoy see – apart from being
overshadowed by other migrant communities, especially by Turkish and Kurdish migrants from
mainland Turkey – a ‘sense of affinity to the British culture’ as a main reason: ‘Turkish Cypriots
have tended to emphasize what they regard as their own qualities of being both more
“progressive” (that is, more “European”) and also more “integrated” into the British way of life.’
(2001:690) Similar to processes of reformulating identity among second-generation migrants in
other communities and influenced through the increasingly politicized debate in Northern
Cyprus, the issue of identity developed into a more relevant topic among the Turkish Cypriots in
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Britain in the 1990s. Robins and Aksoy identify as another significant factor the
transnationalisation of Turkish popular culture, particularly in the form of Turkish satellite
television. Turkish Cypriots in Britain thus have to position themselves between cultural
concepts of ‘Britishness’, ‘Turkishness’, and ‘Cypriotness’. On the basis of several interviews
with Turkish Cypriot women in London, the authors refer to their diverse strategies in
experiencing culture. With the arrival of Turkish television, many immigrants of the first
generation seem to have retreated to the Turkish cultural sphere. The authors quote, for instance,
a 69-year-old woman who has lived in Britain for 40 years: ‘I never liked the English language ,
I have been here for many years, but that’s how it is […] Then Turkish radio came, and we used
to listen to it day and night, and now there is [Turkish] television’ (Robins and Aksoy 2001:695).
The younger women of the second generation who they interviewed grew up in Britain and
expressed various approaches towards culture. Some had elaborated a kind of synthesis out of
different Turkish Cypriot, British and Turkish cultural elements which Robins and Aksoy call an
‘everyday hybrid culture’ (2001:704). Nevertheless these women emphasized their different
position with regard to ‘Britishness’:[W]e definitely are not English […] I was born here, I lived
here, if someone asks me, I wouldn’t say I’m British. […] We don’t frown upon the British, […]
but we still are Turkish. It’s a family thing. Your parents are Turkish, so you are. (Cited in
Robins and Aksoy 2001:699) For other women interviewed by the authors their ‘in-between’
position seemed to be more an experience of ‘moving about cultural spaces’ (2001:704). A 19-
year-old Turkish Cypriot woman puts it as follows:” I’ve kind of accepted this dual nationality
that I’ve got, and I’m glad. Because on one side I’ve got Turkish culture, and it’s got really
beautiful things about it, the way people are warm to one another, the family gatherings. On the
other side I’ve got this British culture, which I’m also proud of, because it taught me to think, to
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be my own person, and not to follow society, and not to just do what everyone else says”. (Cited
in Robins and Aksoy 2001:701) In Northern Cyprus, however, the forms of cultural hybridity
expressed by second generation migrants are often regarded as a kind of estrangement from the
‘original’ Turkish Cypriot culture. The Turkish Cypriot sociologist Hasan Alicik (1997) takes
this perspective in his empirical survey about identity, alienation and assimilation of young
immigrants who were born or grew up in Britain. Though asked about their self-perception the
majority of young Turkish Cypriots characterized themselves as ‘Turkish’ or ‘Turkish Cypriot.
Alicik (1997:158) complain about their ‘alienation from the original culture due to the long
migration experience’ and call for steps to prevent their ‘assimilation’. Second generation
immigrants visiting or returning to Northern Cyprus often experience the attitude of the local
population towards them as a discriminating attribution of an ‘in-between’ status. A 29-year-old
Turkish Cypriot born in Australia, for instance, reports about his experiences in the Diaspora and
in Cyprus after his return in Australia I wasn’t a local, only an immigrant. In Cyprus they put me
in the category of those coming from Australia or from London. Though I was born and grew up
in Australia, I was treated there as an immigrant, and though my family raised me like a Cypriot,
in Cyprus I was treated as an Australian. People from the same ethnic group vary greatly in their
level of ethnic identification. Some people identify very strongly with their ethnic group while
some identify low. This variation in the level of ethnic identification could be a result of several
factors such as gender, socialization process, personality traits, self esteem or self concept, socio
economic status, etc. This study focused on the relationship between ethnic identity and self
esteem among Turkish Cypriot with single and dual nationality.
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Statement of the Problem
Little research exists on the relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem with regards to
Cyprus. The absence of such research has made it difficult for educators, researchers and other
professionals to maximize integration of ethnic identity theories and literatures with personal self
esteem. The objective of this study was to asses the relationship between ethnic identity and self
esteem among Turkish Cypriots. It also explored whether or not ethnic identity and self esteem is
influenced by gender differences.
Research Questions.
This study focused on several research questions;
1) What is the current understanding of ethnicity among Turkish Cypriots students?
2) Is there a relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots?
3) What are the identifying characteristics in the personal backgrounds of participants
whose perception and /or development of ethnic identity has been influenced by exposure
to other nationality.
Hypotheses of the study;
Hypothesis 1a states that there will be a significant positive relationship between ethnic
identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots that have dual nationality.
Hypothesis 1b states that there will be a significant negative relationship between ethnic
identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots that have single nationality.
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Hypothesis 2a states that there will be a significant difference in ethnic identity scores
between the two groups. It was hypothesized that the dual nationality group will have the
highest ethnic identity score and single nationality group will have lower ethnic identity
score.
Hypothesis 2b states that there will be a significant difference in self esteem scores between
the two groups. It was hypothesized that the dual nationality group will have the highest self
esteem score and single nationality group will have lower self esteem score.
Hypothesis 3a proposes that there will be a significant difference between gender and self
esteem with males having higher scores than females.
Hypothesis 3b proposes that there will be a significant difference between gender and ethnic
identity with females having higher scores than males.
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CHAPTER II
Relevant Literature and theoretical background
Self esteem is an expression of approval of self. It indicates the extent to which one views
him/herself in positive terms (capable, worthy, significant) or negative terms (incapable,
unworthy,) (Cooper Smith, 1987). Self-esteem is a widely used concept both in popular language
and in psychology. It refers to an individual's sense of his or her value or worth, or the extent to
which a person values, approves of, appreciates, prizes, or likes him or herself (Blascovich &
Tomaka, 1991). The most broad and frequently cited definition of self-esteem within psychology
is Rosenberg's (1965), who described it as a favorable or unfavorable attitude toward the self
(p.15). Self-esteem is generally considered the evaluative component of the self-concept, a
broader representation of the self that includes cognitive and behavioral aspects as well as
evaluative or affective ones (Blascovich & Tomaka, 1991). While the construct is most often
used to refer to a global sense of self-worth, narrower concepts such as self-confidence or body-
esteem are used to imply a sense of self-esteem in more specific domains. It is also widely
assumed that self-esteem functions as a trait, that is, it is stable across time within individuals.
Self-esteem is an extremely popular construct within psychology, and has been related to
virtually every other psychological concept or domain, including personality (e.g., shyness),
behavioral (e.g., task performance), cognitive (e.g., attributional bias), and clinical concepts (e.g.,
anxiety and depression). While some researchers have been particularly concerned with
understanding the nuances of the self-esteem construct, others have focussed on the adaptive and
self-protective functions of self-esteem (reviewed in Blascovich & Tomaka, 1991, conceptual
and methodological issues).
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Rosenberg, Schooler, and Schoenbach (1989) noted that self-esteem can be seen as either
the cause or the outcome of developmental variables. Factors that enhance self-esteem, such as
family support and personal accomplishments, are likely to contribute as well to a secure sense
of self as a member of an ethnic or racial group. Rosenberg et al. (1989) suggested several ways
that one’s self-esteem affects one’s behavior. They defined self-esteem as the most important
dimension of self concept that often reflects others’ judgment. Rosenberg suggested that self-
concept and feelings of self-esteem start in infancy with the behavior of the parents or caregiver
toward the baby. Parents’ and caregivers’ actions shape the environment that contributes to the
way the baby feels about himself or herself. Global feelings of self-esteem are widely recognized
as a central aspect of psychological functioning and well being. Verkuyten (1995) emphasized
this connection: “The way in which one is identified in larger society affects the way in which
one identifies oneself” (p. 165). In a minority population, the impact of ethnic identity was
conceptualized as crucial to feelings of self-esteem. However, he found minority status was not
linked to low self-esteem. In his comparison study between 500 majority and minority youth
living in the Netherlands, Verkuyten found no relationship between levels of self-esteem and
minority status. He found personal self-esteem was significantly correlated with group
identification and with in-group evaluation among all ethnic groups. However, in terms of ethnic
group identification and in-group evaluation, there was a strong difference between the ethnic
groups. Dutch respondents scored significantly lower on group identification than did the ethnic
minority groups. There were no significant differences between the ethnic groups’ scores for
global self-esteem as well as self-concept stability. Verkuyten found a clear difference between
boys and girls. Boys had a significantly higher score for self-esteem and a more stable self-
concept than girls. Minority youth identified more strongly with their ethnic group and evaluated
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their group more positively than majority students. This strong identification was linked in all
groups to global self-esteem. Therefore, minority status is not crucial to feelings of self worth.
Rather, it is one’s sense of pride or identification with one’s origins, whatever they are, that is
crucial to high self-esteem .Self-esteem has been related both to socioeconomic status , academıc
achıevement,substance abuse, ınterpersonal relationshıps and to various aspects of health and
health-related behavior, as has a related construct, self-efficacy. Self-efficacy, a term associated
with the work of Bandura, refers to an individual's sense of competence or ability in general or in
particular domains. For the purpose of thıs study, all these construct lıke socıo economic status,
academic achıevement and ınterperonal relationships affect how individual will identify with
his/her ethnic group.so it is important to explain how they relate with self esteem.
There is general agreement that there is a close relationship between self-esteem and academic
achievement. However, there is considerable disagreement as to the specific nature of this
relationship. It has been argued that students have to do well in school in order to have positive
self-esteem or self-concept; another position is that a positive self-esteem is a necessary
prerequisite for doing well in school. Covington (1989) reported that as the level of self-esteem
increases, so do achievement scores; as self-esteem decreases, achievement scores decline.
Furthermore, he concluded that self-esteem can be modified through direct instruction and that
such instruction can lead to achievement gains. Specifically, students’ perceived efficacy to
achieve, combined with personal goal setting, has been found to have a major impact on
academic achievement. Holly (1987) compiled a summary of some 50 studies and indicated that
most supported the idea that self-esteem was more likely the result than the cause of academic
achievement. He did acknowledge that a certain level of self-esteem is required in order for a
student to achieve academic success and that self-esteem and achievement go hand in hand. They
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feed each other. Conrath (1986) states that the best way for a child to sustain a sense of
confidence is to acquire and demonstrate competence. He found that self-confidence will emerge
with success in skill development and learning. Thus, the key point is to help students set
meaningful and realistic goals. However, the debate about which comes first--a positive self-
concept or academic achievement-is more academic than practical. The most important thing is
to appreciate the interaction and the reciprocal dynamics between self-concept and achievement.
They are mutually reinforcing. While there may be little justification for embarking on a
program to raise the level of self-esteem with the intent of raising academic achievement, there
are many other justifications for raising self-esteem of students. It has been my experience that
self-esteem programs can be implemented in schools without sacrificing academic excellence
and no school has reported a decline in academic achievement while focusing on self-esteem.
SELF ESTEEM AND ALCOHOL/DRUG ABUSE; the use of alcohol and drugs among our
young people continues to be of serious concern. More than 50% of high school seniors in the
U.S. report using illicit drugs and 66% report that they are regular users of alcohol; 71% reported
getting drunk and 14% appear to be highly involved with drugs on a regular basis. While a high
percentage of youths become involved as a part of the peer social scene, many grow to depend
upon drugs or alcohol to fill a personal void. Studies have found that 18 year olds who used
drugs frequently were using them as early as age seven, already more psychologically troubled
than their peers. They were already anxious and unhappy, alienated from their family and peers,
and overly impulsive. Low self-esteem, lack of conformity, poor academic achievement and poor
parental-child relationships are also indicators of young children likely to end up using drugs.
Low self-esteem is the universal common denominator among literally all people suffering from
addictions to any and all mind altering substances such as alcohol--not genes. In the book
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Alcoholism: A False Stigma: Low Self-Esteem the True Disease, (1996) Candito reports, "Those
who have identified themselves as "recovered alcoholics" indicate that low self esteem is the
most significant problem in their lives. Low self-esteem is the true problem and the true disease.
Alcohol is but a symptom of an alcoholic’s disease." Candito (1996) comes to the conclusion
that low self-esteem is the underlying origin of all problematic behaviors, and the true disease
that plagues the world, resulting in alcohol abuse, drug abuse, and all other obsessive behavior
including criminal behavior. This conclusion is also shared by Andrew Keegan (1987) who
maintains that low self-esteem either causes or contributes to neurosis, anxiety, defensiveness,
and ultimately alcohol and drug abuse. The reason why some become alcoholic while others do
not is dependent upon their ability to contend with low self-esteem.
SELF ESTEEM AND SOCİO ECONOMIC STATUS Perhaps the most famous investigation
into the relationship of self-esteem to SES is Rosenberg and Pearlin's (1978) assessment of social
class and self-esteem among children and adults. In an effort to clarify decades of inconclusive
work on what many thought would be an obvious connection between one's social status or
prestige and one's personal sense of worth, Rosenberg and Pearlin suggested that age was a
critical factor in teasing apart this relationship. Indeed, they found virtually no association
between social class of parents (measured by the Hollingshead Index of Social Position) and self-
esteem among younger children, a modest association among adolescents, and a moderate
association among adults based on their own social class. They rely on theories about social
comparison processes, reflected self-appraisals, self-perception theory, and psychological
centrality to explain the age graded relationship. Because the salience of class in the
interpersonal context differs for children and adults, and because the social class of children is
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ascribed while that of adults is generally considered achieved, Rosenberg and Pearlin argue, the
extent to which the sense of inequality inherent in the meaning of social class is mirrored within
individuals is not the same for children as it is for adults.
Coppersmith’s (1967) original work was designed to assess the origins of self-esteem in
children. The results of this work in which children filled out the Self-Esteem Inventory and
provided ratings of their parents, staff members interviewed mothers, and mothers filled out
questionnaires, indicated that "external indicators of prestige [of the parents] such as wealth,
amount of education, and job title did not have as overwhelming and as significant an effect on
self-esteem as is often assumed" (Pervin, 1993, P. 189). Parental attitudes and behaviors
-acceptance of their children, clear and well-enforced demands, and respect for actions within
well-defined limits -- were the primary antecedents of children's sense of self-worth (Pervin,
1993). Since the work by Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978) and Coppersmith (1967), others have
explored the relationship of self-esteem to SES, especially among adolescents. With some
exceptions, Rosenberg and Pearlin's results have been replicated (though it appears that more
people have studied adolescents than adults). Filsinger and Anderson (1982) found no
relationship between own SES (Duncan SES Index) and self-esteem (Rosenberg Self-Esteem
Scale) among adolescents, but a significant relationship between the SES of the person's best
friend and self-esteem. They attribute this to a heightened sense of self-efficacy among those
who interact with friends who are of a higher social status than themselves, as it may be the
social status of significant others from which adolescents derive their own sense of social status
(p. 383). Demo and Savin-Williams (1983) replicated and extended Rosenberg and Pearlin's
findings, and demonstrated that the relationship between SES (father's occupation) and self-
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esteem (Cooper smith Self-Esteem Inventory, plus two others to assess reflected appraisals and
academic self-esteem) was greater among eighth-graders than among fifth-graders. Richman,
Clark, and Brown (1985) found a main effect for the relationship between self-esteem and SES
among adolescents, but demonstrate complicated interactions of gender, race, and social class:
white females (including high SES individuals) were significantly lower in general self-esteem
than white males and black males and females. There has been considerable research on the
relationship between race and self-esteem. As for social class, in which the expectation is that the
social order will be reflected in individual self-assessments, people of color are hypothesized to
have lower self-esteem than are white people. In research comparing whites and blacks, blacks
often have equal or higher self-esteem than whites, and a number of theories, including those
related to self-protection and misidentification, have been offered to explain these findings (see
Crocker, Voelkl, Testa, & Major, 1991; Steele, 1992).Using both traditional and non-traditional
measures of social class (including father's unemployment status, neighborhood unemployment,
family welfare status, and neighborhood evaluation), Wiltfang and Scarbecz (1990) found that
father's education had a small positive relationship with adolescents' self-esteem and non-
traditional measures had moderate to strong (neighborhood unemployment) associations with
self-esteem (items from both Rosenberg and Cooper smith), all in the expected direction; they
also found, however, that adolescent achievement variables (school grades, group leadership,
report of many close friends) contributed significantly more to their self-esteem than did parental
social class variables (P. 180). In a study of 711 sixteen-year-olds in England, Francis and Jones
(1995) found that the relationship of SES and self-esteem varied with the measure of self-esteem.
There was a significant relationship between SES and the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (r
= -.122, p <.001) and a moderate relationship with the Rosenberg (r =.063, p <.05). Considerably
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less attention appears to have been paid to the self-esteem-SES relationship among adults. In
their study of 228 employed men, Gecas and Seff (1990) were interested in the role of
psychological centrality and compensation in maintaining self-esteem. Simple bivariate
correlations between self-esteem (measured by a 14-item semantic differential scale) and SES
were as follows: with occupational prestige, r = .21; with education, r = .16; with income, r = .08
(significance level unavailable, N = 228). There were, however, mediating effects of the
centrality of particular contexts to the self. They found that when work was a central aspect of
men's self-concept, occupational variables (occupational prestige, control at work) were more
strongly related to self-esteem than when they were not; similarly, when home was important,
home variables (control and satisfaction at home) were strongly related to self-esteem
SELF ESTEEM AND INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS -There is a direct relationship
between the perception of social success and self-esteem. This success may include confidence
in appearance, academic ability, athletic ability, or social relationships. Self-esteem might be
viewed then, as a barometer of how well one is doing socially. People seek a certain amount of
social acceptance and belonging in order to view themselves as successful and have positive
feelings about themselves. Effective interpersonal relationships are greatly determined by the
degree of one’s tolerance, open-mindedness and respect for those who are different. To relate
most effectively it requires that one not be threatened by the positions of others. A recent series
of research studies underscores the importance and role of self-esteem in that process. A series of
studies conducted by three professors of psychology at three separate universities acknowledge
the infinite variety of cultural perspectives on how mankind views the world. Yet, they found a
universal tendency to feel threatened by discrepant viewpoints, combined with a reluctance to
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change one’s own viewpoint. This seems to be true whether it refers to religion, politics, music,
sports, or tastes in wine. Thus, for centuries mankind has tended to respond violently to
encounters with different others in defense of their cultural world views. Through studies
conducted by these researchers they found that a critical factor in the type of response one gives
is related to one’s level of self-esteem. The higher the level of self-esteem, the fewer individuals
feel threatened by different world views. They found that raising the level of self-esteem
significantly reduced the level of anxiety and the human response, both emotionally and
physiologically. Finally, they concluded that a requirement for cultures that value tolerance,
open-mindedness, and respect for those who are different is the fostering of self-esteem.
Ethnic identity refers to the extent to which one identifies with a particular ethnic group.
Ethnic identity has been described as a template used to develop knowledge, beliefs and
expectation about a persons own ethnic group (Dana, 1993); as cognitive, information-
processing frame work within which a person perceives and defines objects, situations, events
and other people. Guanipa-Ho and Guanipa (1999) defined ethnic identification as a real
awareness of self within a specific group, which resulted from valuing or devaluing connection
to the group. The extent to which one identifies with a particular ethnic group(s).Ethnic identity
refers to one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and the part of one’s thinking, perceptions,
feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership. The ethnic group tends to be one
in which the individual claims heritage (Phinney, 1996). Ethnic identity is separate from one’s
personal identity as an individual, although the two may reciprocally influence each other. Four
major components of ethnic identity:
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 Ethnic awareness (understanding of one’s own and other groups)
 Ethnic self-identification (label used for one’s own group)
 Ethnic attitudes (feelings about own and other groups)
 Ethnic behaviors (behavior patterns specific to an ethnic group)
Development of ethnic identity: Development of ethnic identity is important because it helps one
to come to terms with their ethnic membership as a prominent reference group and significant
part of an individuals overall identity. Ethnic reference group refers to an individual’s
psychological relatedness to groups (Smith 1991). These reference groups’ help adolescents
sense, reflect and see things from the point of their ethnic groups in which they actively
participate or seek to participate. As a person matures, his or her perception of ethnicity
undergoes a profound transformation. This transformation is concomitant with cognitive
development . For example, as Frances Aboud and Anna-Beth Doyle explain (Aboud and Doyle,
1983), in the stage of cognitive development which Jean Piaget named pre-operational (between
the ages of 2 and 7), children show a strong tendency to identify with a group perceived as their
own, while rejecting those seen as different. With the onset of the operation phase, children, who
are now capable of rational thought, generally grow more tolerant toward "others," also showing
empathy and understanding toward children who are viewed as different. This finding shows that
the development of ethnic consciousness , although related to cognitive development, does not
mirror the child's intellectual growth. However, with cognitive maturation, ethnicity, which is
initially experienced as an image, or a set of physical attributes, becomes a mental construct
which includes language, customs, cultural facts, and general knowledge about one's own ethnic
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group. Thus, to a four-year-old Mexican American child, ethnic identity is formed on the basis of
his or her recognition of certain physical traits (Bernal, Knight, Ocampo, Garza, Cota, 1993).
Later, as the person becomes aware of ethnicity as an idea, ethnic identity is experienced as an
inner quality, or, as Aboud and Skerry note in a study that compared ethnic self-perception in
kindergarten, second grade, and university students (Aboud and Skerry, 1983), internal attributes
replace external attributes as the determinants of ethnic identity. A strong sense of ethnic identity
can influence a person's self-esteem , and it can also lead to dangerous, potentially violent,
delusions, such as the idea of the "superiority" of a particular race (e.g., the Nazi myth of an
"Aryan" race) or an ethnic group justifying genocide. For some people ethnic identity is a barely
acknowledged fact of their life, while for some, it influences how they dress, speak, where they
attend school, what they eat, and who they marry.The establishment of identity is an important,
complex task for all adolescents, and is considered a major developmental task for all
adolescents. It is particularly complicated for adolescents belonging to ethnic and minority
groups. Ethnic identity of the majority group of individuals is constantly validated and reinforced
in a positive manner where as the minority group is constantly ridiculed and punished in a
negative manner. What does this say for those adolescents who are the minority and not the
majority? It is important to study or research ethnic identity because it provides better knowledge
to help one understand striving for a sense of unity and connectivenes in which the self provides
meaning for direction and meaning of ethnic identity (Spencer, 1990). It is also important to
study or research the differences between these groups due to beliefs and values.
Adolescents that are the minority are confronted with their ethnicity at an earlier age then
Caucasian adolescent’s majority and they are constantly aware of ethnic differences, which
means it is of greater importance to understand the development of the minority individual. It
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should lead to different assessments when it comes to ethnic identity. Tajfel and Turner’s (1986)
Social Identity Theory posits that part of an individual’s self-concept or identity is derived from
being a part of and knowing members of a particular social group. Roberts, Phinney, Mase,
Chen, Roberts, and Romero (1999) suggested that group identity is an important aspect of self
identity because individuals generally place value on groups they belong in and derive self
esteem from their sense of belonging to that particular group. Some research states that
individuals who belong to highly valued groups are less likely to need to change their social
identity (French et al., 2006). However, if groups are devalued and subject to discrimination or
negative stereotyping, group members might try to assert a positive representation to reinstate
affirmation towards the group (Tajfel, 1978). Group members may also engage in the process of
negotiating the meaning of his or her self identity when the group is devalued (French et al.,
2006). Group identity is usually of great importance and influence when it comes to minority
groups (Phinney, 1990). Minority group members usually experience discrimination and in that
one aspect, group identification has been found to moderate and buffer negative psychological
and health effects from perceived or experienced discrimination (Cassidy, O’Connor, Howe, &
Warden, 2004; Mossakowski, 2003; Phinney, Madden & Santos, 1998; Werkuyten & Nekuee,
1999; Wong, Eccles & Sameroff, 2003). Group identity is also very important in non-Western
cultures that are collectivistic in nature because there is an immense emphasis and focus on an
individual’s relationship to the group (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Ethnicity can be considered
to be a social group and therefore has many positive implications for identity and well-being. An
ethnic group can be defined as a group in which the members have a similar social heritage
involving practices, values and beliefs (Atkinson, Morton & Sue, 1983). Ethnic identity can be
conceptualized as an individual’s sense of belonging and commitment to an ethnic group:
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sharing similar thoughts, perceptions, feelings and behaviors with members of that ethnic group
(Phinney, 1996). The formation of ethnic identity does not only occur during adolescence but
rather is a socialization process that begins from childhood. During this socialization process, an
individual learns and experiences the norms of the ethnic group and sees themselves and others
as members of that ethnic group (Rotheram- Borus, 1989; as cited in Spencer, Icard, Harachi,
Catalano & Oxford, 2000). Erikson’s (1968) and Marcia’s (1980) theories both agree that ethnic
identity becomes more salient during adolescence and it begins with the awareness and
understanding of an individual’s ethnicity. This in turn encourages the individual to explore his
or her ethnicity. Once an individual commits to an ethnic identity, the individual has reached a
stable ethnic identity state. Although Erikson (1968) and Marcia’s (1980) developmental theories
have had inconclusive results regarding the natural progression of these stages or statuses, ethnic
identity development has been based largely on these developmental theories and is assumed to
progress linearly. From these theories, it has been posited that ethnic identity will vary with age
as younger adolescents are less likely to have clear and committed ethnic identities than would
older adolescents (French et al., 2006). Also, with increased exploration, which comes with age,
group-esteem may also increase (French et al., 2006). According to the Social Identity Theory
(Tajfel & Turner, 1986), individuals who value their ethnic group are expected to have a more
secure identity and if their ethnic group is devalued, individuals may reinstate affirmation
towards their group. By reinstating affirmation, group esteem increases and in turn increases
individual’s self-esteem. Ethnic identity can also serve as a mediator of stressful events. When
faced with a stressful event, individuals may choose to either distance or strengthen their ethnic
identity which in turn provides and creates a sense of affiliation that provides protection against
negative effects (Roberts et al., 1999). Human beings begin to differentiate themselves and build
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individual identity early in life. It is considered a salient part of who we are. We “come to think
of that identity as dependent on the person’s mind – even in the face of bodily growth and
transformation” (Corriveau, 2005, p. 322). That concept of identity then becomes more and more
complex as we grow older. William James, and other psychologists including Freud and
Erickson, conceived notions of identity and theorized about the process of identity development.
In James’ view: [He] considered the self as the I, the self as the Knower, and Me as the self as
known. The “me” is constituted of the material me, the social me, and the spiritual Me. The
immaterial “me” am the bodily possessions that the individual owns. The social “me” contain
the roles the individual assigns to self which are recognized by others. The spiritual “me” is
composed of the individual’s states of consciousness, psychic faculties, and disposition. Perhaps,
the metamorphosis of self as an ethnic individual occurs when the spiritual “me” becomes
awakened. (Riojas Clark & Bustos Flores, 2001, p. 80) Another theory, among the many, posits
that there are seven vectors which “include: 1) developing competence, 2) managing emotions,
3) moving through autonomy toward independence, 4) developing mature interpersonal
relationships, 5) establishing identity, 6) developing purpose, and 7) developing integrity”
(Hubbard, 2003, p. 4). It is clear from these descriptions of identity, which make allusions to
identity as a complex construct, that it is influenced by a variety of factors, and that a single
definition of identity and one theory of identity development do not exist. In the context of the
United States, identity is wrapped up in issues of race, gender, sexuality and class. One important
factor, which may not be as present outside of the United States, and is particularly important for
immigrant communities is race, it is a visible marker of group membership. For immigrant
groups, the process of negotiating an identity, that of a Latino, for example, is a complex
process. Coming from a place where race may not be a factor, for instance, is difficult to all of a
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sudden be faced with being labeled along racial lines. “In the Latin American context, analysis of
social identities has centered primarily on class, ethnicity, gender, race, and nationality,
considering ways in which elite and non-elite actors have tried to fashion the meanings of labels
such as “woman”, “Maya”, or “peasant.”” (Olcott, 2003, p. 107). Adding to the complexity is
redefining oneself as a minority. While the construction of a minority identity is based on
identification with a group that is “other”, “the majority group was more likely to describe
themselves utilizing universal categories, such as body image and personal attributes.” (Riojas
Clark & Bustos Flores, 2001, p. 72). Susan Roberta Katz in her research found that “for the first
time in [their] life[s], [immigrants] become a “minority,” a term meaning “less than,” the victim
of racial and ethnic discrimination.” (Katz, 1996, p. 608). One important factor for minority
groups is the use of a particular language that links groups and creates a bond. This, too, can add
a layer of complexity.
Arana (2001), when writing about identity, states imagine an African American, a Native
American, and an Arab American all defining themselves as the same ethnic group because they
grew up speaking the English. Imagine them calling themselves “Anglos.”(p. 8). The use of
Spanish, as opposed to English, is an important marker of identification with the Latino identity.
Conversely, English use, is associated with a lower chance of identification with an ethnic label
(Ono, 2002). Baez (2002), when eloquently writing about his own linguistic and cultural
experiences in relation to schooling states that “[language] gives meaning to identity and culture
(e.g., Puerto Rican or American), and to discrimination and oppression (e.g., exclusion,
derision). Language regulates social existence.” (p. 129) the development of an identity for
Latinos is also complex because of the issue of Labeling. In one study, the researcher provided
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fifteen different ethnic identifications for Latino students to choose from, these included
“Mexican, Mexicano/a, Mexican American, Chicano/a, Cuban, Puerto Rican,
Nuyorican/Neorican, Hispanic, Latino/a, Spanish, Spanish American, Raza, American, Hispano,
and Other.” (Ono, 2002, p. 732). She found that identity was largely symbolic in nature,
indicating that one is something other than ‘American’ (Ono, 2002). This symbolic identity is
largely influenced by the surrounding network of others who share the same, or similar, ethnic
origins. Similar to the experience of Latinos in the United States, earlier European immigrants
also developed a larger ethnic community and ethnic identity in response to post-immigration
experiences. (Ontai-Grzebik & Raffaelli, 2004). For Latinos, the ethnic community’s influences
often come in the form enseñazas, such as the teaching of the “concepts of familia (deep
connection and loyalty to extended family) and respeto (respect of elders)” (Ontai-Grzebik &
Raffaelli, 2004, p. 563). Cultural ties and the formation of ethnic identity are largely related to
the participation in an ethnic enclave which permits ethnic practices to continue (Ono, 2002).
Despite participation in an ethnic enclave where one has direct contact with others who share the
same cultural values, and in some cases, the same cultural practices, immigrants are still thrust
into a new environment where one is a minority, and possesses visual markers of identity.
Further, Katz (1996) found that, in her interviews with Latino youth, “the students’ cultural
identity related to being Latino in that they saw being “Latino” as a marker of a minority group
which was oppressed in this society.” Trueba (2002) looks at this as a positive stating that
“oppression and abuse can also generate precisely the opposite – resilience and cultural capital to
succeed – which often creates the psychological flexibility necessary to pass for or assume
different identities for the sake of survival.” (p. 20) one of the most important periods of time in
terms of identity development is adolescence. Identity becomes more salient to adolescents as
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they interact with others from a variety of ethnic and minority groups. Through this process of
interaction, the concept of ethnic identity becomes more and more important (Hubbard, 2003;
Ontai-Grzebik & Raffaelli, 2004). Adolescence is a particularly important time for identity
development because it is during that stage of development they have developed the capacity for
abstract reasoning and “can understand the meaning and permanency of their group
membership.” (Ontai-Grzebik & Raffaelli, 2004, p. 561). Prior to the period of adolescence,
ethnic minority youth take on a view of themselves that is largely shaped by the surrounding
culture “with little questioning or thought” (Ontai-Grzebik & Raffaelli, 2004, p. 561). A major
feature of that acceptance is that youth become very aware that “Euro Americans [see] Latinos as
uneducated, dirty, lazy and stupid” (Garcia Bedolla, 2003, p. 276). That negative perception of
Latinos by the majority Latino Ethnic culture has a significant impact on ethnic identity
development. That process of ethnic identity development changes and develops, but is always
influenced by the context of the surrounding social environment. For example, Torres and Baxter
Magolda (2004) in their research found that one of their participants, Angelica, “introduced her
ethnic identity once she was sure others would not disapprove”. This example elucidates the
power of external pressures to ethnic identification and the pressure to assimilate. Extending this
concept of external pressure, Katz (1996), found that the Latino youth that she studied were
faced with several choices: 1) they could internalize these negative image of their ethnicity as
part of their cultural identity. 2) They could reject these negative images and build upon the
positive associations created within their own ethnic group. 3) They could resist the stereotypes
by turning them on their heads and slapping society’s faces with them (p. 610). This attainment
of these reasoning skills enables adolescents question their experiences with cultural customs,
their ethnic heritage and engage in an active exploration of their ethnic identity, then finally reify
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and internalize an ethnic identity that is meaningful to them (Ontai-Grzebik & Raffaelli, 2004;
Torres & Baxter Madolda, 2004; Umaña-Taylor, Diversi, & Fine, 2002). Quite often, for youth
who are born in the United States, yet whose parents are immigrants, that identity is one of
biculturalism. In general, a bicultural identity leads to greater psychological health and positively
related to positive self-esteem (Riojas Clark & Bustos Flores, 2001). Further, those individuals
with a bicultural identity “can relate effectively to both their native and the U.S. cultures and that
they feel less isolated from either culture” (Umaña-Taylor, Diversi, & Fine, 2002, p. 308).
Language, more importantly the use of multiple languages, is a distinct feature of the
development of a bicultural identity permitting individuals “to function in multiethnic and
multicultural environments” (Trueba, 2002, p. 11). Further, this use of multiple languages, the
flexibility to interact across racial and ethnic boundaries, and a general resilience to endure
hardships and overcome obstacles is, in Trueba’s (2002) view, will “clearly be recognized as a
new cultural capital, not a handicap.” (p. 24). This ability to be flexible and overcome hardships
is quite often linked to the presence of sources of support, in particular the family. Those Latino
adolescents who “may not have strong familial support systems may fare worse, in terms of
ethnic identity, than Latino adolescents who have access to these resources.” (Umaña-Taylor,
Diversi, & Fine, 2002, p. 317). These adolescents fare worse in terms of self esteem and self-
concept, which are important factors in academic achievement and to the formation of ethnic
identity. The development of a positive ethnic identity is important because of its linkage to self-
esteem. Self-esteem is often developed through comparing ourselves to the people around us,
and unless minority youth are in the majority population, and they have an opportunity to
develop a positive ethnic identity, their self-esteem may be lower than mainstream adolescents’
self-esteem (Umaña-Taylor, Diversi, & Fine, 2002). However, there is evidence to the contrary.
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Other researchers have posited that socioeconomic status is a much more salient factor in the
development of positive self-esteem than ethnic identity (Umaña-Taylor, Diversi, & Fine, 2002).
Ryu, Tiyoung (2004) examined the relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem
of academically high achieving Korean-Americans adolescents. Twenty five subjects responded
to Phinney’s (1991) ethnic identity questions and Rosenberg’s (Ref) self esteem scale. Ethnic
identity was assessed by three components; ethnic self identity, ethnic evaluation and ethnic
involvement. The results showed most subjects identify themselves as Koreans and Korean –
Americans and ethnic self identity plays an important role in students’ ethnic involvement and
ethnic evaluation. Moreover, positive ethnic evaluation is strongly related to active involvement.
No differences were found between gender and self esteem. Positive ethnic evaluation group and
active ethnic involvement show high self esteem scores.
Study by Jean S.Phinney (1991) that centers on self esteem and various component of
ethnic identity. His research found a weak or inconsistent relationship between self esteem and
the following components: negative stereotype of ones group; acceptance versus rejection of
ones group membership; knowledge about ones group; and commitment to the group. Phinney
suggested that a strong ethnic identity when accompanied by a positive mainstream orientation is
related to high self esteem whereas without some adaptation to the mainstream it may be
problematic. Phinney also reviewed an article that focused on the impact of identification of
ethnic culture and the well being of the member. Ethnic identity can be defined as the feelings,
attitudes, behaviors, and knowledge of an ethnic group. The article suggests that each component
of ethnic identity has a role in determining our self-esteem. The focus was on self-identification,
attitudes about the group, attitudes about group membership, and the extent of commitment to
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that group. The article stressed that ethnic identity may vary across individuals and over time
and context in the same individual." Positive versus negative evaluation of one's group,
acceptance versus rejection, interest in the group, and commitment to the group were the
components tested in determining the role of ethnic identity when measuring self-esteem. The
results were weak in showing the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem. For
instance, a minority group member may be aware of negative images of his group, but that
member may believe that particular negative aspect does not refer to him. The self-esteem is not
affected. The research indicated that the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem
seems to be stronger when the people identify themselves as members of an ethnic group and
when the ethnicity is salient. Awareness of one's ethnic identity results primarily from contact
with other ethnic groups; in a homogeneous setting, one's identity as a group member is likely to
have little salience." It is necessary for group members to identify with other groups when
interacting with mainstream culture. When minority groups bond with their own group and the
majority group, a stronger identification occurs. It is also necessary for the minority group to
identify with their group when identifying with the majority group to avoid assimilation. The
focus of this argument is that an individual with low ethnic identity and no/little integration to
mainstream culture will experience a lower self-esteem. I would suggest further research with the
acceptance versus rejection of group membership. I would imagine that an individual who
accepts his ethnic group would feel greater self-esteem and self-worth. I would approach the
research by studying the acceptance that subjects have on members who denounce their groups.
Before testing their responses, I would measure their own acceptance of their group .After the
subjects have completed both of those tasks, I would finally measure their self-esteem. I would
predict that the subject’s who accepted their group membership would show greater self-esteem.
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The subjects who rejected their group membership would have a lower self-esteem. Currently,
evidence for the acceptance and rejection of group membership and self-esteem is weak.
(Crocker, Luhtanen, Blaine, Broadnax 1986) also reviewed another article that focused on the
collective self-esteem and psychological well-being among White, Black, and Asian college
students as the title points out. The article defined self-esteem as "feelings of self-worth and
self-respect." It pointed out that self-esteem is strongly related to several measures of well-
being. The psychological well-being is how well adjusted the individual is. The other half of the
study, collective self esteem, involves the "aspect of an individual's self-concept which derives
from his knowledge of his membership in a social group together with the value and emotional
significance attached to that membership. Basically, the collective self esteem (CSE) is private,
how individuals evaluate one’s group, or public, how one believes others evaluate their social
group. The "collective self-esteem may predict aspects of psychological well-being that cannot
be explained by its relation to personal self-esteem. Ethnic identity has been conceptualized
using both Tajfel’s (1981) social identity theory and Erikson’s (1968) identity formation theory.
Social identity theory posits that identity develops from both an individual’s sense of belonging
to a particular group and the affective Component accompanying that sense of group
membership. Furthermore, Tajfel (1981) suggests that individuals’ self-esteem is derived from
their sense of group belonging and, consequently, those who maintain favorable definitions of
group membership will also exhibit positive and high self-esteem (Phinney, 1992; Phinney,
Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997). However, if the social climate in which individuals’ lives are embedded
does not place value on the ethnic group and individuals experience discrimination or prejudice,
they may display lower self-esteem than members of groups who do not have these experiences.
Alternatively, Erikson’s identity formation theory posits that identity development occurs
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through a process of exploration and commitment to important articulate that one’s commitment
to a component identity is necessarily always positive. Rather, Erikson indicates that individuals
will, as a result of exploration, resolve their feelings about the role of a particular component
identity (e.g. vocational, religious, sexual, and political) within their broader social self.
Furthermore, Erikson’s theory suggests that the culmination of such a period of exploration will
lead the individual to “reconcile his conception of himself and his community’s recognition of
him” (Erikson, 1959, 120). In other words it is only through the process of exploration that
individuals can come to a resolution regarding a particular identity. Thus, from an Eriksonian
perspective, there are two critical components to the process of identity formation: exploration
and commitment. Note that while social identity theory focuses more on the affective
components of identity and how they are related to outcomes, Erikson’s theory places greater
emphasis on the process of identity development. Marcia’s (1980, 1994) operationalization of
Erikson’s theory of identity formation allows researchers to classify individuals, based on their
degree of exploration and commitment, intone of four identity statuses: diffuse, foreclosed,
moratorium, and achieved. According to this typology, individuals who have not explored or
committed to an identity would be considered diffuse, and those who have explored but have not
yet committed would be considered to be in moratorium. In contrast, individuals who have not
explored, but have committed to a particular identity would be considered foreclosed, whereas
those who have both explored and committed would be considered achieved. In terms of ethnic
identity, Phinney (1989) drew on Tajfel’s and Erikson’s theories as well as Marcia’s
operationalization of Erikson’s theory to develop a conceptualization of ethnic identity and
eventually a measure that assessed ethnic identity. Phinney’s (1992) Multi group Ethnic Identity
Measure (MEIM) includes 12 items that assess individuals’ degree of exploration, commitment,
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participation in cultural activities, and affirmation and belonging regarding their ethnic group.
The work with Hispanics in America provided an empirical evidence which suggest either a
positive association exist between strength of ethnic identity and self esteem (Martinez and Duks
1997; Lorenzo- Hernandez and Ouelet 1998) or there is no relationship at all depending on the
groups studied (Phinney 1991). Stronger ethnic identity is associated with desirable mental
health outcomes for ethnic minorities (Phinney 1992; St Louis and Lien 2005). It has been
suggested that when there is a relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem, it exist only
for individuals for whom ethnic identity is a salient issue (Phinney 1995: 70), For example
members of ethnic minority groups whose disadvantaged status is continually reflected by
society at individual and institutional levels. Such reflections may serve as chronic reminder of
the importance of ethnicity for ethnic minorities’ ability to meet and navigate the social world.
Ethnic identification is best conceptualized as a continuous construct with individuals varying in
how strongly and positively they identify with a self –identified social category. Dimension of
this continuous construct include the strength with which an individual identifies with their
ethnic group , the important of group membership in terms of attitudes and behavior, as well as
the valuation attached to group membership ,all of which may be set in a developmental
exploratory or achieved identity framework, depending on the age of the sample. The majority of
past research regarding ethnic identity development has focused on comparing the development
of identity of individuals from ethnic majority groups and ethnic minority groups (e.g., Contrada
et al., 2001; Kiang et al., 2006; Lee & Yoo, 2004; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Romero & Roberts,
1998; Umana-Taylor, 2004). However, in the last decade, there has been an increase in research
regarding the ethnic development and well-being of individuals who have dual or multiple ethnic
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backgrounds. Dual ethnic marriages are on the rise worldwide and are becoming more
commonly accepted in society. It would be critical and beneficial to learn and understand more
about the developmental processes and outcomes that are experienced and produced by children
from multiethnic marriages. Research on multiethnic individuals commonly use the terms dual
ethnic, multiethnic, multiracial, mixed ethnic, mixed race, biracial and half caste to describe
individuals who have a mother and a father who are from two different races or ethnicities.
Individuals with parents from the same race or ethnic group are referred to as monoracial or
monoethnic individuals. The term half caste was commonly used in earlier ethnic identity
research to describe individuals with multiple ethnicities but today that term may imply more
negative sentiments and implications as compared to the currently and more frequently used term
mixed race or mixed ethnicity. The terminology for race and ethnicity differ from each other
because race is defined as a biological category that is primarily evident as a physical
characteristic and does not necessarily encompass cultural values (Fatimilehin, 1999), but
ethnicity is usually defined as a group of individuals which share a social heritage which involve
sharing similar practices, values and beliefs (Fatimilehin, 1999; Phinney, 1996). Some
researchers are even of the opinion that ethnicity involves more than just cultural behaviors but
encompasses sociological factors, socio-economic conditions and social and political realities.
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CHAPTER III
Methodological Details
Sample population
Sixty two Turkish Cypriots students’ thirty six females and twenty six males participated
in this study. There were between the ages of sixteen and twenty five, with mean age of 19.5.
Twenty seven were from Girne American University. Twenty one students were from Eastern
Mediterranean University. Fourteen students are recruited online from other higher institutions in
Northern Cyprus. Twenty eight of the participants were born outside Cyprus. There have dual
nationality but are currently living in Cyprus. They all speak Turkish language. Thirty four
participants were born in Cyprus and have single nationality.
Research Instruments
Ethnic identity
The Multi group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992) was used to assess
participants’ ethnic identity. The MEIM comprises of two factors showing high internal
consistency reliability. The first factor pertains to ethnic identity search, which is the
developmental and cognitive component. The second factor refers to affirmation, belonging and
commitment, which is the affective component (Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts, &
Romero, 1999). The total scale consists of 12-items (e.g. “I participate in cultural practices of my
own group, such as special food, music or customs”, and “I am happy that I am a member of the
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group I belong to”). Items were scored using a 4-point scale, ranging from (1) strongly disagree
to (4) strongly agree. A mean score was obtained from the sum of the 12 items describing the
level of ethnic identity. A high mean score was accepted to a high level of ethnic identity, while
a low mean score was accepted to reflect low ethnic identity. Previous studies show Cronbach’s
alphas ranging from α = 0.75 to 0.88 (Abu-Rayya, 2006; Bracey, Bamaca, & Umana-Taylor,
2004; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997) and a test-retest reliability coefficient of 0.25 for a
period of 6 weeks (Reese, Vera, & Paikoff, 1998).
Self-esteem
Rosenberg’s (1979) Self-esteem Scale was used to assess participants’ self-esteem. This
measure is comprised of 10 items (e.g., “At times I think I am no good at all”) with end points of
strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (4). Questions 2, 5, 6, 8 and 9 were reverse coded. Mean
scores were calculated and were taken as the overall scores. Items were scored such that higher
scores were taken to indicate higher self-esteem. This scale has been used with ethnically diverse
populations (e.g., Mexican, Dominican, Puerto Rican, African American, and White adolescents)
sand has obtained moderate coefficient alphas (e.g., .79 to .85) with these samples (Der-
Karabetian & Ruiz, 1997; Lorenzo-Hernandez & Ouellette, 1998; Martinez & Dukes, 1997;
Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997). Previous studies show Cronbach’s alpha scores ranging from α
= 0.73 to 0.87 (Abu-Rayya, 2006; Roberts et al., 1999; Romero & Roberts, 2003; Werkuyten &
Nekuee, 1999). The RSE has been reported to have a test-retest reliability of 0.88 over a 2-week
testing period (Silber & Tippet, 1965; as cited in Hatcher, 2007).
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Data collection and analysis
The two questionnaires were administered to sixty two Turkish Cypriots undergraduates’
students from various higher institutions in Northern Cyprus. Twenty eight students have dual
nationality and thirty four have single nationality. Completed questionnaires were collected;
collated and analyzed using SPSS 14 software and all statistical analyses for this study used an
alpha level of 5%. The objective of this study was to asses the relationship between ethnic
identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots. It also explored whether or not ethnic identity
and self esteem is influenced by gender differences. This study focused on several research
questions;
4) What is the current understanding of ethnicity among Turkish Cypriots students?
5) Is there a relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots?
6) What are the identifying characteristics in the personal backgrounds of participants
whose perception and /or development of ethnic identity has been influenced by exposure
to other nationality.
Quantitative data were collected from the participants in order to answer the above research
questions. Quantitative data, collected using closed-ended questions in the survey, were analyzed
using two main types of quantitative methodologies: mean and standard deviation, applying
frequency distribution on variables. To facilitate data analysis, a score of 1 to 4 was given to
each question of the MEIM component (items 1 through 12). The Likert scale used gave the
score of 4 for strongly agree, 3 for agree, 2 for disagree, and 1 for strongly disagree. Answers
with the highest level of ethnic identity search, affirmation, belonging, and commitment, or
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44
other-group orientation received a score of 4 on a four point scale, and decreased to the score of
1, which indicated low ethnic identity search or affirmation, belonging, and commitment.
Questions numbered 1, 2, 4, 8, and 10 assessed ethnic identity search, while items 3, 5, 6, 7, 9,
11, 12 evaluated affirmation, belonging, and commitment. Items 13, 14, and 15 were used only
for purposes of identification and categorization by ethnicity. MEIM scores were determined by
calculating the mean of the first 12 items. Thus, participants’ overall MEIM scores ranged 1
through 4. Individual scores for search, commitment, affirmation and belonging were determined
by taking the mean of corresponding items. On self esteem scale, 0-15 indicated low self esteem,
15-25 showed moderately high and 25- 30 indicated very high self esteem. Finally, ethnic
identity measure and self esteem were analyzed for correlation.
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CHAPTER IV
Results
No Females Males
Population of study 62 36 26
Dual nationality 28 16 12
Single nationality 34 20 14
Parents Ethnicity Single nationality group Dual nationality group
Turkish / Cypriot 29 5
Cypriot /Cypriot 9 19
Schools No
Eastern Mediterranean University 21
Girne American University 27
Others 14
Table I and II present the demographics of study population
Table III present the sample size, mean and standard deviation of self esteem scores for the study
population.
category gender Mean SD N
General Male 24.44 2,372 26
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46
Female 22.41 2.301 36
Total 23.43 2.227 62
Dual Male 24.14 2,446 12
nationality
Female 22.05 2.211 16
Total 23.10 2.321 28
Single Male 21.23 2,469 14
nationality
Female 20.04 2.100 20
Total 20.71 2.3.21 34
Table III indicated that dual nationality group has higher self esteem than the single nationality
group. Males also have slightly higher self esteem than females. In general, both genders and
groups have above average of 23.43 out of 30 in the self esteem scale.
Table IV
Mean score and standard deviation for each question of the Multi-ethnic Identity Measure
(MEIM) for the entire group of participants, single nationality and dual nationality.
GP SN DN
(N = (N = (N=
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47
62) 34 28)
Items M SD M SD M SD
1. I have spent time trying 2.17 .83 2.00 . 87 2. 67 .58
to find out more about my
ethnic group, such as its
history, traditions, and custom.
2. I am active in organization 2.58 . 90 3.00 .50 1.33 .58
social groups that include m
members
of my own ethnic group.
3. I have a clear sense of 2.93 .72 2.78 . 67 3.00 1.0
my ethnic background and
what it means for me.
4. I think a lot about how 2.33 . 69 2.22 . 67 2. 67 1.5
my life will be affected by
my ethnic group
membership.
5. I am happy that I am a 3.33 . 65 3.22 . 67 3. 67 .58
member of the group I
belong to.
6. I have a strong sense of 2.92 . 29 2.89 0.33 3.00 0.0
belonging to my own
ethnic group
7. I understand pretty well 2.92 .79 2.89 .78 3.00 1.0
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48
what my ethnic group
membership means to me.
8. In order to learn more 2.00 .74 1.89 .78 2.33 .58
about my ethnic
background, I have often
talked to other people
about my ethnic group.
9. I have a lot of pride in 2.92 .79 2.67 .71 3.67 .58
my ethnic group
10. I participate in cultural 2.58 .67 2.56 .53 2.67 .58
practices of my own
group, such as special
food, music, or customs.
11. I feel a strong 2.75 .75 2.78 . 67 2.67 1.2
attachment towards my
own ethnic group.
12. I feel good about my 2.92 .29 2. 89 .33 3.00 .
cultural or ethnic background 59
Average 2.91 .69 2.65 .63 2.80 .68
GP= General Participants, SN= Single Nationality, DN= Dual Nationality=Standard Deviation,
M= Mean
Table V
Mean score and standard deviation for each question of the Multi-ethnic Identity Measure
(MEIM) for the entire group of participants, females and males.
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49
Males Females
N=(26)
N =( 36)
Items M SD M SD
1. I have spent time trying 2.47 .72 2.53 . 77
to find out more about my
ethnic group, such as its
history, traditions, and custom.
2. I am active in organization 2.48 . 70 3.30 .50
social groups that include m
members
of my own ethnic group.
3. I have a clear sense of 2.93 .75 2.98 . 67
my ethnic background and
what it means for me.
4. I think a lot about how 2.13 . 69 2.44 . 57
my life will be affected by
my ethnic group
membership.
5. I am happy that I am a 3.23 . 65 3.42 . 43
member of the group I
belong to.
6. I have a strong sense of 2.42 . 29 2.89 0.53
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50
belonging to my own
ethnic group
7. I understand pretty well 2.92 .79 2.77 .78
what my ethnic group
membership means to me.
8. In order to learn more 2.03 .75 2.89 .78
about my ethnic
background, I have often
talked to other people
about my ethnic group.
9. I have a lot of pride in 2.92 .79 2.77 .71
my ethnic group
10. I participate in cultural 2.55 .77 2.56 .53
practices of my own
group, such as special
food, music, or customs.
11. I feel a strong 2.73 .74 2.78 . 67
attachment towards my
own ethnic group.
12. I feel good about my 2.92 .29 2. 89 .73
cultural or ethnic background
Average 2.69 .68 2.95 .43
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The first question in this research study asked about the current understanding of ethnicity
among Turkish Cypriot students. The data indicated that for the Multi Ethnic Identity Measure,
MEIM, portion of the survey the average ethnic identity measure was 2.91 out of 4.0 (N = 62,
SD = 0.679) (see Table IV). This was an average score of 2.90 for each individual MEIM item,
which indicates moderate understanding of ethnicity. Females also showed a higher ethnic
identity average of 2.95 than males = 2.69 Broken down by the measure’s two determining sub-
scales, the data indicate that the average ethnic identity search score was 2.33 while the average
affirmation, belonging, and commitment sub-score was higher at 2.90. This suggests that on
average participants indicated they disagreed with statements about searching for ethnic identity,
which is one of three factors of ethnic identity. However, participants reported on average that
they agreed with statements affirming feelings of belonging to one’s group and positive affect
toward participant’s own group. In general participants did not average a score of 3, the
equivalent of indicating ‘agree,’ on both major factors of the measure. Thus the participants had
not actualized their ethnic identity. The participants indicated the lowest levels of agreement with
Item 8 (M = 2.00, SD = 0.74) which asked them to indicate how much time they spend talking to
others in order to learn more about their own group. The findings suggest they do not engage in
conversations about what it means to be a member of a particular ethnic group. The findings also
suggest a low level of agreement on Item 1 (M = 2.17, SD = 0.83) of the MEIM which asked the
participants whether they spend time trying to find out more about their ethnic group, such as its
history, traditions, and customs. Thus these findings suggest that participants do not actively seek
to know more about their ethnic group.
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Table VI- Result of Pearson Product moment correlation coefficient of self esteem and ethnic
identity or dual nationality group.
Correlations
Dual Ntlty Dual Ntlty

ethnic identity self esteem
Dual Ntlty ethnic identity Pearson Correlation 1.000 .273
Sig. (2-tailed) . .159
N 28 28
Dual Ntlty self esteem Pearson Correlation .273 1.000
Sig. (2-tailed) .159 .
N 28 28
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
For this group, ethnic identity and self esteem have a positive relationship. r =.273, p= .159 the
correlation is significant at the 0.5 level (2 tailed).this result supported the hypothesis which
stated that there will be a significant positive relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem
among those that have dual nationality. Table VII- Result of Pearson Product moment correlation
coefficient of self esteem and ethnic identity for single nationality group
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Correlations
Sng.Ntlty Sng.Ntlty self

ethnic identity esteem
Sng.Ntlty ethnic identity Pearson Correlation 1.000 -.186
Sig. (2-tailed) . .292
N 34 34
Sng.Ntlty self esteem Pearson Correlation -.186 1.000
Sig. (2-tailed) .292 .
N 34 34
Single nationality group showed negative but not significant. correlation as proposed in the
hypothesis, r= -.186, p= .292.
CHAPTER V
Discussions
The current study investigated whether there were differences in ethnic identity and self
esteem between dual nationality and single nationality Turkish Cypriots students in Northern
Cyprus .It also investigated the relationship of ethnic identity and self esteem. The study used 2
measures to collect the needed information: Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM;
Phinney, 1992) and Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965). Females showed
higher ethnic identity than males as proposed in hypothesis 3d but males showed slightly higher
self esteem than the females. Prior research has provided limited support for this finding with
African Americans phinney,1989; phinney & tarver, 1988) and Asian Americans (Ting-
Toomey, 1981). Phinney (1990) suggested that females have traditionally been “carries of ethnic
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traditions” and are often oriented toward interpersonal harmony, and therefore, may be more
likely to report stronger identification with their ethnic group (Rotherram-Borus, lightfoot,
Moraes, Dopkins& Lacour, 1998). The closing part of this thesis will address the findings of this
study, its implications for research and its applicability to be used in areas outside of academia.
Hypothesis 1a hypothesized that there would be a significant positive relationship between ethnic
identity and self esteem among Turkish Cypriots that have dual nationality. The result supported
the hypothesis. When ethnic identity increased, self esteem would also increase. The results
confirm previous research that shows that ethnic identity and self esteem have a significant
positive relationship in a minority group with multi ethnicity (Abu-Rayya, 2006; Bracey,
Bamaca, & Umana-Taylor, 2004; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Neto & Barros, 2007; Phinney,
1992; Phinney & Alipuria, 1996; Roberts et al., 1999; Umana-Taylor, 2004). The results also
showed negative but non significant relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem among
those that have single nationality. In a separate correlations, both male and female in single
nationality group show negative relationship between ethnic identity and self esteem. This result
showed that ethnic identity has an inverse relationship with self esteem. This indicates that those
who score low on self esteem also tend to demonstrate higher level of ethnic identity. According
to social identity theory, identification with the in-group tends to bolster our self esteem. One
explanation for this robust relationship is that high levels of ethnic identity serve to protect
individuals from the effects of negative stereotypes and discrimination by providing them a
larger frame of reference with which to identify and, in turn, protecting their psychological well-
being (Martinez and Dukes, 1997) The similarity that exist between the scores obtained from the
two groups could be explained based on the fact that the two groups ,irrespective of their
different birth place, have the same religion, speak the same language and belong to a minority
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group.Phinney and Alipuria (1990) showed that minority group status have significant effect on
self esteem. A strong relationship between ethnic identity development and self-esteem has been
demonstrated among college student minority groups, but not for Whites (Phinney, 1992;
Phinney & Alipuria, 1990). Research indicates that minority group status alone, does not impact
self-esteem negatively. It is a lack of identification, a sense of not belonging to a group that
negatively influences self-esteem (Phinney et al., 1997). According to Phinney, Chavira, and
Williamson (1992), there are four ways an individual may choose to participate in society:
assimilation, integration, separation, and marginality. Assimilation occurs when an individual
abandons all connections to ethnicity in order to identify with the dominant culture. Integration
occurs when the individual identifies strongly and is involved with both the ethnic and the
dominant cultures. Separation is characterized by minimal if any interaction with the dominant
culture and an intense focus on the ethnic group and its traditions and values. Marginality is
characterized by forfeiture of the individual's native culture and an absence of involvement with
the dominant culture (Phinney et al., 1992. According to Berry (1995), identity confusion is a
possible effect of stress related to acculturation. First-generation Americans may have difficulty
determining their affiliate group, which may negatively influence self-esteem. Ethnic identity
and self-esteem are often correlated and predict each other over time, which many researchers
suggest indicates an interactive effect. According to Phinney, a clear positive sense of one’s
background may contribute to positive self attitudes. At the same time, high self-esteem may
provide the confidence needed to explore difficult issues, such as the questioning of stereotypes,
which leads to an achieved ethnic identity. From the 1980s through 1998, Phinney performed
extensive research on adolescents from several ethnic groups to identify the significance of
ethnic identity to academic achievement. She found that the process of ethnic identity
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development has clear implications for overall psychological adjustment. This work suggests that
the process of ethnic identity development, not minority group membership, is the key factor to
understanding the self-esteem and adjustment of minority youth. Phinney’s research has shown
that minority youth do not differ in self-esteem from white youth. However, concern remains that
the failure of minority adolescents to deal with their ethnicity could have negative implications
such as poor self-image and a sense of alienation. Phinney (1998) states, “It seems likely that
adolescents who have not examined and resolved issues regarding their ethnicity would be at
greater risk for adjustment problems” (p. 41). Phinney (1989) found that adolescents in the
exploration phase of ethnic identity scored lower on self concept than those with an achieved
ethnic identity. She indicates that involvement in one’s cultural or racial background is an
important aspect of this phase and a positive sense of one’s group may be central to one’s self-
perceptions. She identifies the central component of this achieved, internalized identity as a
strong, positive feeling about oneself as a member of one’s ethnic or racial group. She sees
ethnic and racial identity as psychological buffers and self-protective strategies for coping with
prejudice, discrimination, and stigmatization.
Application of this study
This study adds to current research done with a Turkish Cypriots populations and can be used by
the Cypriots government to promote unity and peace in the country. The results showed that
there were slightly differences between the two groups on ethnic identity The TRNC government
can also use this study to gain a better understanding about the perceived discrimination and
resistance that is faced by the inhabitants of Northern Cyprus and makes changes in government
policies to ensure that all right of citizens are looked after. The Ministry of Education, heads of
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government schools and teachers who counsel students in schools may take an interest in gaining
a better understanding of what psychological factors influence violent behaviors in schools and
that discrimination-victims are the individuals who suffer the most negative repercussions from
bullying in schools. They can also learn how self esteem is a good indicator of well being and
can create initiatives or even nationwide educational policies that will encourage students to
learn at school. Also teachers should learn how to teach students to appreciate themselves better
and to build up their self esteem. If children and adolescents have strong self esteem, they are
more likely to have better life satisfaction, suffer from less perceived discrimination and take
part in less antisocial behaviors. In academia, this research can be used to build up the
knowledge base about different ethnicities and whether there are differences between ethnicities
on identity development. This research also contributes to the expanding knowledge being
gathered about monoethnic and multiethnic individuals worldwide across cultures.
Future research
One of the areas that need to be further researched is the reliability and suitability of the current
measures used to measure ethnic identity. It is important when doing cross cultural research
whether the current measures being used are suitable to be used across cultures in different
countries and are they “sensitive” enough to measure identity development that differs from the
norm. The MEIM is a valid and reliable measure to use but it has been found to have different
factor structures with certain sample population. Phinney and Ong (2007) have re analyses and
restructured a new MEIM which only has 6 items as compared to the current 12 or 15 items
MEIM. Further studies need to be done to analyze the suitability of these testing measures to
ensure valid results. Also, it would be good to use the MEIM in more countries, in different
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languages, to assess its reliability when used across cultures. Future research should also aim to
conduct longitudinal studies instead of cross sectional studies. A longitudinal study by Hitlin,
Brown and Elder, Jr. (2006) found that adolescents “switched” ethnicities in a span of 5 years
and adolescents with higher self-esteem were less likely to change ethnicities than those with
lower self esteem. Longitudinal data is needed to completely understand the developmental
process related to ethnicity. A longitudinal study will also allow for interpretations regarding
commonalities and differences between and within minority and majority ethnic groups (Romero
& Roberts, 1998). Currently there is a lot of research using university students as participants but
not many of these studies use participants who are in their early adolescence or even in their
middle to late adulthood (Kalsner & Pistole, 2003; Lee & Yoo, 2004; Stephan & Stephan, 1989).
For future studies, research should be done using participants in early and middle adolescence as
well as middle and late adulthood so researchers can gather more information about identity
development in a longitudinal progression. Following an individuals’ identity development will
help gain even more information regarding identity development and ethnic identity
development. Conclusively, there are some limitations of the present study worth mentioning.
There were very little previous research on Turkish Cypriots and Northern Cyprus. This makes it
very difficult to get required information. Secondly, individuals participating in this study are all
undergraduates. It is possible that students with higher levels of education or lower education
status will view ethnic identity and self-esteem in a different way. Future studies should examine
whether the findings of the present study can be generalized to minority group with higher
educational levels. Furthermore, this study solely relies on cross-sectional data, which limits the
possibility of making causal inferences. Longitudinal research is needed to test the direction and
the strength of the relationship. Nevertheless, this study does corroborate findings from previous
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studies showing a positive relation between adolescent behaviors, self-esteem and their ethnic
identity (Phinney et al., 1990, 1992; Rotheram-Borus, 1989; Umaña-Taylor, 2004; Verkuyten,
2001). The sample size was very small. Getting access to Turkish Cypriot students was an uphill
task and very challenging. So it made it difficult to obtain the sample size necessary to achieve
the required power of this research. Language barrier was another mitigating factor. Finally, this
study was not focused on the more qualitative meaning of ethnic identity and self esteem for the
two groups. It is considered important to examine and understand the richness of meanings and
experiences associated with ethnic identity and ethnic minority status (Sellers, Smith, Shelton,
Rowley, & Chavous, 1998). For instance, to improve knowledge about ethnic identity it is
important to understand what meaning individual give to their ethnic identity. Possibly there are
ethnic differences in the meaning attached to the subject of ethnic identity. In future studies it
may be relevant to examine the way people define their ethnic identity (Taylor, Moghaddam, &
Bellerose, 1989; Verkuyten, 1997). Although it was beyond the scope of the current study, future
studies might want to consider issues like measurement invariance (i.e. whether the same
concept is measured in the different groups) or might want to use more qualitative methods like
interviewing techniques to get more insight in the meaning of ethnic identity for Turkish
Cypriots with dual nationality or single nationality. In spite of these limitations, the findings of
this study provide some insight on how minority group develop identity and its relationship with
self esteem. This will provide a step for future research in the Northern Cyprus with regards to
identity; it might be helpful in this process of peace negotiation on the island for social workers,
psychologists and politicians in Northern Cyprus to carry out more research on ethnic
identification among its citizen. Little research has been conducted on the relationship between
ethnic identity and self-esteem. There are several different aspects to this topic that could be
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studied. It is important to look at the differences and similarities across different ethnic groups,
like multi ethnic groups .Research should also be conducted to discover other psychological
constructs that might have an effect on how individuals identify with their ethnic group like
religion, educational status, political system, socio economic status.
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Appendix A -Phinney ethnic identity scale
These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react
to it. Please answer the questions with utmost honesty. Please fill in: In terms of ethnic group, I
consider myself to be ____________________Use the numbers below to indicate how much you
agree or disagree with each statement.
(4) Strongly agree (3) Agree (2) Disagree (1) strongly disagree
1- I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as
its history, traditions, and customs. ( )
2- I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members
of my own ethnic group. ( )
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3- I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me. ( )
4- I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership. ( )
5- I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to. ( )
6- I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group. ( )
7- I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me. ( )
8- In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked
to other people about my ethnic group. ( )
9- I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group. ( )
10- I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food,
music or customs. ( )
11- I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group. ( )
12- I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background. ( )
13- My ethnicity is
(1) Cypriots
(2) Turkish
(3)Turkish Cypriots
14- My father's ethnicity is (use numbers above)
15- My mother's ethnicity is (use numbers above)
Appendix B Rosenberg self esteem scale
No Statement Strongly
Strongly Agree Disagree
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71
Disagree
Agree
1 I feel that I am a person of

worth.
2 I feel that I have a number of

good qualities.
3 All in all, I am inclined to

feel that I am a failure.
4 I am able to do things as
well as most other people.
5 I feel I do not have much to

be proud of.
6 I take a positive attitude

toward my self.
7 On the whole I am satisfied

with my self.
8 I wish I could have more

respect for my self.
9 I certainly feel useless at

times.
10 At I think I am no good at
all.
Tick on the box that best describe the way you feel about yourself .your responses will be used
for research purposes only and will be treated with utmost confidentiality. Thanks for your
cooperation.
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Ethnic Identity and Self Esteem: A Case Study With Turkish Cypriots - Nweke Elochukwu Gabriel

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Ethnic Identity and Self Esteem: A Case Study With Turkish Cypriots - Nweke Elochukwu Gabriel

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GIRNE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY

22nd of April 2010

ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SELF ESTEEM

Relationship between Ethnic Identity and Self Esteem among Minority

A case study with Turkish Cypriots

Nweke Elochukwu Gabriel

Chapter One: Introduction………………………………………………………………..6

Hypotheses of the Study………………………………………………………….……. 15

Chapter Two: Relevant literature and theoretical review …………………….……..... 17

Self esteem and academic achievement …………………………………….………… 19

Self esteem and alcohol/drug abuse………………………………………..………….. 20

Self esteem and socio economic status………………………………………………… 21

Self esteem and inter personal relationships…………………………………………… 24

Ethnic identity theoretical models …………………………………………………… 25

Chapter three: methodological details …………………………………………………. 42

Research instruments ………………………………………………………………… 42

Data collection and analysis …………………………………………………………… 44

Chapter four: results ………………………………...…………………………………..46

Chapter five: discussions ………………………………………………………………..55

Applications of this study.................................................................................................58

Future researches …………………………………………………………………….59

Limitations of this study …………………………………………………………….61

of self esteem could predict ethnic identity and vice versa.

me “creative” freedom in the conceptualization and preparation of this thesis. My appreciation

remained divided. On the 15th November 1983 The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

internal peace has been established.

misdirected understandings of ethnicity on Cyprus. From psychological standpoint, I am

face of globalizing processes, defensive domesticity can acquire a persuasive appeal.

Turkish Cypriot ethnic identification, in-group/out-group border maintenance, and potential

differences as important expressions of Turkish Cypriot identity. To an outsider there may be no

understanding of ethnic identity, while simultaneously creating symbolic boundaries of

Turkey, others went to Australia or – in comparatively small numbers – to countries like

(2001:690) Similar to processes of reformulating identity among second-generation migrants in

transnationalisation of Turkish popular culture, particularly in the form of Turkish satellite

concepts of ‘Britishness’, ‘Turkishness’, and ‘Cypriotness’. On the basis of several interviews

majority of young Turkish Cypriots characterized themselves as ‘Turkish’ or ‘Turkish Cypriot.

population towards them as a discriminating attribution of an ‘in-between’ status. A 29-year-old

esteem among Turkish Cypriot with single and dual nationality.

Statement of the Problem

influenced by gender differences.

This study focused on several research questions;

1) What is the current understanding of ethnicity among Turkish Cypriots students?

3) What are the identifying characteristics in the personal backgrounds of participants

Hypotheses of the study;

esteem with males having higher scores than females.

identity with females having higher scores than males.

Relevant Literature and theoretical background

him/herself in positive terms (capable, worthy, significant) or negative terms (incapable,

(p.15). Self-esteem is generally considered the evaluative component of the self-concept, a

self-protective functions of self-esteem (reviewed in Blascovich & Tomaka, 1991, conceptual

and methodological issues).

achıevement,substance abuse, ınterpersonal relationshıps and to various aspects of health and

health-related behavior, as has a related construct, self-efficacy. Self-efficacy, a term associated

achievement. However, there is considerable disagreement as to the specific nature of this

self-esteem or self-concept; another position is that a positive self-esteem is a necessary

increases, so do achievement scores; as self-esteem decreases, achievement scores decline.

self-esteem programs can be implemented in schools without sacrificing academic excellence

not is dependent upon their ability to contend with low self-esteem.

comparison processes, reflected self-appraisals, self-perception theory, and psychological

individuals is not the same for children as it is for adults.

measures of social class (including father's unemployment status, neighborhood unemployment,

traditional measures had moderate to strong (neighborhood unemployment) associations with

psychological centrality and compensation in maintaining self-esteem. Simple bivariate