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Course of Study:
SO71087A
Title:
Author:
Jessica Ringrose
Publisher:
Elsevier
eISSN:
1879-243X
Rebecca Randall
Introduction
After the crisis over racism in feminism in the late
70s and 80s, Black Feminism emerged as a key theoretical intervention for addressing issues of exclusion
and white centric logics in the second wave feminist
movement (Bhavnani, 2001; Carby, 1982; Smith, 1983).
Patricia Hill Collins, renowned US theorist of Black
Feminism, traces the genealogy of Black Feminism to
black woman sociologists from the 70s onwards, who
explored how intersections of race, class and gender as
major features of social organization shape Black women's experiences (1998: 116). According to Collins,
Black Feminism theorizes intersectionality (1998: 117):
As a heuristic device [that] references the ability of
social phenomena such as race, class, and gender to
mutually construct one another. One can use the
framework of intersectionality to think through social institutions, organizational structures, patterns of
social interactions and other social practices on all
levels of social organizationAfrican-American,
women for example, can be seenas a group that
occupies a distinctive social location within power
relations of intersectionality (1998: 205).
As Kimberl Crenshaw (1991: 1283) suggests:
Aiming to bring together the different aspects of an
otherwise divided sensibility, an intersectional
0277-5395/$ - see front matter 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2007.04.001
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multiple axes of oppression a neo-rear-guard' tendency especially by white feminists, to reabsorb notions of multiply determined subjectivity under the
single mistress narrative of gender domination. Gender sameness is re-constituted as the primary ontological
basis of a feminist movement to emancipate the
unmarked category of woman (de Lauretis, 1986).
Decades of critique and identity politics have pointed
out that this formula actually invokes a form of symbolic
violence by repeatedly denying difference (Brah,
1996; Spivak, 1988).
Feminist educational researchers have also engaged
with the notion of intersectionality, suggesting quite
usefully that both the relativism and the potential determinism of fixed intersections in intersectional
approaches are problematic (Archer, 2005; Francis,
2001a). Becky Francis suggests Black Feminist theories
that foreground material differences and say we
cannot share experiences hold significant, destabilizing consequences for emancipatory movements and
threaten to fragment all emancipatory allegiances concerning gender, race and so on (Francis, 2001b: 73;
Francis & Archer, 2004). Responding to this fear of
fragmentation of feminism vis--vis intersectionality,
Francis argues, however, thankfully we are not without
agency. We can choose to talk to, form relationships
with, and read about the experiences of people with
different material characteristics and it is our ability to
choose different discourses which enables us to go beyond our personal material realities and envisage the
world from other perspectives, enabling sympathy and
rapport. Francis (2001b: 73, 75).
Problematizing agency
I am interested in Francis' musings over how people
respond to an intersectional framing, which returns us to
the classical sociological dilemma between structural
determinism and subjective agency (Giddens, 1984) and
the question of whether post-structural approaches offer
a way forward out of these perennial difficulties. Francis
turns to Mills (1997) who
maintains that discourse is the vehicle through which
social relations are conducted, rather than being allpowerful in itself (as suggested in Foucault's conceptualisation). People are positioned in discourse,
but Mills maintains that this positioning is conducted
by other human beings (in their deployment of
discourse) rather than by discourses themselves. The
suggestion that people can actually choose the discourses which they draw on in order to deliberately
268
position others runs counter to post-structuralist positions. Jones (1997) has argued that the assumption
that we can choose which discourses to draw on is
based on a humanist conception of the self. However, if we recognise that as well as being able to
position ourselves and others through discourse we
are simultaneously being positioned by others, and
that such position is often beyond our control, this
perspective can incorporate both agency and determinism. (Mills in Francis, 2001a: 166)
I want to respond to the above quote at two levels.
First, my concern is that by referring to modernist
sociological framework of agency and determinism to
highlight how subjects position one another by drawing
on discourses, she minimizes the non-intentionality of
discourse, which was a key theoretical intervention of
Foucault (1982). Foucault made a very strong structural
argument that discourses are constitutive of subjects and
in some senses operate outside individual desires, because discourses are imbued with power and operate as
regimes and rationales that structure and constrain what
it is possible for the subject to know and desire (Paechter, 2001). I think a Foucauldian reading of discourses as
non-intentional lends weight to the to a Black Feminist
structural analysis of intersectionality, illustrating how
discourses constitute subjects relative to one another
through techniques of ordering, classification and governance (Rose, 1989).
I find agency, in particular, an over-determined concept, over-laden with condensed meanings (Hey, 2006)
and chains of signifiers (Walkerdine, 1991) that link the
concept repeatedly back to a discourse of personal
choice, itself embedded in modernist notions of consciousness, rationality, autonomy and will-full action
(Gill, 2006; Henriques et al., 1984/2002). In our current
political climate as noted by Collins (1998) and others, we
must be cautious of discourses that easily resonate with
neo-liberal discourses of choice and individualism
which are now hegemonic framings for understanding
the self and how the self might engage with education and
the social generally (Bulbeck, 2001; Fitzsimons, 2002).
Indeed, Francis' quote foregrounds a well known
pedagogical debate between Bronwyn Davies (1997)
and Alison Jones (1997) about problems encountered in
the classroom by continuously invoking a humanist
subject (a choosing agent) a problem that makes it seem
that we can have our cake and eat it too; we are both
constituted and yet can choose what we might be constituted as (Jones, 1997: 266). I have encountered
similar problems to Jones' (1997), Collins (1998) and
also Chilla Bulbeck (2001) who relates the difficulties
students have in grasping structures because of continuous, unremitting recourse to discourses of choice in
the classroom.
Second, the notion of agency is particularly problematic for me in the above passages as a way of explaining
how intersectionality is taken up among subjects and
how subjective negotiations of discourses might work
(Walkerdine et al., 2001). I am unsure what agency means
above, because it is unqualified. I find the concept of
agency limiting for fleshing out the dynamics of how
subjects negotiate the complex, contradictory discourses
set in motion in the classroom through intersectional
frameworks and for thinking about how subjects might
shift investments in discourses in often unintended and
surprising ways, as I explore below (Henriques et al.,
1984/2002).
I want to build on Francis's theoretical discussion of
how discursive positioning operates, by examining how
subjects negotiate the complex discourses set in motion
by intersectional frames at the level of classroom
practice. My goal is not to do away with the concept
of agency, or offer a new totalizing theory of social and
subjective formation, I hope only to elaborate on we
might mean by agentic processes by examining the
twists and turns of (inter)subjective engagements with
discourses in feminist pedagogical contexts.
My data indicates Black Feminism is so vital for
Women's Studies because it troubles choice indicating
how multiple discourses intersect to position subjects independent of intentionality, enabling students to gain
radical new insights into unequal power relations
(Foucault, 1982). As Yuval-Davis (2006: 203) suggests
drawing on Castoriadis (1997) intersectionality enables
the studying of relationships between positionings,
identities and political values evoking creative imagination about social divisions and social power axes.
I found it was only from this vantage point, when the
notion of individual choice came into contradiction with
expressions of how structural determinants (of gender,
race and class) were bearing down on subjects that
creative realizations and understandings of racialized and
classed differences among women were possible, particularly for white students in the classroom, as I will
explore.
A psycho-social analytic framing of discursive
contradiction
Critical psychologist Henriques et al. (1984/2002)
have also theorized the importance of addressing the
problems of the dualisms in a sociological theory of
structural derterminism that pits discursive interpellation
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are in direct contradiction with Black Feminist perspectives, which demands positioning the self vis--vis
concepts of power and privilege and standpoints of
knowledge (Collins, 1998; Smith, 1987). Tracy seems to
hold conflicting identifications with both discourses, she
disputes Maria's denial of social positioning, but is also
invested in meritocracy, which leads her to refute
Katherine's analysis of systemic (visible through social
statistics and equity policies) oppression. This exchange
is one of many similar conflicts followed by an even
more dramatic encounter in the next classroom scene.
However, this next exchange also indicates how
investments can shift through the pedagogical contestations in play.
Negotiating choice: Colliding discourses, shifting
investments
The second classroom sequence I want to look
happened near to the end of the course and foregrounds
the emotional strain of these debates and competing
investments, yet we also see how this emotional
intensity can lead to shifting attachments. This time
the conversation was about adoption and the provocative question should poor people be allowed to adopt,
which got taken up in the following ways:
Maria: I know I'm going to get a lot of flack for this,
but I don't think poor people should have children,
But what are we defining as poor? Are we saying
homeless? Because I consider myself poor, I'm by
no means a rich middle-class person. I come from a
family who struggles on a weekly basis to pay their
bills, and that's just my reality. I'm trying to be
politically correct here and I can't, so I'm just going
to come right out and say it what's in my head. I
think if you're homeless or in shelters and you're
having difficulty supporting yourselfI don't think
you should have children, period. I'm not saying that
you should be sterilized, that people should impose
that on you. But from my point of view there
should be a conscious choice. I know if I was
homeless there is no way I would let myself get
pregnant.
Reta: But if it happens, it happens! [Loud conversation]
Debbie: For me personally, to be impoverished like
that and have children, you're continuing that wheel. I
as an individual, as a woman, would not want to have
children grow up in that kind of society, and for that
reason I wouldn't as a poor person have children.
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275
276
transforming from a discourse of inclusion to assimilation; and weekly broadsheet controversies over issues
like Muslim girls and women and veiling, which place
issues of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, religion, immigration (etc.) into a pressure cooker of dispute over women's
choice vs. cultural, sexual determinism. While this is
the topic of another article, the pedagogical resource of
Black Feminist intersectional approaches work once
again to help us grapple with the idea of discursive
positionings we struggle together to negotiate
contradictions between discourses of choice, which
evade a reading of structural determinism, and convictions that our actions can have enormous effects in the
world. The rupturing of choice, made manifest in
Black Feminist intersectional approaches (Collins,
1998), remains essential, however, for students to
grapple with the complex meanings of how power
differences in gender, race and class affect subjects' so
differently. It is this starting point that enables our
collective and subjective breakthroughs in learning.
Endnotes
1
Postcolonial Studies and Transnational Feminist Practices,
Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan http://social.chass.ncsu.edu/
jouvert/v5i1/grewal.htm, Accessed, March 2005.
2
I was introduced as a postgraduate student, and my student status
afforded me important opportunities to accompany students into
separate discussion groups and after-class study sessions.
3
Eighteen out of 23 students in the course were interviewed once,
and 13 of these were interviewed a second time after the course was
completed. The students were a highly ethnically diverse group, 13
were women of colour; of these, 5 identified as African-Canadian and
6 as Caribbean-Canadian, and 2 identified as South Asian-Canadian.
The rest of the women identified as white, although three of these
women qualified their identity as Portuguese, Italian and Hawaiian; finally there was one man, who identified as African-Canadian. I
have explored the issues and dynamics involved with my own identity
as a white woman PhD student and researcher in Womens Studies in
great depth elsewhere (please see Ringrose, 2002, 2003, 2004).
4
This is a highly marginalized area of the city associated with
prostitution and homelessness.
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