La Tne finds and the indigenous communities in Thrace.

Interrelations during the Hellenistic period.

Julij Emilov
Sofia University

The focus of the present paper is laid on the context and the distribution of La Tne finds in
Eastern Balkans in the period following the Celtic campaign to Delphi in 279-278 BC. It is necessary
to make a short remark on the term Hellenistic in relation to the cultural process in the area and the
tribal groups of the Odrysai, the Getae and the Triballoi prior to the analysis of the archaeological
evidence. The data in question corresponds chronologically to the time of the Celtic raids in Thrace and
to the subsequent centuries of contacts between the communities in ancient Thrace and their
contemporaries in Temperate Europe. The term Hellenistic however could be applied not only as a
chronological designation of the historical period and a label for archaeological sites and finds dated
after the campaigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great in the lands of the ancient Thracians till the
Roman expansion in the area and establishment of the limes. It is possible to suggest that Hellenistic
also contains a notion of cultural designation and reflects both the foreign impulses and the local
responses (see Stoyanov 2000, 2003a; Theodossiev 2000). The emergence of urban centers following
the southern fashion of planning and manner of fortification (Dimitrov,iikova 1978: 9-14;
Domaradzki 1995, 1998; Popov 2002:176-177; Stoyanov 2003, 2005a; Bouzek 2005) as well as
tomb constructions of the elite decorated with frescoes and furnished with imported pottery and
silverware (for the latest discoveries see Kitov 1999, 2001, 2005; on tombs architecture Valeva 2005,
Stoyanova 2005, 2006) are expression and probably the best illustration of active interactions between
the ancient inhabitants of Eastern Balkan area to the communities in the Aegean region, Anatolia and
the Eastern Mediterranean. In this respect and due to the active southern routes of communication the
indigenous communities in the geographical area situated to the North of the Aegean Sea, to the South
of the Danube River, and to the East of the Struma river (ancient Strymon) and of the Morava river
(ancient Margus) were already involved in the process of urbanism and coinage when the Galatians
started their raids in the Eastern Balkans.
The southern part of the geographical zone became a kernel of Lysimachus sphere of
domination at the time of the Diadochoi. The Getae and the Odrysai not only faced Lysimachus on the
battlefield and had an important political role in the decades of conflicts after the Persian campaign of
Alexander and the death of the Macedons ruler (Taeva 1997; Delev 2003, 2004), but also expanded
already active commercial partnership to different Pontic and Aegean centres and established some
new sophisticated systems of trade relations (Bokova 1988, 1992, 1999; Getov 1995;
Bouzek1990:94-101, 178-181, 1996; Stoyanov 1999). Political and cultural phenomena, which took
place in the Hellenistic world in the last decades of the 4 th c. and the beginning of the 3 rd c. BC had a
direct impact on the development of the communities in Thrace. After the death of Lysimachus in the
battle of Couropedion in 281 BC and the Celtic raids in the beginning of the 70-ties of the 3 rd century
the area is the closest northern periphery of the Hellenistic koine (Randsborg 1993: 99-102;
Archibald 1998:94ff) and the southeastern periphery of the La Tne world a contact zone between
different cultural traditions of Mediterranean and Temperate Europe. Considering the specific position
of the Eastern Balkan area from both geographical and cultural point of view and the nature of the
archaeological evidence, as well as the current stage of research on the topic it is possible to suggest
different models of distribution and function of La Tne finds in Hellenistic Thrace.
The earliest contacts recorded in the ancient written sources between the Celts mentioned in
the texts and the local communities in the area in question took place during the negotiations between
Syrmos, the ruler of the Triballoi and Alexander the Great in 335BC. According to Arrianus ( Anab.1,
4, 6-8) and Strabo (7, 3, 8) a delegation from the Celts coming from the Western Balkans or Adriatic
regions attended the meeting and expressed their friendship and hospitality to the king of the Macedons
(on the written sources see Katsarov 1919; Woniak 1975; Rankin: 1987:83-102; Tomaschitz 2002:
92-96). It seems probable that at the same time relations are established with Triballoi, allies of Argead
house after the conflict (Theodossiev 2000: 81-82, 2005). The well known golden torque from Gorni
Tsibar (fig.1;map-No18), which is the earliest archaeological evidence of contacts between Eastern
Balkans and Central Europe during the Late Iron Age (latest research on the find in Megaw 2004,
2005; Theodossiev 2005 with op.cit) should be dated to this historical context or a decade later. Taking
into account the form and the decoration of the item, it is plausible to suggest a date of the find in the
last decades of the 4th or the first quarter of the 3 rd century BC, which corresponds to La Tne B2. The
solid golden neck-ring with incised geometrical designs on button-like finials is the most Eastern find
made of gold decorated in original La Tne design and a single find in Waldalgesheim style known
from the Eastern Balkans (Jacobsthal 1944: No46; Megaw/Megaw 1989: 119-120 and ill.168; see
also the contribution of Bouzek in the present volume). Due to the lack of clear archaeological context
of the find and any information on the circumstances of its discovery (Theodossiev 2005) it is
impossible however to determine whether the torque comes from a ritual or a grave deposit in an area
very close to the southern bank of the Danube river
Beyond doubt the neck ring is a product of the workshops in La Tne Europe has been
imported in Northwestern Thrace several decades earlier prior to the large scale penetration and Celtic
raids in inland Thrace according to the information from the ancient written sources and preceding the
Celtic campaign to Delphi. A vague mention in Seneca (Nat. quaest. 3.11.3) and Plinius (n.h 31,53) of
a conflict and victory of Cassander (315 -297BC), ruler of Macedons over unnamed Galatai somewhere
in the Haemus (most probably the western part of the mountain range), (Nachtergael 1977:3-14;
Tomaschitz 2002: 95; Theodossiev 2005) provide a historical event background of interpretation of
this precious item as a gift from the Galatians to unnamed Tribalian aristocrat or a booty taken after the
military success in the last decade of the 4th century BC (Frey, Szab 1991: 481).
Bearing in mind the ambiguity in gender attribution of high status markers in princely graves
(Arnold 1991: 372, 1996, 2001) and the example of Waldalgesheim princes grave (Joachim 1995:
60-73, pl. 4 with op.cit; latest analysis of Waldalgesheim finds in Frey 2004:121) the golden torque
from Gorni Tsibar could be interpreted also as a gift to a noble female or part of personal adornments,
characteristic of womens costume. Other probable interpretation is that the torque could be seen as a
part of a personal set of jewelry, which had reached the banks of the Lower Danube reflecting exogamy
and high-status female moving outside the Celtic world. In this case, archaeological record also provide
hints about the role of the individual behind the long-term trends such as Celtic raids and migrations to
Eastern Balkans and historical events of military conflicts (on the concepts of agency and gender see
Barret 2001: 143; Meskell 2001).
Another example of prestige items from the world of La Tne, which reached the Eastern
Balkan area are chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb near Mezek (fig.2; map-No19) (Jacobsthal
1944: No176; Domaradzki 1984: 125-126, fig. 34; Fol 1991; Megaw/Megaw 1989: 140 and ill.212;
Megaw 2004: 96, fig.2a; publication of the tomb in Filov 1937, 1937a). Dated to the time of the raids
in the beginning of the 2nd quarter of the 3rd century the fittings to a chariot are well known and
perceived as a label of La Tne finds from Hellenistic Thrace. Discovered in the dromos (corridor) of
the tholos tomb in Mal tepe and related to the secondary burial in a tomb construction built probably in
last decade of the 4 th century - as suggested by the dating of the original burial and the architectural
design of the tomb (Domaradzki 1998: 50-53; Stoyanov 2005) these chariot decorations raise
questions on the circumstances which took this collection of Plastic style harness mounts into an elite
Odrysian burial place among grave goods of local and southern origin. Several scenarios and
interpretations have been suggested in order to situate the bronze fittings of La Tne 2 or early La
Tne C1 style in historical context and quite dynamic political events in the valley of Hebros after the
death of Lysimachus and the Celtic raids. The find is attributed to a Galatian chieftain of Tylis buried
in the Mal tepe tomb in order to claim territorial legitimacy (Cunliffe 1997:174-175), or a booty sized
by the Thracians and deposited in the tomb (Fol 1991, Cunliffe 1997: 79-80; Domaradzki 1998: 51,
Theodossiev 2000: 35; Megaw 2005). The date of the bronze applications coincides with peak of
Celtic campaigns in Thrace, and could be related to the victory of Antigonos Gonatas over the Celts at
Lysimachia in 277-276 BC (Szab 1991) and the subsequent establishment of Tylis as political factor
in the Hebros valley. It has been recently suggested, that the chariot decorations could be related to
Adaios, strategos of Antigonos Gonatas and deposited in the tomb as a trophies during the last stage of
the Mal tepe tomb, associated with setting of bronze statuary group in front of the tomb (Stoyanov
2005:127 with op.cit). In Kaleto locality (map-No 4) in a close vicinity of the mediaeval fortress near
Mezek are discovered house structures, architectural elements, imported blackglazed pottery and coins,
which date the habitation at the place a quarter of a century earlier and contemporary to the tomb in
Mal tepe tumulus (Velkov 1937:120-123; Domaradzki 1998:40-41). The fortress in the vicinity of
Mezek is listed among the sites where the centre of the Galatian political formation in Thrace could be
located (Hoddinott 1981:126-127, on the results of the trench investigations in Mezek fortress see
Aladov/Petrov 1985:58). Taking in consideration the present stage of investigation and research on
the Hellenistic period settlement pattern in the region, as well as the current knowledge on the cultural
process of Middle and Lower Hebros all the explanations on how the chariot decorations from Mezek
are deposited in the dromos are very attractive, but remain a scholarly exercises and theoretical
reconstructions based on the scarce evidence in hand.
A stray find from Bobata fortress (fig. 3; map-No 8) north of the Osmar village and in the
vicinity of the Shumen fortress (map-No 7) in Shumen region is an example of bronze chariot fitting
in La Tne style (fig.3; map-No 20) from the area inhabited of the Getae (Atanassov 2005: 126, 130,
fig.3) similar in function to the chariot decorations in the dromos of Mal tepe tomb. Two snake-like
figures flank an abstract human face in high relief on the bronze plate of the fitting. The findspot of the
application is in the territory of a settlement probably fortified by stone walls and dated to the end of
the 4th the 2nd century BC according to the results of the terrain surveys in the area
(Dremsizova/Antonova 1975: 37, 65; Antonova 1995:6) and suggests an agglomeration of fortified
settlements of local importance in Shumen plateau (Domaradzki 1998: 42; Popov 2002:150-155).
Investigation of these settlement as well as large scale excavations in Kaleto locality close to the
fortress near Mezek could provide hints on the regional context of the high status objects such as the
chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb and from Bobata settlement and broaden the possibilities of
their interpretation beyond the limits of war booty and gift exchange.
The Galatian invasions and settlement in the Thracian plain certainly have changed the
political landscape, but it is hard to assess if these events had such a devastating effect on the
development of the local communities as some Bulgarian researchers in the 1950ties and the 1960ties
have suggested (Venedikov 1955; Mihailov 1961). It is questionable whether the crisis caused by the
Galatians is not an invented modern conception, which sets about the shortcomings of the information
provided in the written sources and archaeological data relevant to the turbulent times in Thrace of the
second quarter and the second half of the 3rd century BC (Emilov 2005a). According to the results of
the systematic excavations in the urban centres situated in the valley of Hebros river and in the land of
the Getae it seems most of the major settlements have survived the Celtic raids. During the
investigation of these sites there are no registered layers of destructions or repairs of fortification
systems. Significant changes in the rhythm of cultural development due to the Celtic raids in Thrace
during the 3rd decade of the 3rd century have not been noted (Emilov 2005). Two sites however
demonstrate a variation of the overall picture and point towards the invading Galatians as a plausible
explanation of the changes or an additional factor in the transformations that took place in Pistiros
(map-No 2) in the beginning of the 3 rd century BC (Domaradzki 1995:16, 22-24, 34-35, 1996:23, 30,
2002:26-30; Popov 2002:83; Bouzek et alii 2004: 180, fig.10; on the latest result and the double-
spring fibula over the destruction layer see Bouzek 2005a: fig. 2 and the contribution of Bouzek in the
present volume) and in the fortifications on Krakra hilltop (map-No 1) near Pernik on Upper Strymon
valley (Domaradzki 1984:117, 1998:34; Popov 2002: 141).
Archaeological record of the period in question is marked by the appearance and large
distribution of fibulae influenced by La Tne prototypes or following the construction of La Tne
fibulae. Discovery of such items in the early Hellenistic centers as Seuthopolis and Sboryanovo and
their adjacent necropoleis raises questions on the mechanism of contacts between the local
communities in Eastern Balkan area and their contemporaries in Central Europe. A short comparison
between the sites reveals strong diversity between the settlement centers and different level of contacts
and reception of La Tne models.
Double-spring fibulae found during the excavations of Seuthopolis (map-No 5) and the
adjacent tumuli in the late 40-ties and the beginning of the 50-ties constitute almost 1/3 of the overall
number of such items from the urban center on Upper Tonzos River. The majority of the fibulae belong
to so-called Thracian type while 34 have double springs and follow the contemporary construction of
La Tne fibulae fig. () ( Dimitrov/iikova 1978:27; Ognenova 1974, 1984:160-163, 174-176, fig.2).
Items of the group with double springs are found in houses No 1, No 4, No 9 and in the area between
houses No 10 and No 11 situated in the center of the fortified area and along the N-S main street
(Domaradzki 1991:135-136). It has been noted by the excavation team that these types of brooches
are related to the later period of the existing of the urban center. Another interesting observation is the
similarity in the construction and production technique of the Thracian type and the double-spring
brooches discovered in Seuthopolis (Ognenova 1984:162). It is an argument in favor of the assumption
that both groups of brooches are produced in a local workshop, unfortunately not located
archaeologically during the salvage excavations of the urban centre. A bronze fibula No 81 in the
catalogue of the finds is probably an import from the La Tne core zone, a prototype for the local
imitation noted as No. 82 in the same list (Ognenova 1984:176, fig.2). According to the context and
typological features of the double-spring brooches, the finds from Seuthopolis should be dated to the
second quarter and about the middle of the 3 rd century corresponding to the last period of habitation in
the urban centre on Upper Tonsos (Domaradzki 1991: 136; 2000:207).
A pair of golden fibulae discovered in a secondary grave A built by bricks in tumulus No 2
(fig. 4; map-No 21) from the necropolis of the urban center, together with the bronze coins type 7 of
the local ruler Seuthes III, support dating of the secondary grave in the 2 nd or the 3rd decade of the
century and are among the earliest examples of double spring brooches in Thrace south of Haemus
mountains (Woniak 1976; Domaradzki 1991:136; Megaw 2004:102-103, fig.10; on the dating of
the secondary grave and the coins see Dimitrov 1984:35-36). Grave constructions built by bricks
similar to the secondary graves A and B in tumulus No 2 are investigated in the vicinity of Seuthopolis
(Getov 1961:58, 1962, 1972:91-95). These graves could be interpreted as related to the elite of the
Seuthes III capital. According to the grave inventory of the necropoleis of Seuthopolis and the grave
goods as strigilae, lamps, funeral wreaths and luxury types of Hellenistic pottery as well as the grave
and tomb constructions built by bricks or stone it seems that La Tne elements have a specific place in
a cultural milieu of Early Hellenistic Thrace. La Tne brooches became an essential part of the costume
among a group, which in the same time follows the Hellenistic manner of status expressions and group
identity.
A flat warrior grave (map-No 22) discovered in the north part of the present day town of
Kazanlak in the environs of a settlement dated to the 4 th century, which is part of the dense settlement
pattern around Seuthopolis (Getov 1962:41-43; Domaradzki 1984:fig.37, 1991:128, 131) raises
questions on the extent and the nature of contacts between the inhabitants of Seuthopolis and the
Galatians arriving in the Thracian plain. In one hand the depictions on the eastern frieze of dromos in
Kazanlak tomb (Tulbe tumulus) of infantry warriors wearing oval shields with rib in the middle and
shield fitting over the rib (Domaradzki 1984:124, fig.29), as well as the Middle La Tne sword and
the helmet of Pilos type from the flat grave north of Kazanlak (Getov 1962; Domaradzki
1984:fig.37; Dimitrov 2002; Megaw 2004:103) could reflect the activity of a Galatian mercenary
group in Upper Tonzos area. On the other hand a debate on chronology of the urban centre on the
Upper Tonzos river and attempts to find a logical and historically based explanation about the end of
the Seuthes III capital lead towards the idea of invading Celts sacking Seuthopolis and responsible for
the decay of the fortified settlement (on the problems of chronology see Taeva 1986, 2000; Popov
2002: 123-124 with op.cit). At the present stage of research however it seems implausible that the
Galatians are the ones to blame for the changes and the collapse of the centre on Upper Tonzos river
(contra Webber 2001; Megaw 2004:95 with op.cit). Dynamics of the political process and data from
Seuthopolis and its surroundings suggests a scenario of Seleucid interference at the time of Antiochus
II and his campaign in Thrace in the middle of the 3rd century BC. (Delev 2003:114; Emilov 2005a).
In contrast to the picture already outlined by the development of Seuthopolis, the other urban
center situated down the river Tonzos Cabyle (map-No 6), located at the great bend of the river is an
example of continuous development during the 3rd century BC (Velkov 1991). There is almost no finds
of La Tne types or items influenced by the La Tne fashion discovered at the present level of
investigations in the urban centre and its territory (on the double-loop spring of a bronze fibula found in
tumulus No 7 and its context see (Getov 1991:174-175; Emilov 2005a). Active commercial activity
and intensive trade relations to Aegean and Pontic centers as Rhodes, Cnidos, Cos and Sinope are
indicated by numerous amphora stamps discovered in the city (Getov 1995: 118-122) and wide
distribution of its autonomous coinage (Draganov 1984, 1993). Cabyle leaves an impression of
political stability, emergence of social structures similar to the Hellenistic poleis and economic
prosperity in the framework of the Hellenistic koine during and after the Galatian raids in Eastern
Balkans. It seems that some of the communities in Thrace not only have survived the arrival of the
fierce warriors from Temperate Europe, but also managed to take advantage of important factors as
favorable geographic location and economic potential to preserve their autonomy and benefit from the
relations to the major Hellenistic centers.
A group of silver and bronze mints discovered in the valley of Tonzos river and the eastern
parts of the Balkan range are the single archaeological evidence related to Cavarus, known from
Polybios texts (Polyb. 4.46.52; 8.22) as the last ruler of the Galatian political formation in Thrace
around Tylis (Taeva 1981, 1997: 35; Delev 2003:108-109 with op.cit; commentary on the
information from Polybios see in Strobel 1996: 236; Tomaschitz 2002:139-141 and his contribution in
the present volume). The issues of Cavarus are probably minted in Cabyle, as there are close
similarities between these coins and the countermark of Cabyle on the coins of Antiochus II - image of
the goddess Artemis with a pair of torches. The same figure is engraved also on the autonomous
coinage of city and suggests a date of minting in the beginning of the last quarter of the 3 rd century
(Draganov 1984; 1991: 204, 1993:75-86).
Striking at the same time of the coins bearing the name Cavarus and the autonomous silver
coinage of Cabyle poses the question about the circumstances that forced Cabyle to mint in the name of
Galatian ruler. The contributions paid by Byzantion to the rulers of Tylis provide a model of relation
between the ports of trade and political formation of the Galatians in Thrace (Domaradzki 1984: 86;
Domaradzki 1995a: 126 127; Werner 1996: 288). In this framework it is suggested that Cavarus
issues were tribute of the city to the last ruler of Tylis (Gerasimov 1959: 119). It seems however, that
the Galatian tribute imposed on Cabyle was a single act and a brief episode of urban center history
rather than a notion of long-term dependency and pressure (Delev 2003:110).
A fragmentary inscription discovered in Cabyle ((fig.5) containing the combination on
the marble slab reconstructed as or is dated to the second half of the 3rd
century BC (Velkov 1991a: 11-12, fig. 2). It seems logical to associate this epigraphic monument
mentioning Galatians to the episode of Cavarus and his relations with Cabyle, but the exact nature of
the inscription remains unclear due to its fragmentation and lack of available basis of comparison. The
chronology of the events and the historical contexts are beyond any doubt appropriate and such an
interpretation is also in direct relation to the dating of the inscription based on paleographical features.
The monument could reflect an agreement between Cabyle and Galatians concerning the tribute of the
polis on the great bend of the Tonzos River or a decree in honour of a citizen involved in the events
(Emilov 2005a).
If we point our attention towards the lands situated to the North of the Balkan range and to the
South of the Danube River in the territories controlled by the Getae, the largest Hellenistic urban
settlement is located in Sboryanovo (map-No 9) near the modern town of Isperih, present Northeast
Bulgaria (Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1993; Stoyanov 1996/7, 2001, 2003, 2003a, 2005a; Popov 2002: 156-
165; Stoyanov et alii 2004). The fortified center is situated on a plateau surrounded on three sides by
the Krapinets River. Powerful stone fortifications defend a territory of over 10 hectares and the site
stands out as one of the most important economic and political urban settlements among the centers in
Hellenistic Thrace (Stoyanov 2003:414-418). An impressive consumption of Aegean wine, suggested
by the quantity of the amphorae and amphora stamps discovered there, as well as the import of black-
glazed Hellenistic wares are markers of economic prosperity and active, well established commercial
relations to the production and trading centers in the Aegean and the Black Sea region (latest in
Stoyanov 2005:209 with op.cit.). The site is identified as Helis, capital city of the Getae ( Delev
1990:93-96, 2000: 396-401; Stoyanov 1996/7: 89-91, 2005a:212-213) from the last decades of 4 th until
a devastating earthquake in the middle of the 3 rd century shook the region and the site was abandoned
(Stoyanov 2003:414 with op.cit.). The capital of the Getae located on a navigable tributary to the
Danube River had not only an economic potential as a market and major consumer of imported wine,
olive oil and luxury commodities from the Aegean and Pontic zone. According to the present results of
the archaeological exploration in Sboryanovo the fortified settlement and the surrounding area played
an important role also as producing centre with metalworking, pottery and bone workshops which have
been investigated on the plateau and its slopes (Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996; Stoyanov 2003:419-421,
2005a:209-210; Mihaylova 2005:233-234; Ganeva 2005). Special attention will be paid to the
products of the local metalworking workshop discovered in the central part of the plateau in the
fortified part of the centre as revealed by a large collection of tools and production traces there
(Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996, forthcoming; Stoyanov et alii 2004:20-23). It provides a rare
opportunity to establish a link between a workshop and its production and has wider implications
bearing in mind the context and the chronology of the finds in the first half of the 3rd century BC.
More than 60 percent of the brooches discovered at the present stage of exploration in the
settlement center have La Tne construction and follow the Duchcov Mnsingen scheme
(Stoyanov/Mihaylova forthcoming). It should be noted that the La Tne types of brooches produced
in Sboryanovo reflect and to a certain degree follow the trends of the development of the fibula design
in the La Tne core zone, as manifested by the appearance of the ball on the foot or non-functional
double springs on the end of foot, as well as on the top of the foot over the bow leaving an impression
of a junction point decorated with a double springs (fig.6). The products of the local metalworking
workshop find similarities among the finds of brooches and assemblages in the western parts of the
Balkans (see Bozi 1981; Gutin 1984, 1987), in the valleys of the Morava river and the southern
tributaries of the Danube river (Jovanovi 1975, 1992; Popovi 1995), in the Carpathian area (Zirra
1975, 1976, 1991) and beyond (Peschel 1972; Polenz 1982; Szab 1992, 1995; Jerem 1995;
Shchukin 1995; Redina 2005). The most striking information is the dating of the brooches according
to the structures of their discovery and the associated finds in the first half of the 3 rd century and
especially in the second quarter of the 3rd century BC (Stoyanov/Mihaylova forthcoming). Bearing in
mind the terminus ante quem for the habitation in urban center prior to the devastating earthquake and
the period of production of the metalworking workshops in Sboryanovo, dress accessories in question
are among the earliest examples from the lands of the Getae and provide information about the
introduction of La Tne elements in the style and the appearance of the local inhabitants. The grave
finds from Malomir (map-No24) and Branichevo (map-No25) in Shumen area (Dremsizova 1962;
Domaradzki 1984:119ff; 1991:136) dated to the first half of the 3 rd century mark the beginning of this
process and in context of the results from Sboryanovo it seems that La Tne types of objects among the
Getae were not only imported items but also a result of the interaction between the traditions in Eastern
Balkan area and the influences of the fashion coming from Middle Danube and beyond. In regards to
the direct imports fragments of a bronze anklet (Hohlbuckelring) discovered in the area of the South
Gate, which is the main entrance to the urban centre in Sboryanovo (Mihaylova 1991;
Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996; Megaw 2004:98 with reference on Hohlbuckelringe in the Balkans and
Asia Minor), as well as fragments of a jug with graphite surface found in a well in front of the Southern
wall of the fortified area with terminus ante quem for its deposition about 273 BC are evidence of the
contacts not only to the raiding groups of Galatian warriors at the time of migrations but also to their
contemporaries in Middle Danube and further west or to Transylvania along the salt routes.
The impact of the La Tne style on the local communities in Thrace is also evident among the
single-loop brooches of so-called Thracian type (Domaradzki 1984:138-139; 1991:135; 2000). Non
functional double springs attached to the foot of the brooch, loops on the bow and round plates on the
foot top are among the elements in the brooch construction related to the new outlook of these finds
during the 3rd and the 2nd century in Eastern Balkans. Analyzing the finds of Thracian type fibulae
from the necropolis at Zimni (map-No 26) on the north bank of the Danube these combinations of
elements are the basis to define the types as Thraco-Celtic hybrids (Alexandrescu 1976, 1980) and
to include the items such as brandebourgs type of brooches in the latest classification scheme of
Thracian fibulae in groups IV-VI as Thracian fibulae influenced by La Tne Style (Domardzki
2000: 215-217, fig. 8-9). However it is questionable whether the double-spring brooches following the
prototypes from La Tne world and discovered in the land of the ancient Thracians should be
positioned in united classification scheme with the single-loop ones later derivations of the
Thracian types of fibulae and influenced by the actual trends due to difference in their construction
and concept a linear contour and the impression of space produced by the double springs. A stray find
from Veliko Tarnovo region in present Northern Bulgaria illustrates at best the theoretical and the
methodological difficulty in dealing with these archaeological finds a single loop brooch with a foot
shaped as a zoomorphic ring similar to a pair from Sopron-Becsidomb and finds from Donja Dolina,
Liter and Pecica (Mireva 2000/2001: fig.3-4 with op.cit.). This ornament belongs to group III in the
M. Domaradzkis classification but at the same time diverges from the other items in the group
according to the specific foot and the concept of its appearance. There is no doubt that the difference in
the approach towards the available data among the scholars is under the influence and their opinion
about the main questions related to these finds Celtic products versus Celtic influence (Megaw
2004: 103) and the current theoretical debate on how far aspects of material culture may be equated
with individual identities or ethnicities (Megaw 2004:103; on the ethnicity debate and the Celts see
Barford 1991; Jones 1997; James 1997; Megaw/Megaw 1998; Meskell 2001).
A short review on some of the most representative grave finds from Hellenistic Thrace dated
to the 2nd century BC shows that the search for identities based on archaeological finds should always
take into account the cultural process in the area in question as well as the background and the trends
among the groups when the aim is to bridge the gap between the concept of ethnicity and the data of
archaeology.
The tomb discovered in Sashova mogila (map-No23) near the modern town of Shipka in
Kazanluk plain just south of the Shipka pass is an example of how elements originating from different
cultural traditions are embodied together in the image of the leader and warrior as suggested by his
tomb construction and grave inventory. According to the Macedonian barrel-vaulted roof of the
stone-built chamber and the overall tomb construction the tomb in Sashova mogila is among the
monuments with rectangular plan and roof construction built in the territory of ancient Thrace and
Macedonia in Early Hellenistic period to the middle of the 2 nd century (on the tomb near Shipka Kitov
1996, 2003; latest review on barrel-vaulted monuments from Thrace in Stoyanova 2006). Silver phiale
and stamped amphorae from Heraclea Pontica dated to 210-175 BC (Kitov 1996) provide reliable
dating of the last burial in the tomb construction and indicate that trade relations between the centers in
the Pontic and Aegean zone and the groups inhabiting Upper Tonzos continued after the time of
Seuthopolis. Ever thirsty barbarians imported both prestigious and precious southern drink and
deposited silverware and amphorae in the 2 nd century tomb as their predecessors acted a century earlier.
The bones of a human individual and of a horse in the chamber are accompanied by various elements
of the armament such as a chain mail tunic, a helmet, a sword and it seems that the aristocratic persona
buried in the tomb was not only a member of the elite in the area of the Upper Tonzos river, but also a
warrior and a military leader (Kitov 2003:41). A shield boss of La Tne C2/D type and dating
discovered there shows that armament of La Tne types was popular among the groups in the Kazanluk
plain and the process was not confined only to the area inhabited by the Triballoi, as result of their
contacts with the Scordisci (Mikov 1932; Domaradzki 1984; Theodossiev 2000:14, 81-85, 2005;
latest in Torbov 2005 with op.cit). Weapons of La Tne type became immanent part of the warrior
image in Eastern Balkans during the Middle and Late Hellenistic period after the raids and the time of
Cavarus, the last king of the Thracian Galatians of Tylis. A golden double-spring fibula (fig.7)
decorated in gold filigree, granules and inlaid with dark blue, light green and black cloisonn enamel
discovered near the human skeleton in the chamber of Sashova mogila tomb (Kitov 1996: fig.10;
Marazov 1998:102; Tonkova 2002:106, 109 pl.II,9) deserves special attention as a rare example of
Hellenistic cloisonn fashion combined with La Tne construction. The item executed in an eclectic
Graeco-Celtic style (Treister 2004:195) is the best illustration of the trends in Thrace during this
period and the context of the brooch discovery a combination of local traditions, influence from the
Hellenistic koine and La Tne zone is not only an important point in regards to the chronology, but also
a reference point in understanding the dynamics of the cultural process in Eastern Balkans.
Contemporary to the tomb in Sashova mogila near Shipka is the necropolis investigated on the
left terrace of Kamchiya River in present Northeast Bulgaria, in the vicinity of the Kalnovo village
(map-No 27)in Shumen region. During salvage excavations in late 1970-ties f the tumuli located there
several burial structures and pits were found. Among these structures a 3.50m deep shaft filled with
stones leads toward below-ground chamber (Atanassov 1992). A clay lamp, a pair of La Tne C
fibulae as well as elements of the warrior and equestrian equipment as Hellenistic helmet of Attic type,
La Tne C rectangular umbo, swords, H-formed horse bits and a chain mail tunic are markers of high
status and military command of the person, whose cremated remains were deposited about 220-180 BC
according to the dating of the imported pottery discovered there (Atanassov 1992; Megaw 2004:104).
The features of the grave construction are quite exceptional in the area South of the Danube river and
suggest an influence from the North Pontic Steppe zone, but an example of the secondary grave in
tumulus N 10 near Branichevo in Shumen region dated in the beginning of the 3 rd century BC where
the shaft is 1,5m deep and the below-ground chamber is smaller than the one investigated near Kalnovo
shows that it is not necessary to search for Late Scythian or Early Sarmatian source of inspiration and
model of behavior. Dug in the terrain constructions although not so elaborate in plan and execution are
also known in tumulus N18 in the Eastern necropolis of Sboryanovo (Ivanov 2005: 22-38) and near the
modern town of Tutrakan (map-No 28)(Paunov 2005) on the south bank of the Danube river dated to
the first half of the 3rd century and could be listed as prototypes of the structure investigated near
Kalnovo.
Latest period of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Eastern Balkans, which corresponds to La Tne D
period in Temperate Europe is illustrated by warrior equipment such as swords, knives, shield bosses as
well as the brooches influenced by development in the La Tne zone. Relations of the local groups in
ancient Thrace to the Scordisci and the Bastarni and mercenary activities could be mentioned as
additional factors to explain introduction and use of La Tne types of artifacts in the area (Woniak
1975, 1976; Taeva-Hitova 1978; Theodossiev/Torbov 1995; Theodossiev 2005; Paunova 2005).
Some of the phenomena in the Late Hellenistic period as local production of weapons (Megaw et alii
2000, Torbov 2000; 2005 with op.cit) and brooches (Haralambieva 2000/2001; Torbov/Antonov
2000; Antonov 2005) have their origin in the Early and Middle Hellenistic times but the emergence of
warriors as expressed in the archaeological record of Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii groups (map-No
29,30,33) (Dimitrova/ Gizdova 1975; Woniak 1976, Domaradzki 1994; Srbu /Ristoiu 1998)
equipped with weapons as the scabbard from Poduyane (map-No 31)(Woniak 1975), shields with
umbos of Novo mesto 169 type from Kamburovo (map-No 34), Dojrentsi (map-No36), Kojnare (map-
No37) and Smochan (map-No35) (Luczkievicz 1995; Bockius/Luczkievicz 2004: 94-97) as well as
with Karaburma type of umbo from Gorna Malina (map-No32)(Bockius/Luczkievicz 2004: 98) and
visible in the imagery of the silverware from Galiche (map-No38) and Jakimovo (map-No39)
(Marazov 1979, 1998: 234-237; Bouzek 2002) in the last two centuries before the coming of Roman
power points toward a complex picture of mobility and exchange between the inhabitants in Eastern
Balkans and their contemporaries in La Tne Europe after the collapse of Galatian political formation
of Tylis, which will be discussed on other occasion.

Acknowledgements:
I wish to thank above all Prof. J. Bouzek (Charles University, Prague) for the invitation to take part in
the symposium and invaluable advice, hospitality and discussions on the Celts, the Thracians, Pistiros
and Thrace in Early Hellenistic period. I express my gratitude to my PhD supervisor Assoc. Prof. T.
Stoyanov (Sofia University) for sharing his knowledge and useful commentaries on the topics
discussed in the paper. I am also indebted to a number of individuals Prof. O. Urban (Vienna
University), Dr. P. Ramsl (Naturhistoriches Museum, Wien), Dr. K. Tomaschitz (Vienna University),
Prof. V. Megaw and Dr. R. Megaw (Flinders University), Dr. N. Theodossiev (Sofia University),
Assoc. Assoc. Prof. P. Delev (Sofia University), Dr. D. Stoyanova (Sofia University), Prof. K.
Randsborg (Copenhagen University), Prof. I. Marazov (New Bulgarian University, Sofia), T.
Dzhanfezova (Veliko Turnovo University) and Dr. J.M. Gordillo Martin (Valencia) for their useful
suggestions and remarks. I wish to stress however that responsibility for any mistakes or other
inadequacies are entirely mine.

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Map of the sites and finds mentioned in the text.

I Hellenistic urban centers and regional settlement centers.
1. Krakra hill 2. Emporion Pistiros 3. Philippolis
4. Mezek 5. Seuthopolis 6. Cabyle
7. Shumen 8. Bobata 9. Sboryanovo (Helis)
II Findspots of La Tne items and Late Hellenistic silverware.
18. Gorni Tsibar 19. Mal tepe (Mezek) 20. Bobata 21. Tumulus No 2 Seuthopolis
22. Kazanluk flat grave 23. Sashova mogila tomb (Shipka) 24. Malomir
25. Branichevo 26. Zimnicea 27. Kalnovo 28. Tutrakan
29. Tarnava 30. Panagjurski Kolonii 31. Podujane 32. Gorna Malina
33. Tazha 34. Kamburovo 35. Smochan 36. Dojrentsi
37. Kojnare 38. Galiche 39. Jakimovo
III Pontic and Aegean apoikiai.
10. Odessos 11. Messambria 12. Apollonia Pontica
13. Byzantion 14. Ainos 15. Maroneia
16. Abdera 17. Amphipolis

Fig. 1
Golden torque from Gorni Tsibar (after Marazov 1998: cat. No.144).
Fig. 2
Bronze chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb near Mezek (after Domaradzki 1984; Marazov
1998:fig 29).
Fig. 3
Bronze chariot decoration from Bobata (after Atanassov 2005: fig.3).

Fig. 4
A pair of golden double-spring fibulae from secondary grave A in tumulus No 2 near Seuthopolis
(After Woniak 1975)
Fig. 5
Fragmentary inscription on a marble slab from Cabyle.
Fig.6
Double-spring fibulae local production and import from Sboryanovo (after Stoyanov T., Mihaylova
Zh., forthcoming)
Fig.7
Golden double-spring fibula from Sashova mogila (after Marazov 1998: cat. No.12)