Ponderous, Cruel & Mortal:

A Review of Medieval Poleaxe Technique from Surviving Treatises of the Fourteenth & Fifteenth Centuries
38th International Congress on Medieval Studies
Kalamazoo Michigan, May 8th, 2003
20021 Brian R. Price
Chivalry Bookshelf
Considering and seeing by experience that all human beings, noble and non noble,
naturally fly from death and desire to live long in this mortal world; and afterwards to
live forever in the Kingdom of Paradise. To achieve and obtain the natural desires
above-said, it seems to me that every human and rational creature must keep himself in
good estate, and arm himself first with good spiritual armour, that is to say with the
beautiful virtues to defend himself and to resist all vices and diabolic temptations;
preserving and guarding the soul from eternal death. And for this to be done, one must
arm the body with good corporeal and material armour, and provide oneself with
suitable weapons, like the axe, light lance, dagger, swords great and small, to defend
oneself and resist one's corporeal enemies. And for this, let every man, noble of body and
courage, naturally desire to exercise and make himself dextrous in virtuous and
honorable occupation, and principally in the noble feat of arms, that is to say axe-play,
from which proceed and depend the several weapons above-named. Moreover, the said
axe-play is honorable and profitable for the preservation of a body noble or non-noble.
For the above-said reasons, I have employed my slight understanding to set forth in
writing some doctrines and instructions touching the said axe-play in the manner which
follows.
(Jeu prologue, MS francais 1996. fol. 1, translation by Sydney Anglo).
Acknowledgments: I must offer profound thanks to the following people for their sincere encouragement
and in some cases lending of key translations: Steve Hick, Greg Mele, Tom Leoni, Ian Johnson, Bob
Charron, Christian Henry Tobler, Sydney Anglo, Nicole Allen & Robert Holland. Any errors are mine and
should not reflect their own research and reconstruction efforts. Special thanks also to Annamria Kovcs
for her work in organizing the whole Medieval Martial Arts track.
Introduction

o other medieval weapon shares the flexibility, power, and aloof mystery of the poleaxe. It can be,
as Fiore dei Liberi termed it, ponderous, cruel and mortal. Ponderous in that it is a relatively
heavy weapon than the more elegant longsword, yet one that could--unlike the longsword--pierce
armour of plate. It can smash, cut, pry, pierce, tear, rend, hook, lever and press. As the anonymous author
of the Jeu so eloquently states, the use of the sword, dagger, light lance (spear), and single-handed sword
may all be learned through the use of the medieval poleaxe.
Dei Liberi also termed the hache cruel, an epithet it earns with the potential for destruction evident in its
design. Indeed, the axe seems refined for intimidationmuch like a modern assault rifle, a fact that could
account in part for its popularity within the judicial combats in Germany and Burgundy during the 15th
century. In a fight with axes, the initiative moves with great rapidity between the combatants; a back and
forth flow to the fight that is different than a comparable fight with longswords. Fate can indeed be seen to
be cruel when what appears to be a valid and relatively safe attack is suddenly turned as the opponent
seizes the initiative by displacing and countering with the deadly queue.

Quoted material remains copyright the original authors. Translation of the Pietro Monte by Tom Leoni
and Steve Hick is preliminary.

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Finally, fighting with the azza can well be a mortal. Jacques de Lalain, the renowned Burgundian jouer
of the 15th century seriously injured many of his opponents even though they were armoured in full plate.
Contrast this with the renowned Professor Anglos comment, wherein he wrote, Outside of the confines of
the list, the poleaxe was not a very effective weapon, for, unlike the two-hand and bastard swords, they are
not well balanced.2
Indeed, the streitaxst seems designed to reinforce the old idea of medieval fighting codified in fencing and
martial arts literature by Edgerton Castle in the 19th century as rough and tutored.3 Although many
fencing historians have perpetuated this view even in recent years, there is a growing body of literature
built upon an exciting corpus of medieval and Renaissance fighting techniques that should overturn the
antiquated view of medieval soldiers unsophisticatedly bashing upon one another without regard to the
martial realities. Indeed, with more than 175 fighting treatises surfacing and slowly being studied,
published and reconstructed, the next several decades promise to be an exciting time for medieval and
Renaissance martial studies.
The medieval poleaxe is emblematic of this transition. There is no weapon more evocative of the brute
force in violence both public and private, a weapon that seems to be perhaps epitomize and even enshrine
violence on a grand scale. Certainly, the sword itself held and continues to reign as the predominant symbol
for martiality, unless the modern main battle tank usurps it. But owing to the development of the sword
through the Renaissance into the sport we know as fencing, it is perhaps not too difficult to see it as precise,
sophisticated, or perhaps even elegant. Indeed, a study of the closely integrated and marvelously efficient
martial systems of Johannes Liechtenauer or the Italian Fiore dei Liberi challenge and should succeed in
overturning the old idea that medieval combat techniques were any less developed than their Chinese,
Korean or Japanese counterparts.
But in this the poleaxe stands defiant. It seems to refuse any attempt to make it anything other than brutal;
indeed, as the recent study of the Battle of Towton remains graphically demonstrate, the weapons victims
would probably concur with Fiore dei Liberis judgment that the azza is anything else but ponderous, cruel
and mortal. But as well see, techniques with the medieval hache were surprisingly well developed. The
fighting treatises of Hans Talhoffer, Fiore dei Liberi, Fillipo Vadi, Pietro Monte and the anonymous Jeu de
la Hache have left us with a riche cache of techniques to evaluate; and yet, they also emblamize the central
problem plaguing most of the fighting treatises, especially the medieval ones: with a few exceptions, we
have little sense of context with which to evaluate the more important questionswho were these Maitre
darmes, who did they teach, and how did they and their students relate to the larger martial community of
their time, and through these questions, to medieval history in general?
Perhaps these larger questions will stand as the poleaxe does, defiant, for lack of evidence. Or, perhaps, the
answers lie still locked in unexamined record books, local histories, iconographic portrayals, and accounts
in romance literature. It is my hope that future generations of scholars will take the growing body of work
now being developed and build upon it, helping to make the context far lessponderous. But for now,
well start with what we have available, the few surviving poleaxes and the fighting treatises themselves.
A Word About Terminology
Because there is no single language which seems to dominate to the historical record in term of poleaxe
technique, I will freely migrate between the Italian, German, English and French terms for the hache,
emphasizing the French owing to the historical importance of medieval Burgundy and as a salute to the
fortunate survival of the Jeu and its influence on what we know today.
Note also that what we think of as a poleaxeAzza in Italian, der Axst in German, Aza vel tricusp
in Latin and Hache in Frenchis either a bec-de-corbin-type (polehammer) or a more conventional
looking poleaxe. The manuals do not distinguish, and, interestingly, illustrate only the hammer-style on the
occasions when they are shown in fighting treatise-related artwork. Why this is true is a matter of
speculation, but for the purposes of this class and for the manuscripts, the techniques work with both with
2

Anglo, Sydney, Martial Arts of Renaissance Europe, p. 150. Yale University Press, 2000.

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equal effectiveness. Indeed, in only one place does the 15 th century chronicler Olivier de la Marche ever
indicate that the poleaxes he is describing even possess the long axe blade we commonly associate with
the bulk of surviving examples. In only a single manuscript that I am aware ofthe German Codex
Vindobonesis B11093 (dated by me from 1450-70 by the armour depicted)are there axes depicted. In
virtually every other instance, the bec-de-corbin style predominates. Why this is true when the vast
majority of surviving examples have the axe configuration is one of the intriguing contextual questions that
hovers over the subject.
The Medieval Poleaxe
Contrary to popularand often even learnedopinion, medieval weaponry is far lighter than one often
supposes. Most medieval longswords of the kinds discussed in the fighting treatises surviving in the
worlds finest collections do not weigh the four to nine pounds so often thought, but rather are only two to
three pounds.
Similarly, although there are nowhere near as many surviving examples of medieval poleaxes to catalogue,
the weight is far less than one might expect. Even accounting for the fact that no surviving wooden shaft is
original, the weights on medieval poleaxes and hammers falls into the more reasonable range of five to
seven pounds; far less than the modern M-1 rifle, which weighed in at just over nine pounds.4
Indeed, the poleaxe probably evolved as a counter to the development of plate armour; as several masters
attest in their works, by the 15th century it became increasingly difficult to harm a man through his
armour
It has been for a long time generally accepted that this is the reason that swords came to be increasingly
used in two hands (cite), but even so, blows with the sword had probably decreasing effects upon the men
in armour, leading the most important Italian maestro of the 14 th century Fiore dei Liberi to teach that the
swords edge was all but useless against a man en arme.
Liberi
(slide) Although axes are amongst he earliest known weapons, 5 first in stone and then in bronze, prior to
the 14th century I have found no references to shafts being longer than four feet. 6 There was probably no
need, however, since a two-handed shorter axe could penetrate not only riveted mail defenses but also iron
casques.7 By the end of the 14th century, however, the fully-armed man-at-arms so often illustrated in
English and Continental manuscripts often featured at least a few combatants sporting two-handed axes or
hammers.
As I mentioned, there are not many surviving poleaxes and even fewer bec-de-corbin. (slide). We do have a
few, however, and they are fairly uniform in handling characteristics; the head is counterbalanced by a
relatively long staff, sometimes fitted with a steel cap. Although none of these surviving shafts appears to
be authentic, using iconographic evidence combined with the fighting treatises themselves we can say that
axes varied from four to six feet in length during the late fourteenth and throughout the fifteenth centuries,
that the teste or head area was a fairly uniform 1/5 th or 1/6th of the overall length. The shafts seem to have
been a variety of shapes, round, square or perhaps octagonal.

Wallace Collection, A926, mid-15th c., 5.5lbs; A927, 5.2lbs; A928, 2lbs 11oz (2/3 of the haft is missing);
Note early stone and bronze axes here.
6
The Norman axe depicted in the Bayeaux Tapestry is about this length.
7
See the many manuscript references depitcting helmets cleaved with swords and axes. This could be
artistic convention, but I am inclined to believe that an iron casque struck dead on with a four-pound axe
could be penetrated. By the 15th century, however, some steel was coming into use as medival armourers
discovered how to infuse their iron with carbon to form a much more durable material. See especially the
recent Knight and the Blast Furnace by Dr. Alan Williams.
5

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Looking at the head of the axe for a moment, we can distinguish a myriad of different toys for use by the
the joeur (Ill take the terminology here from Jeu de la Hache, since it is the only manuscript to provide a
reasonably complete description of all the haches component names):

Dague: The thrusting spike crowing the top. This could be used as a spear, or to a lesser degree, to
slash.
Croix: Comprised of the maille (hammer) or taillant (axe-head) and the contravening spike
Croissee: The pyramidal bolts that held the axe together were sometimes extended into sidespikes of their own, which a few of the Jeu de la Hache author deviously employs.
Rondel: Designed both to defend the hand when displacing an opponents axe-strike and to stop
the hand from traversing up into the taillant region, often of metal but possibly in leather and
sometimes omitted altogether (Talhoffer: 1443).
Languette: In order that the haft or shaft not be broken, twin lanugettes were often fitted down the
sides, usually fairly thin (most are roughly 14ga.), riveted through the haft.
The haft itself would have been, we think, made of a resilient hardwood such as hickory or ash.
Sometimes, as with Wallace Collection A928, the haft might have been studded with small
copper-alloy nails, or this could be a later modification.
At the bottom of the hache, spikes or caps were sometimes fitted, although these fittings are not
necessarily needed to make good use of the dague dessous, as the anonymous Jeu author terms
it.

From a functional point of view, the axe was roughly broken into three sections. The teste, or head; the
demy hache (the region between the hands), and the queuealso known now as the butt.8

Sources
I have mentioned that there are several key fighting treatises regarding the poleaxe within the period of
study addressed here; chiefly the anonymous Jeu de la Hache, the three editions of Talhoffers fechtbch,
Fiore dei Liberis Fior di Battaglia, Fillipo Vadis Arte Gladiatoria and just outside of the period, Petro
Montes xxxx.
Jeu de la Hache
An anonymous manuscript now in the Bibliothque Nationale, MS Francais 1996, this mid-15th century
Burgundian9 treatise contains the most complete course for play with the axe. A scant ten leaves of vellum
comprised of 35 lines per page with no illustrationapart for two illuminated capitals, it is none the less
the richest source for axe-play in the 15th century. A translation of the Jeu was done in 1991 by Professor
Sydney Anglo, published in Archaeologia (Vol. CIX). This was perhaps the first fighting treatise to be
published in English this century, and the community owes Professor Anglo a debt of gratitude.
Written within the region where the hache was used not only for the serious business of judicial combats,
but also within the lists of the pas darmes, it may well have been, as Professor Anglo proposes, written by
a Maitre dArmes engaged to teach chivalric patrons involved in the duel judiciare. Unfortunately, the
manuscript assumes a good deal of knowledge and so should be studied with basics firmly in place. The
manuscript does provide techniques with counters and counters to those maneuvers, a menu of techniques
that illustrate principles of hache-play useful wherever combat with the axes might be found.
Interestingly, the author also maintainsin an opinion that I happen to sharethat other weapons can be
learned through the axe. Recall in his introduction above where he states that the other weapons progress
from knowledge of the hache; contrast this with Liberis opinion that all fighting is based upon wrestling or
upon the Liechtenauer tradition that emphasizes fighting principles through the study of the longsword. The
axe contains elements of many weapons and by studying it we can, as the anonymous author intended,
learn something new about each of the other chivalric weapons.
8

Terminology again borrowed from Jeu de la Hache.

Professor Anglo does not indicate why he believes the treatise to be Burgundian, though it was first
recorded in Francis Is library at Fontainbleu in his 1544 inventory.
9

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Within the text the author is careful to term use of the axe play, (jeu=game) and the combatant as
joeur. Note that within the texts of Olivier de la Marchechiefly his Memoiresthe term combatant
is employed.
Within the text, the author eshews the usual tour de braslarge, potentially cumbersome blow with the
weapons headin favor of the much more devious and yet equally as effective queue, his term the
weapons butt-end. Indeed the author favors a nearly exclusive reliance on the queue, a point echoed within
de la Marches chronicles of Jacques de Lalains deeds. The author presents an organized approach to a
system of guards, counters and counter-attacks organized first with a series of right-hand / right hand
engagements, then following with what to do against a left-handed opponent. In this, the anonymous Jeu
author is unique; no other medieval fighting treatise yet found addresses this point.
Over the course of 61 paragraphs, the author describes the fight in terms of a flowing set of guards, attacks,
counters and movements that are highly sophisticated and that require a degree of training to master. Basic
footwork, striking of blows, and universal aspects such as balance, awareness, initiative, focus and the like
are not discussed, lending more credence to this manuscript as a record of advanced technique. There are
disparaging mentions of the usual way that combatants attack, the grand tour de bras that is perhaps not
too different from Fiore dei Liberis colpi di villano villains blow or Master Liechtenauers buffel
(buffalo)all three over-committed strikes as an angry man might make. All three traditions point to a
refined set of skills that would yield advantage over the untutored.
It is unfortunate, perhaps, that the manuscripts author did not include any of the captivating images we
find in other medieval fighting treatises, but from his detailed descriptions a great many of them may be
correlated with another 15th century source, the prolific if enigmatic Hans Talhoffer.
Pietro Monte
Thanks to the effort and passion of Tom Leoni and Steve Hick, I have a rough translation of Montes
section on the use of the tripuncta, and there are several interesting techniques that illustrate and reinforce
the principles contained in the practical section of the class.
Although this section is relatively short, Monte apparently makes comments throughout his work that hint
at a technique being particularly useful with the azza. Over time well be compiling this as well, again
thanks to Mister Hick & Mister Leoni.
Written in the 1490s (though published in 1509), Montes views reflect the changing timeshe
recommends a substantially longer axe, for example, but this does not lessen the importance of the work as
what could become a primary, rather than a corroborating, source. Certain of the techniques could also be
correlated with Marozzos instructions for various different polearms, as Mr. Leoni and Mr. Hick have
already begun to do.10
Talhoffer 1443, 1459, 1467
While the text in Talhoffer is exceedingly sparse, all three (1443, 1467 and 1459) editions show streitaxst
maneuvers that can be correlated with the Jeu. As with most Medieval fencing masters-at-arms, we know
tantalizingly little about Herr Talhoffer, despite the fact that he was the author of at least six combat books,
three of which are commonly known today.
We do know that he was master of arms to the Swabian knight Leutold von Kningsegg, serving under
Count Eberhardt the Bearded of Wrttemberg.11 We know that he was related in some way to the rich
tradition of Johannes Liechtenauer, although unlike other Liectenaeur masters at arms he does not quote old
masters merkverse in any of his surviving books. All of the other Liectentauer masters employ it;
including Hanko Dobringer, Sigmund Ringeck, Peter von Danzig. Indeed, Talhoffers books are unique in

10
11

See Hick & Leoni translation

Hergsell, 1887.

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the Liechtenauer tradition for their lack of text at all; indeed there is no text at all accompanying the 1443
edition of his fechtbch.
Another point of distinction is that within the corpus of Liectenauer-based works Ringeck is the only one to
include anything on the streitaxst. Danzig, Ringeck, Dobringerall are silent on it. Nonetheless,
Talhoffers work is accepted by most students of the Liectenauers writings as being a branchalbiet an
odd onefrom his tree. He employs the same methods and illustrates them, again distinguishing him.
Because of this, he is probably the most useful source for puzzling out some of the basic functions of
poleaxe play.
The three available editions are different in terms of both quality and content. They do not overlap
significantly in terms of illustrated techniques, and the progression from 1443 to 1467 shows some
important changes in emphasis:

Wrestling is relied on more as the editions are later; 0 in the 1443 poleaxe section, 5 in the 1459,
and 7 in the 1467 edition. Indeed, this is especially interesting since there is no wrestling in Jeu de
la Hache, although for Fiore dei Liberi, it is the key to this (and indeed all) weapons.

In the 1443 edition, the plays are single-plate, which make interpretation hard, since there is also
no text. In the 1459 several of the armoured plates are several-plate plays (cite specifics), while by
1467 this is far more common.

By far and away, use of the croix to hook is Talhoffers favorite tactic (cite). He seems to prefer or
recommend displacements (cite) and stepping off the line (cite) and, like the rest of the Liectenauer school,
appears to weave in plays that include single-time counterattacks to recover the lost vor (before).
In all three cases, some of the plays shown with the streitaxst are duplicated in the halbschwerting sections;
though there is no accompanying text to verify the relationship, the plates are suspiciously similar, down to
hand position, footwork, and resulting binding actions.
1443 (plates 76-81, no captions)
Talhoffers first work, both the quality of the artwork and the number of techniques displayed in the 1443
manual is of a lesser quality than are his later works.
Featuring only six plateswith only one plate per play and with no explanatory texteven at this early
date Maitre Talhoffer emphasizes the use of the croix to hook; for of the six plates show techniques
executed from displacements, voids, or as attacks in their own right. Another shows the queue depicted as a
lever; Talhoffer obviously considers it very important to set the opponent down.
Interestingly, not all of these techniques are found in his later works. (more comments on this when the
1459 is done). Also, the Leger are not shown. Probably the work relies on reference to the halbschwert
section, since there is a strong overlap in techniques between halfsword and poleaxe.
With respect to stance, the combatants are pictured with the weight more or less evenly distributed, in sharp
contrast to the 1459 and 1467 manuals also surveyed here. No preference is clear as to thumb-up or thumbdown in the grip, though I found no evidence contrasting the general Talhoffer preference for keeping the
thumb down when maneuver is paramount and the thumb up when power is needed.
Without the explanatory text, even as loose as it is in the other two editions, interpreting the plays is
significantly more difficult. Indeed, play 77 shows two combatants hooked croix wrist, and while there
are several ways this position can be reached, there is no clarifying text nor are their plays before and after
to help with the puzzle.

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1459 (unarmoured 71v-74v, armoured 134v-137v)

The 1459 edition is far more refined; it is in color, contains 19 color plates. This time, a number of the
techniques are arranged into sequences, greatly easing reconstruction.
The 1459 text does show guards or leger as they are called in the Liectenauer system; plate 73v 131v
shows combatants unarmoured. In 73v. These guards do correlate, potentially, to some of the guards
discussed in Jeu de la Hache.
These are also, curiously, the only manuscripts Im aware of that feature an African-descended person,
present in plates 73v and 74v.
Wrestling now begins to play a role; 5 plays demonstrate various sorts of binds or throws, but no ligadura
(arm bars) of the sort shown in Fiore dei Liberi and Fillipo Vadi. But there are plenty of wrenching attacks
designed to disarm the opponent or control his weapon, and a far greater emphasis on binds and the
resulting subtle dynamics of the bind characteristic of the German system: if your opponent is strong in the
bind, bring the other end to play; if weak, drive through using the same end.
They also feature armoured plays, but there are a great many unarmoured plays; the meaning behind this is
hotly debated, especially as there are no records nor corroborating evidence for actual fights taking place
using poleaxes without harness.
1467 (plates 79-103) Streitaxst
Features only blossfechten there are no armoured plates at all.
Fairly wide stances, what do we make of this?
Guards shown: True Cross, Alber, High Guard dela Queue (Burgundian Guard) Illustrate with
plates 1469 97 & 100,which gives all four. Note the strong potential energy in each combatant, the
turn of the hips and the readiness for action, like a coiled spring.
Very fond at this time with neck and knee hooks; compare with the earlier editions, where they are
deemphasized (count instances in each to support this statement). Note that he also presents these
same maneuvers in the halbschwert work, (1467: 47, 58).
With respect to guards and which foot leads, the 1467 always shows the right foot forward in
guards on the left (Alber, True Cross) and the left foot forward in guards on the right
(Burgundian). This is consistent with the similar halfsword guards (1467: 42).
Talhoffer always shows his combatants as stepping boldly with their strikes, most often directly
towards their opponent using a strong passing step; this is consistent with Liechtenauers
admonition to always step when you strike.
With respect to the grip, in this edition the leading hand is rather evenly depicted being either
pinky or thumb up (towards the croix). Usually, when more power is required, the thumb is placed
in an upwards position and then quick shifting between queue and croix is required, then the
thumb is generally inwards towards the demi-hache. These are consistent with his treatment of
unarmoured halfsword (see plates 34-43)
He favors the powerful strike from above, probably something like the Zornhauo or Oberhau
discussed in Liectenauers verse, though all the manual says is that the strikes come from above.
A guiding principle for countering a zornhau, murderstroke or tour de bras cutting from above is
that one can move under it, either grasping the weapon, or their arms (around the body or around
the forearms). See also halfsword plate 34, 35
Better than grappling, a thrust from below is an excellent counter to a high strike; hence the
effectiveness of a boars tooth or alber guard from this position.
Coups are made exclusively to the head or leg; no hand strikes are depicted. Interestingly, they
are shown in the halfsword work, (1467: 44, 45).
Thrusts are most often made to the body, though in a couple of occasions they are shown as going
at the head; further, they are evenly distributed between the queue and the dague.
A rule for grabbing the hache (and discarding your own) seems to be when youre into close for
your weapon to be effective, then make a grab for his. If he grabs your weapon, then abandon it

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and wrestle. You can also wrestle if you are in too close for your axst to be effective, should the
opportunity present itself.
Only one dagger plate, though neither combatant is actually shown with such a dagger elsewhere.

Fiore de Liberi
Fiore dei Liberi, the subject of Bob Charrons segno discussion this morning and the special presentation
last year, was a famous Italian Maestro darmi during the last part of the 14 th century. In the Prologue of the
most complete surviving version of his work, he states that there were five copies of his book made for his
students; there may be have been more; unless the 1409 edition was the last.
Today we know of three surviving copies. The least complete, a kind of best of is located in the John
Pierpoint Morgan Library in New York. It contains no azza at all. Another one, now lost and known only
by the 1902 edition by Francesco Novati, features a near-complete set of plays but has greatly shortened
textual material. It includes all of the azza plays that appear in the most complete version, dated 1409, now
in the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles (the Getty edition).
Unlike the anonymous author of Jeu de la Hache, Fiore indicates that all fighting techniques derive from
wrestling. This suggests perhaps that Fiore was a superb wrester; his view was that the integrated weapons
forming his system, including daga, lanza, azza, spadaare all just forms of wrestling. The combatant
strategizes the fight by first gaining control of his opponent through wrestling or weapon-weapon contact,
feeling his opponent through sentimento di ferro, the executes one of his five Masters against them
disarming, striking, binding, breaking and throwing.
Thus, Fiores fight with the poleaxe is no different than what he presents in the daga, lanza, spada and
abrazzare sectionshe offers few unique plays for the azza, but he does say, elsewhere in the manuscript,
that the axe can make all of the plays of the sword and spear.
While Fiore does briefly discuss the azza, he does not appear to like the weapon, but he does present
several techniques discussed elsewhere. These must be included as a matter of completeness, but in the
Furlan masters own words, the axe is ponderous, cruel and mortalit makes greater blows than other
weapons.12
Indeed, this paragraph appears on an extremely curious Liberi plate, Getty mss. 37 verso, shows an
intriguing hollow azza filled with a toxic powder; Fiore writes this for his patron, even giving the
formula for it! Of course, he recommends that his patron the good Marquis de Ferrera would never employ
such a devious tactic; yet he includes it just the sameperhaps to warn his important patron that such
things were indeed possible and to guard against them.
Fiore offers but a few azza plays; they appear on pages of 35v 37v of the Getty mss., with four techniques
per page. He does mention in many places throughout the manuscript, however, that this or that technique
is also effective with the azza, and that the azza can employ all the plays of the longsword and spear. Like
the rest of the manuscript, Fiores azza section begins with a discussion of the poleaxe posta, in this case
strongly paralleling his halfswording section. 13
Filippo Vadi
12

Bob Charron translation, April 2002 version. There is some variance between the translation and Dr.
Anglos commentary, which seems to hint that the hollowed-out weapon featured on this page is what Fiore
is referring to, rather than the hache in general. Clearly there is room for interpretation either way here, but
equally obvious is Fiores lack of interest in the weapon, a trait common to treatise-producing fencing
masters of the late Middle Ages.
13
Halfswording in this case should not be confused with swords meeting at the mezzo-spada, which Fiore
also calls halfswording. I intend the use of the word here in the German context, where the blade is grabbed
with the left hand and the weapon is used primarily for leveraging and thrusting, rather than for delivering
the colpi, or blow.

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Following in dei Liberis tradition in the third quarter of the 15th century, Filippo Vadi of Pisas book
contains much that is pilfered directly from dei Liberi, though there is perhaps a possibility that he was a
dei Liberi lineage student. To date, we dont know. If we know depressingly little about Maestro Fiore dei
Liberi, we know even less about Filippo Vadiall we know is that he wrote his book and claims to be from
Pisa. A detailed study of the manuscripts paleography, arms and armour, and artistic style has yet to be
done.
Like Liberi, Vadi includes but a few plays. Presumably he meant his students to employ the azza using the
same principles guiding the sword, but he does not explicitly say so.
His artwork is more advanced than Fiores, however, and the plates are all en arme, fol. 24 recto 25 recto
Like dei Liberi, his brief section also begins with four posta in opposition to one another. Indeed, the Posta
di Donna / Mezzo Porto di Ferro oppositional pair is very similar to Fiores pair; all Vadi changes is to use
a related posta, the Denti di Cingiale, instead of Mezzo Porto di Ferro. Dei Liberi, however, offers Posta
Breve Serpentina in opposition to Posta Vera Croce, the position of the true cross. Vadi has this pair also,
but he carries his hands higher in the Posta Breve Serpentina, renaming it to Posta Sagitariathe archers
stance.
The actual plays outside of 25r (top) are not duplicates, yet are based upon precisely the same rules.
Whether Vadi had access to a specific Fiore manuscript, learned the material is a student of the tradition or
merely observed tricks common to the region we are not yet able to say. But the concordance is interesting.
Olivier de la Marche & Georges Chastellain
For our purposes, the import of de la Marche is in his recording, in expert detail, of the deeds of the worlds
most renowned axe-player, Jacques de Lalain. His deeds were also recorded within the Histoire recorded
by Georges Chastellain. Used together both serve as a primary source recording specifics of the hachess
greatest known proponent. At this point much needs to be done in pulling out an acceptable translation but
in the next couple of years we hope to see both in print. Summations of the fights and of various pas
darmes of the 15th century can be found in Viscount Dillions Barriers and Foot Combats
(Archaeological Journal LXI, 1904).
The interesting thing about both works is that they in a large measure appear to concord with at least the
Burgundian Jeu de la Hachethough this should be no surprise, as Lalain and de la Marche were both
Burgundians themselves. Other chroniclers have lest rather incomplete records, usually recorded (often
incorrectly) the date and time of a feat of arms, but glossing over details of the combat, probably as they
were not present. We know that Olivier de la Marche was present during at least some of Lalains feats and
his compelling accounts ring true at least in tone and rich detail if perhaps not in complete accuracy.
Although these works lie outside the parameters of this survey, they must be included in any
comprehensive study of hache-play during the 15th century.
Of Posta, Guardia & Leger
All known medieval combat systems, from the earliest knownthe Royal Armouries MS I.33 sword and
buckler treatiseto the latest, all rely upon systematic sets of guard positions through which a fight
progresses. In the German system, these positions are known as the leger; there are four primary leger and a
series of secondary ones as Christian Tobler has just demonstrated.
In the Italian systems, these positions are known simply as poste. In the Burgundian Jeu de la Hache, they
are actually termed guards. But one must be careful; modern connotation for being en guard implies a
measure of defensiveness that seems absent from medieval treatises; for these maestros at arms, it seems
that the leger, posta and guardia are all just key positions achieved during the course of a fight.
A medieval person under instruction in one of these traditions would probably instinctively employ the
hache with reference to known leger, posta or guards; afterwards, a few variants that take advantages of the
weapons special properties might be taught. He would know which posta break another, which to adopt to
gain advantage, and when to move from a posta that has become untenable.

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Attacks
Attack Principles
Whether long or short, you will always have an opening where to wound your opponent,
even though he may bring his own axe around in a circle as he attempts to parry your
blows. [Monte, Hick & Leoni trans.]
All of the medieval masters who offered text seem to be agreed that strength of mindwhat Ramon Lull
would call in his Book of Knighthood & ChivalrySpirit, is more important than strength or brawn.
but every learned and clever man surpasses other men [who are] bigger and stronger, as was correctly
said: intelligence surpasses strength, and what is more and nearly incredible, the sage dominates the stars.
--Filippo Vadi, Fol. 2v
Fiore and members of the Liectenauer tradition all make similar statements.
Basically the masters require their students the think, to learn the system and apply to a wide variety of
combat situations equally appropriate on the street, in the tourney, the joust, in a judicial duel or in war. In
each case, a common series of movements is examined, a series of counters and counters to those counters
proposed, ad infinitum. All demonstrate integrated fighting systems that indicate at least a few masters atarms were studying arms with sufficient professionalism and dedication to have created such thorough
methods and counter-methods. Although all the traditions seem to emphasize different aspects of the
following attacking methods, there are numerous examples of each:
Coups

For most posta and couverts a full tour-de-bras will be both overslow and unnecessary. Simply
coupscuts or blowsto the head, shoulder, hand, foot, leg or knee will often stop the
opponents motion sufficiently to allow a more powerful and or a more precise strikeor a key
stepfor the finish.
Lalain got his wrist badly cut with the sharp and cutting spike, and had to put his staff
under his left arm like a spinner would her distaff, and with his right hand held the axe to
parry
[Dillon p. 290, From Olivier de la Marche]

A coup should generally not be an isolated attack but should be followed up with another attack.
In the words of Monte:
It is very effective to walk to one side with a pass and to bring the axe around by the
queue in somewhat of a wheel-like motion, often throwing attacks at the opponent, but
also parrying and voiding numerous times.
[Monte, Hick & Leoni trans.]

Tour de Bras (maybe also a Zornhau?)

The most basic attack; what anybody without training might throw.
Akin to a baseball hammer-blow; a blow that must be answered.
Can start from well-wound positions such as posta di donna, coda longa or vom Tag.
When attacking with a tour de bras, combine the strike with a step.
A principle to countering the tour de bras is to attack it from underneath (cite from Liechtenauer);
in Talhoffer, we see this several times and in the halfsword section (1467: 34, 35, 36). Another
way is to hook the weapon in an attempt to wrest it from the opponents grasp.

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The problem with the tour de bras is one of overcommitment and on this point the masters appear
to be in complete agreement. Monte and Marozzo both give a caution and an interesting technique
based on this principle that can become a very powerful tool in your use of the hache.
The instance when those who parry are most easily deceived is when they believe that
they have blocked your weapon with theirs; for it is very simple to draw back a little and
to redirect your weapon to wound the opponent below. 14 [Monte, Hick & Leoni trans.]

Thrusts
Thrusts are one of the haches most potent maneuvers; thrusts can be delivered with the
dague or with the queue as the situation warrants.
Direct thrusts to the cuirass are ineffectivebut they are useful to the visor, below the
faulds, to the armpit, and to the occularium.
Redirections
By keeping the hache within your own zone of control, you can easily redirect it from
one target to another in response to your opponents movement.
I distinguish a redirection from a feint as a matter of time; a redirection happens in singletime, while a feint generally happens in something like double-time.
I am [in] the posta di donna against the boars tooth, and he awaits [from] me a great
blow that I wish to makeI will pass, the left foot advancing off the line, and I will enter
into a cleaving blow to the head. And if he comes with force under my axe with his, I will
not be able to strike his head. And it is not lacking for me to strike him either in the arms
or in the hands.
[Fiore Getty Mss. 35v. Charron trans.]
Feints or Renewing the Attack
As mentioned before, feints and redirection are key principles of axe-play; indeed, there is
sufficient power in the weapon that a feint and engagement with the opposite end can yield
immensely powerful yet deceptive strikes.
A good technique is to threaten the opponent with the queue and then to renew the
attack with an ascending cut proceeding from the lower parts to the higher ones.this
attack with the blow directed with the axes hammer to the opponents hand, should be
repeated
[Monte, Book II Chapter XI, Hick & Leoni trans.]
Talhoffer Halbschwert 1467: 47depicts a false murder-strokea feint--that is redirected or renewed to
the opponents knee, resulting either in a good strike to the knee or in a knee-hook.
Grabbing the Hache
Grabbing the opponents hache can be very effective, especially if youve lost your own if yours
has become useless because of range or your opponents cleverness. (Talhoffer 1467 pl. 95-6 and
92-4 and ) or see a way to use their own weapon as a lever against them.
Students of Liberi should maintain their keys; knowledge of the keys will prove a great advantage
for close work.
If you can grab outside of his axe, you can turn it a half turn to remove it from his grip, them
continue the movement to strike him on the head.
14

Translation courtesy of Steve Hick and Tom Leoni, Pietro Monte, Book II, Chapter XI. They also note a
similar maneuver in Marozzo using the Ronca (the Italian bill), where a fendente is thrown from above and
as the opponent moves to parry the head from above the ronca is withdrawn and a very effective thrust
made from below. I am grateful to these two for providing me with this wonderful corroboration for what is
a key maneuver.

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With a half turn I will remove this axe from your handsand take it away so that I will
have it from youI will [then] tur to strike your head as does the scholar who follows
me, as I believe he strikes you dead.
[Liberi, Getty Ms., plate 37, Charron translation Apr. 2002]
Disarms
Jeu de la Hache is full of interesting disarming techniques, and they feature also in several of the
Liberi plays.
Disarms can be effected from each of the Liberi Ligadura, applied to any arm joint.
You can use the queue with great effect for this, especially pressing at the wrist, elbow, and
shoulder to create pressure sufficient to pop the axe free.
Both Liberi and the Jeu advocate simply striking an opponents axe with force to jar it free, or to
strike his hands to achieve the same effect.
Note especially the vulnerable rectangle inscribed by the opponents arms, his body and his
azza.
Leverages
The poleaxe is, at root, simply a long staff and as such can be used to lever your opponent around.
Use his knee or the hache itself
Especially useful from an en croisade position from any portion of the hache.
Play: Talhoffer 1467 pl. 84-85: If hes closer from a forehand bind, you can use the hache as a lever to
throw him over your knee. Also a counter to the same, which illustrates when to go for a
grappleaccording to master Talhoffer.
Hooks

Because of the heads design, the poleaxe is an excellent hooking weapon.

Key: When you hook your opponent, you are also hooked, so act quickly.
Try to maneuver to keep the point online when you hook and prevent the opponent from doing the
same.
Favorite targets for the hook are your opponents arm (Tal. 1443:77), his neck (Jeu #39, Talhoffer
1467:88-89, 90-91, 92-3 (really a series showing how to get a hook after some kind of
displacement), 97-98, 102-3, Tal. 1459:73r, Tal. 1443:80) and knee (Tal. 1443:78, Tal.
1467:83, halbschwert 46-7, 1459:72v) or thigh (Tal. 1443:81)
To counter, you can drop your own axst and grab his, seeking leverage for a throw (Tal. 1467 pl.
93-94).
The object of a hook is to pull your opponent to the ground, something that would have to be done
with vigor in a real fight, but which must be done with great care. If close, use your body as
leverage. If far away, use a sudden wrench to catch your opponent off-balance and be prepared to
follow up with an appropriate strike. (Tal. 1467 pl. 102)
When the opponent has fallen, he can be finished with the dagger or with your hache in a variety
of ways. (Tal. 1467:103-4, 1459:137r-v; 135v-136r)

Hooks to the demy hache

A hook to your opponents demy hache can yield a couple of interesting attacks.
First, you can attempt to wrench the axe from his hands. Talhoffer does not
show this with the axe, but he does show it with the halfsword (1467: 37, 52).
If you manage to wrest the streitaxst away from him, thrust quickly with the
dague. This is shown in Talhoffer with the halfsword. (1467: 38)
If you dont get it away from him but it comes downward, then you have a very
nice thrust with the dague in any event (Price, freeplay)
Play: Jeu #39: (Neck hook):

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Item: If you can cut well enough while turning you can hook the bec de faucon in his
neck and pull him and try to throw him over.
[Jeu #39, trans. Brian R. Price]
Play: Jeu #22: (Feint high to draw the axe high, then a leg hook)
Item: In any of several guards you can try to strike him on the head, not so that your
hache passes too far beyond, because that would be perilous. And immediately as the
blow has been thrown, feint another strike to the head to draw his axe high. And then
strike to the knee with the bec de faucon. If the bec passes behind, you can pull it forward
and bring him to the ground. And if he steps back so that your axe misses, you must
ensure that the axe does not pass too much beyond him; and take similar care with all of
your coups and tour de bras. And you must return quickly to your guard.
[Jeu #22, trans. Brian R. Price]
Grapples
Once the opponents have closed, most of the wrestling techniques employed in the Italian and
German schools work well.
Talhoffer seems to like the idea of grappling as a counter to an overhead blow.(1459:73v, 74r),
especially when the combatants are armoured. (1459:135r-136r, 136v-137v). Grappling is a good
option from the bind, as well, if one can move quickly to seize a significant advantage quicker
than the opponent can bring their hache to bear. (1467:84-5, 86, 87, 92-4, 95-6).
An opponent who is off-balance cannot bring their hache to bear and may well drop it.
In Jeu de la Hache, however, grappling is not emphasized

Defenses
Defensive Principles

Hierarchy of Defense (Blocks Displacements Voids)

Defending doesnt mean being defensive
Choose the right posta for your opponents position
o Tal. 1467 prefers vera croce to guard against blows from above; interestingly, dei Liberi
also likes this one.
o Liberi posta oppositions.
Use the opponents power against him, rather than trying to meet strength with strength.

Blocks
The axe is sufficiently massive to allow blocks without worry of damaging the edge, though
damage is recorded to the dague and queue.15 The languettes extend up the shaft to reduce the
threat of shearing against a tour de bras.
o Because there are multiple ends from which to strike, a block can be used effectively,
especially if the opposite end is brought quickly to bear.
o Blocks can be achieved with any of the three portions of the axe, and defending with each
should be practiced.
o Blocks are, however, the least desirable form of defense, as they do not in themselves
regain the initiative and tend to keep the combatant in the nach, the after. But using
many of the single-time strikes and counters advocated in Jeu, one can regain the lost
initiative and counter with extreme rapidity.

15

See Olivier de la Marche and Georges Chastellain for several examples of each, generally caused by
leveraging the point into a visor.

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The demy hache is an excellent place to block, because either end may be brought
quickly to bear in a single-time counterattack, such is shown in
o If youre going to block, try to counter with a single-time attack (quote Liechtenauer on
this point).
Play: Talhoffers halbschwert 1467: 73shows a single time counter using what would be the queue to the
opponents face following a block to the demy hache.
Drill: Starting from the breve serpentina, practice blocks to each of the major target zones, working with
each of the three sections (queue, demi hache, croix). Repeat from a high queue guard.
Displacements
In my opinion, the key to successful hache fighting
Use your opponents energy against them, immediately seizing the initiative and making a strike.
Displace to either side; displacements to the forehand side suggest a counter with the leading
threat while backhand displacements suggest a counter with the trailing end. (not sure I still agree
with this statement).
Stepping offline should generally be a part of the displacement. (Tal. 1459:71)
A displacement, like any counter, should include an immediate attack in as short a time as possible
(single time if possible). (Tal. 1459:71)
Drill: Taking any couvert, counter five strikes to each of the following zones using a displacement that
positions one of the two ends for an immediate counterstrike (head, body, lower leg).

Voids

Never allow the opponent to seize and hold the initiative

Voiding is difficult except at medium and long range, but it can allow the most effective counter
as your own axst is not in contact with your opponents.
Voids are sometimes made for the thrust for the body (1459:72r) or, more rarely, for the head.
To void a tour de bras or thrust one can step in boldly and attempt to grapple by pushing the elbow
(Tal. 1459:74r, Vadi:50), capturing one (Tal. 1459:xx) or both wrists (Tal. 1459:74v).

From the Bind

En Croisade
Bind to the Fore(Tal. 1467 79-80)
Bind-Behind (Tal. 1467 99)
Strong vs Weak discussion
Demi-hache / demi-hache (discuss)
Demi-hache / croix or queue bind (discuss)

Play: Talhoffer 79-80 shows a bind followed by a quick disengage and strike with the queue, using the
strong and weak to determine which end to attack with.
Play: Talhoffer 1467 pl. 84: If hes closer from a forehand bind, you can use the hache as a lever to throw
him over your knee.
Play: Talhoffer halbschwert 1467: 48: From a demi-hache / queue bind, using the queue as a lever, the
croix could be maneuvered around to accomplish a neck/hip throw.
Play: Talhoffer halbschewert 1467: 53: From a demy hache / croix bind, the head can be leveraged simply
beside the opponents neck and wrested to the ground.
In the Fight

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Integration
It is always best to move around calmly and without fury; in this manner, you wont lose
strength nor give away your intentions to the opponent. However, move quickly and with
good momentum and strength when the tempo makes it necessary.
[Monte, Book II, Chapter XI, Hick & Leoni Trans.]
Seizing the Initiative
To use the German terminology, as combatants we want to act in the vor, forcing our opponent to the nach.
But as we have seen, axe-play is an oscillation between the two. How can the vor be regained under these
conditions?

Use displacement to redirect an opponents weapon and bring your own immediately to bear.
Defend, but dont be defensive (you dont want to be hit with his azza)
Within the bounds of the rules-framework youre using, strike aggressively and use a powerful
mixture of thrusts, coups and feints. The author of the Jeu counsels many quick feints and jabs:
And you must deliver these jabs frequently, sometimes at the foot and sometimes at the
hand or face; so that he does not find your axe at all still, and you can, at your own
initiative, make any opening.
[Jeu #25, Anglo translation]

The Problem of Context

For all that we have such rich material, we dont know anywhere near enough to be able to establish
enough about its context so that it can be valued from a historical perspective. To be sure, these manuals
and a few other hold intriguing technical mysteries that modern historical martial arts practitioners wrestle
with.
But the central questions must remain, to what extent were these treatises representative of the combat
techniques in various forms of deeds of arms? Were they influential, or were they known to only a few
select students? Who comprised the student body and to what classes did they belong? Were they burgers,
as with the German Marxbruder, or were they perhaps noble patrons, as with Fiore dei Liberis Marquis de
Ferrera? What were the purposes of such libro del armi; were they advertising vehicles like Machiavellis
Prince or were they mnemonic devices for students, as with Liectenauers merkverse? Or both? To what
extent were these techniques employed in various kinds of deeds of arms, including the pas darmes, the
emprise, the tourney, the joust, judicial duels, street encounters and in war?
To give an example using the poleaxe, of the key manuscripts weve briefly surveyed, two of them feature
detailed sections for the judicial duel. The second and third paragraphs of Jeu de la Hache, following the
introduction I read at the top of this paper, tell how to approach the duel and how it shall proceed. Only
then does the author begin to discuss hache-play, hinting perhaps that the purpose of the treatise was to
discuss the use of the hache in context of the judicial duel. Talhoffer offers similar illustrations in the 1459
and 1467 editions of his manuscript. In all cases, the combatants employ not the more common taillantheaded axst we see littered in iconographic references, but rather bec-de-corbin that we see much more
commonly illustrated in the fighting treatises. What is the reason for this disparity? At present it is early
even for informed speculation.
In order to place this material in contextnot only for the medieval poleaxe but also for the corpus of
fechtbcher material, many studies remain undone.

First, the material itself must be exhaustively edited, translated and interpreted; then reinterpreted
as new works come to light, with concordant linkages published.

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This material should then be referenced alongside the very rich tradition of iconographic
references, identifying parallels and distinctions.

The methods of training for the military classes need to be more firmly established. How did
knights and esquires in various regions throughout Europe learn their trade? Did they learn form
paid swordmasters, a local knight, or some other way?

Detailed research on the masters themselves is needed, focusing on court records, account books,
and local histories. Exhaustive detail is needed to flush out details of fencing schools, their patrons
and their leaders.

Corroborative work in romance literature and amongst the extant chronicles is also needed, as is
research into tournament declarations and rules, and the correspondence of those likely to take part
in combats.

The historical place for the judicial duel and other feats of arms needs to be satisfactorily
established. How common were these affairs? From this we can begin to extrapolate, perhaps,
something of the demand for services such as we find in Talhoffer and the Jeu de la Hache.

The above research must be localized, for surely as there were distinctions between fashion in
clothing and arms and armour, surely weapons preference and combat techniques also varied
locally. National and regional trends must be identified, to the degree that this is possible.

Finally, skilled martial artists must also contribute to the materials interpretation, helping to
reconstruct and preserve the physical culture that these manuscripts represent. On this last point
there is today a rapidly growing interest in Western martial arts, historical endeavors that will
assist scholars in clarifying what is found in these magical treatises. One thing is certain; it is very
hard to learn how to fight form a book, which is why at the end of the day those of us who are
interested don armour and weapons, and have at, trying to implement what weve studied.

Until at least some of the work is accomplishedhopefully by some of the folks in this roomthis
intriguing material must remain ponderous, if not cruel and hopefully not mortal!
As members of the community leading this field, Id invite anyone who is interested to stop by after the
session or to the Chivalry Bookshelf booth to talk about ideas you might have. Thank you for your time and
attention.
Tree of Charlemagne Pas dArmes
11th July, 1443
The first encounter on foot at this Pas, 11th July 1443, was between Charny16 and Pietre
Vasque se Saavedra, who elected for axes. The usual proclamation was made against
talking, coughing, or otherwise giving signals to either party. At 9 oclock in the
morning, the two champions took their places in the lists for foot combats, from which
everyone was expelled except for eight fully-armed men-at-arms, but bearing only white
staves with which to separate the combatants when necessary.
Saavedra had taken off his visor so that he could put his head out of his bascinet as out
of a window. Charny had his bascinet with the visor closed, but when he saw Saavedra,
he put the visor back over his bascinet so as to have the face uncovered. After crossing
themselves with little flags, they took their axes and went smartly to the encounter.

16

Not the famous Geoffrey de Charny, the 14th century knight par excellance and counselor to successive
French kings, but Pierre de Bauffremont, Lord de Charny.

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The Spaniard, a shortish but stout man, held his axe with the hammer head advanced in
front of his face as a sort of guard, while Charny, a tall and powerful knight, held his axe
with the with the lower end upward, close to his body, ready for attack or defense. To
commence Saavedra struck Charny on the right hand to make him drop his axe, but
unsuccessfully, for Charny parried the blow with the lower end of his axe and stepping
forward, struck close to the Spaniards foot with the lower end. Twice Charny struck at
his foot and good blows were given, Charny receiving one on the large garde de bras of
his left arm, while he struck the edge of Saavedras helmet close to the face with the
bottom spike on his axe.
So they fought hotly and bravely, until fifteen strokes, as agreed, had been delivered.
The Duke cast down his baton and the men-at-arms and scouts as arranged separated the
combatants. They each offered to continue, but the Duke said that they had both done
enough, so they quitted the lists, axe in hand, and each looking around to see that neither
left the list before the other. But it was decided that Saavedra should leave first as Charny
was holding the pas.17

Bibliography & Further Reading

Anglo, Sydney. Le Jeu de la Hache: A Fifteenth Century Treatise on the Technique of Chivalric Axe
Combat, Archaeologia vol. CIX 1991, pp. 113-128.
Anglo, Sydney. The Martial Arts of Renaissance Europe, Yale University Press, 2000. See especially pages
150-9, where he treats the whole corpus of material relating to the medieval poleaxe and related staff
weapons.
Chastellain, Georges. Histoire de Jacques de Lalain. Brussels, 1634.
De la Marche, Olivier. Memoires. 4th Edition, 1645.
Dillion, Viscount. Barriers and Foot Combats, Archaeological Journal, LXI 1904, pp. 276-308.
Johnson, Ian. Schola Solis website, http://www.schola-solis.com. Ian has placed .mpeg reconstructions on
his site, which is freely available and an excellent resource for those studying the poleaxe.
Liberi, Fiore de. Flos Duellatorum. J. Paul Getty Edition, c. 1409. Translated by Bob Charron, forthcoming
Chivalry Bookshelf edition Italian Medieval Swordsmanship, 2002-3.
Maximilian I, Emperor. Freydal des Kaisers Maximilian I, Turniere und Mummereien, ed. Quirin von
Leitner, 1880-2.
Monte, Pietro. Petri Montij de singulari certamine siue dissensione: deque veterum, recectiorum ritu ad
Carolum Hyspaniarum primcipem & Burgundie Archiducem libre tres. Milan, 1509 (though written in
1490). Translation in progress by Steve Hick & Tom Leoni.
Talhoffer, Fechtbuch. 1443 Gothaer Codex, Prague 1889.
Talhoffer, Fechtbuch, 1459 Ambraser Codex, Prague 1889.. Facsimile found at http://www.aemma.org/
Talhoffer, Fechtbuch. 1467 Edited by Mark Rector. Greenhill Books, 1999.

17

Distilled from accounts in Olivier de la Marches Memoires and George Chastellains Histoire de
Jacques de Lalain by Viscount Dillon, Barriers & Foot Combats, Archaeological Journal 1904, pp. 2845.

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