EXAMINING THE ROLE OF THE 50/50 GROUP Thesis From Fredline

EXAMINING THE ROLE OF THE 50/50 GROUP IN
ADVOCATING FOR WOMENS POLITICAL

EMPOWERMENT IN SIERRA LEONE: A CASE STUDY OF
FREETOWN, THE WESTERN AREA
ALOYSIOUS B. ANSUMANA
THE INSTITUTE FOR GENDER RESEARCH AND

DOCUMENTATION CENTRE (INGRADOC) - FOURAH BAY
COLLEGE, UNIVERSITY OF SIERRA LEONE
JUNE, 2016
EXAMINING THE ROLE OF THE 50/50 GROUP IN
ADVOCATING FOR WOMENS POLITICAL
EMPOWERMENT IN SIERRA LEONE: A CASE STUDY OF
FREETOWN, THE WESTERN AREA
ID No: ..
ALOYSIOUS B. ANSUMANA
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE INSTITUTE FOR

GENDER RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION CENTRE
(INGRADOC) - FOURAH BAY COLLEGE, UNIVERSITY OF
SIERRA LEONE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN GENDER STUDIES
JUNE, 2016
CERTIFICATION
The undersigned certify that they have read and recommended to the Board of Postgraduate
Studies, for acceptance, a thesis entitled The Role of the 50/50 Group in Advocating for
Womens Political Empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone .
Submitted by Aloysious B. Ansumana, in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of
Masters of Philosophy in Gender Studies
....................................................................
Dr. AlphaeusKoroma
(Director, INGRADOC, Supervisor 2)
.....................................................................
Dr. Alex Mbayo
(Supervisor 1)
......................................................................
External Examiner
Date................................................................
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my lovely mum and dad, Mrs. JenebaAnsumana and Mr.
Aloysious B. Ansumana.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
It is with deep humility, and felicitous felicity that I take this opportunity to acknowledge the
effort of people whose unflinching support, help or patience made this piece of writing a success.
I acknowledge Dr. Alex Mbayo, my first supervisor, Dr. Alphaeus T. Koroma my second
supervisor, whose patience were unwavering to see the completion of this work.
May I also acknowledge the Director of INGRADOC Dr. Alphaeus T. Koroma, whose hard work
has brought a watershed in the history of our beloved department, INGRADOC as a growing
department in the University of Sierra Leone. I also acknowledge the support to mobilize the
50/50 Groupofficials for the interview as well as the respondents who questionnaires were
administered to.
I also want to acknowledge the love, courage, care and concern shown by my girlfriend
MalucyKoker, who also did most of the typing of this work.
May I also acknowledge my brothers, Victor S.S. Ansumana, Joshua A. Ansumana,
SundufuJudeh, Mohamed S. Jalloh, Mohamed A. Jalloh, Joseph, Johannes, Abel, Momoh, for
giving me the inspiration to effectively do this work.
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1
Age of respondents...............................................................................68
Table 4.2
Marital status........................................................................................73
Table 4.3
Schooling status....................................................................................76
Table 4.4
Reasons for not going to school............................................................81
Table 4.5
Political status.......................................................................................84
Table 4.6
Influence of politics on respondents status.........................................87
Table 4.7
Improvement of politics on respondents status...................................90
Table 4.8
Type of political improvement on respondents...................................92
Table 4.9
Reasons for engaging in politics...........................................................95
Table 4.10
Other means respondents improve their status....................................98
Table 4.11 -
Role played as a political figure..........................................................101
Table 4.12
- Target women for operation.................................................................104
Table 4.13
- System of targeting women.................................................................107
Table 4.14
- Role played in gender quota advocacy.................................................110
Table 4.15
- Role played by 50/50 group..................................................................113
Table 4.16
- Knowledge about the working tools of 50/50 group............................116
Table 4.17
- Types of tools used by the 50/50 group................................................119
Table 4.18
- Impact of the 50/50 group intervention................................................122
Table 4.19
Success rate of the 50/50 group...........................................................124
Table 4.20
Percentage of the 50/50 group successes.............................................126
Table 4.21 - Service to THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50

group...................................................................129
Table 4.22 - Form of service to THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50
group.....................................................131
Table 4.23 - Knowledge about constraints of THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50
group................................133
4
Table 4.24
- Types of constraints.............................................................................135
Table 4.25
Length of experience in politics..........................................................138
Table 4.26 - Source of information about THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50

group.....................................141
Table 4.27 - Other facilities provided by THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50
group......................................144
Table 4.28
Problems faced in improving on political status................................146
LIST OF FIGURES
PAGE
Figure I
Sex distribution of respondent............................................................71
Figure Ii
Level of education..............................................................................78
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Certification...........................................................................................................................i
Dedication............................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgement..............................................................................................................iii
List of tables.....................................................................................................................iv-v
List of figures......................................................................................................................vi
Table of contents...........................................................................................................vii-xi
Abbreviations/ acronyms ...........................................................................................xii-xiii
Abstract.............................................................................................................................xiv
CHAPTER ONE: THESIS OVERVIEW, DESIGN AND CONCEPTUAL ISSUES

1.0 Introduction...................................................................................................................1
1.1 Background...............................................................................................................1-11
1.2 Background to 50/50 group....................................................................................11-15
1.3 Statement of problem..............................................................................................16-18
1.4 Hypotheses...................................................................................................................18
1.5 Aim of the study..........................................................................................................19
1.6 Objectives.....................................................................................................................19
1.7 Research questions.......................................................................................................19
1.8 Significance of the study.............................................................................................20
1.9 Justification..................................................................................................................20
1.10 Limitation and scope.............................................................................................20-21
7
1.11 Key terms and concepts........................................................................................21-24

1.12 Organizations of chapters..........................................................................................24
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OFRELATED LITERATURE

2.0 Introductions...............................................................................................................25
2.1 Definition of empowerment...................................................................................25-33
2.2 Womens political empowerment..........................................................................33-39
2.3 Conceptualizations of gender quotas......................................................................40-44
2.4 Electoral law quotas and womens participation....................................................44-45
2.5 Political party quotas and womens participation...................................................45-47
2.6 Constitutional quotas and womens participation...................................................47-48
2.7 Government of Sierra Leone gender quota policy..................................................48-50
2.8 The criticisms against gender quota: problems and pitfalls...................................50-51
2.9 Conceptualization of gender equality.....................................................................51-54
2.10 Paradigms of gender discrimination.....................................................................54-56
2.11 International policy frameworks on womens political
empowerment...............................................................................................................56-58
2.12 Womens political empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa.........................................58
2.13 The role NGOS in womens political empowerment...........................................58-59
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction................................................................................................................60
3.1 Study area...................................................................................................................60
3.2 Research design.....................................................................................................60-61
3.3 The study population..................................................................................................61
3.4 The study sample...................................................................................................61-62
8
3.5 Sampling techniques..............................................................................................62-63

3.6 Research instruments..................................................................................................63
3.6.1 Questionnaires....63
3.6.2 Interviews...63
3.7 Research ethics..............................................................................................................64
3.8 Variables........................................................................................................................64
3.8.1 Independent variable...........................................................................................64
3.8.2 Dependent variable.................................................................................................64
3.11 Method of data collection............................................................................................64
3.12 Method of data analysis...............................................................................................65
3.13 Conclusions..................................................................................................................65
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF FIELD DATA, ANALYSIS, AND DISCUSSION

OF FINDINGS
4.0 Introduction..................................................................................................................66
4.1 Socio-demographic data .......................................................................................66-149
4.2 Findings and analysis of semi-structured interviews with 50/50 Group
Officials......................................................................................................................150
4.2.1Meaning of Gender Quotas..........................................................150
4.2.2 Areas of Womens Empowerment..............................................150-151
4.2.3Matters of Advocacy for Gender Equality in Politics..................................151-153
4.2.4Other Areas of Advocacy Related to Womens Political Empowerment....153-154
4.2.5Success of Having Women in Leadership Positions.....................................149-150
4.2.6The 30% Quota Promised to Women...................................................................154
4.2.7The Contribution of Women in Leadership Positions to other Women...............155
4.2.8Partners and their Support.............................................................................155-156
9
4.2.9Collaboration with Grass Root Women...............................................................156

4.2.10Barriers to Womens Political Participation................................................156-157
4.2.11Contribution to Change Discriminatory Laws against Women........................157
4.2.12Source of Finance..............................................................................................157
4.2.13 Enough Support to Carry Out Duties...............................................................158
4.2.14Relationship with Other Organizations.............................................................158
4.2.15 Importance of having Women in Politics.........................................................158
4.2.16 Women in Politics and their Impact.................................................................159
4.2.17 Measuring the Overall Participation of Women in Politics..............................159
4.2.18 Strategies to Increase Womens Political Participation...................................160
4.2.19Supports from Government..............................................................................160
4.2.20 Constraints Encountered by the 50/50 GroupThe 50/50 Group in their
Advocacy...........,160-161
4.2.21 Future Challenges to the 50/50 Groupthe 50/50
Group..............................................................161
4.2.22Comparison of The 50/50 Groupthe 50/50 Group Officials view and
Respondents.............161-162
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATION

5.0 Introduction...............................................................................................................163
5.1 Summary of study design...................................................................................163-164
5.2 Summary of findings..........................................................................................165-166
5.3 Impacts................................................................................................................166-167
5.4 Gender quotas and womens role in their political
participation........................................................................................................167-168
5.5 Change of discriminatory laws as a hallmark............................................................168
5.6 Political viability........................................................................................................169
10
5.7 Boosting awareness............................................................................................169-170

5.8 Recommendations......................................................................................................170
5.8.1 To government............................................................................................170-171
5.8.2 To The 50/50 Groupthe 50/50
group.............................................................................................171
5.8.3 To Womens Empowerment NGOs.................................................................171
5.8.4To Women/Beneficiaries.....................................................................................172
5.8.5 To Future Researchers........................................................................................172
5.8.6 Conclusions........................................................................................................172
Bibliography.............................................................................................................173-177
Appendix 1...............................................................................................................178-184
Appendix 2...............................................................................................................185-186
Appendix 3...............................................................................................................187-188
Appendix 4...............................................................................................................189-190
11
GLOSSARY OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

ADB
African Development Bank
AWDF
Africa Womens Development Fund
CARE
Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere
CARL
Centre for Accountability and the Rule of Law
CEDAW
Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
EU
European Union
FEHA
Fair Employment and Housing Act
GBV
Gender Based Violence
GOSL
Government of Sierra Leone
ILO
International Labour Organization
IPU
Inter Parliamentary Union
LNGOs
Local Non-Governmental Organizations
MDG
Millennium Development Goal
MPs
Members of Parliament
MUWODA
Muloma Womens Development Association
NGOs
Non-Governmental Organizations
OSCE
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
SLAJ
Sierra Leone Association of Journalist
SLBA
Sierra Leone Bar Association
TRC
Truth and Reconciliation Commission

12
UN
United Nations
UNESCO
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNDP
United Nations Development Programme
UNFPA
United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNICEF
United Nations Children Emergency Fund
UNIFEM
United Nations Development Fund for Women
WRESL
Womens Response to Ebola in Sierra Leone
13
ABSTRACT
This research probes into the role ofThe 50/50 Group in advocating for Womens Political
Empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone.
Development through empowerment is a major concern to development agencies in the world
today. As a result, the role ofThe 50/50 Group in advocating for Womens Political
Empowerment, through gender quota is appraised in this work. Women, according to Sierra
Leone Population Census (2015) constitute 52% of the countrys population. Most of these
women are unemployed and are therefore not politically empowered.
The literature review shows that there are various models of empowerment and various types of
gender quotas and that the purported target for gender quotas are women, who have to realise the
intended purpose.
In this work, questionnaires were administered to 50/50 Group advocacy respondents and semistructured interviews done with the 50/50 Groupofficials.
Sample for respondents were selected in four communities in the Western Area (Freetown). The
study concludes that 50/50 Group gender quota advocacy targets more women than men. This is
mainly to empower women politically which will eventually lead to their participation in
decision-making.
Key among the findings of the research are the creation of awareness by the 50/50 Groupon
womens inclusion into politics, making their voices heard in the countrys politics and never
again to remain silent on issues that affect them; the lack of total political will towards the
achievement of the 30% quota for women in Sierra Leones politics. The issue of low education
of women, due to patriarchy, which is affecting their rise to top political positions and the
gaining of credence of gender quota especially among the women folk of the Western Area,
which has made most women active in the politics of the country and constantly kept in mind the
importance of them moving away from the stereotypical belief that womens place is the kitchen.
14
15
CHAPTER ONE
THESIS OVERVIEW, DESIGN AND CONCEPTUAL ISSUES
1.0 Introduction
This chapter captures the background of the study, the history of the 50/50 Group, the statement
of problem, the research questions and objectives of the study, the hypothesis and definition of
key terms, and the final part is the organization of chapters.
1.1 Background
Over the past three decades, many organizations and development agencies have been working
towards enhancing womens political empowerment in Sierra Leone. The 50/50 Groupis one of
such organizations advocating for womens political empowerment in Sierra Leone.
Gender equality means equal opportunities and empowerment of the vulnerable or disadvantaged
sex, and implementing policies by focusing on policies of empowerment especially for women.
In Gender, Human rights, Economic and Development studies Womens empowerment,
gender equality, gender mainstreaming, and gender equity have all been used in similar
ways towards offsetting the seemingly anti-development and predominant discrimination against
women by working towards womens empowerment.1
In Sierra Leone like many parts of the world, women are marginalized socially, economically
and politically. Women therefore need to be empowered in these areas. This will help them to
move away from poverty and marginalization.
Although women make up 52 percent of Sierra Leones population, it is frustratingto know that
they are politically disadvantaged.2
1Ansumana, Victor S. S. (2012) The Role of BRAC in Enhancing Womens Economic
Empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay
College, University of Sierra Leone) pp1
2Ansumana, Victor S.S (2012) The Role of BRAC in Enhancing Womens Economic
1
The 1952 Convention on the Political Rights of Women recognizes that (Article 1) Women have
the right to vote in all elections, (Article 2) Women will be eligible for all elective public bodies,
established by national law, on equal terms, without discrimination (Article 3) Women have the
right to hold public office and perform all public functions established by national law, on equal
terms with men, without discrimination.3
Gender in Southeast Asia determines ones level of independence. The employment of people is
as well determined by gender and even the use of, or enjoyment of health facilities. Southeast
Asian countries, such as Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, and Afghanistan are culturally
diverse. However, the women of this region all share the experience of gender discrimination.4
Women in Afghanistan have suffered for their human rights though for far too long they have
made tremendous efforts in the last three decades to put an end to this, when under rulers such as
the Mujahedeen and the Taliban, women have struggled to gain freedom and reform a society
that is primarily male dominant. Womens rights in the country have gradually improved in the
21st century, under the Karzai administration.
Even today, violence against women in Afghanistan is high, although the situation is improving
slowly as the country progresses with the help of the international community.5
Even though women have advanced in terms of the quality and quantity of their political
participation in almost every country in the world, some of them are still experiencing gender
based harassment and violence in politics. In countries that have incorporated the principles of
3 UN Political Empowerment of Women: Framework for Strategic Action

4 Tobin, Bridget (2014) Gender Discrimination in Southeast Asia
5Musin, John (2014) Womens Struggle in Afghanistan
2
gender parity in the drawing up of candidate lists for elections, with both sexes in the tabular and
substitute positions, many women are still victims of political harassment and violence.6
To combat gender inequality in politics, the Indian government has instituted reservations for
seats in local governments. Women turnout during Indias 2014 parliamentary and general
elections was 65.63%, compared to 67.09% turnout for men. India is ranked 20 th from the bottom
in terms of representation of women in parliament. Women have held the post of president and
prime minister in India, as well as chief ministers of various states. Indian voters have elected
women to numerous state legislative assemblies and national parliament for many decades.7
Discrimination of women in the world is still a real problem. Even though there have been huge
strides against it in some parts in America, it is still widespread throughout the world, especially
in the developing world.
Some American countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala and Mexico are pushing
legislation to prevent and punish all forms of persecution, harassment and violence against
women. In Bolivia, the Anti-Gender Based Harassment and Violence in politicsAct was widely
approved by the House of Representatives, and women expected it to be passedbefore the end of
the parliamentary term in March 2010.
They wanted to have it as a tool to defend female candidates in April 2010 election. 8An electoral
law passed in Bolivia in 2010 and implemented during the 2014 elections stipulates that
candidate lists for the upper and lower houses of the Legislative Assembly must include equal
numbers of men and women.9
6 Neville, Emmanuel (2010) Gender based harassment and violence against women
in Politics
7Sadaf, Prate (2016) Womens Political Progress in India
8 Ibid (2010)
9 Nate Singham 2015
3
Poor participation of women in politics and governance has been a major concern on the African
continent. In Nigeria, womens participation in politics is not proportionate to the 50% of the
nations population, which they represent, and has not translated into equal representation in
political leadership positions. The global objective of The Millennium Development Goal
(MDGs) goal 3 is to promote gender equality and empower women and calls for bridging the gap
created by long-term discriminations against women and making women visible in politics. This
has forced Nigeria to recognize women in the political sphere, and include them in both
appointive and elective positions. Yet, the number of women in political positions in Nigeria is
growing at a slow rate despite efforts to change such trends by Nigerian women
groups/advocates/activists, civil society organizations, Nigerian government and international
agencies and to increase womens active participation in both politics and public life.10
Several female candidates who stood in recent general elections in Kenya in March 2013 said
their male rivals intimidated and discriminated against them, causing many to drop out of the
race. Janet Chepkwony, who was hoping to be elected from the Kapkangani ward to the Nandi
County Assembly in the valley, said sexual discrimination was an obstacle to her campaign. On
the eve of party nominations in Kandara Constituency, also in the Rift Valley, the sitting member
of Parliament, Alice MuthoniWahome, found that her name was printed on packs of condoms
distributed among voters.11
Women have traditionally been excluded from the structures of state that determine political and
legislative power. In recent years, Africa has witnessed rapid escalation in female political
representation as compared to the low rates that existed in the 1960s. Participation of women in
decision-making has more and more been placed at heart of the global agenda. Confirmatory
10 http//www.hrpub.org Accessed 09 January 2016
11Bii, Barnabas (2013) Female candidate claim Discrimination in Kenyan Election:
Institute for War and Peace
4
developments in African governance, which have been eased by ever-increasing consolidation of

democracy in the continent, have led to the increase in womens participation in politics.
Numerous achievements have been recorded in the advancement of gender equality and womens
empowerment and various policies, programmes and projects are in place to advance gender
equality and womens empowerment (Republic of Zimbabwe, Ministry of Women Affairs, 1995).
These changes have engendered the potential for increasing womens entrance to politics. The
new trends in womens political participation have been aided by an amalgamation of numerous
factors. Changes taking place in the African region have positively conferred an opportunity for
more women to assume positions of leadership. Despite the fact that African women have made
significant gains in political participation, worldwide, a colossal gap still exists. Women have a
gargantuan task before they can be recognised as full equals and partners to their male
counterparts.12
Sierra Leone has three layers of government: the national government in the form of an elected
parliament and president, local government made up of district councils located at the district
Headquarter level and ward committee at the community level; and customary chiefdom
structures, which operate at local level and are semi regulated through national legislation.
In each of these layers of government women face distinct sets of challenges and opportunities to
participate in politics.13
Currently, Sierra Leones political sector such as parliamentary and local governance is
dominated by men, despite the fact that women make up 52% of Sierra Leones population.14
12 Fletcher, Jim (2015) High rate of women in Politics of Africa
13Castillejo, Clare (2010) Womens Political Participation and Influence in Sierra
Leone. PP 2
14 Ibid (2014)
5
Sierra Leone recently adopted several laws and policies aimed at improving respect for womens
rights, including:
- The passing into law of the Domestic Violence Act in 2007, criminalizing domestic
-
violence.
The passing into law of the Registration of Customary Marriage and Divorce Act in 2007,
which sets the legal age for marriage at 18 years requires the consent of both parties to
marriage and the registration of all marriages empowers both spouses to acquire property.
The passing into law of the Devolution of Estate Act in 2007, which requires property to
be equally distributed among the deceaseds spouse and children and criminalizes
expulsion of widows from their homes after the death of the husband.15
With all of these laws, there are currently no measures in Sierra Leone to accelerate the
achievement of de facto equality between women and men in political and public life, education
and employment in the formal economy, and the proportion of women in each of these fields
remain very low. Most women work in the informal sector and do not benefit from a social
security scheme.
Women remain underrepresented in decision-making after the 2007election, 15% of members of
parliament, 30.4% of the judiciary, and 10.5% of magistrates were women. Only four women
held cabinet positions.16
The 2012 Presidential elections were a breakthrough for womens political participation. For the
first time in history of presidential elections in Sierra Leone, a woman was selected as the
running mate of the SLPP flag bearer. Out of 65 women nominated as candidates only 16 were
elected to parliament. 17
15Bangura, John (2009) Discrimination against Sierra Leonean Women
16 Ibid (2009)
17 GOSL Reportt 2014
6
At the executive level, nine women were appointed as ministers, although only two had cabinet
rank in the Ministry of Health and Sanitation (MoHS), and the Ministry of Local Government
and Rural Development (MLGRD). The other seven women are deputies in key ministries like
finance, foreign affairs and agriculture, which traditionally are occupied by men. Another female
was appointed as Minister of State in the Vice Presidents office.18
The number of women in the Judiciary increased following the appointment of a female Chief
Justice. In the Supreme Court, out of five judges, two of them are women. In the Court of
Appeal, out of six judges, three are women. In the High Court, out of ten judges, four of them are
women.
19
Ghana had introduced affirmative action for the advancement of women. Measures to improve
womens participation include a commitment to ensure 30 percent womens representation in
decision-making executive positions at all levels of government.
A 50 percent quota had been introduced in the district assemblies. Despite those efforts, however,
womens representation in parliament, at district level and in public life was still low, compared
to male participation.20
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
tries to confront the social causes of Womens inequality by addressing all forms of
discrimination against women, including discrimination in the areas of education, employment,
finance, health care, law marriage, family relations and politics. Although the UN has drafted
several international treaties that address womens rights, CEDAW goes further than other
18 Ibid
19 Ibid
20 http//www.un.org Accessed 09 January 2016
7
treaties in demanding that states change their laws to help women. 21 For example, countries that
sign the treaty are urged to introduce measures of affirmative action that promote gender
equality, with political discrimination not being an exception.
The Beijing Platform for Action defined two strategic objectives in its critical area of concern on
women in power and decision-making:
(1) - To ensure womens equal access to and full participation in power structures and
decision-making; and
(2) - To increase womens capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership
To achieve the first strategic objective, the Beijing Platform for Action recommends the
pursuance of a gender-balance composition in governmental bodies and committees, as well as in
public administration and in the judiciary, including through setting specific targets and, if
necessary, establishing a positive action policy, to integrate women into elective positions in
political parties, to promote and protect womens political rights, and to reconcile work and
family responsibilities for both men and women. For the second strategic objective the Platform
for Action recommends leadership and gender awareness training; the development of
transparent criteria for decision-making positions; and the creation of a system of mentoring.22
21MCormack-Hale, Fredline (2014) (lecturer) Gender Politics and Governance

lecture note
22Alghali, Zinurine. A (2012) Increased Womens Participation and Representation
Implications for the Integration of Womens concerns and Interest in Governance
Peace and Security in Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay College, University
of Sierra Leone) pp 29-30
8
Women however, are often perceived as having traits that are not conducive to leadership such as
submissiveness, passivity, and dependence.23 As a result, if a woman wishes to overcome the
glass ceiling effects, she may also need to dissociate herself from her gender stereotype.24
Several efforts have been made to increase womens representation in politics. Although highly
controversial, electoral gender quotas are being introduced in a number of countries in all the
major regions of the world. About forty countries have already introduced gender quotas for
parliamentary elections by constitutional amendments or electoral laws, most of them in recent
years. In more than thirty countries, quotas are in place requiring that a certain minimum of the
parties candidate for election to national parliament must be women. This is now stipulated in
major political parties own statutes. However, major historical leaps in womens parliamentary
representation can occur without provisions of quota, just as the mere introduction of quotas has
not resulted in uniform increases in the number of women parliamentarians worldwide, in
countries like Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Afghanistan. This system should fully apply for
womens representation at both local and national levels in every political aspect in Sierra Leone.
Despite the fact that quotas have been introduced all over the world, women are still underrepresented in the legislatures of some of the worlds most advanced industrial democracies.
Virtually all-prior comparative empirical research has focused on nationallevel patterns of
womens parliamentary representation. A national-level analysis overlooks the fact that
individual parties vary greatly in the proportion of women MPs within each nation.25
23 Porter, Geis and Jennings (1983) Are Women Invisible as Leaders? Sex Roles, pp
1035
24 Alexander, D and Anderson, K (1993) Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of
Leadership Trait, Political Research Quarterly, 46, pp 527
25 Ibid (2010)
9
Womens political empowerment has become an area of intervention for many development
agencies, both national and international. The United Nations (UN) guided by the Convention on
the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), affirms human rights
and fundamental freedom and equality for women around the world, and declares that state
parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the
political and public life of the country.UNICEF, one of the organizations under the UN, believes
legislative and attitudinal change can be an affirmative action for girls and womens equal status
with boys and men.26Local organizations like the Centre for Accountability and the Rule of Law
(CARL) and Muloma Womens Development Association (MUWODA), have all contributed to
the 50/50 Group intervention in offsetting challenges women face in decision-making by
empowering them politically.27
Ambassador Famah Joka Bangura in her article, Political and Economic Empowerment of
Sierra Leonean Women, which was published in 2007 brought the truth to the forefront that
democracy implies the right and duty of all men and women to take part, on an equal footing in
the political, economic, social, cultural life of the people. There can be no democracy if women
are not allowed to take part in it on an equal basis.
Women must fight to increase their role in development and promote their total and legitimate
participation in association with men as active workers and beneficiaries in all development and,
in particular, at all decision-making levels.28
26 UNICEF(1994) Gender Report

28Bangura, Famah J (2007) Political and Economic Empowerment of Sierra Leonean Women
10
Dorothy Thomas, Director of Womens right project of the Human Right Watch based in
Washington DC in 1994 opines that womens human rights are abused, because, they are still
confined in the home to be doing household chores.29
Also, political theorists like Anne Philips, Anne Marie Goetz and Shireen Hassim, Michelle
Taylor have argued that historically marginalized groups have a distinctive perspective that is
unlikely to be articulated effectively in the context from which members of those groups are
absent. This perspective derives from shared experiences and or social position and is manifest in
narratives that members develop collectively.30
Furthermore, women should not be seen as recipients of development, which still has not fully
reached them, but as active participants in the development process. This will go a long way in
making everybody fully involved in societal and national development. By this, women will feel
psychologically important and part of the process.31
1.2 Brief historical background of the 50/50 Groupof Sierra Leone
The global expectation that women should play a more active and visible role in decisionmaking, particularly in public, was clearly articulated in the twelve critical areas of concern to
women in the Beijing platform for action,32 during the fourth womens world conference in 1995
September.
Such issues have also been articulated by Nemata Eshun-Baiden in her book, breaking barriers,
that examines womens political representation. Low representation of women in political
30Krook, Lena and Sarah Childs (2010) In Women, Gender and Politics: Oxford
University Press pp159
31Krooks, Lena and Sarah Childs (2010) In Women, Gender and Politics: Oxford
University Press
32Eshun-Baiden, Nemata (2015) Breaking Barriers: Empowering Women to
Participate in Democratic Politics: 2nd Edition p1
11
structures is of great concern. Women are absent from the highest level of the states power
structures, even though they are usually very active in political parties, especially around election
time. Apart from a few who have a history of political activism, the rest lack the requisite
training to be effective in parliament. Many are not aware of the issues facing women in Sierra
Leone and the few who are in constituencies can hardly articulate needs specific to their
constituencies. They have not been sensitized to see themselves as representing women and
speaking on their behalf. The few in political parties have been allocated marginal roles. The low
level of awareness, coupled with the low educational attainment and the lack of focus on their
mission in parliament are areas needing intervention if any meaningful contributions can be
made to address the plight of women.33
Her book addressed the low representation of women in parliament by equipping them with the
skills necessary to become confident and effective. Since true democracy is about men and
women, it is important to redress the imbalances in political and public life, as women constitute
52% of the population of Sierra Leone.34
It is in the light of the foregoing that in 1998, Abator Thomas, then Deputy Director of the
British Council, invited Lesley Abdela to assist in developing strategies and training to increase
womens participation in democratic politics. However, the intense rebel war in the country at
that time led to its postponement.35
The 50/50 Group had its genesis in 1997 from collaborative discussions and subsequent work by
Mrs. Abator Davidson, then acting Director of the British Council, and Lesley Abdela, a member
of the British Council Board in the UK, who had help to found the influential 300 Group in
Participate in Democratic Politics: 2nd Edition p1
34 Ibid (2015)
35 Ibid
12
Britain, which works for gender parity in the house of commons and public life. The new
Director then of the British Council, Rajiv Bendre invited Abdelato Freetown in November 2000
to run a programme guiding influential Sierra Leonean women on increasing womens
participation in democratic politics. Forty (40) Sierra Leonean women participated in the initial
programme.36
One of the participants, MajeksWalker, was so inspired that when asked for an action plan, she
said she would set up a group similar to the 300 Group. Thus 50/50 was born.Majeks-Walker led
the groups lobbying work as its founder president, on equality between women and men in
politics and public life. In an impressive and symbolic ceremony at the house of parliament in
Sierra Leone, the group was launched on the 30 November 2002 by the then head of state,
President TejanKabbah six months before the 2002 general elections.37
The 50/50 Group has grown from a handful of women and men meeting in borrowed space in
Freetown to a nationally recognized organization actively engaged in building a new post-war
Sierra Leone. Its efforts in advance of the countrys 2002 election contributed to a dramatic
increase in opportunities for women to run as candidates and play more meaningful roles in their
respective political parties. The organization has influenced the countrys legislative agenda,
built a network of women to run for office, and played a key role in mobilizing women for
August2002 national elections.38
The 50/50 Group seeks to live up to its name by ensuring an equal share of power between men
and women in the countrys traditional male-dominated political system. The Group was
Participate in Democratic Politics: 2nd Edition
37 Ibid (2015)
38 Ibid (2015)
13
established to change public perception of women in politics, remove barriers to womens

political participation, and equip the next generation of women candidates with the tools
necessary to achieve electoral success.39
Facing its first electoral test during general polls in 2002, The 50/50 Group mobilized intensive
leadership and campaign training; organized a cadre of experienced trainers across the country
and establishing local branches in all of Sierra Leones 14 districts. During the training period,
women candidates concluded that absent a clear and comprehensive platform on womens issues,
they would continue to be marginalized from the political process. The 50/50 Group and women
candidates subsequently produced and distributed the Sierra Leone Womens Manifesto in
2001, which underscored the importance of meeting the needs of women in all sectors of
development and established a strong foundation upon which to set priorities for a future
legislative agenda.40
Due in part to the efforts of The 50/50 Group, opportunities for womens political participation
increased dramatically during the 2002 election period with all competing parties placing women
on their list. Campaign workshops organized by National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the
50/50 Group acquainted women who aspired to elective office with the practical skills and tools
to run effectively, issue based campaigns, while a sustained media campaign conducted by
theorganization successfully increased popular awareness of women candidates.41
Ultimately, 18 women were elected to parliament, twice the number elected in 1996, and they
went on to actively participate in the countrys post-war governance. During subsequent local
39Eshun-Baiden, Nemata (2015) Breaking Barriers: Empowering women to
Participate in Democratic Politics:pp1
40 Ibid
41 Ibid
14
polls in 2004, scores of 50/50 Group-trained women were elected to public office in their
communities.42
Since then, The 50/50 Group has been very important in advocating for womens representation
in decision-making. They have been advocating for laws to be changed, through which women
will have a place in politics. One such important advocacy is the pushing for the 30% quota for
women in governance.43
The 50/50 Group as the name implies primarily has an advocacy role for equality between men
and women. Most people misunderstand the group to be a womens group, but it is a gender
parity group that advocates for womens inclusion into politics as well as men. One may want to
argue that all the presidents forThe 50/50 Group over the years are women, as empowerment of
women starts from there, but almost all the groups or associations in Sierra Leone, have men as
their presidents. Such groups include, but are not limited to the Sierra Leone Bar Association
(SLBA),
the
SierraLeone
Association
of
Journalists
SLAJ) and many more, despite the presence of hardworking and qualified women in these
groups.
This work aims at assessing or appraising the role of the 50/50 Groupin their constant advocacy
for womens inclusion into politics or their representation in decision-making.
1.3 Statement of problem

Participate in Democratic Politics pp1
43 Ibid (2015)
15
According to the UN report 2012, despite much progress, gender inequality remains among the
greatest challenges of our times. Fed by deeply embedded discrimination against women and
girls, it is wrong and costly. It undermines peace and restricts the quality of leadership.44
Womens exclusion in politics has been a major problem undermining their economic, political
and social growth. Women have even been left out in peace talks. Womens low representation in
every facet of Sierra Leonean society has led to their underdevelopment. 45 Women in Sierra
Leone have therefore made a clarion call on the government to include women in politics as
supported by the 30% quota bill advocated for by some female parliamentarians and NGOs like
The 50/50 Group.
In the area of chieftaincy, by virtue of The Chieftaincy Act in Sierra Leone, women cannot be
paramount chiefs especially in the North and some parts in the East. Therefore, some women in
certain parts of Sierra Leone are better off than others, because tradition is by itself
discriminatory. This is why women paramount chiefs in places like the south, are unheard of. It
does not matter whether the woman is from a ruling house. Although the Act does not
specifically say women, but by interpretation it is obvious it excludes women because it is
generally known that the Poro society and kantha bush is not open to women in the context of
tradition and paramount chieftaincy rights. In places like the north, women are not allowed to
even contest for paramount chieftaincy position.46
Elections of paramount chiefs under the colonial administration had surmountable problems.
Rules governing elections of paramount chiefs were adopted which were then promulgated into
44United Nations Report (2012) name of this report?
45MCormack-Hale, Fredline (2014) (Lecturer) Gender Politics and Governance
Lecture Note
46Sesay, Ahmed (2009) Standard Times Newspaper
16
law. Unto date, these laws have stood the test of time. Statutes pertaining to elections of
paramount chiefs left behind by the colonial administration. Cap 60 as amended by Act No.4 of
1960, recognized any person aspiring to contest a paramount chieftaincy election should have
hereditary qualification to a paramount chief. He or she must have come from a recognized
paramount chief. Emphasis was placed on the customs and usage of the chiefdom in question
from one region to the other. In the Southern and some parts of the Eastern Regions, both male
and female candidates who came from a recognized paramount chief home may contest and be
elected as paramount chief like Madam SallaySattaGendemeh in Kenema District Malegohun
Chiefdom. Unlike the Northern region and some part of the Eastern region (Kono District),
female candidates are not eligible to contest. 47 The laws relating to chieftaincy and as well as
other laws governing labour are discriminatory against women in Sierre Leone; and as such, they
have greatly undermined womens growth in politics and other facets of society
The Western Area of Sierra Leone like in most parts of the country, experience high levels of
ignorance and poverty. There is little opportunity for women in politics. Women are not in the
capacity to articulate issues for themselves, they do not have the required education to hold
certain political seat, and selectors are sometimes not willing to select women candidate for
election. This has debarred so many womens aims of pursuing their political dreams.
This has led to womens underdevelopment and low representation in decision-making, their
voices are not heard, and their needs are not known and catered for.
The political discrimination of women from both local and national politics will be on the
increase if proactive measures are not put in place. The study calls for national and international
47 Ibid (2009)
17
support to the government to empower women politically in the Western area and Sierra Leone at
large.
Thus, the study will proffer understandable operational causes and effects on gender issues and
the efforts in enhancing womens political empowerment. The study was focused on the role of
the 50/50 Groupof Sierra Leone in advocating for womens political empowerment.
Finally, the study looks at the relationship between the 50/50 Group of Sierra Leone and its
collaborating partners, support given by the government, NGOs and Civil Society Organizations
to the Group during their operation.
To what extent has the advocacy of the 50/50 Group for laws to increase womens representation
been of help to include women into the governance of our society generally?
Hypothesis
1- Womens poor economic status is the major challenge in their aspiration for political
powers.
2- Little has been done by the Sierra Leone government to empower women politically and
economically.
3- Women at the grassroots level and elite women do not have access to an effective quota
system that guarantees them access to political power at both local and national politics
advocated for by the 50/50 Group of Sierra Leone.
1.5 Aim of the study
The aim of the study is to define the best tool for womens political empowerment.This
information will enhance womens political empowerment to a more appreciable degree
1.6 Objectives of the study
18
The objectives of the research are:

-
To examine the role of the 50/50 Groupin advocating for Womens political
empowerment.
To examine the impact these roles have on the change of laws and how such changes are
beneficial to womens empowerment.

- To examine the importance of advocacy groups in promoting gender equality in politics.
- To assess womens contribution towards their own development.
- To assess the viability of the 50/50 Group towards womens political empowerment.
1.7 Research questions
Main research question
-
To what extent has the advocacy of the 50/50 Group for increased womens
representation in politics been viable or effective?
Sub research question

-
How have the women of Sierra Leone benefited from such advocacy?
1.8 Significance of the study

i) These research findings will be useful for researchers in the areas of womens empowerment,
and will also be useful to future NGOs to know which areas they will strengthen womens
empowerment.
ii) These research findings will be useful to the government in formulating policies for womens
political empowerment.
iii) These research findings will also help women to know their right of participating in politics
and how to defend that right.
1.9 Justification
19
The
United
Nations
Former
Sectary
General
Kofi
Anan
in
2000
opined
that
discriminationagainst women needs to be addressed.

I also submit that the womens place is no longer the kitchen, but needs to be included in every
facet of the society. There are so many calls for womens empowerment especially in decisionmaking.
The study was undertaken to provide information required for formulation, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation of policies that will empower women politically.
1.10 Scope and limitation of study
The research will be limited to assessing the role of the 50/50 Groupin advocating for womens
political empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone. This study does not provide an
extensive or total analysis of the whole of 50/50 Group advocacy programme.
The 50/50 Group has members all over Sierra Leone and the time frame does not allow all of
these branches to be studied and as such the study is limited to the headquarter office.
Since there was a very big challenge in getting the women who are the respondents to
questionnaires, the 50/50 Group officials to conduct interviews, the sample size was limited to
55, and for the officials five making a total of 60.
The rainy season and means of transportation is also another limitation to accessing many of the
respondents.
The research was focused on the role of The 50/50 Group since it registered as an NGO in Sierra
Leone in 2002.
20
1.11 Definition of key terms and concepts use in this study

1.11.1 Gender
The concept is broad. It must be noted that gender is not limited to the study of women. The
stereotype that gender promotes womens affairs should be discouraged. Gender is not about
lauding one sex over the other, but it is about social roles and social constructs, rather than
biological and cultural constructs. Gender looks at the vulnerable or disadvantaged group of
society and tries to bring them to be at par with the other(s). Gender refers to socially ascribed
roles and responsibility to both male and female in a given society.48
1.11.2 Gender equality
Gender equality is probably the most popular concept in gender studies. Most of the times
students hear people use gender equality whenever they talk or debate on gender issues.
However, gender equality means that males and females have equal opportunities to realize their
full human rights and contribute to, and benefit from economic, social, cultural and political
development.49
1.11.3 Parliament
Parliament is the very centre of any form of democracy. The interests of the greatest possible
number of citizens should be represented. They all can vote for individuals who represent them
in parliament. Parliament has a role of seeking solutions, adopting laws, keeping tabs on the
48Joof, Amy (2014) (Lecturer) Gender and Education Lecture Note

49 Ibid (2014)
21
government. Parliament approves taxes and budgets and is much more powerful than many
people think.50
1.11.4 Empowerment
Empowerment is a term used by development experts, NGOs, government, scholars, as well as
gender andhuman rights activists. It therefore has different paradigms of usage and definitions.
The term empowerment has been used by The World Bank, CEDAW, The Beijing Platform for
Action, The Cairo Programme for Action, CARE, The United Nations Fund for Population
Activities UNFPA, and The Millennium Declaration to name but a few. Empowerment is the
enhancement of asset and capabilities of diverse individuals and groups to engage influence and
hold accountable the institutions which affect them.
1.11.5 Political participation

This simply means that a person is participating in the political process by making his/her
opinions and beliefs known. In the social sciences, the term political participation is often used to
describe an action taken by a citizen to influence the outcome of a political issue.51
1.11.6 Quota
50 Cooper, John (2009) Parliament as a very powerful element in any country

51 White, David (2015) What is Political Participation? Definition, Forms and
Examples
22
Quotas are sort of emergency or temporary measures that are taken to ensure that women and
men have equality and also a way of increasing womens participation in decision-making
positions and governance.
Quotas are used as a measure to increase the representation of historically excluded or underrepresented groups in politics.Quotas regularly may target women or may be gender neutral, e.g.
not more than 60% of either sex.52
1.11.7 Democracy
Democracy may be a word familiar to most but it is a concept still misunderstood, misused in a
time when totalitarian regimes and military dictatorships alike have attempted to claim support
by pinning democratic labels upon themselves. Yet the power of the democratic ideal has also
evoked some of historys most profound and moving expressions of human will and intellect:
from Pericles in ancient Athens to Valclav Havel in the modern Czech Republic, from Thomas
Jeffersons Declaration of Independence in 1776 to Andrei Sakharovs last speeches in 1989.
From the dictionary, democracy is defined as government by the people in which the supreme
power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a
free electoral system. In the words of Abraham Lincoln, democracy is government of the
people, by the people, and for the people. Freedom and democracy are often used
interchangeably, but the two are not synonymous. Democracy is indeed a set of ideas and
principles about freedom, but it also consists of a set of practices and procedures that have been
moulded through a long, often tortuous history.53
52Kuivert, Louis (2016) The Importance of Gender Quotas

53Jalloh, Alpha. T (2005) Comprehensive Government
23
1.12 Organization of thesis chapters

Chapter one: Introduction: This chapter includes the background of the study, background of the
50/50 Group, statement of the problem, hypothesis, research question, significant of the study,
objectives, and goal of the study, limitation and scope, definition of key terms and concepts and
organization of chapters.
Chapter Two: Review of relevant literature: This chapter dilates on paradigms of empowerment,
womens political empowerment, conceptualization of gender quota and the various types,
criticism, problems and pitfalls of gender quotas. The gender quota policy of the government of
Sierra Leone, conceptualization of gender equality, conceptualization of gender discrimination,
international policy framework on womens political empowerment.
Chapter Three: Research methodology: This chapter will discuss the research design, research
area, research sample size, the research sampling procedure, research instruments, method of
data analysis and ethical considerations.
Chapter four: Presentation, analysis and discussion of field data.
Chapter five: Summary of findings, Conclusion and Recommendations, this chapter summarizes
the findings, draws conclusions and makes recommendations.
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.0 Introduction
24
This chapter examines the relevant literature and related topics of this research/study which is:
the role of the 50/50 Groupin advocating for womens political empowerment.
It reviews definitions or concepts of empowerment in general and womens political
empowerment in particular. Empowerment and politics being intertwined forms a core of the
literature. Gender quotasbeing as a wide concept, criticism, and challenges were also reviewed.
Government policy on gender quotas was also reviewed, thus making the study an interesting
one. It also reviews the contribution and criticism of gender quota experts or people associated
with gender quotas. The various types of gender quotas, like the electoral law quotas and
womens political participation, the political party quotas and womens political participation, the
constitutional quota and womens political participation was reviewed. Gender equality
andgender discrimination was reviewed; international policy framework on womens political
participation was also reviewed. The role of NGOs in womens political empowerment was
reviewed. Finally, womens political empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa was also reviewed.
2.1 Defining and examining the concepts of empowerment
Empowerment is a term used by development experts, NGOs, policymakers, scholars, gender
and human rights activists.54
It therefore has different usage and definitions.

John F. Kennedy former president of the United State in his speech delivered at the White House
27March 1961 opines that, all forms of empowerment will culminate into access to and control
over resources, in a level playground. This makes educational and political empowerment crucial
54 Stevens, Van (1957) Empowerment is critical to Development
25
to the analysis of empowerment. Educational and political empowerments are not just theoretical
but also practically central and crucial to individual and national development. Educational
empowerment leads to political empowerment. Politics defines policies and determines who gets
access to and control over resources. Education enhances critical thinking, when backed up with
politics leads to the formulation of meaningful policies. Our Progress as a nation can be no
swifter than our progress in education. Our requirement for world leadership, our hopes for
economic growth, and the demands of hopes for economic growth, and the demands of
citizenship itself in an era such as this all require the maximum development of every young
Americans capacity. The human mind is our fundamental resource. This means that,education
leads to leadership and economic and other growths, which will lead to empowerment for every
human being.55
Empowerment therefore has different definitions and meanings. The term empowerment has
been define by many institutions like The World Bank, CEDAW, The Beijing Platform For
Action, The Cairo Programme For Action, CARE, United Nations Fund for Population Activities
(UNFPA) to name but a few.
Empowerment is a construct shared by many disciplines and arenas: community development,
economics, the study of social movements and organizations, as well as politics among others.
How empowerment is understood varies among these perspectives. The meaning of the term
empowerment is often assumed rather than explained or defined.56
Baileys (1992) definition of empowerment suggests that empowerment is a multi-dimensional
social process that helps people gain control over their own lives. It is a process that fosters
55 Kennedy, John F. (1961) Speech pp 6
56 Thomas, June (1991) Studies in Empowerment and Critical analysis
26
power (that is, the capacity to implement) in people, for use in their own lives, their
communities, and in their society, by acting on issues that they define as important.57
Empowerment refers to principles, such as the ability of individuals or groups to act in order to
ensure their own well being or their right to participate in decision-making is protected. The term
formally came into usage by social service providers and researchers. In the context of various
social protest movement, the word begins to be used increasingly in research and intervention
concerning marginalized groups such as African American, women, gays and lesbians, and
people with disabilities.
Rappoport (1999) has noted that it is easy to define empowerment by its absence but difficult to
define in action as it takes on different forms in different people and contexts. Even defining the
concept is subject to debate.58
The World Bank (2001) states that empowerment means enhancing the capacity of poor people
to influence the state institutions that affect their lives, by strengthening their participation in
political processes and local decision-making, Simons (1994) opines, that participation in
decision-making is the main thrust of empowerment.
As voicelessness and powerlessness are key dimensions of poverty, the fight against poverty thus
becomes inseparable from empowerment of the poor.59
57 Bailey, D (1992) Using Participatory Research in Community Consortia

Development and Evaluation Lesson the Beginning of a Story. American Socialist p
71
58 Rappaport, J (1999) Studies in Empowerment: Introduction to the Issue
Prevention in Human Services 3, pp 1-3
59 World Bank Report (2001) pp 112
27
Notwithstanding the different definitions of empowerment, Parpart (2002) postulates an all

embracing definition. While originally, empowerment is conceived as a strategy in opposition to
the mainstream top down development model; today it is viewed by international organizations
not as a mechanism for social transformation, but rather as a means to expand efficiency and
productivity, while maintaining the status quo. It should be noted that Parpart contextualized the
definition of empowerment. Expansion is very key to the definition. Peoples ability does not
have to be limited but expanded especially in the pursuit of efficiency and productivity.60
Wong (2003) describes empowerment as the opportunity and security being Pillars of the
fight against poverty. As observed by Wong, the emergence of the term empowerment evoked
surprise and also some enthusiasm among many development professionals. Having long been
accused of avoiding any mention of power in its discourse on poverty, or limiting it to discussion
of the poors lack of power, the World Bank explicitly recognizes the use of the concept, as
dimension of power. According to Wong, empowerment means enhancing the capacity of poor
people to influence the state institutions that affect their lives, by strengthening their participation
in political processes and local decision-making.61
Aslop et al (2006) bears testament to a noticeable change in the perception of the term
empowerment, now defined as the process of enhancing an individuals or groups capacity to
make purposive choices and to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes.
Empowerment is now no longer simply a matter of increasing the assets, capacity and
capabilities of poor people and groups, enabling them to make choices (which became known as
60Papart, J. L (2002) Gender and Empowerment: New Thought, New Approaches in
the Companion of Development Studies. Edited by VandanaDosai and Robert B.
Potter, 338-341. New York: Oxford University Press
61 Wong, Kwok Fu (2003) Empowerment as a panacea for poverty old wine in new
bottles?
28
agency of the poor); it also depends on the way in which social relations in the broadest sense
(institutional and otherwise) determine individuals and groups capacities to transform these
choices into action.62
Adams (2008) points to the limitations of any single definition of empowerment, and the
danger that academic or specialist definitions might take away the wordand the connected
practices from the very people they are supposed to belong to. Still, he offers a minimal
definition of the term: empowerment: the capacity of individuals, groups and/or communities to
take control of their circumstances, exercise power and achieve their own goals, and the process
by which individuals are collectively able to help themselves and others to maximize the quality
of their lives.63
He further states that in the 1980s and 1990s, empowerment became a point of interest in
management concepts and business administration. In this context, empowerment involves
approaches that promise greater participation and integration of the employee in order to cope
with their tasks as independent as possible and responsibly.64
Koh and Lee postulate (2010) an independent meaning of empowerment. They argue that the
exact meaning of empowerment or psychological empowerment does not seem to be well
considered. They tried to make the meaning of empowerment clear by distinguishing it from
similar words like authority delegation, motivation, self-efficacy, job enrichment, employee
ownership, autonomy, self-determination, self-management, self-influence, self-leadership, high
62Aslop et al (2006) Empowerment in Practice from Analysis to Implementation.
Washington DC: World Bank p 1
63 Adam, Robert (2008) Empowerment, Participation and Social Work. New York
Palgrave Macmillan pp 6
64 Ibid (2008)
29
involvement and participative management. They concluded that empowerment is not just a fad,
but really a unique concept representing a new managerial approach and that the uniqueness
denies substitution with any of the above nouns.65
A strength- based approach known as empowerment circle has become an instrument of

organizational development, which as Rappoport (1999) opines, organizational development as
the thrust for empowerment. Multi-disciplinary empowerment teams aim for the development of
quality circles to improve the organizational culture, strengthening the motivation and the skill of
employees. The target of subjective job satisfaction of employees is pursued through flat
hierarchies, Participation in decision-making, which is a key argument in Simons (1994) and
The World Banks (2001) definition of empowerment. Typically, total involvement in decisionmaking is a key factor to empowerment.66
Mr. Wu the Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs opines in his speech at
theexpert group summit that empowerment has significant policy implications. Empowerment
is critical to poverty eradication and to development. He states that long-term solution to poverty
must start with empowerment. The poor and vulnerable may need short-term assistance in times
of crisis. He further argues that poor people do not need charity, but policies and tools that
empower them to lead productive lives. This makes policy implementation and empowerment of
tools crucial to the analysis of empowerment. This draws attention to Wongs definition of
empowerment as the opportunity and Security being Pillars in the Fight against poverty.67
65Lee, Mushin and JoonKoh (2010) Is Empowerment really a New Concept?
66 Chamberlain, Joseph (2010) Empowerment Theory and Policies
67 http//www.social.un.org Accessed 1 December 2012
30
Empowerment is not a new term to the United Nations. It is the process of enabling people to
increase their resources and qualities and to build capacities to gain access, Partners, networks, a
voice, in order to gain control.68
The term empowerment has been widely used or viewed as nothing more than the most popular
buzz word aimed at making sure old programmes are granted new funding. Empowerment,
however, transcends that. Empowerment is a process challenger of our assumptions of how
things are and can be. It as well challenges our basic assumptions about power, helping,
achieving and succeed.69
Empowerment is the recognition of the power of individuals and structures which will
incorporate human relationship. He states that it should be borne in mind that empowerment
should be given a holistic approach. When empowerment is holistic, gender mainstreaming and
gender equity are enhanced. By that, development becomes sustainable. Poverty and
marginalization are social injustices that do not depict or reflect social inclusion.70
Ansumanas(2012) postulation of choice in the definition of empowerment can be better
understood as three interrelated components: resource, which form the conditions under which
choices are made; agency, which form or constitutes the heart of the process through which
choices are made; and achievements, which are the Chens opines resources, perceptions,
relationships and power as the main thrust for empowerment. Typically, resource and agency
68 http//www.social.un.org Accessed 1 December 2012

69Ansumana, Victor S. S (2012) The Role of BRAC in Enhancing Womens Economic
70 Ibid (2012) pp13
31
(in various forms and by various names for instance control awareness, voice, and power) are
viewed as two leading components of empowerment.
Some discussion observed by World Bank (2001) contrast resources not as empowerment per se,
but as catalyst for empowerment or conditions under which empowerment is likely to occur.
Contextually, under policy and evaluation, it may be more useful to describe resources as
enabling factors; that is, as potentially crucial inputs to foster an empowerment process rather
than as part of empowerment itself.71
And in fact many of the variables that have been traditionally referred to as proxies for
empowerment, such as education and employment, might be better describe as enabling factors
or sources of empowerment.72The empowerment and autonomy of women and the
improvement of their political, social, economic and health status is a highly important end in
itself. In addition, it is essential for the achievement of sustainable development. The full
participation and partnership of both women and men is required in productive and reproductive
life, including shared responsibilities for the care and nurturing of children and maintenance of
the household. In all parts of the world, women are facing threats to their lives, health and wellbeing as a result of being overburdened with work and of their lack of power and influence. In
most regions of the world women receive less formal education than men, and at the same time,
womens own knowledge, abilities and coping mechanisms often go unrecognized. The power
relations that impede womens attainment of health and fulfilling lives operate at many levels of
society, from the most personal to the highly public. Achieving change requires policy and
71 Ibid (2012) pp12

72Ansumana, Victor S.S (2012) The Role of BRAC in Enhancing Womens Economic
College, University of Sierra Leone) 12
32
programme actions that will improve womens access to secure livelihoods and economic
resources, alleviate their extreme responsibilities with regard to housework, remove legal
impediments to their participation in public life, and raise social awareness through effective
programmes of education and mass communication. In addition, improving the status of women
also enhances their decision-making capacity at all level in all spheres of life, especially in the
area of sexuality and reproduction. This, in turn, is essential for the long term success of
population programmes. Experience shows that population and development programmes are
most effective when steps have simultaneously been taken to improve the status of women.73
In process of womens empowerment, education is one of the most important means of
empowering women with the knowledge, skills and self-confidence necessary to participate fully
in the development process. More than 40 years ago, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
states that everyone has the right to education. In 1990, governments meeting at the World
Conference on Education for All in Jomtien, Thailand, committed themselves to the goal of
universal access to basic education.74
Empowerment means taking charge of your own life, in your work place, with your colleagues,
with your subordinates, with your superiors, with your body, with your illness and for you to take
care of yourself. It is further opined that people dont do it, because they do not have the ability
to do it.75
2.3 Womens empowerment and political participation

73 UNFPA ICPD Programme of Action Paragraph 4.2
74 Ibid 4.2
75 Peter, Jeremiah (2015) Self-Empowerment and Development Centre
33
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to take part in the
Government of his/her country. The empowerment and autonomy of women and the
improvement of womens social economic and political status is essential for the achievement of
both transparent and accountable government and administration and sustainable development in
all areas of life. The power relations that prevent women from leading fulfilling lives operate at
many levels of society, from the most personal to the highly public.
Achieving the goal equal participation of women and men in decisionmaking will provide a
balance that more accurately reflects the composition of society and is needed in order to
strengthen democracy and promote its proper functioning. Equality in political decision-making
performs a leverage function without which it is highly unlikely that a real integration of the
equality dimension in government policy-making is feasible.76
One of the reasons for which YoweriMusevenis government in Uganda has been applauded
internationally is the increase in the numbers of women in politics from the national legislature
(25 per cent of MPs are women as of June 2001 parliamentary elections) down through all five
tiers of local government where women average 30 per cent of local councilors. High profile
appointments of women to senior civil service position have also significantly enhanced
womens presence in the administration. These increases in womens public presence have been
accomplished through the creation and reservation of new seats in national and local governance
for women, and using affirmative action in administrative appointments. Leadership gap is a
major problem to womens political empowerment. Most women can perform better; when they
are given chance to lead.77
76 ICPDPOA FWCW Beijing (1995) 181
77Hassim, Shereen and Ann Marie Goetz (2003) No shortcut to Power: Africa Women
Politics and Policy Making. Pp 110
34
Steady (2005) expatiates that women have a long history of political participation in Sierra
Leone. This has been manifested in their roles as chiefs, paramount chiefs, mayors, tribal heads,
cabinet ministers, ambassadors and members of parliament. Female chiefs held, and continue to
hold executive positions, especially among the Mende and the Sherbro ethnic group in Sierra
Leone. Some became legends in their times.78
Women in many countries of the world are now part of a movement or have formed caucuses to
influence their full political participation.
Their dynamism, functions, formation, status influence and capacity are diverse. These women
believe that giving visibility to elect women and underlining the importance of attaining high
changes, alerting elected women about the achievements and challenges of the gender equality
agenda, promoting greater representation of women. All of this is pointing to the fact that
women are politically marginalized. The issue of gender quotas in election advocated for by
women will be a stepping-stone to addressing such political exclusion. The issue of womens
political empowerment has taken a lead in realizing development, as UN and its agencies keep
focusing on researches about the reason for womens political marginalization and they further
proffer remedies for the situation. UN Women observes that womens participation in political
decision-making is important for the advancement of a real and effective democratic political
culture that contributes to good governance and the achievement of sustainable development.
The objective of the political empowerment of women: framework for strategic action in Latin
America and the Caribbean is to advance towards parity democracy as a means to transform
gender relation and to promote and implement womens right within the international and
regional human rights framework in order to ensure their full political participation on equal
terms with men.79
78 Steady, Filomina (2005) In Women and Collective Action in Africa pp 37
79 Kazan, May (2006) The Mystery of Women in Politics and their Ability
35
Womens role in politics should match with their political participation. Womens exclusion is
unjustifiable. More work requires good reward. When this is done, womens political
empowerment is fully realized.
With the exception of Cuba and Haiti, citizens across Latin America are currently living under
democratic or semi democratic administrations. But for much of the regions history, this was not
the case.
In countries where democracy existed, it was often interrupted by military interventions and
ruled by brutal authoritarian regimes. Because such regimes place significant limitations on
political activism of all types, women seeking political recognition of any type face substantial
barriers. Womens growing participation has to be understood in the context of a generalized
exclusion which has characterized the regions political systems and the long term struggle for
democracy.80
Even with increased womens representation in leadership capacity and the political arena on the
whole, the question remains as to whether demanding greater representation of women within
flawed and dysfunctional political orders will correct underlying structural inequalities in the
political system. The demand for quantity representation rather than quality representation has in
reality resulted in a gap between the elected elite leaders and the masses. In countries with parity
laws like France, women have been induced to run for elections solely to fill up the required
80 Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2010) (ed) women politics and power: A
Global Perspective pp 233
36
quotas. This has raised serious question about the credibility of elected women representatives,
and has further sought to undermine those who are seriously committed to the office.81
It is opine by Krook and Childs (2010) that some Sub-Saharan African countries show an
impressive representation of women in parliament, while others lag behind. Women account for
more than 20% of parliamentary seats in Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, and
Tanzania, but they account for less than 5% of seats in Djibouti, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria and
Togo.
There is a high level of variation towards empowering women politically in African countries. 82
Rwanda is an example of reserved seat quotas added to a PR election system. In each district,
two women are to be elected by special Electoral College.83
They describe womens empowerment as a multidimensional process of achieving basic
capabilities, legal rights, and participation in key social, economic, political, and cultural
domains, and they offer a set of indicators for its measurement. Although cultural participation
and rights is difficult to measure, they argue that indicators should include the important area of
womens access to and participation in cultural institution and decision-making.84
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in collaboration with the National
Democratic Institute produced a guidebook showing political parties how they can begin to
81 William, Robert and Mary Silver (2012) The Politics of the Empowerment of
Women: Mapping enabling Environments within Narratives of Femininity and Power
Article 4
82Krook, L and Sarah Childs (2010) In Women Gender and Politics: Oxford University
Press pp 167
83DrudeDahlerup (2010) Introducing Gender Quotas in Sierra Leone: How to make
Electoral Gender Quota Work
84 Ibid (2010)
37
redress this imbalance by supporting womens participation in the electoral process. This
underscores the fact that political parties play key role in womens political empowerment to
become self-reliant.85
The United Nations states that boosting womens political participation and decision-making
around the World is fundamental for democracy and essential for achieving sustainable
development.86 Hughes and Paxton (2007) holds a contrary view, they believe that at turn of the
21st century, there were little open discrimination against women in politics. They opine that
almost every country in the world provides the legal right for women to participate in politics.
They state that women can vote, women can support candidates, and women can run for office. 87
The lack of visible women in the political life of nation after nation suggests that discrimination
against women remains. This is pointing to the fact that women are mostly not actually
discriminated against in politics, but women themselves do not come forward. This draws
attention to Krook and Childs 2010 demand and supply model of selecting female
candidates in election. The demand model assumes selectors choose candidates base on their
perceptions of the applicants abilities, qualifications and experience. Since candidates are not
well known by selectors, these perceptions may be influenced by the positive or negative
outcome towards certain types of applicant. The demand model is simply saying that women
candidates come forward, but are not selected. On the other hand, the supply side which has
direct connection with Hughes and Paxtons argument which states that selectors are willing to
select female candidates, but women themselves do not come forward. This according to them is
as result of constraints of resources such as time, money, and experience and motivational factors
85 http//www.undp.org Accessed 16 December 2015
86 http//www.undp.org/app/news Accessed 16 December 2015
87 Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2010) (ed) women politics and power
38
such as drive, ambition, and interest. This is embracing the fact that women are not actually
marginalized at all times, but they themselves are most times not willing to take up leadership
positions.88
Alghali(2012) believes that Beijing Platform for Action represents a conceptual shift from a
focus on the status of women and gender inequality to the objectives of gender equality and
womens empowerment. Among other things, he calls for gender-disaggregated data for planning
and evaluation.89
USAID observes women have the right to participate in political process that affect them, their
families and societies. Countries with increased womens participation and leadership in civil
society and political parties tend to be more inclusive, responsive, egalitarian and democratic.
When women meaningfully participate in peace processes, they can help expand the scope of
agreements and improve the prospect for durable peace. Yet, women around the world are still
largely absent from national and local decision-making bodies; struggle to have a voice in peace
building transitions; and are excluded from political processes.90 Despite representing half of the
global population, women comprise less than 20 percent of the worlds legislators. From
discrimination and violence to a lack of support and resources, women face countless challenges
to participate in the civic and political life of their countries. Strengthening womens rights and
addressing barriers to political participation are critical to achieving gender equality and female
empowerment. Womens political participation is a significant milestone in achieving democracy
88Krook, Lena and Sarah Childs (2010) In Women Gender and Politics: Oxford
University Press pp 138-139
89Alghali, Zinurine. A (2012) Increased Womens Participation and Representation
Implications for the Integration of Womens Concerns and Interest in Governance
Peace and Security in Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay College, University
of Sierra Leone) pp 29
90 http//www.un.org Accessed 6 December 2015
39
in any country.91Women in the public sphere have traditionally regarded political participation as
one of the most significant areas of participation.
The UN women also supports UN Member States to set global standards to achieve gender
equality, and work in collaboration with governments and civil society to make laws, formulate
policies, programs and services for implementing these standards. It stands behind womens
equal participation in all aspects of life, focusing on five key components; and the first of the five
is not devoid of increasing womens leadership and participation. The UN definition of womens
empowerment draws attention to the fact that social change is a social inclusion of women in
the influence and determinant of political inclusion of all can have a positive and far reaching
effect on their empowerment when they have the ability to direct and control political activities
both nationally and internationally.92
2.3 Gender quotas and womens political participation

Gray (2004) examines the role of electoral quotas for increasing womens representation in
Argentina and Chile. In her hypothesis, she states that gender quotas in favorable electoral
systems increase womens representation, and that more women in politics should also promote
gender issues in public policy.93
91 Ibid
92 http//www.unwomen.org Accessed 6 December 2015
93Gray, Tricia (2004) Electoral Gender Quotas: Lessons from Argentina and Chile
40
Hughes (2005) expatiates that gender quotas influence the election of women and provides for an
equal opportunity for women to hold legislative position, depending on the criteria outlined
within the gender quota.94
Franceschet and Piscopos (2008) definition of gender quota states that quota laws bring greater
numbers of women into parliaments, and assume to improve womens substantive representation.
They use the Argentina case, where a law mandating a 30% gender quota was adopted in 1999,
to show that quotas can affect substantive representation in contradictory and unintended ways.
They argue that quota laws generate mandates for female legislators to represent womens
interest, while also reinforcing negative stereotypes about womens capacities as politicians.95
Key to Franceschet and Piscopos definition of gender quotas is their kick against emphasis laid
on gender quotas to enhance womens representation, but endorsement of gender quotas. This
according to them questions womens capability as better politicians. The essence of gender
quotas as noted by Franceschet and Piscopo (2008) takes two dimensions: in womens
substantive representation as process where women change the legislative agenda; and
substantive representation as outcome where female legislators succeed in passing womens right
laws in the Argentine Congress.96
Quotas for women are a form of affirmative action to help them overcome the obstacles that
prevent them from entering politics in the same way as their male colleagues. Gender quota has
been used as a tool to include women in politics in developing countries and the world at large.
94 Hughes, Melane (2005) Quota as an Advantage for Women
95Franceschet, Susan and Jennifer Piscopo (2008) Quota System in Argentina
41
As IDEA (2015) puts it, voluntary party quotas are adopted by political parties, and are set by the
parties themselves to guarantee the nomination of a certain number or proportion of women. 97
Krook opines that gender quotas have become an increasingly prominent solution in recent years
to the underrepresentation of women in electoral politics. She argues that quotas also generate a
host of positive implications despite the objections towards it adoption. She further opines that
this development indicates greater scope for political initiatives to increase womens
representation despite their social and economic condition.98
Many national and international organizations have issued recommendations, and even rules, in
the field of equality policy. Quotas have been recommended by the United Nations (UN), the
InterParliamentary Union (IPU), the European Union (EU) and the Organization for Security
and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) for example, in the United Nations Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and Beijing Platform for
Action, both 1995. Many international organizations have worked on this question: IDEA, the
OSCE, the IPU and EU all have projects on women and decision-making. 99 No doubt, these
international recommendations have given legitimacy to the use of quotas. This is a pointer that
gender quotas are key to womens political empowerment.
Hughes and Paxton (2010) opine that quotas simply require that women must make up a certain
percentage of a candidate list, a parliamentary assembly, a committee, or a government. They
further states that gender quotas are designed to help women overcome obstacles to their election
97Chen, Li-ju (2010) Do Gender Quotas Influence Womens Representation and
Policies. P 15
98Krook, Lena (2006) Gender Quotas, Norms and Politics. St Louis, Washington
University
99Drude, Dahlerup and LenitaFreidenvall (2008) Quotas as a Fast Tract to Equal
Representation of Women. International Feminist Journal of Politics Vol 7 No 1 pp 26
42
such as less political experience, cultural stereotype, or incumbency. Many of the largest absolute
jumps in the history of womens political representation followed the implementation of gender
quotas, allowing countries to move from making slow or incremental gains to running on the fast
track.100
Hughes and Paxton (2010) also found that quotas were a very powerful predictor of womens
political representation across 149 countries. They further argue that gender quotas have different
variation about their development, implementation, and regulation in how successfully they
increase womens representation.101
Hughes and Paxton (2010) statethat almost 100 countries in the world have responded to
growing national and international pressure to increase womens political representation by
introducing gender quotas. They further argue that quota is an effective tool to Fast track
womens political participation. Quota as a Fast Tracking tool for womens political
participation is key to Hughes and Paxton 2010 assertion. CEDAW recognizes that temporary
special measures such as quotas are needed to kick-start womens political representation,
particularly in countries where women have traditionally been under-represented in a national
legislature.102
The UN Millennium Development Goal 3 aims to promote gender equality and empower
women, states that women are slowly rising to political power, but mainly when boosted by
100 Hughes, Melane and Pamale Paxton (2010) Women Politics and Power: A Global
Perspective pp 152
101 Ibid (2010 pp 153
102 Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2010) Women Politics and Power: A Global
Perspective pp 153
43
quotas.103Gender quotas mandate that women must constitute a certain number or percentage of
the member of a body.104
Gender quotas are used to create equal representation among genders with legislation
contribution to the promotion of gender equality, and ease the access of women into positions of
government.105
Krook (2010) Postulate that electoral gender quotas have become the growing literature in
comparative politics, with the potential to affect how scholars study a wide range of electoral and
representative processes. The writer draws our attention to concept formation to propose a
pragmatic approach. She emphasizes the importance of gender quotas.106
Despite significant advances in education and political participation, women remain
underrepresented in leadership positions in politics and business across the globe. In many
countries, policy makers have responded by introducing gender quotas in politics and
increasingly, many have expressed an interest in requiring gender quotas.107
More than 30 countries have introduced quotas for election to national parliament by
constitutional amendment or by electoral law, most of them during recent years. In more than 50
countries quotas for public election is now stipulated in major political parties own statutes,
demanding that a certain minimum of the candidates for election to national parliament must be
103 http//www.un.org Accessed 6 December 2015
104 Http//www.un.org Accessed 6 December (2015)
105 Http//www.un.org Accessed 6 December (2015)
106Krook, Lena and Sarah Childs (2010) In Women Gender and Politics: Oxford
University Press
107Pande, Rohini and Deanna Ford (2011) Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A
Review Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender. Pp 1
44
women. It is evident that womens political representation is high in some countries, due to
quotas.108
2.4 Electoral law quotas and womens political participation

To gain access to gender quotas, and also make judicious use of it, electoral quotas have been
implemented to address the present gender imbalance in decision-making. They usually set a
target or minimum threshold for women, and may apply to the number of women candidates
proposed by a party for election.109
Electoral law quotas are adopted in the form of national legislation. Electoral law quotas apply to
all political parties in a country and are therefore regulated by judiciaries.110
Electoral law quota suggests that women must be included in a candidate list or the number of
seats to be allocated to women in a legislature. Electoral law aims to reverse discrimination in
law and practice and to level the playing field for women and men in politics.111
Electoral law quotas therefore strengthen gender quotas, thus enlightening women and also
broadening the horizon of women, to make better political decisions so to create or maintain
political stability for women.112
108Ibid (2011)
109Ibid (2011)
110 Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2010) In Women Politics and Power: A
Global Perspective 155
111Govert, Segan (2011) Quotas as a boost for women in politics
112 Ibid (2011)
45
Freidenvall and Dahlerup(2013) state that electoral law quotas have led to rapid increases in
womens representation in some cases, but to less successful results in other cases.
They argue that in order to be effective, a quota system must be compatible with the electoral
system in place and that quota rules for 40% on electoral list.113
Jones asserts that well-designed quota legislation has a profound positive impact on the election
of women, regardless of the type of party list (close or open). He further argues that where quota
legislation is in force, the use of close lists on average results in a greater percentage of women
legislators elected to office than does the use of open list. He however states that the difference is
not as great as would be expected based on the prevailing convention and is primarily
aconsequence of the superiority of the close lists systems when the number of seats a party wins
in a district (party magnitude) is two. With one important exception, party magnitude is success
in the region.114
2.5 Political Party Quota and Womens Political Participation

Political party quota is another type of quota system. Hughes and Paxton 2010 assert that:
political party set rules or target mandating that a certain percentage of party candidates be
women. Political Party quotas are regulated through the international rules of political parties and
are enforced by party leadership.115
113Freidenvall, Lenita and DrudeDahlerup (2013) Electoral Gender Quota System
their and Implementation in Europe. P 5
114Jones, Mark P (2016) Gender Quotas Electoral Laws and the Election of Women
46
They further argue that the adoption of gender quotas by political parties may be an addition to
quotas set under a countrys constitution or national election laws.
116
Hughes and Paxton further argue that political party quotas appear to be less successful than
constitutional quotas. They further state that political Party quotas only affect womens
representation if that political party can gain seats in parliament.117
The national statutes state that at all levels with the party, as well as on electoral list, the
representation of women must be respected. This should be specified in the provincial party
statutes, percentages varying between 30 and 50 percent.118
Political Parties would favour quotas at the expense of their political party ideology which is
traditionally that only men are selected to represent the party. Party gender quotas are rules
voluntarily adopted within political party structures that aim at securing a set percentage of
women to appear on candidate lists in elections for political office.119
Furthermore, it is argued that the parallel use of party quotas entails a particular effect. The
development of legal measure is a clear indication that participation in political decision-making
is a political struggle in which legal measures serve as a benchmark for parties attempting to
outperform each other in meeting the standard set. At the same time, this competitiveness paved
the way for a new law on gender quotas. 120 This mutual contagion effect creates a dynamic that
116 Ibid (2010) pp 155
117 Ibid (2010) pp 115
118 Jones, Mark P (2016) Gender Quotas Electoral Laws and the Election of Women
119 Ibid (2016)
120 Jones, Mark P (2016) Gender Quotas Electoral Laws and the Election of Women
47
has opened up the political forum to women more than would have been the case if only party or
legal quotas had been applied, because their parallel use makes political players apply more farreaching measures than they otherwise would.
Party quota draws attention to the fact that male dominated parties will positively affect gender
equality.
Yet, evidence from Eastern Europe points at the opposite: Centre-rightist Formations, led by
notable men, have effectively nominated women to office. It is argued that the centralized
structure and practices in parties make it possible to avoid the reluctance of gatekeepers to let
female candidates run; and that regardless of ideological or cultural predispositions, supporters
loyally approve the nomination decisions made by their charismatic leader.121
2.6 Constitutional quota and womens political participation
Constitutional quota appears to be the most attractive among all quota systems to countries.
Today, the adoption of constitutional quota system takes lead, due to effort to achieve full
political participation of women. The introduction of constitutional quota as one type of quota
system, is an important factor for achieving gender quota. The constitutionalism of gender quota
is an important factor in achieving gender quotas. The concept of quota takes on a different
dimension as it is enshrined in the constitution.
Hughes and Paxton (2010) argue that constitutional quotas are mandated by a countrys
constitution. Constitutional quotas do not suggest a certain percentage of candidates or
parliamentarians who should or must be female, instead, these quotas enshrine gender equality as
a goal, and often they dictate that quotas be pursued through election law or by political parties.
121 Ibid (2016)
48
They further argue that law favours equal access of women and men to electoral mandates and
effective function.122
Furthermore, constitutional quotas suggest that legal candidate quotas are laid down in the
constitution.
It states that quotas are enacted in legislation force for all political parties to recruit the required
percentage of women.
Constitutional quotas are provided for in the constitution or legislation that require or set targets
for women to constitute a certain percentage of candidates at sub-national government level
including local district or state/provincial levels.123
2.7 The government of Sierra Leones gender quota policy and womens political
participation
From separate meetings in December 14-15, 2009 with Parliamentarians, political party leaders,
the Law Reform Commission, PPRC and the National Human Rights Commission and from
listening to and discussing with other experts as well as with representatives from various
womens organizations at the national conference for 30% Quota Representation for women in
political or decision-making positions in Sierra Leone. It is evident that the demand for special
measures such as quotas is now well founded among politicians and womens organizations,
after it discussion started in 2000.
Global Perspective
123 Anderson, Peter (2012) Constitutional Quota is a Success Story
49
The demand for gender quotas in Sierra Leone derives its legitimacy from the provisions of the
Truth and Reconciliation commission, TRC, which recommends 30 percent representation for
women in elected assemblies, cabinets, and other political posts, to increase 50/50 gender parity
within the next 10 years.124
Furthermore, international declaration also states the obligation of the state to take action.
The CEDAW Convention from 1979, which was signed by Sierra Leone, states that State
parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in political
and public life of the country (Art. 7)125
The UN Beijing Platform for Action 1995, signed by the governments of the world, states that
governments should commit themselves to take measures, including, where appropriate, in
electoral systems that encourage political parties to integrate women in elective and non-elective
public positions in the same proportion and at the same levels as men.126
The protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples rights on the rights of women in
Africa (Maputo Protocol) from July 2003 states that States Parties shall take specific positive
action to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political
life of their countries through affirmative action (Art. 9). The government of Sierra Leone
identifies gender quotas as key tool for reduction of political discrimination as articulated in the
30% quota bill.127
124Drude, Dahlerup (2010) Comparative Studies of Electoral Gender Quotas

125 Ibid (2010)
126 Ibid (2010)
127 GOSL Report (2010)
50
World leaders at the UN Millennium summit in New York promised to promote gender equality
and womens empowerment in order to fight poverty, hunger, and disease.
The main reason for promoting a 30% quota in Sierra Leone is to augment the proportion of
women in all decision-making positions in the country. This increase will lead to a stronger focus
on womens issues and promote a better standard of living on both national and local level. The
30% quota will raise the level of confidence of women in advocating on issues that affect them in
Sierra Leone.128
The gender equality bill introduces a quota system to secure a certain number of seats in
parliament and local Councils for women. The Act contains several goals
-
30% of all parliament and Local Council seats will be held by women to be accomplished
by: Reserving seats in parliament 14 women in parliament, 1 from each district.

Establishing safe seats in parliament 19 women placed in safe seats on partys lists.
Requiring 4 of the Paramount Chiefs representatives to be women.
Reserving seats in Local Council: 112 Local Council Seats to be reserved for women
Establishing safe seats in Local Council. 26 women place on safe seats.
The view of CARL in womens political participation is in line with Dahlerups view on the
government of Sierra Leone gender quota policy of how women should be politically
empowered to effectively articulate issues affecting them, because they are the vulnerable ones in
times of political instability.
The government of Sierra Leone made a provision in the local Government Act of 2004 for a
minimum of fifty percent representation of women at ward committee level. 129It is believed that
128 Centre for Accountability and the Rule of Law CARL (2012) Report
129 GOSL Report (2010)
51
the government of Sierra Leone has reviewed discriminatory clauses in the National constitution
and other statutory instruments that serve as barrier to womens political participation.
By and large, the Sierra Leone government recognizes gender quota as a significant tool to
womens political participation.
2.8 Criticisms against gender quota: problems and pitfalls

Hughes and Paxton expatiate that quotas are antidemocratic, and that voters should be able to
decide who is elected, but quotas mandate that women be elected. Quotas may also face legal
challenges based on gender equality laws.130
They further argue that there are not enough qualified women to fill the quota, and including
under qualified women may hurt rather than help womens future efforts at representation. Many
women do not want to be elected simply because they are women.131
They further opined that one cannot deal with the problem of female representation by a quota
system alone. They state that womens representation can be handled with collaborative effort of
political parties, the education system, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), trade unions,
130Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2010) In Women Politics and Power: A
131 Ibid (2010) pp165
52
churches must all take responsibility within their own organization to systematically promote
womens participation from the bottom to the top.132
They also argue that quotas are ways to bypass low party or voter demand for women.
CARL believes that quotas may lead to under-representation of females in some areas and overrepresentation in others and it rest on a shaky legal foundation that might be overruled by the
Supreme Court or ignored by independent male candidates.133
CARLs view of legal implication and underrepresentation is in line with Hughes and Paxtons
view.
Dalehrup opines that quotas can lead to stigmatization, glass ceilings, split between different
groups of women preventing the percentage of women from rising above the quota requirement.
Traditional, Patriarchal values are the problems of quota.
They further state that one significant problem of quota is the absence of sanctions and there are
no mechanisms to punish individuals.134
2.9 Conceptualization of gender equality

World Bank opines that gender equality is not only a matter of social justice but also of good
economics. It is good for the society and the economy. World Bank argues that although gender
gap is narrowing, more women than men are still illiterate. They state that women tend to be less
132 Ibid (2010) pp166

133 Centre for Accountability and the Rule of Law Report (2012)
134Dahlerup, Drude (2010) Comparative Studies of Electoral Gender Quotas
53
educated than men, to work more hours, and to be paid less. They argue that this disparity creates
inefficiencies, hampers growth, and lowers the potential status of the society.135
Gender equality means that all genders including men and women should receive equal
treatment, should not be discriminated against based on their gender. This is the objective of the
United Nation Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which seeks to create equality in law and
in social situations, such as in democratic activities and securing equal pay for equal work.
Further, gender equality refers to the equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities of women
and men and girls and boys. Gender equality implies that the interest, needs and priorities of
both, women and men are taken into consideration, recognizing the diversity of different groups
women and men (for example: women belonging to ethnic minorities, lesbian women or women
with disability). Gender equality is both, a human rights principle and a precondition for
sustainable peace.136
Gender equality is achieved when women and men enjoy the same rights and opportunities
across all sectors of society, including economic participation and decision-making, and when
the different behaviours, aspirations and needs of women and men are equally valued and
favoured. Gender equality is measured by looking at the representation, of men and of women in
a range of roles.137
According to Cambridge dictionary, gender equality does not imply that women and men are the
same, but that they have equal value and should be accorded equal treatment.Gender Equality
defines and differentiates the roles, rights responsibilities and obligations of women and men.
135 http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/gender equality Accessed 9 January 2016
136Joof, Amy (2014) (Lecturer) Gender and Education Lecture Note
137 Ibid (2014)
54
The innate biological differences between female and male are interpreted by society to create a
set of social expectation that defines the behaviours that are appropriate for women and men and
that determine womens and mens differential access to rights, resources, and power in
society.138
Equality is the cornerstone of every democratic society that aspires to social justice and human
rights, which is also key to World Banks definition. The term gender equality has been defined
in multiple ways in the development literature and has been the subject of great debate in the
U.N. it often means women having the same opportunities in life as men, for instance equality of
access to education and employment, which does not necessarily lead to equality of outcomes.
Gender equality is a term that refers to capabilities (education, health and nutrition) and
opportunities (economic and decision-making).139
UNESCO 2005 states that gender equality means the freedom to develop and make choices
unhindered by gender stereotypes, roles and prejudices, that the different behaviours, aspirations
and needs of women and men are considered, valued and favoured equally.
It does not mean that women and men have to become the same, but that their rights
responsibilities and opportunities do not depend on whether they are born male or female.140
Gender equality according to ILO means that women and men have equal conditions for
realizing their full human rights and for contributing to, and benefiting from, economic, social,
138 http//www.cambridge.org.dictionary Accessed 9 January 2016

139 Ivan, John (2015) What is Gender Equality?
140http://portal.unesco.org Accessed 9 January 2016
55
cultural, and political development. Gender equality is therefore the equal valuing by society of
the differences and similarities of men and women and the role they play.141
It is based on women and men being full partners in their home, their community and their
society. Gender equality starts with equal valuing of girls and boys.By and large when gender
equality is realized, it will go a long way in achieving sustainable peace and development and
eradicate human right violation.
2.10 Conceptualization of gender discrimination
Gender discrimination according to Cambridge dictionary is a situation in which someone is
treated less because of their sex, usually when a woman is treated less well than a man.142
Gender discrimination also involves treating (an applicant or employee) unfavourably because of
that persons sex. Sex discrimination also can involve treating someone less favourably because
of his or her connection with an organization or group that is generally associated with people of
certain sex. Discrimination against an individual because of gender identity, including
transgender status, or because of sexual orientation is discrimination because of sex in violation
of title.143
According to N.J.P.C gender discrimination means discrimination based on a persons gender or
sex, which more often affects girls and women. Because of gender discrimination, girls and
women do not have the same opportunities as boys and men for education, meaningful careers,
political influence and economic development. A common civil rights violation that takes many
forms, including sexual harassment, pregnancy discrimination, and unequal pay for women who
141http://fao.llo.org Accessed 9 January 2016
142http://dictionary.cambridge.org Accessed 9 January 2016
143Http://Dictionary.Cambridge.org Accessed 9 January 2016
56
do the same jobs as men. Unfortunately, most U.S. women are all too familiar with all of these
inequalities.144
Making decisions based on someones gender, or sex, is illegal under state and federal law. It is
argued that both men and women are protected from discrimination. In employment, this
includes decisions related to hiring, wages, termination promotion, leaves, and benefits. In
education, this includes decisions related to admission and grading. Furthermore, employment
decisions and selection criteria must be job related. Making assumption that men or women are
better suited for a particular kind of job is prohibited. A big concern for women is preventing
glass ceilings which may discourage promotion or other career advancement.145
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Title vii) and the Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA)
prohibits employers from discriminating on the basis of gender in the terms and conditions of
employment. The terms and condition of employment includes salary, benefit, hour vacations,
promotion, hiring, firing or any other defining characteristics of a particular position of
employment.
Gender discrimination here refers to situation in which an employer treats an individual or group
of individual employees differently, based on their gender, whether female or male. 146
Lorber(2010) opines that gender inequality takes many different forms, depending on the
economic structure and social organization of a particular society and on the culture of any
particular group within that society. She argues that it is usually women who are disadvantaged
relative to similarly situated men. She further states that women often receive lower pay for the
144 Bob, Hassan (2016) Definition of Gender Discrimination
145 Bob, Hassan (2016) Definition of Gender Discrimination
146http://www.uslegal.com Accessed January 2016
57
same or comparable work, and they are frequently blocked in their chances for advancement,
especially to top positions. This underscores the fact that the fight for equality has not been
achieved.147
2.11 International policy framework on womens political participation

Alghali(2012) opines that the equal participation of women and men in public life is the
cornerstone of the convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women(CEDAW) adopted by the UN in 1979 and enforced since 1981. As indicated in Article 7,
CEDAW called upon states parties to take all appropriate measure to eliminate discrimination
against women in the political and public life of the country. At its sixteenth session (1997), the
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women adopted general
recommendation regarding the participation of women in political and public life. He
emphasized that states parties should ensure that their constitution and legislation complied with
the principles of the convention and that they were under obligation to take all necessary
measures, including temporary special measures, to achieve the equal representation of women
in political and public life.148
147Lober, Judith (2010) Gender Inequality Feminist Theories and Politics: New York,
Oxford University Press pp 4
148Alghali, Zinurine A(2012) Increased Womens Participation And Representation
Implications For The Integration Of Womens Concerns And Interest In Governance
Peace And Security In Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay College, University
of Sierra Leone)
58
He further states that the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in 1995, (the
Beijing Platform for Action) drew attention to the persisting inequality between men and women
in decision-making and further emphasized that womens equal participation is not only a
demand for justice or democracy but a necessary condition to achieve the goals of equality,
development and peace.149
Heargues that the Beijing Platform for Action reaffirmed that womens persistent exclusion from
formal politics, in particular, raises a number of specific questions regarding the achievement of
effective democratic transformations, in practice. He emphasized, Womens equal participation
in decision-making is not only a demand for justice or democracy, but can also be seen as a
necessary condition for womens interests to be taken into account. Without the perspective of
women at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be
achieved.150
Alghali states that the Beijing Platform for Action defined two strategic objectives in its critical
area of concern on women in power and decision-making:
-
To ensure womens equal access to and full participation in power structures and
decision-making; and
To increase womens capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership.
To achieve the first strategic objective, the Beijing Platform for Action recommends the
pursuance of a gender-balanced composition in governmental bodies and committees, as well
as in public administration and in judiciary, including through setting specific target and, if
149 Ibid (2012)
150Alghali, Zinurine A(2012) Increased Womens Participation And Representation
Implications For The Integration Of Womens Concerns And Interest In Governance
Peace And Security In Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay College, University
of Sierra Leone) pp29
59
necessary, establishing a positive action policy; to integrate women into elective positions in
political parties; to promote and protect womens political rights; and to reconcile work and
family responsibilities for both men and women. For the second strategic objective, the
Platform for Action recommends leadership and gender awareness training; the development
of transparent criteria for decision-making positions; and the creation of a system of
mentoring.151
2.12Womens political empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa

Yoon (2010) states that the recent transition towards democracy in the third world and the
former communist state has reopened the debate on the effect of democratization on womens
parliamentary representation. He argues that unprecedented opportunities for womens entry
into national parliaments, shows that democratization actually decreased womens
representation in parliament. He states that other writers praised the recent political change
towards democracy in Africa and analyses the internal and the external factor of this change.
He states that very little attention has been given to the effect of this change on women in
specific, womens legislature representation. He argue that Sub-Sahara Africa countries have
experience multi party legislative election between 1990 and 1999, he further argue that
democratization overall has decreased womens representation in parliament. The countries
that have proportional representation systems tend to have higher womens representation in
parliament than the countries with majority or plurality system.
151 Ibid (2012) pp 30

60
Gender quotas appear to improve womens legislative representation, but are practiced only
by a small number of countries.152
2.14 The Role of NGOs in Womens Political Empowerment
The forum of womens NGOs of Kyrgyzstan has adopted a five-year program that seeks to
increase gender equality in the political system of Kyrgyzstan, as well as womens
empowerment through the political leadership capacity of women. It aims to increase the
number of women contesting in the parliamentary elections and other decision-making
bodies; development of womens political agenda and strategy for the election; evolve joint
womens for the national parliament and mobilization of womens NGOs to support women
contesting in elections. 50 women were trained, 50 womens NGOs supported network for
female candidates. Main activities included training of trainers, training women on womens
political leadership and gender integration into the political agenda, training women activist
on electoral strategies to support female candidates, publication of a manual Several steps to
womens political career conferences Women transforming polities, public awareness
campaigns for voters, PR campaigns, lobbying amendment to national legislation,
fundraising, series of task for network meetings, research, coalition and alliances
development with civil society, with political parties, with parliament, collaboration with the
mass media on large scale is also planned strategy.153
A local nongovernmental NGO Muloma Womens Development Association (MUWODA)
has also been involved in training women to be politically active.
152Democratization and Womens Legislative Representation in Sub-Sahara Africa

(2010)
153Forum of womens Ngos of Kyrgyzstan program 2005
61
In 2012 ahead of 2012 election, MUWODA organized a one-month training program for
women to be active members in politics on the theme WOMEN IN THE FRONT
ROLL.154
154MUWODA Report 2013

62
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter deals with how this research was conducted. It employs a vivid description of the
design of the study, which includes the study area, study sample, sampling procedures, research
instruments, research ethics, variables used, methods of data collection, and methods of data
analysis. It presents the various sources of data used to generate information for the study and
also catalogues how the data was used to analyze the findings.
3.1 Background to study area
The study area of this research is the Western Area of Sierra Leone, mainly known as the capital,
Freetown. Freetown is divided into two, the Western Urban, known as the Freetown Municipality
and the Western Rural.
The targeted area of this study was mainly the western Urban and Rural because; the 50/50
Group activities are centered in these areas. This study was conducted in the Western Area
covering Waterloo, Kissy, George Brook, and Kingtom, and all of Freetown.
3.2 Research design
The study is a social research that employs both qualitative and quantitative methods of
investigation. While the quantitative aspect focuses on measuring data in quantitative form, the
qualitative gives an in-depth analysis of the research. Both qualitative and quantitative methods
of user research play important roles in this research, and provide important tools to gather data
on informed decision-making. Each of these approaches has strengths. The qualitative method
allows the respondents to express themselves especially in situations wherein they are required to
63
respond to open-ended questions and sometimes questions dealing with moral values.
Quantitative approaches allow to specifically measure data in quantitative form. However, the
quantitative lacks in-depth analysis while the qualitative is subjective. Irrespective of these
weaknesses, the study makes use of both because of their important role in research analysis. An
inventory survey of sixty(60) participants was conducted. The sample was structured to reflect
different information from the 50/50 Group, and respondentscame from a wide range of social,
economic, and cultural backgrounds. The majority of the women were married, and a large
percentage of the women surveyed had children. The number of dependents ranged from one to
six with the majority of the women supporting one to three dependents including their own
children and other family members. The questionnaire was designed as a series of questions split
into two parts. The first part focused on obtaining data relevant to the 50/50 Group officials and
the second part focused on data relevant to the recipient/respondent of the 50/50 Group
advocacy.
3.3 The study/target population
The study comprised of both men and women. Women were the target population since they are
mostly involved in womens political activities and the most vulnerable in Sierra Leone.
Members of parliament, ministers, councilors, paramount chiefs, section chiefs, community
heads, market heads, were my study population.
3.4 Study sample
The participants for this study were women and men who have benefited from The 50/50
Groups advocacy on womens political emancipation in the Western Area of Sierra Leone.
64
This study employed a combination of quota and purposive sampling because this will include
both the number of participants and steadfast requirement that is, it will entail more specific
corresponding proportions of gender as a variable of interest to investigate how people perceive
the effects of womens under representation in decision-making forum.
The study sample was divided into two categories. The first categories of the sample are the
beneficiaries of the 50/50 Groupadvocacy, comprising women and men. The sample size was
sixty (60). Forty-seven (47) women and eight (8) men were selected using a combination of
quota and purposive sampling system.
The second sample category comprised The 50/50 Group leadership. Five (5) officials were
interviewed in all, making a total number of sixty (60).
The procedure was to administer a questionnaire to at least two men and at least 12 women in
three of the areas where the study was conducted, and interviewed five (5) 50/50 Group officers
in the Western Area, namely; Dr. Aisha Fofana Ibrahim the president, Dr. FatouTaqi the vice
president, Dr. NemataMajeks-Walker the former president, Mrs. Abator Davidson Member,
HajaAlima member. In Waterloo 13 people were targeted with 11 women and two men. In Kissy
14 people were targeted, with 12 women and two men. In George Brook 14 people were
targeted, with 12 women and two men. In Kingtom 14 people were targeted, with 12 women and
two men making the total sample size sixty (60).
3.5 Sampling techniques and sources of data (sample frame)
This study employed a combination of quota and purposive sampling because this will include
both the number of participants and a steadfast requirement that is, it will entail more specific
corresponding proportions of gender as a variable of interest to investigate how people perceive
65
the effects of womens under representation in decision-making positions. This was utilized
mainly because of the sensitive nature of the research. This kind of research proved to be a lot
complicated than is perceived on the outside, because of the low level of education of most of
my respondents/recipients of the 50/50 Group advocacy; therefore, to be able to generate quality
information on the study, respondents had to be carefully selected from the expertise group of
individuals with in-depth understanding and knowledge about the kind of advocacy, womens
groups are engaged in.
3.6 Research instruments
There were two sets of research instruments used in this study; namely interviews and
questionnaires
3.6.1 Questionnaires
A questionnaire was designed for the purpose of collecting data from the respondents/recipients
of activities of the 50/50 Group. 55 questionnaires were self-administered to the respondents.
Questionnaires were collected at least one week after distribution, by paying a visit to
respondents whom questionnaires were distributed to. Respondents were identified in the study
communities with the help of Dr. Majeks-Walker and Dr. Taqi respectively both of the 50/50
Group. Some market women, community heads, councilors, members of parliament who are
recipients of the 50/50 Group advocacy were identified.
3.6.2 Interviews
A semi-structured interview was conducted with 50/50 Group officers, interviewing them one at
a time.The semi-structured interview was focused on areas such as reasons for the 50/50
Groupadvocacy, worthiness of advocacy, challenges faced by 50/50 group and success of the
50/50 Group.
66
3.7 Research ethics

There was a consent form designed for this research. The consent form was for the 50/50
Groupofficers and beneficiary. It outlined the research, the institution of the researcher, the
researchers purpose of study, the email contact of the supervisors, the freedom of the
interviewee to leave if he/she feels uncomfortable, the confidentiality of the research, assuring
the interviewees anonymity, the signature to show that the interviewee has read and agreed for
the conduction of the interview and the signature of the researcher to show that the research was
conducted by him, this were included.Respondents were not forced to give any answers they
could not provide answer to.
3.8 Variables
There were two types of variables used in this research. These variables were independent and
dependent.
3.9 Independent variables
The independent variable is the 50/50 Group advocacy.
3.10 Dependent variables
The dependent variable is increased representation of women in politics
3.11 Method of data collection
In this study, the method of data collection includes quantitative and qualitative methods as well
as documentary analysis and using textbooks, periodicals, journals and internet materials.
Primary data collection consisted of interviews based on developed questionnaire. Interviews
were conducted and noted down.
67
3.12 Method of data analysis

The method used to analyze data was a statistical method that allowed me to produce
percentages, tables, charts, and frequency, and qualitative data analysis after presenting the data
in a tabular form. The primary data collected was analyzed using the Statistical Package for
Social Sciences (SPSS) and excel software to develop statistical tables, and calculate simple
percentages.
3.13 Conclusion
In conclusion, thischapter gives vividdescription of how the study was conducted. It employs a
description of the design of the study, which includes the study area, study sample, sampling
procedures, research instruments, research ethics, variable used, methods of data collection, and
methods of data analysis.It presents the various sources of data used to generate information for
the study and also catalogues how the data was used to analyze the findings.
68
CHAPTER FOUR
PRESENTATION OF FIELD DATA, ANALYSIS, AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter presents results obtained from the analysis of questionnaires administered and
interviews conducted and an analysis of these investigations. Note that frequency is presented in
a footnote below the table and percentage symbol in the table as % to show percentage
distribution. The male respondents in the same community of study are analyzed differently from
female respondents.
Data gathered is presented in tables and charts, analyzed and discussed.
4.1 Socio-demographic data
Table 4.1 below shows the age distribution of respondent beneficiaries both male and female of
The50/50 Group advocacy work in selected locations in the Western Area.
69
TABLE 4.1 AGE OF RESPONDENTS

Waterloo
AGE
Kingtom
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
50
33.3
16.7
100
41.7
41.7
50
50
9.0
8.3
45.4
9.0
25
16.7
42-49
9.0
50-57
9.0
58&Abov
18.1
e
Total
George Brook
Male
18-25
26-33
34-41
Kissy
100
100
50
50
100
33.3
33.3
8.3
8.3
8.3
8.3
8.3
50
8.3
100
100
100
*Source: Authors Field Research, Freetown, 2016

*In Waterloo, questionnaires were administered to two male and 11 female respondents
*In Kissy, questionnaires were administered to two male and 12 female respondents
*In George Brook, questionnaires were administered to two male and 12 female respondents
*In Kingtom, questionnaires were administered to two male and 12 femalerespondents
68
100
100
As illustrated in table 4.1 above at Waterloo, one male falls within the age bracket of 26-33
which represents 50% of the Waterloo male respondents. The remaining one male respondent
representing the remaining 50% falls within the age bracket of 34-41. For the Waterloo female
respondents, one female representing 9.0% falls within the age bracket of 18-25, five females fall
within the age bracket of 26-33, which represents 45.4% and one female falls within the age
bracket of 34-41, another one falls within age bracket of 42-49 representing 9.0%. The other
female falls within the age bracket of 50-57, which also represents 9.0%two female respondents
fall within the age bracket of 58 and above and they represent 18.1%.
In Kissy, one male falls within the age bracket of 34-41, which represents 50% of the male
respondents in Kissy and the other one male respondent representing 50% of male respondents in
Kissy, falls within the age bracket of 50-57. Also in Kissy, one female respondent falls within the
age bracket of 18-25 which represents 8.3% of the female respondents in Kissy, three females
fall within the age bracket of 26-33 which represents 25% of the female respondents in Kissy.
Two female respondents fall within the age bracket of 34-41 which represents 16.7%. Four
female respondents fall within the age bracket of 42-49 which represents 33.3%. One female
respondent falls within the age bracket of 50-57 which represents 8.3%. One female respondent
falls within the age bracket of 58 and above which also represents 8.3% of the female
respondents in Kissy.
In George Brook one male respondent falls within the age bracket of 34-41 which represents
50% of the male respondents in George Brook, and the one male falls within the age bracket of
58 and above which represents the other 50%. Four female respondents fall within the age
bracket of 26-33, which represents 33.3%. Two female respondents fall within the age bracket of
34-41, which represents 16.7%.
69
Four other female respondents fall within the age bracket of 42-49, which also represents 33.3%.
One female respondent falls within the age bracket of 50-57, which represents 8.3%. The other
one female, which also represents 8.3%, falls within the age bracket of 58 and above.
In Kingtom, there were two male respondents within the age bracket of 34-41, which represents
100% of the male respondents in Kingtom. Five female respondents fall within the age bracket
of 26-33, which represents 41.7%.Five female respondents fall within the age bracket of 34-41
which also represents 41.7%. One female respondent falls within the age bracket of 42-49 which
represents 8.3%. One female respondent falls within the age bracket of 50-57, which also
represents 8.3% of the female respondents in Kingtom.
The research captures respondents from all age brackets, but it can be seen from table 4.1 that the
youthful age of 26-33 have more respondents than the other age brackets. It is however important
that all ages are captured in the research.
70
FIGURE 4.1 SHOWING SEX DISTRIBUTIONS OF RESPONDENTS
100
90
86
85
80
86
86
70
60
PERCENTAGE OF MALE AND FEMALE
50
Male
40
Female
30
20
10
15
14
14
14
0
Waterloo
Kissy
George Brook
STUDY AREA (Western Area

*In Kingtom, questionnaires were administered to two male and 12 female respondents
71
Kingtom
Figure 4.1 on the previous page shows the sex distribution of respondents. The blue shading
represents male respondents and the maroon shading represents female respondents. In the
Waterloo portion, the shading, which represents male respondents, shows that there are two male
respondents which represent 15% and the shading which represents the female respondents
shows that there are 11 female respondents and represents 85%. In Kissy also, the shading shows
there are two male respondents, which represents 14%, and 12 female respondents, which
represents 86%. In George Brook, the shading shows there are two male respondents and
represents 14% and 12 female respondents, which is represented by 86%. In Kingtom, the
shading shows there are two male respondents and they are represented by 14%. 12 female
respondents and they are represented by86%.
It can be seen in figure 4.1 that the research captures respondents from both sexes, there are
active male and female respondents, however, from the figures it can be said there are more
female respondents in total than male respondents as shown in the table on the previous page.
This is an indication that Sierra Leones female population outweighs the male population.
72
TABLE 4.2 MARITAL STATUSES OF RESPONDENTS

MaritalStatus
Single
Married
Divorced
Separated
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
50
36.3
50
27.2
18.1
18.1
100
100
Kissy
Female
%
25
50
8.3
16.7
100
100
Male
%
50
50
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
50
50
66.7
16.6
16.6
100
100

73
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
25
41.7
8.3
25
100
100
In Waterloo, one of the male respondents is single, and that represents 50% of the male
respondents. One male respondent in Waterloo is married which also represents 50% of the male
respondents in Waterloo. Four female respondents are single which represents 36.3%. Three
female respondents are married which represents 27.2%. Two female respondents are divorced
which represents 18.1%. The other two female are separated which also represents 18.1% of the
female respondents in Waterloo community.
Also, in Kissy one male respondent is single which represents 50% of the male respondents
whilst the remaining one is married which also represents 50% of the male respondents in Kissy.
Also in Kissy, three female respondents are single which represents 25% of the female
respondents of Kissy. Six female respondents are married which represents 50%. One female
respondent is divorced, which represents 8.3%. Two female respondents have separated which
represents 16.7% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent is single which represents 50% of the male respondents
of George Brook. One male respondent is married which also represents the remaining 50% of
the male respondents of George Brook. Eight female respondents are married which represents
66.7%. Two female respondents are divorced which represents 16.6%. The remaining females
have separated which also represents 16.6 of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents are single which represents 100% of the male respondents of
Kingtom, whilst three female respondents are single which represents 25% of the female
respondents. Five female respondents are married which represents 41.7% of the female
respondents. One female respondent is divorced which represents 8.3%. Three female
respondents have separated which also represents 25% of the female respondents in Kingtom.
74
The marital statuses of the respondents in table 4.2 shows that there are more single and married
respondents than divorced or separated respondents
75
TABLE 4.3 EDUCATIONAL STATUS OF RESPONDENTS

Schooling
Status
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
100
63.7
36.3
100
100
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
100
58.3
41.7
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
50
66.7
50
33.3
100
100

76
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
58.3
41.7
100
100
Table 4.3 shows schooling status of respondents. In Waterloo community, two male respondents
attended school, which represents 100% of the Waterloo male respondents. Seven female
respondents attended school which represents 63.7% of the Waterloo female respondents. Whilst
four females did not attend school and represents 36.3% of the Waterloo female respondents.
In Kissy, two male respondents attended school, which represents 100% of Kissy male
respondents. Seven females attended school, which represents 58.3%, whilst five female
respondents did not attend school, which represents 41.7%.
In George Brook, one male attended school, which represents 50% of the male respondents in
George Brook. The other one male did not attend school, which also represents 50% of the male
respondents in George Brook. Eight female respondents attended school, which represents
66.7%. Four female respondents did not attend school, which represents 33.3% of the female
respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents attended school, which represents 100% of the male
respondents in Kingtom. Seven female respondents attended school, which represents 58.3% of
the female respondents of Kingtom. Five female respondents did not attend school, which
represents 41.7% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
The research figures show that the research deals with more enlightened respondents. The
percentage of respondents who darkened the doors of education or school is more than those who
did not.
77
FIGURE 4.2 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY LEVEL OF EDUCATION.
50
45
43
40
38
35
30
29
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS
Series 1
25
Column2
20
15
21
14
14 14
14 14
10
SECONDARY
TERTIARY
15
PRIMARY
88
Waterloo
Kissy
George Brook Kingtom
STUDY AREA (WESTERN AREA)
Source: Authors Field Research, Freetown, 2016
78
Figure 4.2 on the previous page shows the level of education of the respondents.
In Waterloo, two male respondents attained Tertiary Education, which is represented by 15%,
one female attained primary school education which is represented by 8%, one female attained
secondary school education which is represented by 8%,five female attained tertiary
educationwhich is represented by 38%.
In Kissy, one male respondent attained secondary school education which is represented by 7%,
one male respondent attained tertiary education which is represented by 7%, one female
respondent attained secondary school education which is represented by 7%, six female
respondents attained tertiary education which is represented by 43%.
In George Brook, one male respondent attained tertiary education which is represented by7%,
two female respondents attained primary education which is represented by 14%, four female
respondents attained secondary education which is represented by 29%. Two female respondents
attained tertiary education which is represented by 14%.
In Kingtom, two male respondents attained tertiary level which is represented by 14%, whilst
two female respondents attained primary education which is represented by 14%. Two female
respondents attained secondary level which is represented by 14%, and three female respondents
attained tertiary level which is represented by 21%.
A close look at the low educational level of these respondents, especially the women explains
why women dominate the informal sector. This supports the present writers assertion in chapter
two, page 27 of this work: that education leads to critical thinking and that it leads to economic,
political and other types of growth. Being that most of these women have low level of education
as shown on the chart, may be a contributing factor impeding proper advocacy for womens high
79
inclusion in Sierra Leones politics. Such women may be contributing towards their own
development through advocacy. But considering the fourth objective of this research: to assess
womens contribution towards their own development, it can be said that these women are
making meaningful contribution towards their own development, by way of advocacy. But the
question that arises is how solid will such contributions (of lowly educated women, with little or
no knowledge of policies) influence political empowerment of women.
80
TABLE 4.4 REASONS FOR NOT GOING TO SCHOOL

Reasons for not going to school
Waterloo
Kissy
George Brook
Kingtom
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
%
100
%
75
Parents could not afford
%
75
%
40
Socio-cultural factor (1) A girl
25
25
40
child cannot go to school

Others (1) Grew up in the village
20
doing farming
Lost parents & no support
Total
100
100
100

81
100
100
100
Table 4.4 shows reason why respondents did not go to school.

In Waterloo, three female respondents representing 75% of Waterloo respondents who did not go
to school was as a result their parents could not afford. Also the remaining one female, which
represents 25% of respondents who did not go to school, was as a result of socio-cultural factor.
In Kissy, five female respondents representing 100% of Kissy female respondents who did not
go to school were as a result of their parents could not afford.
In George Brook, three female respondents, which represent 75% of the female respondents who
did not go to school as a result of their parents, could not afford to send them to school. The
other remaining one female, which represents 25%, could not go to school as a result of sociocultural factors. That is discriminating against the girl not to go to school.
In Kingtom, two female respondents representing 40% could not go to school as a result of their
parents could not afford. The other two female respondents representing 40% of the female
respondents could not go to school as a result of socio-cultural factor. One female respondent
representing 20% could not go to school because she grew up in the village doing farming.
In the table 4.4 on the above page, it could be seen that women dominate the illiterate population
of the research respondents. Most of them according to the data collected by the present writer
did not go to school because their parents could not afford to see them through school. But what
stands out that it is more women who are illiterate than men. This poses a serious challenge why
such women may not be given political appointments because they do not have basic education.
Little or non-education of women is a contributing factor to glass ceiling in politics the
absence of women at the top political hierarchy. It will be difficult to even support the educated
women in the fight for womens political inclusion because such women may not know the
82
importance of womens inclusion into the politics of the country. Because they are not
enlightened they may think that politics does not concern them.
83
POLITICAL STATUS
TABLE 4.5 TYPE OF POSITIONS
Type of Position
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
Member of Parliament
Minister
Councillor
Paramount Chief
Section Chief
(i) other community head
(ii) Market head
Total
16.7
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
50
8.3
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
50
50
45.4
50
25
33.3
33.3
50
18.1
36.3
50
16.7
33.3
8.3
50
25
33.3
50
16.7
41.7
8.3
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

84
Table 4.5 shows that one male respondent in Waterloo representing 50% of the Waterloo
respondents is a councilor, whilst the other one male representing the remaining 50% of the
Waterloo male respondents is a section chief. Five female respondents in the Waterloo
community representing 45.4% of the female respondents in the Waterloo community are
councilors. Two female respondents representing 18.1% of the female respondents are section
chiefs. Four female respondents representing 36.3% of the female respondents are community
heads.
In Kissy community, one male respondent is a councilor representing 50% of the male
respondents in Kissy. The remaining one male is a community head and represents the remaining
50% of the male respondents of Kissy. Two female respondents are Members of Parliament and
that represents 16.7% of the female respondents of Kissy. Three female respondents are
councilors which represents 25%. Two other female respondents are section chiefs which
represents 16.7%. Four female respondents are community heads, which represents 33.3%. One
female respondent is a market head and that represents 8.3% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent is a Member of Parliament which represents 50% of the
male respondents. The other male respondent is a market head and represents the remaining
50%. One female respondent is a Member of Parliament and represents 8.3%. Four female
respondents are councilors and represents 33.3%. Three female respondents are community
heads and that represents 25%. Four female respondents are market heads and represents 33.3%
of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, one male respondent is a Member of Parliament and that represents 50%. The other
one male is a market head and represents the remaining 50% of the male respondents of
85
Kingtom. Four female respondents are councilors and represents 33.3%. Two female respondents
are section chiefs and represents 16.7%. Five female respondents are community heads and
represents 41.7%. One female respondent is a market head and represents 8.3% of the female
respondents of Kingtom.
The data on the previous table 4.5 show some success rate of the activities of The 50/50 Group.
Some of the respondents are either members of parliament, councilors, and section chiefs or hold
other positions of responsibilities in those communities.
86
TABLE 4.6 INFLUENCE OF POLITICS ON RESPONDENTS STATUS

Type of influence
Perceived as incompetent
Perceived as responsible
Perceived as important
Perceived as disciplined
Other (i) active
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
72.8
9.1
18.1
100
66.7
16.7
16.7
100
66.7
25
8.3
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

87
50
16.7
25
8.3
100
Table 4.6 on the previous page shows influence of politics on respondents status.
In Waterloo, two male respondents are perceived as responsible which represents 100% of the
male respondents at Waterloo. Eight female respondents are perceived as responsible which
represents 72.8%. One female respondent is perceived as important which represents 9.1%. Two
female respondents are perceived as disciplined, which represents 18.1% of the female
respondents at Waterloo.
In Kissy two male respondents are perceived as important which represents 100% of the male
respondents of Kissy. Eight female respondents are perceived as responsible which represents
66.7%. Two female respondents are perceived as important which represents 16.7%. Two female
respondents are perceived as discipline, which also represents 16.7% of the female respondents
of Kissy
In George Brook, two male respondents are perceived as responsible which represents 100% of
the male respondents of George Brook. Eight female respondents are perceived as responsible
which represents 66.7%. Three female respondents are perceived as important which represents
25%. One female respondent is perceived as discipline, which represents 8.3% of the female
In Kingtom, two male respondents are perceived as responsible which represents 100% of the
male respondents of Kingtom. Six female respondents are perceived as responsible which
represents 50%. Two female respondents are perceived as important which represents 16.7%.
Three female respondents are perceived as disciplined which represents 25%. One female
respondent is perceived as active, which represents 8.3% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
88
In the table 4.6 on the previous page, the data show the influence of politics on the respondents
status ranging from incompetent, responsible, important to being disciplined. However, none of
the politician respondents was perceived as incompetent. They are rather perceived as
responsible, important and disciplined. A high number of responses are based on the perception
pointing to the fact of having an influence of a responsible status on these respondents.
89
TABLE 4.7 IMPROVEMENT OF POLITICS ON RESPONDENTS STATUS

Political
improvement status
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
100
90.9
9.1
100
100
Kissy
Female
%
91.7
8.3
100
100
Male
%
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
91.7
8.3
100
100

90
Kingtom
Female
%
91.7
8.3
100
100
Male
%
100
Table 4.7 shows the improvement of politics on respondents status in all four areas in Freetown.
In Waterloo, two male respondents answered yes, which represents 100% of the male
respondents. Ten female respondents answered yes, representing 90.9%, whilst one female
respondent answered no, representing 9.1%.
In Kissy, two male respondents answered yes, representing 100% of the male respondents. 11
female respondents answered yes, representing 91.7%. One female respondent answered no,
representing 8.3%.
In George Brook, two male respondents answered yes, representing 100% of the male
respondents. 11 female respondents answered yes, representing 91.7%.One female respondent
answered no, representing 8.3%.
In Kingtom, two male respondents answered yes, which represents 100% of the male
respondents. 11 female respondents answered yes, which represents 91.7%. One female
respondent answered no which represents 8.3% of the female respondent in Kingtom.
The table 4.7 on the previous page shows that more respondents have had status improvement
through politics than those who have not had such improvements. And from the table it can be
said that more women have had their status improved through politics, which indicates there will
be light at the end of the tunnel for womens political empowerment.
91
TABLE 4.8 TYPE OF POLITICAL IMPROVEMENT ON RESPONDENTS STATUS

Type of improvement
Personal development
Have voice in the society
Other (1) capacity building
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
18.1
100
72.8
9.1
100
Male
%
100
100
Kissy
Female
%
16.7
83.3
100

92
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
36.3
100
63.7
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
41.7
100
58.3
100
100
100
100
Table 4.8 shows the improvement of politics on the status of respondents.

In Waterloo, two male respondents said they have voice in the society, representing 100% of the
male respondents. Two female respondents said they have personal development which
represents 18.1%. Eight female respondents said they have voice in the society which represents
72.8%. One female respondent responded by saying capacity building and represents 9.1% of the
female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents said they have voice in the society and represents 100% of the
male respondents. Two female respondents said they have personal development and represents
16.7%. Ten female respondents said they have voice in the society and represents 83.3%.
In George Brook, two male respondents said they have voice in the society and represents 100 %
of the male respondents. Four female respondents said they have personal development and
represents 36.3%. Seven female respondents said they have voice in the society and represents
63.7% of the female respondents in George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents have voice in the society and represents 100% of the male
respondents. Five female have personal development which represents 41.7%. Seven female
respondents have voice in the society which represents 58.3% of the female respondents in
Kingtom.
The table on the previous page 4.8 shows how the respondents statuses have been improved
politically. All the male respondents voices are heard; however, there are appreciable
percentages of women whose voices are also heard. This goes in line with the third objective of
the research: to examine the importance of advocacy groups in promoting gender equality in
politics. Although the male respondents voices being heard is hundred per cent, there is an
93
encouraging percentage of female respondents voices being heard in politics. It shows that the
efforts of suffragettes or advocacy groups are in place.
94
TABLE 4.9 REASONS FOR ENGAGING IN POLITICS

Waterloo
Reason for engaging in
Male
%
politics
To break the barrier
To help empower women
Kissy
Female
%
Male
%
36.3
100
No other means of surviving
54.6
George Brook
Female
%
Male
%
33.3
100
66.7
9.1
Female
%
Kingtom
Male
%
25
50
75
Female
%
16.7
100
50
75
8.3
Others (nation building)

TOTAL
100
100
100
100

95
100
100
100
100
Table 4.9 shows reasons for engaging in politics.

In Waterloo, two male respondents said they came into politics to help empower women and
represents 100% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Four female respondents said they came
into politics to break the barrier and represents 36.3%. Six female respondents said they came
into politics to help empower women and represents 54.6%. One female respondent said she
came into politics because there is no other means of surviving and represents 9.1% of the
In Kissy, two male respondents said they came into politics to help empower women and
represents 100% of the male respondents. Four female respondents said they came into politics
to break the barrier and represents 33.3%. Eight female respondents said they came into politics
to help empower women which represents 66.7% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent said he came into politics to help empower women,
which represents 50% of the male respondents. The remaining one respondent said he came into
politics because there is no other means of surviving and represents 50% of the male respondents
of George Brook. Three female respondents said they came into politics to break the barrier and
represents 25%. Nine female respondents said they came into politics to help empower women
and represents 75% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said they came into politics to help empower women and
represents 100% of the male respondents in Kingtom. Two female respondents said they came
into politics to break the barrier and represents 16.7%. Nine female respondents said they came
into politics to help empower women and represents 75%. The remaining one female respondent
96
said she came into politics because there is no other means of surviving and represents 8.3% of
the female respondents of Kingtom.
The table 4.9 on the previous page shows that some women go into politics to break barrier.
However, the data show that more women are engaged in politics for womens empowerment. It
is further revealed that the men are as well helpful when it comes to helping womens
empowerment. The fact that these men are helping women to be empowered will ultimately
promote gender equality, which is the third objective of this research.
97
TABLE 4.10 OTHER MEANS WHICH RESPONDENTS IMPROVE THEIR POLITICAL STATUS.
Political improvement
Waterloo
Male
%
Formidable force with all other
Kissy
Female
%
Male
%
18.1
George Brook
Female
%
Male
%
25
Female
%
Kingtom
Male
%
8.3
Female
%
25
women organizations
Full implementation of the
100
gender laws and policies

The total support of all women
and men in my community
others
Total
100
45.4
50
41.7
36.3
50
33.3
100
100
100

98
100
66.7
100
25
100
100
33.3
41.7
100
100
Table 4.10 shows other means through which respondents improve their political stand.
In Waterloo, two male respondents said they can improve their political stand through the full
implementation of the gender laws and policies which represents 100% of the male respondents
of Waterloo. Two female respondents said they can improve their stand in politics through the
formidable force of all women organizations and represents 18.1%. Five female respondents said
they can improve their political status through the full implementation of the gender laws and
policies which represents 45.4%. Four female respondents said they can improve their political
status through the total support of all women and men in their community and represents 36.3%
of the female respondents.
In Kissy, one male respondent said he can improve his political status through the full
implementation of the gender laws and policies and represents 50%. The other one male said he
can improve his political status through the total support of all men and women in his community
and represents the remaining 50% of the male respondents of Kissy. Three female respondents
said they can improve their political status through formidable force with all other women
organizations which represents 25%. Five female respondents said they can improve their
political status through the full implementation of the gender laws and policies and represents
41.7%. Four female respondents said they can improve their political status through the total
support of all women and men in their community which represents 33.3% of the female
respondents of Kissy.
George Brook, two male respondents said they can improve their political status through the full
implementation of the gender laws and policies and represents 100% of the male respondents of
George Brook. One female respondent said she can improve her political status through the
99
formidable force with all other women organizations which represents 8.3%. Eight female
respondents said they can improve their political status through the full implementation of the
gender laws and policies and represents 66.7%. Three female respondents said they can improve
their political status through the total support of all women and men in their community and
represents 25% of female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said they can improve their political status through the full
implementation of the gender laws and policies and represents 100% of the male respondents of
Kingtom. Three female respondents said they can improve their political status through the
formidable force with all other women organizations and represents 25%. Four female
respondents said they can improve their political status through the full implementation of the
gender laws and policies which represents 33.3%. Five female respondents said they can
improve their political status through the total support of all women and men in their community
which represents 41.7% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
From table 4.10 on the previous page it is clear that peoples political status in most cases
depends on the existing laws and the enforcement of those laws or policies. The second objective
of this research is to examine the impact of roles of The 50/50 Group on the change of laws and
how such changes are beneficial to women. The fact that the table shows that full
implementation of Gender laws and policies have helped improve womens status politically,
bring us to the fact that if womens empowerment is anything to be treated with seriousness, then
we must put emphasis on the change of laws and the implementation of policies geared towards
womens empowerment.
100
101
ROLE PLAYED AS A POLITICAL FIGURE

TABLE 4.11 IMPROVING THE LIFE OF WOMEN
Improving womens life
Constant advocacy
Training and creating awareness
Others (i) uniting people
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
50
72.8
27.2
50
100
100
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
100
66.7
25
8.3
100
100

102
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
50
58.3
50
33.3
8.3
100
100
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
83.3
16.7
100
100
Table 4.11 shows the role played as a political figure in improving the life of other women.
In Waterloo, one male respondent said that he has been doing constant advocacy for women and
represents 50% of the male respondents in Waterloo. The other one male said he has been
seriously involved in creating unity among women and represents the remaining 50% of the
Waterloo male respondents. Eight female respondents said they have been involved in constant
advocacy for women, which represents 72.8%. Three female respondents have been involved in
training and creating awareness among women which represents 27.2% of the female
respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents have been constantly advocating for women, which represents
100% of the male respondents of Kissy. Eight female respondents have been constantly
advocating for women, which represents 66.7%. Three female respondents have been training
and creating awareness among women and represents 25%. One female respondent has been
engaged in uniting other women, which represents 8.3% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent has been constantly advocating for women and represents
50%. The other one male has been involved in training and creating awareness among women
and represents the remaining 50%. Seven female respondents have been constantly involved in
advocacy work for women, which represent 58.3%. Four female respondents have been training
and creating awareness among women and represents 33.3%. One female respondent has been
involved in creating unity among others which represent 8.3% of the female respondents of
George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents have been involved in constant advocacy work for women
which represent100% of the male respondents of Kingtom. 10 female respondents have been
103
involved in constant advocacy for other woman, which represents 83.3%. Two female
respondents have involved in training and creating awareness among women, which represents
16.7% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
From table 4.11 on the previous page it can be seen that both men and women are involved in
constant advocacy but the benefit of such advocacy reflects on women through training and
creating awareness. This answers our sub-research question: how have the women of Sierra
Leone benefitted from such advocacy? It can be said that since women are being trained on
empowerment issues and the requisite awareness gained, the women of Sierra Leone are on the
right track. This is because knowledge is power. Once they get key trainings and become aware
of critical and burning issues of women, it will enlighten them to agitate for better and quality
womens empowerment.
104
TABLE 4.12 TARGET WOMEN FOR OPERATION

Waterloo
Male
Femal
Male
Kissy
Female
George Brook
Male
Female
Male
Kingtom
Female
Target all women

e
Yes
No
Total
%
50
50
100
%
81.9
18.1
100
%
100
100
%
75
25
100
%
50
50
100

105
%
58.3
41.7
100
%
100
100
%
83.3
16.7
100
Table 4.12 shows the target class of women respondents operation.

In Waterloo, one male respondent does target all class of women for operation which represents
50% of the male respondents of Waterloo, whilst the other one male respondent does not target
all class of women which represents the remaining 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo.
Nine female respondents do target all classes of women for their operation, which represents
81.9%. Two female respondents do not target all classes of women for their operations which
represents 18.1%.
In Kissy, two male respondents do target all classes of women in their operations, which
represents 100% of the male respondents in Kissy. Nine female respondents do target all classes
of women in their operations, which represents 75%. Three female respondents do not target all
classes of women in their operation and represents 25% of the female respondent of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent do target all classes of women in his operations, which
represents 50% of the male respondents of George Brook. The other one male respondent does
not target all classes of women in his operations and represents the remaining 50% of the male
respondents of George Brook. Seven female respondents target all classes of women in their
operations, which represents 58.3%. Five female respondents do not target all classes of women
which represents 41.7% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents do target all classes of women in their operation which
represents 100% of the Kingtom male respondents. Ten female respondents target all classes of
women in their operation, which represents 83.3%. Two female respondents do not target all
classes of women in their operation, which represents 16.7% of the Kingtom female respondents.
106
From table 4.12 on the previous page more women are targeted for the 50/50 Group operation.
This is important because The 50/50 Group emphasises on womens empowerment, so more
women need to be sensitized and trained. When women become the principal target, by their
counterparts, we see them taking control of their circumstances, exercising power and ultimately
achieving their own goals. This is what Adam in his work Empowerment, Participation and
Social Work referred to as empowerment.155
155 Adam, Robert (2008) Empowerment, Participation and Social Work. New York
Palgrave Macmillan pp 6
107
TABLE 4.13 SYSTEM USED BY RESPONDENTS IN TARGETTING OTHER WOMEN

Ways of targeting other women
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
Engage women in the informal sector

Involve women in the remote
100
Kissy
Male Female
33.3
50
55.6
55.6
50
44.4
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
Kingtom
Male Female
71.4
50
60
100
28.6
50
40
100
100
100
100
communities
Others (i) organize meetings
Total
11.1
100
100

108
Table 4.13 shows the system respondents use in reaching out to other women or dealing with
other women for their empowerment.
In Waterloo, one male respondent involves women in the remote communities and represents
100%. Three female respondents do engage women in the informal sector, which represents
33.3%. Five female respondents involve women in the remote communities, which represents
55.6%. One female respondent organize meetings among women, which represents 11.1% of the
In Kissy, one male respondent do engage women in the informal sector, which represents 50%.
The remaining one male respondent representing the remaining 50% do involve women in the
remote communities. Five female respondents do engage women in the informal sector, which
represents 55.6%. Five female respondents involve women in the remote communities and
represents 44.4% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent did say he involves women in the remote communities
representing 100% of the male respondents. Five female respondents said they engage women in
the informal sector, which represents 71.4%. Two female respondents involve women in the
remote communities which represents 28.6% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, one male respondent said he engage women in the informal sector which represents
50%. The other one male respondent involve women in the remote communities which
represents 50% of the male respondents. Six female respondents do engage women in the
informal sector which represents 60%. Four female respondents said they involve women in the
remote communities which represents 40% of the female respondents in Kingtom.
109
It can be seen from table 4.13 that more women were targeted in the informal sector than in any
other work of life or community. It strikes ones attention to the fact that there are more women in
the informal sector than in any other area. Perhaps, if these women are sensitized and become
aware of their own issues, they can be formidable in the advocacy for womens political
empowerment.
110
TABLE 4.14 ROLE PLAYED BY RESPONDENTS IN ADVOCACY FOR GENDER QUOTAS

Role played in gender quota
advocacy
Group leader
Raise up issues
Educate others about the
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
50
9.1
36.3
50
54.6
importance of gender quotas

others
Total
100
100
Kissy
Male Female
%
%
100
16.7
83.3
100
100

111
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
16.7
50
33.3
50
50
100
100
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
25
33.3
100
41.7
100
100
Table 4.14 shows the role played by respondents in the advocacy for gender quotas.
In Waterloo community, one male respondent said he is a group leader which represents 50% of
the male respondents of Waterloo. The other one male said he educate others about the
importance of gender quotas which represents the remaining 50%. One female respondent said
she is a group leader and represents 9.1%. Four female respondents said they raised up issues and
are represented by 36.3%. Six female respondents educate others about the importance of gender
quotas, which represents 54.6%.
In Kissy, two male respondents said they raise issues, which represents 100%. Two female
respondents said they raise up issues which represents 16.7%. Ten female respondents said they
educate others about the importance of gender quotas, which represents 83.3% of the female
In George Brook, one male respondent said he raise up issues which represents 50% of the male
respondents of George Brook. The remaining one male said he educate others about the
importance of gender quotas which represents the remaining 50% of the male respondent of
George Brook. Two female respondents said they are group leaders, which represents 16.7%.
Four female respondents said they raise up issues and are represented by 33.3%. 6 female
respondents said they educate others about the importance of gender quotas, which represents
50% of the George Brook community.
In Kingtom,,two male respondents said they educate others about the importance of gender
quotas which represents 100% of the male respondents of Kingtom. Three female respondents
said they are group leaders, which represents 25%. Four female respondents said they raise up
issues and that is represented by 33.3%. Five female respondents said they also educate others
112
about the importance of gender quotas which represents 41.7% of the female respondents of
Kingtom.
The table 4.14 above shows that women are conscious of the fact that one sure means of
achieving their goals is by educating people on the importance of gender quotas. This is very
important because empowerment is not automatic. The world being regarded as a male
dominated one, can only be seen to have gender parity when enough sensitizations are done.
Through advocacy and education, it can become a society where both men and women strive for
equal enjoyment of political opportunities and otherwise.
113
TABLE 4.15 SECTION E: ROLE PLAYED BY THE 50/50 GROUP

Rating of The 50/50
Group
Very effective
effective
Not effective
others
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
27.2
100
72.8
100
100
Male
%
50
50
Kissy
Female
%
83.3
16.7
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
75
25
100

114
100
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
50
91.7
50
8.3
100
100
Table 4.15 shows the general assessment of the 50/50 Group by respondents in relation to their
effectiveness.
In Waterloo, two male respondents responded that the 50/50 Group is effective which represents
100% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Three female respondents said that the 50/50 Group
is very effective and represents 27.2%. Eight female respondents responded that the 50/50 Group
is effective which represents 72.8% of female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, one male respondent responded that The 50/50 Group is very effective and represents
50%. One other male respondent said the 50/50 Group is effective and represents the remaining
50%. Ten female respondents responded that the 50/50 Group is very effective which represents
83.3%. Two female respondents responded that the 50/50 Group is effective and represents
16.7% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, two respondents responded that the 50/50 Group is very effective and
represents 100% of the male respondents of George Brook. Nine female respondents said the
50/50 Group is very effective and represents 75%. Three female respondents said that the 50/50
Group is effective and represents 25% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, one male respondent said the 50/50 Group is very effective and represents 50% of
the male respondents and the remaining one male responded that the 50/50 Group is effective
and represents 50%. 11 female respondents said that the 50/50 Group is very effective and
represents 91.7%. One female respondent said the 50/50 Group is effective and represents 8.3%
of the female respondents of Kingtom.
The
first
objective
of
this
research
is
to
examine
the
role
of
the 50/50 Group in advocating for womens political empowerment. In the data presented on the
115
table 4.15 on the page above, it can be analysed that the 50/50 Group is playing an active or very
effective role in the pursuit of their aspiration. The respondents who said the 50/50 Group is very
effective in their advocacy for womens empowerment outweigh those who said 50/50 is active.
However, whichever way it is a win- win situation for womens political empowerment, which is
key to other types of womens empowerment. Most of the respondents said positive things about
the 50/50 Group in their general assessment.
116
TABLE 4.16 KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE WORKING TOOLS OF THE 50/50 GROUP
Working tool
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male Female
%
%
50
90.9
50
9.1
100
100
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
100
91.7
8.3
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
91.7
8.3
100
100

117
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
100
100
100
Table 4.16 shows the knowledge respondents have whether The 50/50 Group has the required
tools to advocate for women.
In Waterloo, one male respondent said that The 50/50 Group has the tools to advocate for women
and represents 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo. The other one male said that The 50/50
Group does not have the required tool to advocate for women and represents 50%. Ten female
respondents said The 50/50 Group has the working tools to advocate for womens political
empowerment and it is represented by 90.9%. One female respondent said that The 50/50 Group
does not have the required tools and represents 8.3% of the female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents said the 50/50 Grouphas the tools for their operation and
represents 100% of the male respondents of Kissy. 11 female respondents said the 50/50
Grouphas the tool to do their work and that represents 91.7%. One female respondent said the
50/50 Groupdoes not have the working tool and represents 8.3% of the female respondents of
Kissy.
In George Brook, two male respondents said the 50/50 Grouphas the required tools for their
operations, which represents 100% of the male respondents of George Brook. 11 female
respondents said that the 50/50 Grouphas the required tool for their operations, which represents
91.7%. One female respondent said that the 50/50 Groupdoes not have the required tool for their
work and represents 8.3% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said that the 50/50 Grouphas the required tools for their
operations and represents 100% of the Kingtom male respondents. 12 female respondents said
that the 50/50 Grouphas the tools for their operations and represents 100% of the female
118
From the data presented on the previous table 4.16 it can be said that the 50/50 Groupis making
progress as more people are knowledgeable about the working tools of the 50/50 Group. This
knowledge can help them compliment the efforts of the 50/50 Group, as it takes concerted efforts
to achieve their goals.
119
TABLE 4.17 KNOWLEDGE ABOUT TYPES OF TOOLS USED BY THE 50/50 GROUP
Type of tools
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
logistics
Training skills
Other (i) Human resources
Capacity Building
Total
50
50
100
%
36.3
63.7
100
Kissy
Male Femal
100
e
%
27.2
63.7
9.1
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
100
%
27.2
54.6
18.1
%
100
%
54.6
45.4
100
100
100
100

120
Kingtom
Male
Female
Table 4.17 shows knowledge respondents have about the types of tools used by the 50/50
Group.
In Waterloo, one male respondent made mention of human resource as a tool used by thee 50/50
Group. This is represented by 50%. One other male respondent mentioned capacity building as a
tool which represents 50%. Four female respondents mentioned logistics as a tool used by the
50/50 Group which 36.3%. Seven female respondents mentioned Training Skills as a tool which
represents 63.7% of the female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents made mention of human resource as a tool used by the 50/50
Group and that represents 100% of the male respondents of kissy. Three female respondents
mentioned logistics as a tool and represents 27.2%. Seven female respondents mentioned training
skills as a tool and it is represented by 63.7%. One female respondent mentioned human resource
as a tool used by the 50/50 Group and it is represented by 9.1% of the female respondents of
Kissy.
In George Brook, two male respondents made mention of logistics as a tool used by the 50/50
Group which represents 100% of the male respondents. Three female respondents mentioned
logistics as a tool which represents 27.2%. Six female respondents mentioned training skills as a
tool which represents 54.6%. Two female respondents mentioned human resource which
represents 18.1% of the female respondents.
In Kingtom, two male respondents mentioned logistics as a tool used by the 50/50 Group which
represents 100% of the male respondents of Kissy. Six female respondents mentioned logistics as
a tool and it is represented by 54.6%. Five female respondents mentioned training skills as a tool
which represents 45.4%.
121
In table 4.17 respondents are knowledgeable about a series of tools used by the 50/50 Group
ranging from logistics, training skills, and human resources to capacity building. However, in the
data collected as presented on the table on the previous page, logistics account for the most
popular tool used by the 50/50 Group. A question may arise: how helpful is logistics in achieving
the political empowerment goal of the 50/50 Group? I see other types of tools like the
development of human resources and capacity building as very important tools than logistics.
Yes, logistics is important but the fight for political empowerment needs prioritized tools beyond
logistics.
122
TABLE 4.18 POSITIVE IMPACTS OF THE 50/50 GROUP INTERVENTION

Positive impact
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
100
90.9
9.1
100
100
Male
%
100
100
Kissy
Female
%
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
91.7
8.3
100
100

123
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
100
100
100
Table 4.18 shows the positive change the 50/50 Groups intervention has brought in increasing
womens political participation.
In Waterloo, two male respondents said yes, it has brought positive change which represents
100% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Ten female respondents responded yes, which
represents 90.9%. One female respondent said no, which represents 9.1% of the female
respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents said yes, representing 100% of the male respondents of Kissy. 12
female respondents said yes, and represent 100% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, two male respondents said yes, which represents 100% of the male
respondents of George Brook. 11 female respondents said yes, which represents 91.7%. One
female respondent said no, which represents 8.3% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said yes, which represents 100% of the respondents of
Kingtom. 12 female respondents said yes, which represents 100% of the female respondents of
Kingtom. In table 4.18 no doubt, other organizations have been advocating for womens political
empowerment before the formation of The 50/50 Group. The formation of The 50/50 Group has
become topical over the years and has had a positive impact on the agitation or advocacy for
womens inclusion into politics. This positive impact is evident in the agitation and popularity of
the 30 % quota for women in the politics of Sierra Leone. The table on the previous page shows
that The 50/50 Group has positive impact on the advocacy for the empowerment of women.
124
TABLE 4.19 KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE SUCCESS RATE OF THE 50/50 GROUP STRATEGY
Successful strategy
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
100
100
100
100
Male
%
100
Kissy
Female
%
100
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
100
100
100
Male
%
100
100
Kingtom
Female
%
100
100

Table 4.19 shows respondents distribution based on knowledge about the successes of the 50/50 Group strategies to increase womens
political participation.
125
It can be realized that the table 4.19 shows uniformed or unique responses. 100% of both male and female respondents in the Western
Area (Freetown) responded that the strategies used by the 50/50 Group to increase womens political participation are successful. This
goes in line with the fifth objective of the research: to assess the viability of the 50/50 Group towards womens political
empowerment. The uniqueness of the response from the table in the previous page shows that the 50/50 is a viable group.
126
TABLE 4.20 PERECENTAGE RATE OF SUCCESS OF THE 50/50 GROUP STRATEGIES

percentage
Less than 10%
10%
More than 10%
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
36.3
50
18.1
50
45.4
10
100
Kissy
Male Female
%
%
41.7
8.3
100
50
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
16.7
8.3
100
75
100
100

127
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
16.7
8.3
100
75
100
100
Table 4.20 shows the percentage of success of the 50/50 Groupstrategies in increasing womens
political participation.
In Waterloo, one male respondent rate the successes of the 50/50 Group strategies at 10% which
represents 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo. The other one male rated them more than
10% which represents the remaining 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Four female
respondents rated the successes less than 10% and they are represented by 36.3%. Two female
respondents rated their successes at 10% which represents 18.1%. Five female respondents rated
their successes more than 10% which represents 45.4% of the female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents rated the success of their strategies more than 10% which
represents 100% of the male respondents of Kissy. Five female respondents rated them less than
10% which represents 41.7%. One female respondent rated them at 10% which represents 8.3%.
Six female respondents rated them more than 10% which represents 50% of the female
In George Brook, two male respondents rated them more than 10% which represents 100% of the
male respondents of George Brook. Two female respondents rated them less than 10% which
represents 16.7%. One female respondent rated them at 10% which represents 8.3%. Nine female
respondents rated them more than 10% which represents 75% of the female respondents of
George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents rated them more than 10% which represents 100% of the
male respondents of Kingtom. Two female respondents rated them less than 10% which
represents 16.7%. One female respondent rated them at 10% which represents 8.3%. Nine female
128
respondents rated them more than 10% and it represents 75% of the female respondents of
Kingtom.
From the table 4.20 on the previous page it is shown that the 50/50 Group has more than 10% of
success in their advocacy for womens empowerment. Having more than 10% success rate as a
group that was launched in 2002, shows much has been gained in a society that has been
dominated by men even before and after independence.
129
TABLE 4.21 SERVICE TO THE 50/50 GROUP

Give back service
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Femal
%
50
50
100
e
%
54.6
45.4
100
Male
%
100
100
Kissy
Female
%
66.7
33.3
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
50
50
100

130
%
58.3
41.7
100
Male
%
100
100
Kingtom
Female
%
58.3
41.7
100
Table 4.21 shows whether respondents give back their service to the 50/50 Group.
In Waterloo, one male respondent said yes, this represents 50% of the male respondents. The
other one male said no, which also represents the remaining 50%. Six female respondents said
yes, and they are represented by 54.6%. Five female respondents said no, which represents
45.4% of the female respondents of Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents said no, this represents 100% of the male respondents of Kissy.
Eight female respondents said yes, which represents 66.7%. Four female respondents said no,
which represents 33.3% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent said yes, this represents 50% of the male respondents of
George Brook. One other male respondent said no, which represents the remaining 50% of the
George Brook community. Seven female respondents said yes, this represents 58.3%. Five
female respondents said no, this represents 41.7% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said no, this represents 100% of the male respondents of
Kingtom. Seven female respondents said yes, this represents 58.3%. Five female respondents
said no, this represents 41.7% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
The table 4.21 on the previous page shows not much of the respondents have offered their
services to the 50/50 Group, as compared to those who have offered their services. Perhaps if
those who are offering little or no service to The 50/50 Group are better sensitized and given
reasons to offer services to The 50/50 Group, there will be more success rate. As i said earlier
on, concerted efforts enhance gender equality.
131
TABLE 4.22 FORMS OF SERVICES BYTHE 50/50 GROUP

Form of service
In kind
In cash
Other (i) Attending meetings
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
50
66.6
16.7
16.7
50
100
Male
%
Kissy
Female
%
87.5
12.5
100

132
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
85.8
50
14.2
50
100
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
100
100
Table 4.22 shows the form of service respondents give back to the 50/50 Group.
In Waterloo, one male respondent responded that he pays back his service to thee 50/50 Group in
kind which represents 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Four female respondents pay
their service in kind which represents 66.6%. One female respondent pays her service in cash
which represents 16.7%. One other female respondent give back her service by attending
meetings organized by the 50/50 Group which represents 16.7%.
In Kissy, seven female respondents responded that they give back their service in kind which
represents 87.5. One female respondent pays back in cash which represents 12.5% of the female
In George Brook, One male respondent responded that he pays back in cash which represents
50% of the male respondents of George Brook. Six female respondents responded that they pay
back their service in kind which represents 85.8%. One female respondent pays back in cash
which represents 14.2% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, seven female respondents give back their service in kind which represents 100%.
Most of the respondents in table 4.22 offer free services to the 50/50 Group as shown in the table
on the previous page. A small number of people give cash as a way of service to the 50/50
Group. All of these are important for the growth of the 50/50 Group.
133
TABLE 4.23 RESPONDENTS KNOWLEDGE ABOUT CONSTRAINTS OF THE 50/50 GROUP

Knowledge about constraints
Yes
No
Total
Waterloo
Male
Femal
Kissy
Male
Female
George Brook
Male
Female
Male
Kingtom
Female
%
100
e
%
100
%
100
%
100
%
100
%
100
%
100
%
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

Table 4.23 shows recipients knowledge about constraints faced bythe 50/50 Group. It can be seen that the table shows uniform
responses. 100% of both male and female respondents/recipients in the Western Area responded that the 50/50 Group has been having
134
a lot ofconstraints in doing their work. Every organization has its own challenges, it can therefore be said that the 50/50 Group is not
an exception.
135
TABLE 4.24 RESPONDENTS KNOWLEDGE ABOUT TYPE OF CONSTRAINTS

Constraints faced by respondents
Lack of logistics
Untrained officials
Lack of cooperation from partners
other
Total
Waterloo
Male Femal
%
50
e
%
45.4
50
54.5
100
100
Kissy
Male
Femal
%
100
100
e
%
16.7
%
76
83.3
100
25
100
100
100

136
George Brook
Male
Female
Kingtom
Male Female
%
100
%
58.3
41.7
100
41.7
Table 4.24 shows respondents knowledge about the types of constraints the 50/50 Group is
encountering in their operation.
In Waterloo, one male respondent responded that the 50/50 Group lacks logistics for their
operation which represents 50% of the male respondents of Waterloo. The other one male
respondent said the 50/50 Group is lack of cooperation from partners which represents the
remaining 50%. Five female respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks logistics which represents
45.4%. Six female respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks cooperation from partners which
represents 54.5%.
In Kissy, two male respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks logistics which represents 100% of
the male respondents of Kissy. Two female respondents said The 50/50 Group lacks logistics
which represents 16.7%. Ten female respondents said The 50/50 Group lacks cooperation from
partners which represents 83.3% of the female of Kissy.
In George Brook, two male respondents responded that the 50/50 Group lacks cooperation from
partners which represents 100% of the male respondents of George Brook. Nine female
respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks logistics which represents 75%. 3 female respondents
said the 50/50 Group lacks cooperation from partners which represents 25% of the female
In Kingtom, two male respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks logistics which represents 100%
of the male respondents of Kingtom. Seven female respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks
logistics which represents 58.3%. Five female respondents said the 50/50 Group lacks
cooperation from other partners which represents 41.7% of the female respondents of Kingtom.
137
From the responses on the table 4.24 the two major constraints faced by respondents are: lack of
logistics and lack of cooperation from partners. That is to say, if there are enough logistics for the
day-to-day activities of the 50/50 Group, there will be vast improvements in terms of training
and sensitization, which require enough logistics. Also, need not reemphasise that realization of
success for the 50/50 Group cannot be separated from efforts of some state institutions and other
actors. If there are low co-operations from important institutions crucial to their success, it
becomes very difficult for their aims to be achieved.
138
TABLE 4.25 LENGTH OF RESPONDENTS EXPERIENCE IN POLITICS

Length of experience
6 months 1 year
Above 1 year 3 years
Other (i) 5 years
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
18.1
100
72.8
9.1
100
100
Kissy
Male
Female
%
%
100
41.7
58.3
100
100
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
50
50
50
50
100

139
100
Male
%
100
100
Kingtom
Female
%
66.7
33.3
100
Table 4.25 shows respondents length of experience in politics.

In Waterloo, two male respondents said they have been in politics for above one to three years
which represents 100% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Two male respondents said they
have been in politics for about six months one year which represents 18.1%. Eight female
respondents said they have been in politics for about one three years, which represents 72.8%.
One female respondent said she has been in politics for five years, which represents 9.1%.
In Kissy, two male respondents said they have been in politics for about six months one year
which represents 100% of the male respondents of Kissy. Five female respondents said they have
been in politics for about six months to one year which represents 41.7%. Seven female
respondents said they have been in politics for above one year three years and represents
58.3% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, one male respondent said he has been in politics for about six months to one
year which represents 50% of the male respondents. The one remaining male said he has been in
politics for above one year three years which represents 50% of the male respondents. Six
female respondents said that they have been in politics for about six months to one year and they
represent 50%. Six other female respondents said they have been in politics for above one year
three years which represents the remaining 50% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents said they have spent six months one year which represents
100% of the male respondents of Kingtom. Eight female respondents said they have spent about
six months one year in politics which represents 66.7%. Four female respondents said they
have spent above one year three years which represents 33.3% of the female respondents of
Kingtom.
140
Political analysts say every human being is a political being. Politics affects us in one way or the
other. The responses on the table 4.25 on the above page show that most of the respondents have
had their experience either between six months to one year; or between one to three years. Only
one person has fiveyears experience in politics. Therefore, with the experience gained by these
respondents, especially the female respondents will go a long way to helping them realize their
goal of political inclusion into the politics of Sierra Leone.
141
TABLE 4.26 SOURCES OF INFORMATION ONTHE 50/50 GROUP

Source of information of the
50/50
Through the media
Through 50/50 Group officials
Through previous beneficiaries
Other (i) friend
Total
Waterloo
Male
Female
%
%
50
54.6
27.2
18.1
50
100
100
Male
%
50
50
100
Kissy
Female
%
33.3
50
16.7
100

142
George Brook
Male
Female
%
%
100
16.7
33.3
50
100
100
Kingtom
Male
Female
%
%
50
75
50
25
100
100
Table 4.26 shows the source of knowledge about the 50/50 Group advocacy
In Waterloo, one male respondent responded that he heard about the 50/50 Group through the
media and represents 50% of the male respondents. One other male respondent responded that he
heard about the operations of the 50/50 Group through a friend which represents 50%. Six
female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group through the media which represents
54.6%. Three female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group through the 50/50
Group officials and represents 27.2%. Two female respondents said they heard about the 50/50
Group through previous beneficiaries which represents 18.1% of the female respondents of
Waterloo.
In Kissy, two male respondents said he heard about the 50/50 Group advocacy through the media
which represents 50%. One male respondent said that he heard about the 50/50 Group advocacy
through a friend which represents 50% of the male respondents of Kissy. Four female
respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group through the media which represents 33.3%.
Six female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group through the 50/50 Groups
officials which represents 50%. Two female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group
through previous beneficiaries which represents 16.7% of the female respondents of Kissy.
In George Brook, two male respondents responded that they heard about the 50/50 Group
advocacy through the media which represents 100% of the male respondents of George Brook.
Two female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group advocacy through the media
which represents 16.7%. Four female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group
advocacy through the 50/50 Groups officials and they are represented by 33.3%. Six female
143
respondents said they heard about the advocacy of the 50/50 Group through previous
beneficiaries and represents 50% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, one male respondent said he heard about The 50/50 Group through the media and
represents 50% of the male respondents of Kingtom. The other one male respondent said he
heard about The 50/50 Group through the 50/50 Groups officials, which represents the
remaining 50%. Nine female respondents said they heard about the 50/50 Group advocacy
through the media and represents 75%. Three female respondents said they heard about the 50/50
Group advocacy through the officials themselves and they represent 25% of the female
The responses from the table 4.26 on the previous pageshow that the media is a very powerful
tool for the dissemination of information. The 50/50 Group should therefore use it extensively so
as to be able to reach a lot of people, which is very important. This is because knowledge of the
50/50 Group and its functions is very important for the achievements of its goals. Officials of the
50/50 Group may not by a one on one engagement with individuals reach out to a lot of people
as it will be with the media.
144
TABLE 4.27 OTHER FACILITIES PROVIDED BY THE 50/50 GROUP

Waterloo
Male
Femal
Male
Kissy
Female
George Brook
Male
Female
Male
Kingtom
Female
Other facilities
Yes
No
Total
e
%
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

Table 4.27 shows whether the 50/50 Group provides other facilities for women apart from advocacy for their empowerment.
145
The table shows a uniform or unique response of all the respondents in the Western Area by saying, no which represents 100% of their
responses in all the four areas in the Western Area. That is to say it does not for instance give out scholarship to students or provide
financial facilities, or health care services for people. The function of the 50/50 Group is strictly advocacy and training for women
which goes a long way in meeting every other empowerment for them.
146
TABLE 4.28 PROBLEMS RESPONDENTS FACED IN IMPROVING ON THEIR POLITICAL STATUS

Problems respondents face in
improving their political status
Financial constraints
Waterloo
Male
Kissy
Female
Femal
Male
Female
Male
Female
100
50
100
58.3
e
%
100
45.4
50
75
Lack of cooperation from men
27.2
Lack of cooperation from other women
27.2
100
100
50
100
8.3
25
25
8.3
16.7
16.7
8.3
8.3
100

147
Kingtom
Male
No better education
Total
George Brook
100
100
100
100
Table 4.28 shows the problem respondents face in improving on their political status or position.
In Waterloo, two male respondents said their major problem in improving on their political status
is financial constraints which represents 100% of the male respondents of Waterloo. Five female
respondents said their barrier is finance and they are represented by 45.4%. Three female
respondents said their own problem they face is lack of cooperation from men and represented
by 27.2%. Three female respondents said their own problem they face is lack of cooperation
from other women which represents 27.2%.
In Kissy, one male respondent mentioned financial constraints as his problem which represents
50% of the male respondents of Kissy. The other one male respondent mentioned lack of
cooperation from men and represents the remaining 50%. Nine female respondents mentioned
finance as a barrier to their elevation and they are represented by 75%. One female respondent
mentioned no better education as her own problem and represents 8.3%. One female respondent
made mention of lack of cooperation from other women and she represents 8.3% of the female
In George Brook, two male respondents mentioned financial constraints and they represent
100% of the male respondents of George Brook. Six female respondents mentioned financial
constraints and they represent 50%. Three female respondents mentioned no better education and
represents 25%. Two female respondents mentioned lack of cooperation from men and represents
16.7%. One female respondent said lack of cooperation from other women which represents
8.3% of the female respondents of George Brook.
In Kingtom, two male respondents mentioned financial constraints and represents 100% of the
male respondents of Kingtom. Seven female respondents mentioned financial constraints which
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represents 58.3%. Three female respondents mentioned no better education which represents
25%. Two female respondents mentioned lack of cooperation from men and represents 16.7% of
the female respondents of Kingtom.
The respondents from 4.28 faced series of problems ranging from financial, low education, lack
of cooperation from men to the lack of cooperation from other women in improving their
political status. If women want to be put into high political positions, they must first of all put
premium on education of the girl child, because education brings political enlightenment.
Education also guarantees access to jobs, including politics. Through those jobs they can be
financially strong to contend with men.
The ILO referred to women as the poorest of the poor. The high poverty status of women is a
major challenge they face in the fight for womens empowerment.156
156 ILO (2003) Women are Invincible in Decision Making

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4.2Findings and analysis of semi-structured interview with
The 50/50 Group officials.

4.2.1 Meaning of Gender Quotas
The officials of the 50/50 Grouprevealed that Gender Quotas are sort of emergency or temporary
measures that are taken to ensure that women and men have equality and also a way of
increasing womens participation in decision-making positions and governance. The Vice
President of the 50/50 Group, Dr.FatouTaqi revealed that quota is the ratio or number of both
sexes in decision-making positions. They also revealed that gender quota is a strategy that has
been used to ensure that a particular gender is represented in a political process. The argument of
the officials of the 50/50 Groupis similar to that of Franceschet and Piscopos(2008) definition of
gender quota which laid emphasis on greater number of women and men in equal decisionmaking positions.157 However,forFranceschet and Piscopo, quotas may sometimes benefit
incapable women. This is where for instance seats are reserved for women in specific parts of the
country who may not be much qualified, but because of party politics, such women may be put
in those seats. The consequences may be far reaching, ranging from underdevelopment to
sometimes political instability in those areas.
4.2.2 Areas of womens empowerment
The president of the 50/50 Group, Dr. Aisha Fofana Ibrahim revealed that the organization is a
non-partisan organization that is focused on enhancing the development of women in political
participation and decision-making positions and also in all spheres of life, not only in politics but
economic empowerment. The president revealed that they look at womens empowerment across
the world, that is, empowerment in education, economy and leadership. The founder and first
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president of the 50/50 Group, Dr.NemataMajeks-Walker revealed that their main focus of
advocating for womens empowerment is politics. She revealed that they empower women to
take part in politics through training and advocacy. She revealed that they advocate for womens
empowerment not only in politics but also in public life. She also revealed that majority of
women in this country are in the lower cadres of job which denies them the requisite
qualification to compete for political positions. It has been said that the 50/50 Grouplooks at
empowerment of women in education, economy and leadership but these will not be achieved
overnight and therefore the 50/50 Group needs to go to the drawing board to put emphasis on
compulsory education of the girl child and also constantly monitor that it is prioritized.
Educational empowerment leads to all other forms of empowerment.
4.2.3 Matters of advocacy for gender equality in politics
The officials of the 50/50 Grouprevealed that they advocate for gender equality in politics
because this is where the decision makers are and they have been advocating having more
women in decision-making so that issues relating to women will be considered. The officials
revealed that it is the right of women to take part in every aspect of life. The founder president of
the 50/50 Group, Dr. NemataMajeks-Walker revealed that it was women who staged the first
protest against FodaySankoh during the war in Sierra Leone and that gives them the right also to
take part in the management of their country. The president of the 50/50 Group, Dr. Aisha Fofana
Ibrahim revealed that they advocate for gender equality in politics because womens rights are
human rights as well. She stated that if you have less women in politics this wouldmeanthat the
decisions made by men will not address the issues that affect women.
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These responses go in line with the third objective of this research: to examine the importance of
advocacy groups in promoting gender equality in politics. Advocacy groups are very important,
they are like pressure groups. The mere fact that they engage governments and state institutions
on matters affecting their peers, keeps government on its toes. When this is constantly done, the
requisite changes will be made in the near future. The 50/50 Group for instance has been
constantly advocating for a 30 % quota for women in the politics of Sierra Leone, making it clear
that there are more women than men in the country, and that there are issues that affect them
which will be better addressed by women who feel the pinch of their problem. The crux of the
matter is that women should be put at the helm of affairs. Human Rights activists have also said
it is these womens right to be included into the politics of their society, especially on issues that
relate to them. Unfortunately, the sad reality is that, it is still men that take decisions on most of
the major issues that affect women.
4.2.4 Other areas of advocacy related to womens political empowerment
The officials of the 50/50 Group revealed that their other areas of advocacy are related to
womens political empowerment because they are looking at across world empowerment, which
will lead to political empowerment and bring more women in the political arena that will make
the change. They revealed that their advocacy work is not just limited to political empowerment,
but in all spheres of life. The officials also revealed that their other areas of advocacy are related
to political empowerment, because they train women to participate in politics at every level of
political engagement and they do encourage women to participate politically. The 50/50 Group
officials view of political empowerment is in line with UNFPAs view of political empowerment
which is empowerment of women in all areas of life.158
158 UNFPA ICPD Programme of Action Paragraph 4.2
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4.2.5 Success of having women in leadership positions

The 50/50 Group officials revealed that they have made progress in advocating for women to be
in leadership positions, but they are still not satisfied with where they are, and that is a
continuous battle. The officials revealed that prior to their organizations establishment in 2001,
there were only about 8 women in Parliament, but the number later increased from 8 to 18
because of their efforts during that period, but this has not been sustained. The officials revealed
that since their establishment, womens voices have been louder and the 50/50 Group is now a
household name and sometimes government consult them when they want information on gender
or womens issue. They revealed that because of the campaign, capacity building and training
they have carried out, women have become bolder in the society and they now have a voice
better than before.
The officials clearly stated that they have made the dent. They took the percentage of women in
leadership from 5% to 18% and they have made people realize that women do not only belong to
the public sphere, but also to the political sphere. Women can be better administrators and
politicians but there is a common view that when most times women are in political positions,
they guard that office with envy and fear that men may want to act in certain ways just because
they are women; as a result they defend their positions by sometimes becoming despotic. This
may be militating against their overall success in leadership positions. I have heard people say I
will not vote for a woman. Even most of their fellow women do not vote for them when they
contest political leadership positions. All of these militate against an appreciable success rate of
women.
4.2.6 The 30% quota promised to women
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The 50/50 Group officials revealed that they are advocating for a minimum of 30% quota for
women in politics and not necessarily limited to 30%. The officials also revealed that the
campaign for the 30% quota is dying out and they do not know whether the president has the
political will to give it to them because they said whenever they talk to him he will refer them to
the Parliamentarians. The officials revealed that the process for the 30% quota is still on and the
draft policy hasnt been approved and that they are still waiting.
We should not shy away from the fact that there needs to be political will on the side of the
president for the achievement of the 30 % quota. Since the tenure of Sierra Leones President
Ernest Bai Koroma, there have been appointments of women as ministers recently as in March
2016, he appointed 6 female ministers, probably the highest number of women ministers ever
appointed in Sierra Leone which may be argued that President Koroma is committed towards the
achievement of the 30 % quota.
The second objective of the research is: to examine the impact these roles have on the change of
laws and how such changes are beneficial to womens empowerment. The fact that it was
revealed by the 50/50 Group officials that 30% quota draft policy has not been approved shows
the law is slow in dealing with the 30 % quota for women.
4.2.7 The contribution of women in leadership position to other women

The 50/50 Group president brought to the limelight that women who have been beneficiaries of
their advocacy work have contributed positively towards enhancing or creating opportunities for
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other women. She mentioned few women in parliament who have been working in the interest of
other women which has transformed the lives of such women. She mentioned other women
working for other organizations and the work they have been doing which has created positive
impact in the lives of other women. This line up with the fourth objective of this research: to
assess womens contribution towards their own development. The responses from the 50/50
Group president affirm that women are working towards their own development. There may be
notable challenges such as political differences among these women, and little or non-support by
other women, but the overall is that women tend to be united to a greater extent when it comes to
womens issues. This was recently seen when a young girl named Hannah Bockarie was alleged
to have been raped and subsequently killed along the Lumley Beach in Freetown 2015. Women
politicians, womens groups such as the Power Women 232, 50/50 Group were all active and
spoke with one voice.
4.2.8 Partners and their support
The 50/50 Group officials amongst other things mentioned that they have both local and
international partners. They revealed that locally, they work with a number of womens
organizations because they do the same kind of work and they collaborate with them. They
revealed that during the Ebola crisis, they joined with other organizations and formed Womens
Response to Ebola in Sierra Leone (WRESL) to meet the gender needs of women in terms of the
Ebola. They revealed that OXFAM is one of their key partners, and they also get support from
Action Aid, UN Women. They revealed that internationally they have Africa Womens
Development Fund (AWDF).
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It points to the fact that collaborative efforts are needed in order to realize the dreams of the
50/50 Group.
4.2.9 Collaboration with grassroots women
The officials revealed they advocate for every woman whether you are an elite or a community
woman and that they have membership across the country in every community. They said they
reach out to every woman in the programmes they provide in terms of training for leadership.
They said they reach out to all women to get their view as to how certain issues affect them and
their interests. It is good that the 50/50 reach out to all women; educated and uneducated because
at the end, even the uneducated womens support will be needed. Also, there is this view held by
many people that the 30% quota will only benefit the educated women. If through the 30 %
quota, the uneducated womens voices are heard and their concerns are addressed, it is beneficial
to them as well.
4.2.10 Barriers to womens political participation
The officials revealed that there are many barriers to womens political participation. They
revealed that they have identified and written on ten barriers to womens political participation,
which they refer to as the tensis. They brought to the limelight that women are seen as second
class citizens in the country, and that they face many challenges when they want to contest a
political position.
It is these barriers all over the world, which have led to the agitation for change of the traditional
male chauvinism in order to have gender equality. It is not that women are not included into
politics, but you find more women at the lower level and fewer women at the zenith of politics in
Sierra Leone. This is what is referred to as glass ceiling.
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4.2.11 Contribution to change in discriminatory laws against women

The officials brought to the limelight that their advocacy has done a lot, making mention of the 4
gender Acts which was enacted because of their advocacy. They revealed that they have
consistently drawn to attention the discrimination women face in politics, which has led to some
form of changes for women to be in positions of authority.
With all of these, the importance of The 50/50 Group cannot be underestimated. The formation
of the group was a step in the right direction.
4.2.12 Source of finance
The officials revealed that they get their financial support from OXFAM, Action Aid, and Africa
Womens Development Fund (AWDF).
This keeps the organization going. No organization survives without finance. They do trainings,
sensitizations and a lot more which will definitely involve finance. This may be one reason,
which has kept the organization going, since its inception.
4.2.13Enough support to carry out duties

The officials revealed that they do have enough support to carry out their duty. They mentioned
that they do their part because one organization cannot change the kind of challenges that women
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face. They mentioned that women are disadvantaged at all levels and that one organization has to
tackle one particular area.
Support is definitely needed to carry out such a mammoth task of empowering women.
Financial, moral and physical supports are all important in one way or the other, in order for
the50/50 Group to be successful.
4.2.14 Relationship with other organizations
The officials revealed that they collaborate well with other organizations, because they all have
the same goal and aim which is to make sure that women have their rightful place for the social,
political and economic development of the country.
Collaboration and networking are the thrusts of success in advocacy. This is because different
organizations will have different areas of intervention, all leading to one goalwomens
empowerment. At the end, all the successes are important to the 50/50 Group.
4.2.15 Importance of having women in politics
The officials revealed that in their advocacy they do explain to the public why it is important to
have women in politics and the right women have to participate in politics as well.
The importance of women in politics cannot be overemphasized, as they know their problems
and most times can better deal with those problems. This is because politics define policies and
give solutions to perennial problems.
4.2.16 Women in politics and their impact
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The officials revealed that having women in politics will make a difference because decisions
that are made by men in political positions means that needs that are concerned with women will
not be addressed and hopes and aspirations of women will not be taken into consideration. They
said its important for everybody to seat on the table to make decisions from their own life
experience.
The advantage of women being in politics is that they will be dealing with their own affairs, and
they can prioritise the maximisation of these affairs. If they choose not to, they will not continue
blaming men for the underdevelopment of women. It is important to involve them in politics
because we have more women in Sierra Leone than men like in many parts of the world. In fact,
they make more than half of the worlds population.
4.2.17Measuring the overall participation of women in politics
The officials revealed that the overall participation of women is very low, and women do
participate differently by voting and supporting male candidates but when they contest they will
not be given the symbol.
There needs to be more sensitization for political parties who are responsible for the award of
party symbols to candidates. If qualified women are given symbols and are rallied behind, they
will have the chances of winning and by this way their participation in politics will increase and
be something good to write home about. But in the overall, womens participation in Sierra
Leones politics is very low, which gives the 50/50 Group the audacity to call for change of
policies and enacting the 30 % quota law.
4.2.18 Strategies to increase womens political participation
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The officials revealed that quota will be one strategy to increase womens political participation.
The other strategy they mentioned is to encourage women to come out and to encourage men to
support women.
When the 30 % quota for women becomes law, it becomes enforceable and it will guarantee
womens inclusion into the politics of Sierra Leone.
4.2.19 Supports from government
The officials revealed that they are advocating to government, the idea is for them to change, but
the government sometimes listen to them and sometimes they do not.
The 50/50 Group revealed the slowness of the approval of the draft policy for the 30 % quota for
women. Political will is important in all of these. If the president and the parliamentarians
expedite this process, it will become a success. Since the draft policy of the 30% quota has not
been approved, it can be said that the advocacy for increased womens participation in politics
has not been viable or effective to an appreciable extent. This answers the main research
question: to what extent has the advocacy for increased womens representation in politics been
viable or effective?
4.2.20 Constraints encountered by The 50/50 Group in their advocacy
The officials revealed that because they advocate for political participation they do not have the
type of support that they need from state institutions, and that only when it is time for election
that people come to support them most of the time which they said it is wrong because if you
want to get people in politics, it has to be on continuous basis by encouraging, training and
pushing people.
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All of these show lack of political will on the part of government, and further strikes ones
attention to the fact that less has been done by government to empower women.
4.2.21 Future challenges to The 50/50 Group
The officials revealed amongst other things that their future challenge will be funding because if
they have the money to push their advocacy, they will succeed.
This means that the 50/50 Group has to look for more donors/ funding partners, so when one
donor or organization stops funding, the others will be there. This is because they have a very
long way to go. Moreover, they definitely need money for their success. Otherwise, they will
become less active, which will not augur well for their aims and vision.
4.2.22 Comparison of The 50/50 Group officials view and beneficiaries
In the interview conducted, the claims of the 50/50 Group officials go in line with the findings
from the questionnaires administered to the beneficiaries. To a greater extent, the 50/50 Group
has advocated for the political empowerment of women from the findings, although the result so
far from their advocacy is not that appreciable; because even the draft policy of the 30% quota is
yet to be approved.
Although the 50/50 Group seeks to advocate for the empowerment of women to an appreciable
extent, there are loopholes that exist such as little commitment from government or lack of
political will on the part of the Sierra Leone government. Also, contesting for political position is
difficult because of the absence of finance. Womens voices and decision-making powers are
increasing at a low pace.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
162
5.0 Introduction
This chapter serves as the final chapter in this work and includes the summary of the findings,
which the researcher used to arrive at conclusions and further proffer recommendation. These
recommendations will be specifically suitable for the 50/50 Group, government, gender quota
advocates and as well as NGOs.
5.1 Summary of study design
The focus of this study was to investigate, identify and document the contributions by the 50/50
Group in womens political empowerment in the western area of Sierra Leone. The focus of
investigating the 50/50 Group was influenced by many factors, which are the enviable and
special position women occupy in the family, the community and the country at large as care and
life givers, sustainers and development agents. These were all abandoned and swept aside by
patriarchy but have experienced a rebirth in the new Sierra Leone; the UN and international
communitys premium on womens inclusion in decision- making as a human right, is a potential
way forward to their empowerment. The extensive documented examples of successful political
struggles of women are discussed in separate sample cases in chapter two. The study developed
five main objectives for a proper and effective assessment of the 50/50 Groups advocacy in
Sierra Leone. These objectives are:
1) To examine the role of the 50/50 Group in advocating for Womens political empowerment.
2) To examine the impact these roles have on the change of laws and how such changes are
beneficial to womens development.
3) To examine the importance of advocacy groups in promoting gender equality in politics.
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4) To assess womens contribution towards their own development.

5) To assess the viability of the 50/50 Group towards womens political empowerment
The sample population or target beneficiaries of the 50/50 Group advocacy/activities interviewed
during this study were fifty-five (55) respondents in total, including both women and men who
were selected using a combination of quota and purposive sampling method. The organization
used in this study is the 50/50 Group. Five (5) members/officials of the 50/50 Group, holding
senior positions were interviewed. The total number of all interviewees for this study was sixty
(60).This research, which is an exploratory one, employed the qualitative approach involving
various data collecting methods and instruments, which included semi-structured interviews and
open ended questionnaires administered to all respondents in the four separate areas, interviews,
administration of questionnaires method to arrive at the findings presented in chapter four.For the
secondary data, books, unpublished papers, journals, and World Wide Web Internet services were
also used to access information on the subject.
The primary data collected was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences
(SPSS) software to develop statistical tables, and calculate simple percentages. A quantitative
analysis method was used to analyze the responses/data collected from the interviews and
administration of questionnaires administered to the respondents in the four study areas in the
western area that made up to the sample population.
5.2 Summary of findings
From the analysis of the data in chapter four, and the positive result of similar cases in chapter
two, it is clear that the perceived importance of the 50/50 Groups advocacy is not just a matter
of their human rights, but to have a say on matters that affects their lives. From the analysis
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above, the 50/50 Group has done extensive and effective awareness raising on womens human
rights and the need for equality, building capacity and empowering women. Women in the
Western Area regardless of their different educational statuses, different age brackets and
political affiliations, are indeed good politicians although they have barrier of tradition, customs,
practices and stereotypes in order to become decision makers. The driving force behind the
success of the50/50 Groups contributions towards womens political empowerment has been
their willingness, determination never again to remain silent, and commitment among them.
For instance, the low ranking women took the full responsibility to face the difficult and
threatening challenges they faced by men.
The role of the 50/50 Group has not only given voice to women and demonstrated their ability as
equal partners in development, which has increased their political participation but also their
election into prominent decision-making positions. Women are now elected at local governance
level and their expected increase in number in the national politics through the granted 30
percent quota at the party, parliamentary, and national levels has a high potential of producing
positive results for gender equality and development in Sierra Leone. The study has provided a
profound insight into the programme activities by the 50/50 Group that has had positive and
revolutionary thoughts and increased level of acceptance of women as potential politicians by
patriarchal Sierra Leoneans, especially traditional men.
Gender quota has gained credence, especially among the women folk of the Western Area. Most
women have engaged in politics to support their families. A Majority of women in the Western
Area are not in politics because of their low level of education. Most of the women are active at
the lower level, where they occupy the back seat such as dancing, rallying and campaigning for
the men folks. Such women have only attained basic vocational education, which does not earn
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them political positions. As a result, poverty continues to break its way into such homes. Such
women only become economically active when they get access to power.The 30% quota
promised by the president to the women is too small as such, women are still below the political
line, and that has not even been achieved.Men in the Western Area have full access to political
positions. The 50/50 Group advocates for a small amount of men as compared to women.
Despite the feasible and substantial contributions women have made towards development in
Sierra Leone, they still face a host of challenges that hinder their effective and full contribution
to the decision-making process. Some of the challenges range from lack of adequate financial
and political support and will, persistent customary and traditional practices; poverty; lack of
implementation of policies/enacted laws and recommendations of womens groups to womens
continued subjection to subordination, GBV and political intimidation in the society. The study
also reveals that the high rate of illiteracy, cultural and religious practices, financial and logistical
constraints undermines confidence and capacity to participate effectively in community and
national politics.
5.3 Impacts
Gender quota does a number of things to women in the Western Area/Freetown. These things are
outlined and discussed. In connection with the first objective of the study, the 50/50 Groups role
in advocating for womens political empowerment was integral to the findings of this research.
The 50/50 Group advocacy was examined through the administration of questionnaires and the
conduction of semi structured interview questions to answer the research question to what
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extent has the advocacy for increased womens representation in politics been viable or
effective.
The key findings of The 50/50 Group in their advocacy for women were that:
1- The 50/50 Group has helped women in the informal sector to a greater extent. This is because
they have the required skills to take power, which has helped them to develop politically and
otherwise.
2- The 50/50 Group advocacy has blown up the issue of gender quotas for more women to enter
politics thus empowering them to be self-reliant, take responsibility and cater for their household
livelihood.
5.4 Gender quotas and womens role in their political participation
Gender quotas provide platform for women to take political positions in the Western Area. The
findings in table 4.14 show a unique representation of different roles played by women for their
political participation. All of the women and meninvolved in political activity in the Western
Area are shown in table 4.5 to be either a Member of Parliament, Minister, councilors, Section
Chief. The majority target of the 50/50 Group are women and most of them are not educated at
all, as a result do not have access to political position but still have the responsibility of taking
care of their homes. Achieving political position through gender quotas makes these women be
self-reliant.
The government of Sierra Leone pointed out in the gender quota policy (2010) that 65% out of
70% in political positions are men. Gender quota is helping such women to be politically
growing and contributing to national development in their own little ways.
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Moreover, gender quota activities are not only providing political space for women, but as well
helping to change discriminatory laws for women. This is where the 50/50 Group employs
officials. All key positions of various 50/50 Group executive members are women. It can
therefore be noted that although the 50/50 Group do advocate for men, more women have got
positions and as such more women than men, have political positions in this particular type of
informal sector.Most women in politics have also joined the 50/50 Group in advocating for other
women to be empowered as shown in table 4.11 in the findings of chapter four.
5.5 Change of discriminatory laws as a hallmark
The change of some discriminatory laws against women and the passing into law the three
gender laws is a hallmark of gender quotas. When women are in political positions, they will be
in better position to advocate for issues affecting other women and to attain political positions.
According to the interview conducted with the 50/50 Group officials, they stated that they have
not received much support from the current government to carry out their activities in the
Western Area. The officials also mentioned that they have been working with other organizations
to change discriminatory laws against women. Discriminatory laws are a big challenge to both
women and supportive men. Discriminatory laws have inhibited womens access to political
position.
5.6 Political viability
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Through the 50/50 Group advocacy, a majority of women have become politically active thus
contributing to the development of other women and men. This has helped many women gain
voice in their societies which would have otherwise become problematic.
In addition, majority of the women in the Western Area have used their positions to help other
women as shown in table 4.9 of chapter 4.
The political viability of advocacy in the Western Area, one of the areas the 50/50Group
operates, is also seen where majority of the women have said to have been advocating for other
women in the Western Area.
Most of the women have used their positions to advocate for all classes of women. This is in
table 4.13. Since the 50/50 Group targets more women than men, the women folk of the Western
Area are politically vibrant, as an average of 45 % have contributed to educating other women,
and as such, are said to be contributing to national development and nation building in Sierra
Leone in their own little ways since, no contribution to women is too small, but very integral to
development.
5.7 Boosting awareness
Gender quotas have boosted womens political participation by creating the awareness for
women about their political participation or participation in decision-making. The 50/50 Group
and other womens organizations have been seriously advocating for gender quotas. Through
this, their political participation and intensions have increased and have improved their lives and
better their conditions.
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To a greater extent, the 50/50 Group has helped improve womens political participation through
advocacy for gender quotas.
All women who have benefited from the 50/50 Group advocacy are somehow comfortable in
their political fields. More women are given preference than men in their advocacy work. All of
the people whom questionnaires were administered to mentioned the 50/50 Group is effective in
their advocacy for increased womens participation.
The 50/50 Group being the biggest womens organization in Sierra Leone with a wide coverage
has helped in the national political growth and development through their advocacy for gender
quotas.
In conclusion, political empowerment of women through gender quotas is highly dependent on
women themselves. Most women in Sierra Leone can hardly contest political positions and as a
result have no access to political positions, and remain to marginalized politically.
5.8 Recommendations
Recommendations are made to sets of institution, based on the findings and conclusion of the
research.
5.8.1 To government
Government defines policies and implements some or gives authority to some institutions or
bodies to implement such policies.
To this end, the government of Sierra Leone should monitor the functions of institutions working
toward womens political empowerment to quickly pass into an act the 30% quota bill proposed
by women.
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Government should implement fully the three gender laws that were enacted in 2007.There is no
support given to The 50/50 Group to carry its activities.
Government should empower The 50/50 Group to have the required tool and human resource for
their activities. Government should empower and monitor the Ministry of Gender to deal with
womens political issues, where women will be fully represented in every political aspect. An
emergency fund should be created to cover cost for women to contest political positions.
Government should also use the constitutional approach to be stipulated in the constitution that
certain seat should just be for Women. Government should also establish many technical
vocational institutes, where women should be encouraged to take their adult literacy classes; if
such women have some level of education, they will grow at a faster rate in politics.
5.8.2 To the 50/50 Group
In order to achieve a higher success rate, the 50/50 Group should take adult literacy very
seriously. Since it was found out that the 50/50 Group does not conduct adult education classes
for women to have the ability to contest for political positions.When education becomes an
integral part of advocacy, women will easily attain political positions.
The 50/50 Group should also encourage the full participation of a good number of men to
support the advocacy for women.The 50/50 Group should organize outreach session to reach out
to most women in the remote communities to educate them about their rights.
5.8.3 To womens empowerment NGOs
Womens empowerment NGOs should also focus on womens political empowerment, which
will also empower them otherwise.
171
5.8.4 Women/beneficiaries
Women occupying political position should use their offices for its intended purpose, which is to
speak on behalf of other women. Women in elective positions should have in mind that they are
not only elected to serve only women, but the wider electorate.
Women should also be ready to attend trainings organized by the 50/50 Group, and not downplay
training of any sort.
5.8.5 To future researchers
Future researchers should be ready to explore emerging concepts in the world of gender quotas
and should most importantly make sensible recommendations to help government.
5.8.6 Conclusion
This study has shown that the intervention of the 50/50 Group as an organization working
towards womens political empowerment. The organization is however faced with certain
constraints and challenges which are inhibiting its operations namely, lack of support from
government, lack of support from women, logistical support for training.
If these issues are addressed based on recommendations in this study will greatly help in making
the 50/50 Group a success story. The 50/50 Group will not be effective, if other institutions
working with them are not cooperative.
172
BIBLIOGRAPHY/ REFERENCES
BOOKS/DISSERTATION
1. Adam, Robert (2008) Empowerment, Participation and Social work. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan
2. Alghali, Zinurine A (2012) Increased Womens Participation and Representation Implications
for the Integration of Womens Concerns and interest in Governance, Peace and Security in
Sierra Leone. (Masters Thesis)(Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone)
3. Ansumana, Victor S. S (2012) The Role of BRAC in enhancing Womens Economic
Empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone (Masters Thesis) (Fourah Bay College,
University of Sierra Leone)
4. Aslop et al (2006) Empowerment in practice: from analysis to implementation. Washington
DC: World Bank
5. Bailey, D (1992) Using Participatory Research in Community Consortia Development and
Evaluation Lesson the beginning of a story. American Socialist.
6. Eshun-Baiden, Nemata (2015) Breaking barriers: Empowering Women to Participate in
Democratic Politics: 2nd Edition.
7. Hughes, Melane and Pamela Paxton (2007) eds women politics and power: A Global
Perspective
173
8. Krook, Lena and Sarah Childs, (2010) In Women, Gender and Politics, Oxford, Oxford
University Press.
9. Lober, Judith ( 2010) Gender Inequality Feminist Theories and Politics. New York, Oxford
University Press.
10. Porter, G. N. etal (1983) Are Women Invisible as Leaders? Sex Roles.
11. Simon, B L (1994) The empowerment Tradition in America Social Work: A history New York
Columbia University Press
BLOG
12. Alexander, D and Anderson, K. (1993) Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership
Trait, Political Research Quarterly.
13. Bangura, Famah J. (2007, December 6 th) Political and Economic Empowerment of Sierra
Leone Women.
14. Bangura, John (2009) Discrimination against Sierra Leonean women
16. Bii, Barnabas (2013) Female candidates claim discrimination in Kenya election: institute for
war and peace
17. Bob, Hassan (2016) Definition of gender discrimination
18. Brown, Cynthia (2016) Feminist movements to end discrimination in America
19. Castillejo, Clare (2010) Womens political participation and influence in Sierra Leone
20. Chamberlin, Joseph (2010) Empowerment theory and policy
174
21. Drude, Dahlerup and LenitaFreidenvall (2008) Quotas as a fast track to equal representation
of women. International Feminist journal of politics
22. Dyal-Chand, Rashmi (2005, Nov. 13th) The Pitfalls of Micro leading. Globe Newspaper
Company.
23. Franceschet, Susan and Jennifer Piscopo (2008) Quota system in Argentina
24. Fletcher, Jim (2015) High rate of women in politics of Africa
25. Gray, Tricia (2004) Electoral Gender Quotas: Lessons from Argentina and Chile
26. Ivan John (2015) What is gender equality?
27. Jalloh, AlieTejan (2005) Comprehensive Government
28. Jones, Mark P (2016) Gender Quotas Electoral laws and the Election of women
29. Joof, Amy (2014) (lecturer) Gender and Education lecture note
30. Lee, Mushin and JoonKoh (2010) Is empowerment really a new concept?
31. MCormack-Hale, Fredline (2014)(lecturer) Gender Politics and Governance lecture note
32 Musin, John (2014) Womens Struggle in Afghanistan
33. Neville, Emmanuel (2010) Gender based harassment and violence against women in politics
34. Pande, Rohini and Deanna Ford (2011) Gender Quotas and female leadership: A Review
Background paper for the world development report on gender
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35. Papart, J L (200) Gender and Empowerment: New Thought New Approaches in the
Companion of Development Studies
36. Rappaport, J (1999) Studies in Empowerment: Introduction to the issue prevention in human
services
37. SatafPratab (2016) Womens political progress in India
38. Steady, Filomina (2005) In Women and Collective Action in Africa
39. Tobin, Bridget (2014) Gender discrimination in Southeast Asia
40.William, and Mary (2012) The Politics of the Empowerment of women: Mapping enabling
Environments within Narratives of femininity and power
41. Wong, Kwok Fu (2003) Empowerment as a panacea for poverty old wine in new bottles?
PERIODICALS
42. CARL Report (2012)
43. GOSL Report (2010)
44. ILO (2003) Women are Invincible in Decision Making
45. UN (2011) UN Treaty Series, Vol. 1249. NO. 20378 (UN General Assembly Resolution)
46. United Nations Report (2013)
47. UNICEF (1994). Girls and Women: a UNICEF development priority.
48. UNFPA ICPD Programme of Action
176
49.ICPD POA FWCW Beijing (1995)

50. World Bank (2001)
INTERNET SOURCES/ WEBSITES
51. http://www.un.org/gender/politics.htm accessed 10/6/15
52. http://www.hrpub.org
53. http://www.un.org
54. http://www.social.un.org
55. http://fao.ilo.org
56. http://portal.unesco.org
57. http://www.dictionary.cambridge.org
58. http://www.uslegal.com
59. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/genderequality
177
APPENDIX 1
QUESTIONNAIRE DESIGNED FOR THE BENEFICARIES OF THE 50/50 GROUP
GENDER EQUALITY ADVOCACY
The main objective of this questionnaire is to assist the researcher assess the role of the 50/50
Group in advocating for womens political empowerment in the western area of Sierra Leone
Please respond to all questions by ticking the answer that best applies to you
SECTION A: BIODATA OF RESPONDENT
1- Age:
a) 18 - 25 yrs
d) 42 49 yrs
b) 26 33 yrs
e) 50 57 yrs
2- Sex
a) Male
b) Female
3- Marital status
a) Single
b) Married
c) 34 41 yrs
f) 57 and above
c) Divorced
d) Separated
SECTION B: EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

4- Did you go to school?
a) Yes
b)No
5- If yes, what is your level of Education?

a) Primary
b) Secondary
d) Vocational
e)None
c) Tertiary
6- If no, why didnt you go to school?

a) My parent could not afford
b) Socio-cultural factor
b) Others (specify)..
178
SECTION C: POLITICAL STATUS

7- What is your position?
a) Member of parliament
b) Minister
c) Councilor
a) Paramount chief
e) Section chief
b) Others (specify)..
8- How does politics influence your status in the society?
a) Perceived as incompetent
b)Perceived as responsible
c) Perceived important
d) Perceived as discipline
e) Others (specify).
9- Does politics improve your status?
a) Yes
b) No
10- If yes, which type of improvement?
a) Personal development
b) Have voice in the society
c)
Others (specify)
11- Why did you choose to engage in politics?

a) To break the barrier
b) To help empower women
c)
No other means of surviving
d)
Others (specify)..................................................................
12- Which other means do you have to improve your stand in politics
a) Formidable force of all other women organization
b) Full implementation of the gender laws and policies
c) The total support of all women and men in my community
d) Others (specify).
SECTION D: ROLE PLAYED AS A POLITICAL FIGURE
13- What do you do as a political figure to improve the life of the women?
a) Constant advocacy
b) Training and creating awareness
179
c)
Other (specify)....
14- Do you target all class of women in what you mentioned in 13?
a) Yes
b) No
15- If yes, how do you do that?
a) Engage women in the informal sector
b) Involve women in the remote communities
c) Others (specify)..
16- What role do you play in advocacy for gender quotas?
a) Group leader
b) Raise up issues
c)
Educate others about the importance of gender quotas
d)
Others (specify).
ROLE PLAYED BY THE 50/50 GROUP

17- What is your view about The 50/50 Group?
a) Very effective
b) Effective
c)
c) Not effective
Others (specify).
18- Do you think The 50/50 Group has the required tools to advocate for womens political
participation?
a) Yes
b) No
19- If yes, what is the tool (Tick more than one if applicable)
a) Logistic
b) Training skills
c)
Other (specify).
20- Has the intervention of The 50/50 Group brought about any positive change in increasing
womens political participation?
a) Yes
b) No
180
21- Do you think that the strategies employed by The 50/50 Group to increase womens
participation in politics are successful?
a) Yes
b) No
22- If yes, what percentage?
a) 10%
b) Less than 10%
c)
More than 10%
23- Do you give back your service to The 50/50 Group

a) Yes
b) No
24- If yes, in what form?
a) In kind
b) In cash
c)
Other (specify)..
25- Do you think The 50/50 Group has been encountering constraints in advocating for
womens political empowerment?
a) Yes
b) No
26- If yes, what type of constraints
a) Lack of logistics
b) Untrained official
c)
Lack of cooperation from partners
d)
Other (specify).
27- What is your length of experience in politics?

a) 6 months 1 year
b) Above 1 3 years
c)
Others (specify)
28- How did you get to know about the advocacy of The 50/50 Group?
a) Through the media
b) Through 50/50 Group officials
c)
Through previous beneficiaries

181
d)
Others (specify)
29- Does The 50/50 Group provide you other facilities apart from advocacy?
a) Yes
b) No
30- If yes, what are they
a) Child care and health care facilities
b) Campaign plan
c)
Political plan and implementation
d)
Others(specify)
31- What problem do you face in the process of improving on your political
status?.....................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................................
...........................................
32- How would you like these problems
addressed?..............................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................................
.................................
33- Any other comment?
182
APPENDIX 2
CONSENT FORM
1. Title of Research: The Role of The 50/50 Group in advocating for Womens Political
Empowerment in the Western Area of Sierra Leone.
2. Investigator/Researcher: Institute of Gender Research and Documentation (INGRADOC)
Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.) student.
183
3. Purpose: The purpose of this research study is to examine the role/contribution of The 50/50
Group in advocating for womens political empowerment and how these women have made use
of the opportunity. It will explore 50/50 Group officials experience about the concept of gender
quotas.
4. Procedure: Participation in this study will involve oral interviews (if permission is granted to
do so) with 50/50 Group officials. The interview should take approximately 45 minute. The
interviewees will be asked to sign the consent form and to review questions asked. They will be
informed that the authorized researcher will seek their permission for one or two follow ups, if
necessary. Compensation will not be provided for the interview.
5. Risks: The risks involved with participation in this study/interview are no more than you will
experience in your regular day to day activities.
6. Benefits: Study participants will benefit from the knowledge that they can express their
experience and perspective directly to the researcher, thereby taking part in the process of
knowledge production about gender quotas and well broadening the horizon of people interested
in the concept of gender quotas.
7. Data Collection and Storage: any information collected about you will be kept confidential
and secured. The data will be kept in a locked cabinet in INGRADOC for 7 years and after which
it will be destroyed. What is learnt from this study will be published but the name/identity of the
interviewee will not be published unless you give the permission.
8. Contact Information: For questions or problems regarding your rights as a research
interviewee, you can contact the INGRADOC program located on the 3 rd floor Kennedy Building
on the Fourah Bay College Campus. For other questions about the study, you should E-mail my
184
supervisorsDr.AlphaeusKoroma
at
thaamie@yahoo.com.
Dr.
Alex
Mbayo
at
alexsmbayo@yahoo.co.uk
9. Consent Statement: I have read or had read to me the preceding information describing this
study. All my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I am 18 years of age or older and
freely consent to participate. I understood that I am free to withdraw at any time without penalty.
I have received a copy of this consent form.
I agree I do not agree
Signature of interviewee: Date:.
Name of interviewee: Last name...
First name:.
Signature
of
Researcher:
Date:
APPENDIX 3
SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR THE 50/50 GROUP OFFICIALS
Institute of Gender Research and Documentation (INGRADOC)
Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone
The Role of The 50/50 Group in Advocating for Womens Political Empowerment in the Western
Area of Sierra Leone
185
Researcher ALOYSIOUS B. ANSUMANA

Final year M.Phil. Student
INTERVIEW FOR THE 50/50 GROUP OFFICIALS
1234-
What do you understand by the term gender quotas?

In which areas do you advocate for womens empowerment?
Why does The 50/50 Group advocate for gender equality in politics?
Are your other areas of advocacy related to womens political empowerment? If yes
how? If no what do you think is responsible?

5- To your knowledge, how would you rate your success in your drive to have women in
leadership positions/equality for women
6- How would you rate the 30% quota promised to women by the president?
7- Are women who have been beneficiaries of your advocacy work contributing positively
towards enhancing or creating opportunities for other women? How?
8- Who are your collaborating partners and what type of support do they give to you?
9- How do you operate with the grass root women?
10- Are there barriers that inhibit womens participation in politics? If yes what are they?
11- How has your advocacy contributed to change discriminatory laws against women?
12- What are your sources of finance and support?
13- Does The 50/50 Group have enough support to effectively carry out its duties, if no why?
14- What is your relationship with other organization working towards womens political
empowerment?
15- In your advocacy do you normally explain to the public why it is critical to have women
representation and participation at national and local levels of decision making process?
If yes how?
16- In your opinion do you think having women in politics will make a difference? If yes
how?
17- How would you measure the overall participation of women in politics? Very high or
high? Low or very low?
18- What strategies do you think should be used to increase womens political participation in
the western area?
19- Has the government been supportive of your work? If yes, how?
20- What type of constrains do you encounter in the execution of your advocacy?
186
21- What do you see as future challenges to your organizations work?

22- Do you have any other information or comment to share with me that will be useful to
this research?
Thanks so much for participating in this research
APPENDIX 4 MAP AND DESCRIPTION OF STUDY AREA (WESTERN AREA)
Western Area
Western Area
Nickname(s): Freetown Peninsula
Country
Sierra Leone
Capital
Freetown
Population (2008)
Total
1,447,271
187
Time zone
Greenwich Mean Time (UTC-5)
The Western Area or Freetown Peninsula (formerly the Colony of Sierra Leone) is one of four
principal divisions of Sierra Leone. It comprises the oldest city and national capital Freetown and
its surrounding towns and countryside. It covers an area of 557 km and has a population of
1,447,271. The Western Area is located mostly around the peninsula and is divided into two
districts: the Western Area Rural and the Western Area Urban.
The Western Area is the wealthiest region in Sierra Leone, having the largest economy, financial
and cultural center, as well as the seat of the country's national government. Unlike the other
regions in Sierra Leone, the western area is not a province.
It is divided into two districts
Western Area Rural
Western Area Urban
Freetown serves as the administrative headquarters of both the Western Area and the Urban
District, and served as the capital of the Rural District until 2009 when it was formally moved to
the city of Waterloo.
188
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EXAMINING THE ROLE OF THE 50/50 GROUP IN

ADVOCATING FOR WOMENS POLITICAL

THE INSTITUTE FOR GENDER RESEARCH AND

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE INSTITUTE FOR

Reasons for not going to school............................................................81

Influence of politics on respondents status.........................................87

Improvement of politics on respondents status...................................90

Type of political improvement on respondents...................................92

Reasons for engaging in politics...........................................................95

Other means respondents improve their status....................................98

Role played as a political figure..........................................................101

- Target women for operation.................................................................104

- System of targeting women.................................................................107

- Role played in gender quota advocacy.................................................110

- Role played by 50/50 group..................................................................113

- Knowledge about the working tools of 50/50 group............................116

- Types of tools used by the 50/50 group................................................119

- Impact of the 50/50 group intervention................................................122

Success rate of the 50/50 group...........................................................124

Percentage of the 50/50 group successes.............................................126

Table 4.21 - Service to THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50

Length of experience in politics..........................................................138

Table 4.26 - Source of information about THE 50/50 GROUPthe 50/50

Problems faced in improving on political status................................146

Sex distribution of respondent............................................................71

CHAPTER ONE: THESIS OVERVIEW, DESIGN AND CONCEPTUAL ISSUES

1.11 Key terms and concepts........................................................................................21-24

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OFRELATED LITERATURE

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.5 Sampling techniques..............................................................................................62-63

CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF FIELD DATA, ANALYSIS, AND DISCUSSION

4.2.9Collaboration with Grass Root Women...............................................................156

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATION

5.7 Boosting awareness............................................................................................169-170

GLOSSARY OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

African Development Bank

Africa Womens Development Fund

Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere

Centre for Accountability and the Rule of Law

Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women

Fair Employment and Housing Act

Gender Based Violence

Government of Sierra Leone

International Labour Organization

Inter Parliamentary Union

Local Non-Governmental Organizations

Millennium Development Goal

Muloma Womens Development Association

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe

Sierra Leone Association of Journalist

Sierra Leone Bar Association

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

United Nations Development Programme

United Nations Fund for Population Activities

United Nations Children Emergency Fund

United Nations Development Fund for Women

Womens Response to Ebola in Sierra Leone

3 UN Political Empowerment of Women: Framework for Strategic Action

developments in African governance, which have been eased by ever-increasing consolidation of

21MCormack-Hale, Fredline (2014) (lecturer) Gender Politics and Governance

26 UNICEF(1994) Gender Report

established to change public perception of women in politics, remove barriers to womens