HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC

Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence Stewart Owens

and anatomical/pathological
This is a study of the historical, archaeological,
coastal site of Pachacamac
during the Late Intermediate and Late Horizon

evidence for human sacrifice at thePeruvian

and 1475-1533).
It
(A.D. 1000-1475
sacrifice, then goes on to summarize thepatho
Periods

highlights theproblems associated with the identification of archaeological

logical and cultural evidence from the site. The significance of this evidence is evaluated using not only traditional para
digms but also the notion of "deviant" burial; this isproposed as a formalized means of identifying archaeological
sacrifice

are carried out with selected sites and peri

of?other indicators. Comparisons
inland regions. Supplementary evidence from international contexts is also considered. The
and contextual findings from Pachacamac
reflect a shiftfrom the somewhat sanguineous cultures such as the

in collaboration
ods, and
anatomical

with?and

in both coastal

in the absence

and

to the perfection-obsessed
and theMoche,
sacrificial modality of the Incas. The former seems to be concerned pri
marily with retainer burials and thepunishment of enemies or opponents, which were offered to an uncertain eternity as a
and anatomical evidence for sacrifice in these groups is
gesture to some higher power. The iconographic, archaeological,
commensurately dramatic. In the case of the Incas, the sacrifices were intended to bless objects or missions, give thanks,
or to appeal for supernatural favors or assistance. We go on to propose?for
thefirst time inLatin America?a
theoretical

Nasca

framework for identifying and interpreting "deviant"

in theAndean

burials

archaeological

record.

Este estudio trata de las evidencias historicas, arqueologicas

en el sitio peruano costeno de Pachacamac
en los periodos

relacionadas con el sacrificio humano

y anatomicas/patologicas
Intermedio Tardio y Horizonte Tardio (1000-1475 y 1475-1533
dne). Se conocen muchasformas diferentes del sacrificio en losAndes Centrales, y el tema ha sido discutido por varios autores,
pero sin consenso sobre su definicion. Luego de una breve presentacion del sitio de investigaciones, empezemos por estable
cer criterios para definir el sacrificio humano, inspirandonos del estudio desta prdctica en una serie de
antiguas culturas y
sociedades a traves del mundo. Esto nos llevo a sugerir que el sacrificio humano es cualquier matanza de un individuo por
rituales/ simbolicos, pues las intenciones especificas se encuentran por lo general fuera del alcanze del arqueologo,
especialmente en las culturas sin escritura como las del antiguo Peril. Continuamos con el problema de la identificacion del
sea: ? como identificar la practica sacrificical en base de las evidencias materi
sacrifico humano en el registro arqueologico,
als i Para esto, nos referimos al concepto de "entierro desviante". Este conceptoprimeropropuestopor
Geake (1992)para
la arqueologia medieval inglesa se ha vuelto progresivamente un elemento crucial en el exdmen de la muestra antropofisica.
En terminos cortos, se refiere a la modalidad de la muerte de un individuo y/o la manera con la cual sus restos fisicos se

motivos

encuentran o han sido usados, y que nos dicen estos elementos respecto a las normasfunerarias en la cultura a la
cualpertenece
el difunto. Aqui enfocamos en la identificacion de una categoria de entierros desviantes: el sacrificio humano. La metodologia
combina las evidencias antropologicas y
que usamos confines de identificar el sacrificio en nuestra muestra de Pachacamac
arqueologicas. Aparte de las evidencias anatomicas directas de traumatismo fisico, hay muchas evidencias de entierros "des
viantes" que ayudanpara
contextualizar los individuos traumatizados y tambien proporcionan un medio potencial para iden

tificargente sacrificados en ausencia de evidencias patologicas.

y Entierro Desviante;
(2) Traumatismo sin Entierro Desviante;
ducir el concpeto de Individuos Potencialmente Sacrificados

tanto sepuede usartres combinaciones:

(1) Traumatismo
(3) Entierro Desviante sin Traumatismo. Esto nos lleva a intro
(PSIs en el texto): el andlisis de la configuracion anatomica y
contextual de concepto PSI proporciona al investigador una base a partir de la cual se determina la probabilidad de
sacrifi
cio para cada individuo. Este marco teorico y metodologico
se aplico a nuestro corpus de 181 excavados en Pachacamac.
la propuesta de John Verano respecto a la existencia de dos patrones de sacrificio humano
Respaldamos
identificados en sitios
o ofrendas para meta especial, y varones prisoneros sin
(niho o adolescentes como acompanantes
prehispdnicos Peruanos
tratamiento especifico). Por otro lado, nuestra muestra sugiere alguna forma de dicotomia entre las tradiciones
sacrificiales
de la Costa Norte (sangrienta) y Central (no sangrienta).
Porlo

Peter Eeckhout

Departement Histoire, Art etArcheologie, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Av. F. Roosevelt 50 (CP175),
1050 Brussels, Belgium (peeckhou@ulb.ac.be)
Lawrence
Stewart Owens
Section, Birkbeck College FCE, University of London 26 Russell Square,
Bioarchaeology
London WC1B
5DQ, United Kingdom (lawrence_owens@yahoo.co.uk)
Latin American Antiquity 19(4), 2008, pp. 375-398
by the Society forAmerican Archaeology

Copyright ?2008

375

376LATIN AMERICAN

Central

Andean evidence for sacrifice has

been discussed at lengthby various authors

(including Fleming 1983; Lyon 1995; Ver

ano 1995, 2001b), forwhile some discoveries are
fairly unambiguous (for example, Bourget 1997,
1998, 2001; Bourget and Millaire 2000; Cordy
Collins 2001; Reinhard 1999; Uhle 1903; Verano
1998; Verano & Cordy-Collins 1986), some evi
dence ismore open to debate (see discussions by

ANTIQUITY

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

guineous in itsuse of sacrifice; alternatively,how

ever, thedistinctionmay be artificial and it is only
the apparent enthusiasm?and
resulting high
which they
archaeological
visibility?with
embraced thisaspect of life thatmakes them stand
out against

other

cultures.

Compared to theirnorthernneighbors, the soci

eties and settlements of theCentral Coast?such
as Pachacamac?have

produced

little data

relat

Lyon 1995 and Sutter 2001). It thereforebehooves

us to reappraise themechanisms bywhich sacrifice

ing tohuman sacrifice (see Burger 1992; Eeckhout

2004a; Lumbreras 1974;Moseley 1992). Kroeber
(1954) foundburials arranged inpairs atMaranga's

cally and iconographically, they are particularly

demonstrable in human skeletal and mummified

heads from the site ofMaranga

is identified.Inmany cases, interpretationof sacri

fice has been assisted by iconographic evidence, Huaca Aramburu, from the Lima culture (con
although even thismay be enigmatic.1 Sacrifice in temporary with the Early Intermediate Period
theCentral Andes isknown tohave takenmany dif Moche). In reference to burials 109 and 109A, he
states that "there can be no doubt
that we have
ferent forms, including strangulation (Fleming
(...)
a spouse
or
rather
burial or sacrifice"
companion
1983; Uhle 1903), throat-cutting(Verano 2001),
than a retainer burial, due to the comparative
mod
decapitation (Cordy-Collins 2001; DeLeonardis
esty of the accompanying grave gifts (Kroeber
2000; Proulx 2001), dismemberment (Bourget
1954:33). Other examples include several indi
1998; Verano 1986), bludgeoning (Bourget 1998,
Reinhardt 1999), and poisoning (Montoya 2004).
viduals, including a series of headless, disarticu
While some of these have been attested to histori
lated, and defleshed bodies and possible trophy
(Jijon y Caamano
1949:27^12). Paredes (1999) describes four sim
ilar trophyheads from the same site, although they

remains. In theAmericas, this isusually manifested

as cutmarks (Verano 2001), cranial trauma (Standen
andArriaza 2000; Torres-Rouff et al 2005; Bour

were

get 2001), and dismemberment/trophy taking

(Andrushko et al. 2005; Verano 1986, 2001b;
Cordy-Collins 2001; Millaire 2004).2
Some of themost dramatic evidence forancient
sacrifice comes from the coastal populations of

preted

northern

Peru,

where

there

is considerable

evi

unfortunately

recovered

from

a looted

con

text.Trophy heads were also found by Stumer

at Playa Grande, and by Cerulli
(1953:46)
(1967:69) atCajamarquilla. These have been inter
as evidence

of human

sacrifice

and

the rit

offering of mortuary remains to the

deceased, thusdifferingsomewhat fromNasca tro
phy head caches (DeLeonardis 2000; Paredes
ualized

dence for all these forms of physical trauma in

1999:58; Proulx 2001 ).3At the beginning of the
addition to comprehensive iconographic data in the Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 600-1000), Dante
formofmurals and figurativeceramic vessels from Casareto (2005) excavated one individualwho had
been killed and deposited in frontof an important
theMoche Culture of the Early Intermediate
at Cajamarquilla. This young adultmale
The
Period (ca. A.D.
building
1-750) (Verano 2001a).
had his hands tied behind his back and had been
refinednature of thedata has enabled furtheranaly
interredwith a condor, a camelid (also sacrificed),
sis of theosteological material, elucidating a large
and a series of broken vases of theNieveria style.
amount of social informationconcerning thegeo
A recent discovery of almost 200 Late Intermedi
graphical origin of the victims and their likely
social rolewithinMoche belief and social systems ate Period (caA.D. 1000-1450) sacrificial victims
at Punta Lobos?possibly
linked to the expansion
(Sutter and Cortez 2005). However, due to the
theChimu empire?is possibly themost impor
of
of
these
and
excavation
exquisite analysis
exacting
remains, authors have relied so heavily upon them tant such discovery for some time (Verano 2007,
that theMoche seems likely to become the stan
2008). The "cemetery of the sacrificed women"
excavated by Uhle in the Inca Temple of the Sun
dard against which to assess all sacrificial behav
ior in all Prehispanic South American cultures. It at Pachacamac is thebest-known sample from the
site (Benson 2001; Eeckhout 2004a; Fleming
san
was
be that Moche
may
unusually
society

Eeckhout

HUMAN SACRIFICE

& Owens]

AT PACHACAMAC 377

with ramps.The thirdline ofwalls marks theexte

1983; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903:84-88; Verano
coast
the
and
central
while
riorof the site, and there is a fourthenclosure wall
area;
2001b),
perhaps
it is generally agreed thatthevictimswere "aellas"
about one kilometer north of the third.
as
were
who
of
Permanent occupation at the siteprobably began
(chosen women)
part
strangled
a
of
ritual
the
ceremonies,
major
orig
reappraisal
during the Early Intermediate Period, when the
inal remains is required. There is no evidence for lower Rimac and Lurin valleys were under the
trophy-takingat Pachacamac, although the large dominion of a stratifiedpolity whose centerwas
number of loose skulls?disturbed by looters?
situated in the Rimac valley. This early group?
some
were
that
divorced
from
the
include
theLima culture?was characterized by a
dubbed
may
bodies before interment.
More recent excavations by theYchsma project
at Pachacamac and other nearby settlementshave
revealed a number of potential human sacrifices

specific ceramic style and large adobe platform

mounds; extant examples include the "Old Temple
of Pachacamac" and the "Conjunto de adobitos,"
although a variety of other structuresand cemeter
to
the
late
and
ies still remain. Even during the earliest period, it
colonial
dating
prehispanic
early
It
is
therefore
periods (Eeckhout 1999b, 2004a).
likely thatthe sitewas already an importantreli
us not

behooves

to

only

reappraise

extant

evidence

for sacrifice, but also to explore the definitions of

theprocess and ascertainmethods inwhich itmay
be archaeologically visible in the absence of dra

matic anatomical and iconographic evidence. The

remainderof thispaper thereforeentails a summary
of the site of Pachacamac, a methodological dis

cussion about sacrifice in thearchaeological record,

a description of thefinds, and an interpretationof
theirpotential significance.

Pachacamac is a monumental coastal site in the

Central Andes that reached its apogee afterbeing
incorporated into Tahuantinsuyu (Figure 1). It
one

gious,

of

the empire's

ceremonial,

most

political,

important

reli

economic,

strategic,

and symbolic centres (Hyslop 1990:255-61; Mose

ley 1992:185; Rowe 1946:191, 1963; Shimada
1991). Among other things, itwas the seat of an
eponymous
scale,

oracular

long-distance

god

the focus

and

pilgrimages.

center.

Pachacamac

of

large

Pachacamac

is

situated half a kilometre from thePacific Ocean,

near themouth of theLurin River. The site covers
about 600 hectares (2.31 square miles), of which
one third is occupied by themonumental sector

came

under Huari

influ

ence during theMiddle Horizon, and acted as a

conduit for the spread of south-central highland
iconographyand religious ideology.The extantreli
gious significance of Pachacamac?especially
relating to the prestige of the oracle and related

cult?is unlikely to have been lost on the new

comers. During this period, the Painted Temple
was constructed and theOld Temple was aban
doned. Huari's decline at the end of theMiddle
Horizon (aroundA.D. 1000)marked a reduction in
Pachacamac's

The Site of Pachacamac

became

gious

sphere of influence; however, the

precise

mechanics

central

coast

of this process

are poorly

under

stood because theLate Intermediateperiod of the

is very understudied.

Written

sources

suggest that theYchsma ethnic group dominated

theLurin Valley at theend of theLIP, but thispolity
has been difficulttodefine archaeologically (Eeck
hout 2004b, 2005a). Topa Inka Yupanqui's con
quest of the region around A.D. 1470 marked the

beginning of theLate Horizon, and Pachacamac

(until then called Ychsma) was incorporated into
the Inka empire. The Inka carried out a series of
renovations

and

developments

at the site,

includ

ing the construction of theTemple of the Sun and

anAcllahuasi (House of theChosen Women). The

oracle became one of themost feared and revered

in theAndes and also the focus of large-scale pil
two
concentric
enclosures.
The
first
enclosure?
by
grimages, which were encouraged by the Inkas.
known as The Sacred Precinct?includes theOld When the Spaniards arrived at the site in
January
Temple of Pachacamac, the Painted Temple, the
1533, itwas one of Peru's largestandmost impres
a few years of
within
Temple of theSun, an importantcemetery,and the sive settlements. However,
foundations of a large rectangular structure.The
the conquest itwas completely abandoned.
(Figure 2). The latterisdivided into twomain parts

second

numerous

enclosure
plazas,

includes

open

spaces,

streets,

cemeteries,

and most

pyramids

The site has been the subject of research into

monumental architecture since theend of thenine

378LATIN AMERICAN
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1.Map

of Peru with sites mentioned

teenth century (Bueno Mendoza

1982; Eeckhout
Uhle
Shimada
1991;
1999a;
1903). The Ychsma
Libre
de
Bruxelles, Belgium?
Project (Universite
InstitutoNacional de Cultura del Peru) started in
1999. It is a long-term,multidisciplinary project,

which aims to understand the function, develop

ment,

and

influence

of Pachacamac

^BHiP

...

_.m[
Figure

during

^^^'^'^

^flHHHHBHBHHBiH^HHHF

200Ktomctere

'".-.'.1?

Ptni iv/ia

^SHHBII^H^^^^H^HHHInB^

Archaeological Site
National
Capital j j
m Major
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J

III
II

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Boundary111'
|

??

- r~

the Late

IntermediatePeriod and Late Horizon. While

there

*S
\a

'
I CHUe\
f^

in the text.

is a focus upon monumental

chronology,

)
\

and

role

architecture's

function,

in the site expansion,

the pro

ject brief also bioarchaeological analysis (among

other disciplines). The currentpaper is the result
of collaboration between the cultural and bioar
chaeological components of the research plan. As
an

extremely

important

tic site, Pachacamac

ritual, official,

would

seem

and domes

to be

an

ideal

Eeckhout

HUMAN SACRIFICE

& Owens]

AT PACHACAMAC 379

PA0ttCAMAC2O62~2QOi
^^>^^^
\
)

Dealt
TopognfeytafoBofeV.

Figure 2.Map
Topographer

vt5

area of Pachacamac
ofmonumental
:Valerie Decart).

(2008) with complete nomenclature

locale to study all aspects of bioarchaeology,

including sacrifice, evidence forwhich has been
recently

Despite thefact thatacademics have researched

Andean

sacrifice

little consensus

for over
on

a century,

the nature,

there

definition,

is very
or crite

ria for itsaccurate identificationthrougharchaeo

(Dir: Peter Eeckhout;

logical and anthropological evidence. In order to

explore this issue and address thepoints thusraised,
we

at the site.

recovered

of buildings

elected

to explore

the concept

of human

sacri

fice in general terms so thatwe could propose a

series of objective criteria for identifyingpossible
ritualmanslaughter fromother formsof intentional
or accidental killing in the archaeological record.

380LATIN AMERICAN

While we developed thesehypotheseswith thehelp

of thePachacamac sample, we also used samples
from other periods and areas in order to address a
wider Andean perspective.
Defining Criteria

forHuman

Sacrifice

Human sacrifice is a worldwide practice thathas

been attested to historically since thebirthofwrit
tenrecords,and archaeologically from theNeolithic
period onwards (Davies 1988; Tierney 1989). The
temporal and spatial range of sacrificial practices
results in a highly diverse series of behavioral sig
natures thatreflect the role of sacrificewithin any
given population. Itmay be a marginal and rare
aspect of life, such as in the exceptional and often
questionable cases of the IronAge (Brunaux 2000,
2002,2005;Cadoux
1996) to thewell-attestedmass
sacrifices regularlyperformed by theAztecs (Car
rasco 1999; Gonzalez Torres 1985,2001; Graulich
1988,2000,2005). There is archaeological and his

torical evidence for human sacrifice in ancient

Mesopotamia (Moorey 1997;Wooley 1934), Egypt

(Dreyer 1992;Maisch 1998;Maish and Friedman
1999; Petrie 1900-1901; Reisner 1936; Wright
1979; Yoyotte 1980-81), Sub-Saharan Africa

(Heusch 1986), Greece (Bonnechere 1994; Burk

ert 1983; Hugues 1991), Rome (Beard et al. 1998;
Dumezil 1970; Rives 1995; Van Haeperen 2004,
2005), China (Hay 1973), India (Vesci 1986), South
easternAsia (Valeri 1994, 2000; Wessing and Jor

daan 1997), and Oceania (Kirch 2000; Spriggs

1997; Valentin 2005; Valeri 1985). For thepresent

purpose,

data

from

various

cultures

of

the New

World such as thePawnee (Hyde 1974), theMaya

(Helfrich 1973; Najera 1987), the populations of
and other
Teotihuacan
2005),
(Sugiyama
Mesoamerican cultures (Boone 1984) and a wide

range ofCentral and SouthernAndean societies are

all of particular relevance.
Anthropological theoriesabout sacrifice and its
definition are abundant and highly diverse (Bloch

1997; Girard 1972; Godelier 1996; Hubert and

Mauss 1899; Leach 1980; Sahlins 1985), based as
they

are

upon

an

exceedingly

disparate

ANTIQUITY

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

viewed as themost basic of operational definitions.

In thecontextof humansAlbert etal. (2005:23) sug
gest thathuman sacrifice can be defined as "therit
ual killing of living beings within a religious
context." They add that "one will call religious?
in the general sense of the term?any practice

implying the representationof supernaturalbeings

or powers" (2005:24). Ifwe follow thisproposal,
positive identificationof sacrifice in the archaeo
logical record is somewhat problematic, forwhile
violence may be identifiable frombioarchaeolog
ical and pathological studies of skeletal remains,
differentiating violence (including what would
as "murder" or
forensically be described

"manslaughter") from human sacrifice and other

forms of ritual killing is a largely semantic issue
thatrelies heavily upon contextual (including his

torical, epigraphic, artefactual, and spatial) evi

dence. Indeed, the difference between human
sacrifice (as defined above) and manslaughter lie
in the intentionsof thosewho performed thekilling.
Many

authors

consider

that retainers,

for example,

cannot fall in the human sacrifice category as the

victims

were

not consecrated:

they were

not offered

to a god or other supreme being but as companions

and/or servantsof a special individual. In our eyes,

such a distinction is acceptable when correspond

ing ethnological or documental data is available,
since itprovides a directly observed social context
thatcannot be approximated by archaeological evi

dence

alone.

Therefore,

an archaeologist

can?with

or without thehelp of anthropology?record vio

lentdeath and infera series of explanations as to
itscausation, but it isusually impossible (or at least
premature) to discover themotivation behind the
killing. It is for thisreason thatwe propose a broader
definitionof human sacrifice,which would be any
killing of an individual for ritual/symbolic pur

poses. In this sense, we follow the proposals of

Bonnechere (1994) andVan Haeperen (2004,2005)
concerning human sacrifice in ancientGreece and
Rome. A series of criteriamust be selected inorder
todetermine, ineach case, themost plausible inter
pretation of each given situation.

set of

archaeological, anthropological and ethnographic

data. Sacrifice [Lat. Sacrificare?to make holy]
can roughly be defined as a form of gift to super
natural beings inwhich theoffering is consecrated
through its destruction, although this should be

Identifying Human Sacrifice

in theArchaeological Record
Since the 1960s, therehas been a growing inter
est in the study and interpretationof atypical buri

Eeckhout

& Owens]

als,

those

i.e.,

HUMAN SACRIFICE
body

or

position

or non-normative

location

special

placement,

unusual

showing

treat

ment of the body (Aspock 2007; Baiter 2005;

Buckberry 2007; Geake 1992, 2002; Reynolds
2009). Originally designed toanalyze "burials dif

ferent from the normative burial ritual of the

period,

respective

and/or

region

cemetery"

(Aspoeck 2007) inAnglo Saxon populations, the

applicability of the notion of burial deviance?
tran
originally proposed by Geake (1992)?has
and
is
its
scended
becoming an
original purpose
increasingly important variable for examining

skeletal

In short,

samples.

it pertains

to the man

ner inwhich an individuals' public persona and/or

manner of death may be expressed in how?and
are disposed of.
Typically, the subjects of deviant burial had wit
tinglyor unwittinglyprovoked social censure.His

where?they

torical examples include stillborn/unbaptized

children, suicide victims, lepers, and executed
criminals. Archaeologically, IronAge bog bodies
may

reflect

censure

for

some

social

perceived

transgression, possibly homosexuality (Rives

1999:13:2), while the exclusion of sick individu
als fromcentralized burial plots in theBritish Early

Neolithic may indicate either spiritual exclusion

or?more charitably?special treatmentreflecting
their infirmities (Baiter 2005). As far as we are
aware, however, this is the first time that a for
malized deviant burial scoring system has been
deployed inLatin America.
Rather than examining grave wealth or tomb
the "patterns

elaboration,

of disposal

of human

remains in thepast" (Reynolds 2009:41) should be

assessed

in relation

to the "eight

causal

factors"

that

might account for unorthodox burial practices in

the archaeological
sacre, murder,

record:
plague,

"battle,

sacrifice,

execution,
suicide

and

mas
super

stition" (Reynolds 2009:43). While being alert to

all of thesepotentialities,we will here focus on the
identificationof one category of deviant burials;
namely,

human

sacrifice.

The firstpriority is to accurately identifynon

naturaldeath?killing?and
todistinguishbetween
accidental and deliberate agency; thisunderscores
the importance of including a physical anthropol
ogist or bioarchaeologist in any serious field team
(Buikstra 1977). While anatomical/pathological
evidence may be the single-most importantdis
criminator

available

to us, however,

it should

be rec

AT PACHACAMAC 381

ognized thatmany formsof killing either leave no

observable traces on the body (i.e., poisoning),
leave lesions thatonly affect soft tissues (i.e., lig
ature

or

strangulation),

only

produce

osteo

minor

logical effects (i.e., hyoid fracture inmanual

strangulation cases) and are thereforemissed on
skeletal remains, especially iftheyare not ina good
state of preservation.

Death by sacrifice tends to be the exception

ratherthan therule inany given society.By perusal
of ethnographicand historical information,itwould
seem reasonable to suggest that sacrificedpersons
were treateddifferentlyfrom thosewho met a less
dramatic?and,

less

arguably,

socially

significant?demise. In theAndes, thecapac nucha

intermentscould be described as "deviant" insofar
thattheir location andmanner of burial is so out of
the ordinary for the population as a whole; these
burials thereforereflect something about the indi
vidual in life, and theirdeath's role in the social
order (Brown 1995; Rowe 1995; Verano 1995). It
should be possible, in some cases at least, to iden
tifysacrificed individuals on the basis of contex
tual information in collaboration with (or even in

the absence of) anatomical evidence. As noted

above, while sacrificed individuals may indeed
appear as deviant burials in the archaeological
record, it is not by anymeans theonly reason that

burialsmay be presented inan unconventionalman

ner. Some

of the most

common

alternatives

are pre

sented in Table

1. The better the contextual

evidence, obviously, themore likely our interpre
tations

are

to be plausible.

The

methodology

we

used in order to identifysacrifice in our Pachaca

mac sample combine both anthropological and
archaeological

evidence.

Sacrifice differsfromotherviolent acts by being

almost

invariably

successful.

Furthermore,

as sac

rifice is?in theAndean region at least?typically

under strict social control (Swenson 2003), it is

likely that the lesions sustained as a result of sac

rificewould differfrom those sustainedby accident,
combat or othermeans. Itwas thereforedecided to
contrast the fatal and non-fatal lesions in the sam
ple. As well as thisdirect anatomical evidence for

physical trauma, there is considerable evidence for

"deviant" burial thathelps tocontextualize the trau
matized individuals and also offers a potential
means for identifying sacrificed people in the
absence of pathological evidence.We can therefore

382LATIN AMERICAN
1.Evidence

Table

and Hypothesis

ANTIQUITY

toHuman

Related

Sacrifice

(modified fromAlbert et al. 2005:30).

in favor of

Evidence
of

Traces

sacrifice_Alternative
violent

Simultaneous

in the population

bias

utilize

(1) Trauma and

"Deviant" Burial; (2) Trauma Without "Deviant"
Burial; (3) "Deviant" BurialWithout Trauma. Each
case was considered individually and all possibil
into account.

In concrete

burial
hierarchy
limitation in deposition
death
related to aberrant

profile_Bias

three combinations:

ities taken

Record

War, battle, murder, accident, capital punishment

Special status of the individual

Catastrophic
linked body placement
Non-sacrificial
Hierarchically
Placing of the individuals with/instead of offerings
Space
Accidental
"Special" setting of the individual
Peculiar

in theArchaeological

hypothesis_
death

body position or burial pattern

burial of several individuals

Non-standard

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

terms, we

first

selected the burials that corresponded to one of

these threepossibilities.
The firstcombination isof course themost obvi
ous, even if an interpretationother than sacrifice
has tobe considered (cf.Table 1).The second sce

area

hyper-mortality_

sites such as Pachacamac

is uncertain (Eeckhout
2008). Likewise, the point at which such habits
became apparent is unknown, and while analyses
based upon the presence of exotic goods (i.e.,
Spondylus shells from the Ecuadorian border,
Andean textiles)may be indicative, it is impossi
ble to differentiatemigration from trade on this
basis.

For

the current

paper,

we

however,

are con

cerned primarilywith thenature of sacrifice and its

definition in cultural terms,which would not have

with certainty, been affected by having ascertained the individu

nario is themost difficultto interpret
can be pro
als' place of origin. Furtherwork on the applica
since numerous
alternative
explanations

posed, as stated above. The last scenario refers to

all those individuals inunorthodox burial or depo
sition

contention

contexts?the

being

that numer

ous ways of killing leave no observable traces in

the anatomical
have

record.

introduced

For

the notion

all

these

we

reasons,

of Potentially

individual.

time, around

ninety

excavations

areas

have been opened by theYchsma Project, and

human remains have been forthcomingfrommost
of these.The project design includes plans forcom
prehensive studies of these?notably for biodis
tance,

isotopic,

and

aDNA

about

information

the

individuals

is pre

sented inTable 2. Related contextual and strati

graphical information is detailed elsewhere in
corresponding reportsand publications (see Table
3). The remainswere aged and sexed using devel
opmental, pelvic, and dental methodologies as
summarized inBuikstra andUbelaker (1994). The
unsexed individuals are predominantly subadults
thatcannot usually be sexed (the exceptions being

Corpus Analysis
the present

mified and skeletal individuals from the site.The

basic

Sacri

ficed Individuals (PSIs): analysis of the anatomi

cal and contextual configurationof each PS Iwould
give the investigator a foundation fromwhich to
determine the likelihood of sacrifice for any given

At

tionof scientificmethods to these remains shall be

forthcoming indue course.
evidence for
The anatomical/pathological
trauma was evaluated on the basis of 181 mum

analyses?in

order

mummified remains with retained soft tissue).

Individuals classified as "adult" or "subadult" are
Table

to

establish the geographical origin and biological

affinityof the individuals.This is especially impor
tantwhen addressing one of themain thrustsof the
currentresearch project?that ofmigration.While
historically attested in the fifteenthand sixteenth
centuries, the extent towhich people traveledover
largedistances for thepurpose of visiting religious

0-10
11 to 18
19-40
41 +
"Adult"
"Subadult"
"Unknown"
Total_48_54_79

2. Sample Used

in the Present Study.

_Male_Female_Unknown

1
7
14
4
21
1

3
33
1
15

2 41
4
3
0

10
0 19
2

Eeckhout

HUMAN SACRIFICE

& Owens]

Figure 3. Partial
encountered.

3D numerical

reconstruction

of Pachacamac

either badly preserved or were incompletely ana

lyzed at the timeofwriting. Potentially Sacrificed
Individuals (PSIs) were encountered inPyramids
3A, 3C (also called Temple of theMonkey, for rea
sons explained below), 5,13 and in theeastern cor

ridor of theCentral Plaza (Figure 3 and Table 3).

In all cases, the PSIs have been subdivided into
those

with

peri-mortem

traumatic

AT PACHACAMAC 383

lesions,

and

those individuals who we believe may have been

sacrificedbased on themanner inwhich theywere
interredor deposited.

(2005) with

All

the postcranial

context, thisfigurewas compared with data from

Larsen (1997:116-154)
and Owens (2003) (see
Table 4). The trauma rate has been calculated on a
disregarding

site,

sex or side.

Of these,six individualshad multiple lesions,while

13had single lesions; the totalnumber of traumatic
lesions was
were

26. Nineteen

postcranial.

Six

were

healed.

were

The

cra

fractures,

oval

to round

in overall

shape.

neck

fracture.

single

maxillary process injurywas noted, resulting in the

loss of all the upper front teeth.The postcranial
lesions includedmisaligned longbone fractures,rib
and

fractures,

femoral

single

Lesions were distributed across the cranium with

particular emphasis on thefrontaland theparietals.
There were no lesions to theoccipital or the facial
Table 4. General Comparisons
for
Pachacamac Trauma Prevalence.

Of the 181 individuals assessed for the current

study, 19were affected by traumatic lesions (10.5
percent). In order to contextualize this in a global

basis,

lesions

PSPs

nial lesions were predominantly small, depressed

Trauma and Pathology

by-individual

indication of the places where

lesions were
cranial

lesions

cranial;
were

seven
peri

mortem and possibly fatal; the remainder were

healed and had occurred well before timeof death.

% Affected

Population_Sample
Danish Mesolithic
Rodeo

Riders

43.8%

71/181

(USA)

Neanderthals

29%
31/110

Swansport, Australia
Islands

106/560
31/271

RapaNui
Nubians
Pachacamac
Danish Neolithic

Danish

- 9.4%

Ages

IronAge

Viking Period_-_4.3%

11.4%
10.6%

19/181

10.5%

5.1 %
4.7%

18.9%

17/160

(N.America)

Danish Middle

39.2%

29%
5/17

Prehispanic Canary

Libben

6.4%
6/94
-

384LATIN AMERICAN

mortem

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peri-mortem

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there were

no cut

of the cervical

verte

notably,

aspects

traumatic

a consistency

to trauma,

so far recov

lesions

that argues

against

ran

"^
3

^t
r^
rs ^t ^

and

preservation,

context.

Is

it

possible to identifycases of human sacrificewith

out trauma if they follow burial patterns usually
associated with sacrificed individuals thatdo show
traumatic lesions? For instance, the cemetery of
sacrificedwomen was identifiedas being so pre
dominantly on the strengthof thediscovery of lig
atures

"?
? 13
3
"S ?*
o qj o
o i

f2

in any of the

recovered

dom occurrence, and which may reflect a

regularized sacrifice system. Of these, some are
buried in a manner thatdiffers from themajority
of the population. The fundamental issue at hand

"? ^

=? s

o* \
CO

ss

were

Most

to the ventral

relates

J5 o

peri
the rear

on

brae, a finding that is fundamentally at odds with

many sacrificed individuals elsewhere inPeru, par
ticularly those fromMoche sites (Verano 2001a).
ered

gJ.3c8a>oooSo

The

process.

concentrated

traumas
bones.

postcranial
marks

The
5

were

infant (PSI 2, see Table 3), which had crushing

injuries to therightparietal and also cutting lesions
to the leftside of the frontal,possibly attributable
to the tumbaga tumi thatwas recovered nearby.No

peri-mortem

CCCCCCCC3G

for the maxillary

lesions

aspect of theparietals and theoccipital. They were

large, crushing injuries that forced fragments of
thebone inwards,and that leftradiating crack lines
that seem to have been caused by blunt force
trauma.The exception to thiswas a badly preserved

CN CO
? in
^

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

save

bones,

<N

Uf

ANTIQUITY

the necks

around

of the mummies,

which

had

good levels of soft-tissue preservation (Uhle

1903:84-8). If thishas not been the case, however,
itmay have been impossible to identifytheircause
of death. Detecting trophyheads and differentiat
ing these fromdisturbed remains in looted contexts

is also problematic; if the inhabitants of the site

treated skulls in a special matter, ithas not been
as yet. Trophy
possible to positively identify it
heads have previously been identifiedthroughcul
tural

notable

treatment;

examples

decora

include

tion or inlay (i.e., theAztecs) and theNasca habit

of piercing thefrontalwith a cord and breaking out
thebase of theoccipital in order to enable display
(Proulx 2001). While it is not possible to discount
thepossibility that such phenomena existed at the
site, no evidence has so farbeen forthcoming.

Trauma
Two

and
clear

"Deviant"
cases

have

Burial
been

Correlations
recovered,

and

both

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 385

Figure 4. PSI1

i/is/ta.

sector of the site: the

the same general
spondylus beads in the layerof fine sand covering
is
his
Plaza.
It
worth
describ
of
the
Central
body. The posterior aspect of the rightparietal
periphery
was
sector
to
crushed with at least a single blow, with radi
this
understand
its
this
since
ing
helps
come

from

importance and perhaps thepresence of thePSIs.

The North-South Street thatpermits external access
to thesite terminatesat theentryof theCentral Plaza
(Figure 2), giving rise to a three-way junction:

ating

fracture

out across

lines emanating

the skull.

The blow would thereforeseem tohave come from

above and to the right?perhaps while the individ
ual was kneeling. The apex of the instrument(pos
straighton to enter theCentral Plaza, to the left sibly a club) lefta distinctivemark superoanterior
to themain lesion. The hyoid was undamaged;
through the Eastern Corridor (toward the South
as the
eastern partof thesite), and rightthroughthe
this is not necessarily
West
however,
significant
are
ernCorridor all along theexteriorside of theCentral
bone
and/or
rarelyfrac
thyroidcartilages
hyoid
a
cases
The
tured
in
of
into
famous
Plaza.
the
Plaza, leading
strangulationusing ligature(Ube
Pilgrim's
huge

corridor

walls

are made

of

irregular

stone

blocks with tapia basements. This peculiar circu

lation layoutwas designed by the Incas inorder to
control thefluxof visitors to the siteduring theLate

Horizon (Eeckhout 2004d, 2008).

PSI 1 was a highly atypical burial, located in
the southernpart of theEastern corridor from the
Central Plaza (Figure 4). The remains were of an
adultmale (about 35 years old), recovered from the
southern

corner

of the corridor.

The

body?which

was skeletal ratherthanmummified?had

out supine

and

in an extended

position,

been laid

with

no bur

ialgoods except for tracesof red pigment and loose

laker 1992). The lower right legwas absent from

theknee downwards. As thiswas theonly burial in

the area

and

the locale

was

otherwise

undisturbed,

thiswould suggest that this occurred to the indi

vidual at or around the timeof burial although there
were

no

signs

of pathology,

trauma,

or cut-marks

on the distal femur.This intriguingtreatmentand

the archaeological

context

are

suggestive,

as PSI1

was found within the abandonment layer of this

important

corridor.

Both

elements

seems

sufficient

to reject the simple murder/execution hypothesis,

and

the conjunction

of features

point

to a sacrifice

related to the abandonment itself,probably at the

386LATIN AMERICAN

liHBiiiii^

5. PSI

2 under excavation

(the skull has been consolidated

very beginning of theSpanish Conquest (when the

Pachacamac Idol was destroyed, itscult prohibited
and thepopulation forcefullymoved to theRimac
Valley to construct Ciudad de los Reyes [Cobo
1964 (1653), 11:285-286]. It should be noted that
the testpit inwhich PSI1 was encountered mea
sured only 4m2, so that it is possible that further
individuals may be found

nearby.
The

second

case

comes

from

theWestern

cor

ridorbut seems to correspond to the foundation of

this

structure.

PSI

2?a

young

subadult?

demonstrates oblique cutting/slicingwounds to the

leftside of the frontal,and possibly a large crush
ing injury to the right rear parietal (similar to that
of PSI 1,above),4 although preservation of thisarea
isnot good (Figure 5). PSI 2 was buried in the tapia

basement of theSouthernwall of thecorridor, thus

obviously associated with the construction of the
latter. Interestingly, a tumbaga tumi (sacrificial
knife) was found in a cache beneath the opposite
wall in the same layer,not far fromPSI 2 (Figure
6). All

these

evidences

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

^WBBflMBBMBBfflHBBMBHMfflliiillll^

Figure

similarly deposited

ANTIQUITY

suggest

a sacrifice

founda

tionperformed at theverymoment of building the

corridor. It is interesting to note thatother infant
burials were found in the same layer and thus
related to the same event; as these did not exhibit
traumas, theyare listed in the"Deviant BurialWith

out Trauma"

with bandages).

below.

section,

Trauma Without Deviant Burial

One of the plazas associated with Pyramid 3 is a
large,

open

area with

numerous

fragmented

buri

als dating to theLate Horizon and the early colo

nial period. Of the20 thathave so farbeen analyzed,
two bear

trauma

peri-mortem

that strongly

resem

bles that of the individuals described above. It

should be noted that this material cannot be
assessed forburial traditionsas all individuals have
been partially or totallydisarticulated by theactiv
ities of

looters.

PSI 3 displays a non-healed double trauma,with

a linear depressed fractureon the right side of the
frontal(3 cm longby .5cmwide), associated crack
runs
ing that

to the coronal

suture,

and

a 2-x-2-cm

crushing lesionon thedorsal aspect of therightpari

etalwith cracks radiating to the lambdoid and coro
nal sutures. The position of the cracks and their
orientationmakes itlikelythatthefrontallesionwas
sustained first,followed by theparietal lesion.
Another male skull (PSI 4) of a similar age
demonstrated a 3 cm round healed lesion on the
rear

1/3 of the sagittal

suture,

and

a 3.4

cm crush

ing injuryon themiddle of the right side of the

lambdoid suture (mainly on theparietal) with radi
ating

fracture

lines

across

the occipital

and

across

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

Figure 6. Sacrificial

knife in a cache near PSI

to the leftparietal.Although these individualsobvi

ously died from a violent death, similar to PSI 1
and

2, the disturbed

nature

of the context

does

not

permit us todiscard nonritualized murder or lethal

battle injuries as possibilities.
Deviant

Burials

Without

Trauma

Western cor
The PSIs in thefoundation layerof the
ridorare all subadults ranging from4 to 8 years old
(see Table 3, PSI 5, 6, 7). They have no burial
goods, with the exception of a guinea pig buried
with PSI 5. Body position ranged from supine and
extended (PSI 5,6) to flexed (PSI 7). They are all
associated

closely

with

the architecture,

to the

extentof being locatedwithin the tapia bases of the

main

walls.

PSI 7?a flexed subadult of around 4 years of

age?was buried immediately under thewall with
the lowest course crushing the body and deform
ing the skull (Figure 7). Other than this, thebody
bears

no

sacrifice,

apparent
but

traumatic

the context

seems

lesions

indicative

to suggest

AT PACHACAMAC 387

of

that its

have had
disposal?and
possibly demise?may
some specific social function.The levelof thewall
base is actually below the level of the skull due to

the body being depressed by itsweight; the indi

vidual was thereforeprotruding from under the

wall

as

itwas

2.

constructed.

is no

There

lamination

of sedimentbetween thebody and the lowestcourse

of stones, implying thatthebody was purposefully
placed below thewall as itwas being built. Finally,
thebones are deformed and bent, but not crushed
and powdery,which would seem to suggest thatthe
bone was freshat the time thewall was built.
Itwould thereforeseem likely thatthebody was
deliberately placed beneath thewall, possibly as
some

form

of homage,

or

sacrifice,

of the construction

benediction

works.

request
These

for
three

infantburials and theone described above (PSI 2)

seem to form a group that is stratigraphicallyand
chronologically related to the construction of the
Western

corridor

walls,

and

thus possibly

related

the architectural

asso

to itsfoundation rituals. Indeed, in addition to the

evidence cited so far (burial characteristics, the
trauma/sacrificial

knife,

and

ciations), it isworth noting that thiscorridor faces

theTemple of Pachacamac (thegod of earthquakes,
among

much

cemetery

else),

spreading

and
from

covers

the Temple's

huge

pre-Inca

foot toward

the north (Eeckhout 2009; Eeckhout and Farfan

2004, 2005; Uhle 1903).We believe itplausible to
suggest that inorder to sanctify theirown building
as to
please

the god Pachacamac

and

calm

the pos

sible wrath of the ancestors buried beneath, the

388LATIN AMERICAN

Figure 7. PSI

and

also

resonates

with

ethno-historic

records (see below).

PSI 8, found near Pyramid 5, was a highly
unusual case The pyramid is situated between the
second

and

third enclosures,

and

was

probably

modified by the Incas (Eeckhout and Farfan 2004).

A series of Late Horizon funerarybundles were dis
covered

by

the main

platform's

external

western

wall, buried into superficial sand and without for

structures. Associated
funerary
were
no grave
and
plain,
goods

mal

textiles
associated.

are all
This

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

the lower course of a wall of theWestern

7 in situ under

Incas performed a series of child sacrifices. This

would be consistent with the archaeological evi
dence,

ANTIQUITY

Corridor.

wrapped with bandages andwas buried inan angled

crouched

position.

Suspicions

were

first aroused

when thebody was partially unwrapped to reveal

a very unusual burial position; the legswere partly

but unequally extended (the lower half of thebody

was badly preserved), and the right elbow was
thrustout at a right angle to the body, and was
partly out of thebandages (Figure 8). It should be
remembered thatarm position is invariable in the
other burials at the site,being drawn into the chest
under the chin, sandwiched between the legs and
the torso. Further

investigation

revealed

the pres

ence of coprolites inside themummy wrappings, a

sample of burials includesPSI 8, a lateperiod infant unique finding at the site. No marks of trauma were
(<1 year) interment.The mummy was loosely
present on the body of the individual. This speci

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

8, an infant probably

Figure 8. PSI

men dates to theLate Horizon or Colonial period,

which is in itselfsuggestive as the Inca are known
to have

live burial.

practiced

cases

in locales

originate
to soft-tissue
preservation.

the clearest

However,

that were
While

more

conducive

taphonomic

cir

cumstances do not permit a definitive diagnosis,

there

therefore,

is considerable

circumstantial

evi

dence to suggest that this individual represents a

live burial of an infant.
The lastcase comes theTemple of theMonkey
that lies to thewest of Pyramid 3, and which isdis
tinctive

in terms of both

architecture

and

occupa

tion (Eeckhout 2003; Farfan 2004). Itwas built

occupied in theLate Intermediate Period, proba
bly between A.D. 1300 and 1460 (Eeckhout 2004c;
Michzincky et. al.2007). One of theplatforms con

tained the eponymous monkey mummy: beneath

this,within the layerof constructivefillof the struc
ture,was thebody of a young child lyingon itsright

side, oriented

with

east-west,

legs and

arms

flexed

and face turnednorthwards.The body was resting

on a fine layerof selected sandwith tracesofmaize
(Figure 9) and was covered with a textileand was
associated with a pointed staff80cm long,broken
into several

pieces,

as well

as several

ceramic

copies

of poisonous Nectandra seeds (Eeckhout 2006;

Montoya 2004). The burial is related to the foun
dation

of the Temple

itself, as a series

AT PACHACAMAC 389

of architec

buried alive.

tural and
matic

other

lesions

evidence

shows.
clearly
were noted on

or cutmarks

No

trau

the bones.

The age and apparent status of the individual and

theposition of theburial within thepyramid seems
to suggest special treatmentthat ispossibly linked
to sacrificial deposition, which would perhaps best
as deviant

be described
of more

compelling

tion remains

sensu

evidence,

lato.

In the absence

however,

this asser

speculative.

The results of our analysis has be summed up

inTable 5. It should be noted thatall the sacrifices
date to the Inca period of occupation. We will see
thishas some interesting implications in the gen
eral

framework

of human

sacrifice

in the ancient

Andes.

Discussion
Possibly themost comprehensive analysis of the
phenomena underlying sacrifice in theAndean
region was carried out by Swenson (2003), who
linked sacrificewith the evolution of power rela

tions and

lence"

stated

that the "elite

(2003:257)

establishment

were

and maintenance

areas

of ritual

integral
of political

to

vio

the
con

trol,especially when linked with the exercise of

ritual and

dence

religious

power.

The

archaeological

evi

is notable for its lack of consistency, as

390LATIN AMERICAN

r-".'| f i''^yfj?P^iiwiM^

>..:.^BJM|^^^^S^^MKl^Wi^^^^^^^y^,

Figure 9. PSI

sacrifice

to have

appears

9 in situ in the constructive

served

different

tural groups.
Contact

period

sources

frequently

make

refer

ence to ritual human sacrifice in the prehispanic

1994:11: ch.28; Cobo
Central Andes (Cieza
1964:XIII: ch. 13 to 18,31,32,36; Molina de Cuzco
1943:69-78; Murua 1946:III:ch.44, IV:ch.2; Polo
1917:ch.9), when most of theAndes was under the
control of the Inca Empire. Rowe (1946:305-306)
states

that human

exceptional
Capac

m j / //:

sacrifices

circumstances,

Hucha,

complex

were
citing

performed
the example

ceremony

only

in

of the

involving

fill of the Temple

retainer

functions at different times and in different cul

series of rituals that included the sacrifice of chil

dren (Du viols 1976; Salomon 1995;Velasco de Tord
1978). This traditionhas been confirmed archaeo
logically (Ceruti 2003; Dorsey 1901;McEwan and

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

*ii

-^<tiliiMBM?^ ^wsl^Sr ^:Lj.'^g"I^^^..^Kai^^^BlnjaMHB^OHI^KKSWF<f

^^^^^B^^^M?yj&

human

ANTIQUITY

iw*>^--y^.JM?

^^^H^H

of theMonkey.

to the main

deceased

personage,

notable

examples ofwhich include theMoche cultureof the

North Coast's Early IntermediatePeriod (ca A.D.
1-750: see Alva 1988, 1990; Alva and Donnan
1993;Donnan 1995:150-151; Donnan andMackey
1978:200-207; Hecker and Hecker 1992; Strong
and Evans

1952:150-167; Ubbelhode-Doering
1983:53,90, 107-13), theSican cultureof theMid

dle Horizon

to Late

Intermediate

period

(ca. A.D.

600-1000 toca.A.D. 1000-1475?Shimada

1995)
and the laterChimu culture of theLate Intermedi
ate Period (Conrad 1981:13, 1982:100; Pozorski
1980;Verano andWalde 2004). Other contexts sug
gest ritualkilling of captives, probably warriors, at

Pacatnamu (Verano 2007, 2008), El Brujo (Verano

2006), and theHuaca de la Luna (Bourget 1998;
Montoya 1996, etc). It is possible that the latter
VandeGuchte 1992;Mostny 1957;Reinhard 1992, were performed within the framework of cere
monies related toexceptionally devastating climatic
1997, 1999; Schobinger 2003), although such evi
events such as the ENSO phenomenon, although
dence
is scarce.
evi
Indeed, most
archaeological
dence forhuman sacrifice in theancientAndes dates
iconography and other finds suggest also that the
frommuch earlier periods (Benson 2001; Benson
ceremony included theritualkilling of enemies cap
and Cook 2001; Verano 1995, 2001b). In many
tured in combat (Alva and Donnan 1993).
cases,

the victim

seems

to be playing

the role of a

Sacrifices

were

not common

inWari

archaeo

Eeckhout

HUMAN SACRIFICE

& Owens]

Table

AT PACHACAMAC 391

5. Sacrifice Evidence

PSI
n?_Sacrifice_Modus

at Pachacamac.

motivation_

operandi_Possible
Ritual

1 Yes Blunt Impact (?Strangled)

2 Yes Skull Cut (?Blunt Impact)

abandonment

Foundation

sacrifice

Skull Blunt Impact /

Skull Blunt Impact /

Uncertain
3
Uncertain
4
Probably

Undetermined

Foundation

sacrifice

Probably

Undetermined

Foundation

sacrifice

Probably

Undetermined

Foundation

Buried alive
8 Probably

sacrifice
Offering to Pachacamac

Retainer/

9_Uncertain_Undetermined_/_

logical horizon (Kaulicke 2001:509). At Con

chopata, for example, Isbell cites only one case of
a mass burial comprising 5 young females, thathe
considers as a probable group of sacrificial victims

(Isbell 2004:16). Indeed, themost notable formof

possible sacrifice is the collection of trophyheads
recovered

from

two

structures

ritual

at

the

site

(Cook 2001; Tung 2007, 2008). The Incan sacri

fice of children
eve of war

on

solemn

as the

occasions?such

or to cast benediction

upon

some

other

notable event?has been documented both histor

ically and archaeologically (Rowe 1946:305-306).
Severed "trophy"heads fromSouthernCoast Nasca
culture are also likely to be related to the sphere of
war (Silverman and Proulx 2002) and were prob
ably

removed

from vanquished

opponents,

as are

the severed forearm "trophy" bones reportedupon

byAndrushko (et al. 2005). However, in themajor
ityofAndean cases thevanquished opponent was
humiliated through mutilation and execution

throughformalized sacrificeprocedures (Swenson

2003) and incomplete interment,with much less
emphasis on trophy-taking(Verano et al.1999).
Verano (2006:9) states thatthereare twodistinct
patternsof human sacrifice identifiedat Prehispanic
Peruvian sites: "(1) carefully-arranged burials of
children or adolescents accompanied by elaborate

ranking soldierywho died of combative wounds.

This highlights the importance of examining the
corporeal distributionand nature of lesions within
the site (or period, or region) as a whole.
Insofaras itcan be determined, thePachacamac
individuals do fall into these two categories,
although theprecise implicationsof thefindingsare
debatable (see below). Within the laterSican tra
dition, Shimada (1995) excavated elite burials con
tainingfemale and children retainers,none ofwhich

demonstrated

any

trace

of peri-mortem

violence.

Our data onYchsma practices during pre-Inca and

Inca times seem to follow the same general pattern
as theirChimu contemporaries on theNorth Coast,
as

perhaps

variations

regional

a common

from

coastal pattern (see Eeckhout 1998, 2005b).

One major difference seems to be the form of
sacrifice?the way inwhich people were killed. As
stated

above,

Peru's

best-known

sacrifice

cases

are

probably thosepertaining toCupisnique andMoche

society. Indeed, in all North Coast cases (also
including the Sican and Chimu), the dramatic
nature

of the activity marks

guineous,

out

process,

punishment/execution

decapitation,

massive

sacrifice

trauma

and

as a san
involving

mutilation

(Cordy-Collins 2001; Verano 2005) carried out

against captive enemies and hostages (Sutter and
as
to
or
retainers
in
Cortez
grave goods
2005). The difference between these san
offering
temples
status
and
male
buried
in
tombs,
(2)
high
captives
guineous (it is likely that extravagant blood-flow
or
contexts
was
without
themain aim) sacrificial phenomena and the
(...)
non-mortuary
grave goods
considerate treatmentof thebody. Evidence of vio
Pachacamac individuals ismarked: blunt force
lentdeath is commonly found in the latter,but not
trauma
is present,
but only one demonstrates
evi
in theformer."This is certainly trueof all situations dence of slicing wounds;
on
cut
marks
curiously,

where victims of combative contact have been pos

itivelyidentified,although thereare times inwhich

it is impossible to ascertain the identityof the vic

tim, and by definition we may be missing less
dramatic examples. It is also importantto consider
the possibility that the individuals represent low

cervical

vertebrae

and

other

bones,

so common

among Moche sacrifice victims (Verano 2001a,

2001b), are totally absent from our database. We
know

that

ligature

strangulation

was

a common

formof execution inUhle's cemetery of sacrificed

women (1903), although poor preservationhas pre

392LATIN AMERICAN

vented us fromfindinganymore such evidence.We

also suspect liveburial as a likely sacrificemethod.
While it is of course possible thatwe have yet to
sample thefull range of sacrificialmethods present
at the site, these two techniques account for the
majority of observed cases.
Early Colonial writings make frequent refer
ence tohuman sacrifice in the terminalInca period:
"themost valuable sacrificewas of human beings,
who were offered to themost importantdivinities
and huacas

on

pestilence,

famine,

sacrificed),

when

the most

solemn

and war

such

occasions,

as

at the coro

reverses,

nation of a new Emperor (when 200 childrenwere

the Emperor

to war

went

in per

son, or when he was sick" (Rowe 1946:305-306).

Children are believed to have been buried alive as
sacrifices at Pachacamac (Cobo 1964:XIII:ch. 36),
while Santillan (1879:32) notes that young girls
were offered toPachacamac, and were buried alive
for this purpose. Guaman Poma (1989:265) indi

cates thatchild sacrifices inhonor of Pachacamac

were regularlyperformed following the Inca ritual
a fact confirmed

calendar,

by

a native

of the area,

informant:

Avila's

los anos

Todos

ANTIQUITY

ods used onmany noncombative sacrificial victims

(strangulation,poisoning/drugging, and choking).
Respect for thebody is something thatappears very
clearly in thefamous Inca "ice maidens" and other
sacrificed children found by Reinhardt and his col
leagues on differentmountain peaks of Tahuan

tinsuyu territory(Ceruti 2003). Ceruti explains in

details the reasons why these individuals inpartic
ularwere chosen: age, physical beauty (manifested

by an immaculate skin), and social originswere the

most importantcriteria. Causes of death include
some cranial trauma,strangulation(Reinhard 1997,
1998; Schobinger 2001) or undetermined (Ceruti
2003).
From the broadest heuristic perspective, there
seems tobe some formof dichotomy inhuman sac

rifice traditionsfrom theNorth (sanguineous) and

Central Coast (nonsanguineous), suggesting spe
cific symbolical meanings related to cultural pecu
liarities hardly accessible in the present state of

research, considering thereduced sample of related

data inboth areas. However, this shiftinmortuary
practice with regards sacrifice is an area thatshould
be addressed.

le ofrecian

un capac

hucha

[sac

Concluding Remarks and

Further Recommendations

rificandole]gente [de todas las provincias] del

y hombres.

Tahuantinsuyo,
llegaban

mujeres
a Pachacamac,

victimas

de] ese capac

te los ofrezco,

aqui;
era,

[le ofrecian]

sacrificarle]
bebida

enterraban
hucha

padre

vivas

[a las
? Helos
man

lamisma

y no dejaban

y de hacerle

en la epoca

Cuando

diciendo:

?. De

oro y plata

llamas

y comida

de

ofrendas
la luna

[de
de

llena ?

[Avilal987:ch.22:331].
Another source notes the traditionof casting young
accom
girls fromelevated spots inorder forthem to
pany curacas in death (Polia 1999:296). Pachaca
mac's attributes include fertilityand fecundity.He
is, among other things, related to earth and agri
Cobo
culture
1975:I:ch.22;
(Calancha
1964:XIII:ch. 36; Jerez 1965:96). Babies were sac

rificed in order to obtain a good harvest (Polia

1999:449-50); theywere traditionallyburied in the
fields in question. Such practices denote a desire
to literallyprovide life for theearth: feeding it live

human

beings.

19, No. 4, 2008

[Vol.

It is interestingto note the correlation between

the Inca tradition of physical perfection in their
child victims and the low-impact sacrificemeth

The large traumatic lesionswere restrictedto adult

individuals (males), the cutting lesions of PSI 2
being an exception to the restof the corpus.While
most
ered

of the specimens
or

from mixed

were
looted

unfortunately
contexts,

recov

the consis

tencyof theperi-mortem lesions (positioned on the

posterior aspect of theparietals and the occipital)
seems

to infer a more

regularized

manner

of deliv

ery than the fairly random distribution of healed

lesions found in the remainder of the sample (see
above). The remaining PSIs were subadults, with

no physical evidence for sacrifice; their identifica

tion thereforereliedmore stronglyupon the posi

tionof thebody and theburial context.

On the basis of the Pachacamac evidence, we
would supportVerano's assertion that sacrificed

individuals do fall into two main groups

(infants/childrenand adult males). However, we
also recognize thatdefining the adult male group
as vanquished combatants isbased largelyupon the
pioneering work carried out on the sacrificedmales
atMoche sites (Sutter and Cortez 2005), and it is

& Owens]

Eeckhout

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 393

only throughdental or isotopic/genetic studies that

geographical disparity can be ascertained. At the
present time, therefore,PSI 1 and the2male skulls
(PSI 3 and 4) cannot conclusively be demonstrated
tobe exotic to the site. In thecase ofPSI 1, the iso

tion)will always produce a more balanced view of

ancient lifeways than any of these in isolation.

lationof the individual and thecareful (if atypical)

mode of burial adjacent to the scared precinct is
unusual when compared to the largeand chaotically

ical anthropologist, ifone is toavoidmissing impor

tant informationabout burial traditions and their
significance. Second, great attentionmust be paid
to theprecise position inwhich human remains are

deposited Pacatnamu sample (Verano 1986). Inci

dentally, itshould be noted thatthevariety in form
of sacrifice in the current sample may reflect the

deep stratigraphy,and that temporo spatial trends

may

more

become

apparent

with wider

exposures

at the site.
We

thus endorse

that researchers

Verano's

take

active

and

theory
measures

propose

to broaden

theirperspectives on PSIs by considering that

many
individualswho died in such amanner may not dis

play skeletal (or soft tissue) trauma, and that the

only indicator of the reason behind theirdemise
might lie in the fact that theirdeposition falls out
side theremitof burial practice for the site,culture,
or population. We would also propose that the
anatomical and contextual findings from the siteof
reflect a shift from the somewhat

Pachacamac

cultures

guineous

such as the Nasca

and

san

theMoche,

to the perfection-obsessed sacrificialmodality of

the Incas.

The

former

seems

to be

concerned

pri

marily with retainerburials and thepunishment of

or opponents,

enemies
uncertain

eternity
In the case

power.
intended

to bless

or to
appeal

as

were

which

a gesture

to an

offered
to some

higher
of the latter, the sacrifices were
objects

or missions,

for supernatural

favors

thanks,

give

or assistance.

Central and Latin America isperhaps the region

of theworld that ismost stronglyassociated with

human
there

sacrifice.
is such

In a sense,

extremely

therefore,

dramatic

the fact that

evidence

for sac

rificeon theNorthern Coast and elsewhere inhibits

the reporting and even identification of more

transient?yet stillvalid?evidence for sacrifice. It

should thereforebe made explicit thatevidence for
sacrifice does not exist solely in decapitated and
mutilated corpses, for in a wider context these are
as exceptional as Capacocha burials. Furthermore,
burial

convention

is a far more

sensitive

barome

terof social attitudes that the sacrificed/nonsacri

ficed dichotomy, and careful analyses of combined
relevant factors (including health, diet, demo
graphics,

trauma,

inferred wealth,

and burial

posi

We

have

several

recommendations

for future

study of deviant burial, in theAndes as much as

elsewhere.

First,

every

team must

include

phys

with a fullwritten description being per

interred,
formed by thephysical anthropologist in addition
toextensive field notes, drawings and photography
of the remains, theirburial context and all associ
ated elements (offeringsetc). Third, thedata con
cerning burial position should occupy a key role in

the analysis of burials, along with cultural vari

ables such as trauma and the quality/quantityof
grave goods, as well as demographic factors such
as age and sex.All the specialists should indepen
dently produce theirevidence and merge it; only
thenwill a "diagnosis" of deviant burial be viable.

were
Acknowledgments. The investigations at Pachacamac
funded by the Universite Libre de Bruxelles,
the Fonds
National de la Recherche Scientifique and the Fonds de la
Recherche

Committee

Fondamentale

Collective
the
(Belgium),
and Exploration of the National
(Washington) and the Mary G. and

for Research

Geographic
Society
Curtiss T. Brennan

Foundation
(Santa Fe). In Peru, the
research was authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura.
We wish to acknowledge
the support and help of Carlos
Farfan, Peruvian codirector of theYchsma Project, all our
field staff, and also theMuseo

de Sitio de Pachacamac

for its

assistance

and logistic support. Valerie Decart (CReA topog

(ULB-CReA
rapher), Nathalie Bloch and Francois Degesve
infographic staff) deserve our warmest thanks. Thanks are

also due to Edeltraud Aspoeck, Jo Buckberry, Tiffany

Tung,
and Andrew Reynolds for providing us with copies of their
forthcoming work. Finally, we wish to express our greatest

gratitude toMichel Graulich, John Verano, and the anony

mous reviewers for their insightful comments on earlier ver
sions of themanuscript; remaining errors are, of course, our
own.

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Notes
1.The precise significance of the somewhat gory reliefs
at the site of Cerro Sechin, for example, is open to interpreta
tion (see Burger 1992:77-80).

2. Recent evidence for gunshot wounds and impalement

have also been forthcoming in recent excavations on the cen
area
tral coast
(http://news.nationalgeographic.com/
news/2007/06/070620-first-gunshot.html).
3. Trophy-taking has also been noted from other North

sites, taking the form of Inca trophies

such as flutes and drinking vessels made from human bones
(Verano 1995:192), trophy radiuses taken from individuals at

and South American

(Verano 1986), to drilled and polished forearm

taken from enemies and worn as ornamentation

Pacatnamu
bones

(Andrushko et. al. 2005).

in Pachacamac
4. This general pattern is repeated
1539 (a 30-35 year-old male), a surface
Museum Specimen
find of uncertain provenance and with some surface weather
on the poste
ing. The skull shows a 2x3 cm unhealed lesion
rior portion of the leftparietal, with a large peri-mortem crack
running dorsally to the lambdoid suture.

Submitted August 27, 2007; Accepted October

29, 2007.