ANTECEDENTS

Prehistoric Beginnings

The interest of archaeology of India is rooted in the activity of the late nineteenth century
focusing on the historic remains.
The excavation of the Indus cities in the 1920s and the 1930s led to the reorientation in
the Indian archaeology.
The history identity of human settlements in India goes back to prehistoric times when
there are gradual spread from the sporadic settlements of the old stone age to the more
densely distributed habitations of later stone ages, followed by the even later societies of
a more complex kind.
Early settlers are linked with the evolution of early history of Homo sapiens and their
dispersal from Africa.
Earlier geological conditions assume that the Indian subcontinent was linked to east
Africa in remote areas.
The contours of societies in India can be traced through the recognized patterns of the
settlements and cultures that have been handled as the Paleolithic, Mesolithic Neolithic,
and Chalcolithic and iron ages.
Brief survey what has come to be called pre-history & proto-history provides the
antecedents to the earliest history.
Archeological data is in the tangible form. Most commonly used techniques in order to
bird the age is Known as radio carbon dating.
Terms such as culture and civilization when used in an archaeological content have
somewhat different meaning from their general use.
Culture refers-to the pattern of life of a society, 50 there are multiple kind of cultures.
Such patterns would include the use made of the habitual environment, social relations,
language and ritual.
Typologies made on basis of the tools used by human groups.
Civilization implies a pattern that is thought of as more complex and sophisticated,
incorporating urban living all that it cannot is, a conscious aesthetic awareness,
sophisticated religious beliefs and the use of text.

PALAEOLITHIC AND MESOLITHIC

Evidence of hunter-gatherers from Paleolithic comes from various parts of the

subcontinent.
Initial Studies comes from North West terraces of the Soan River and the Potwar plateau.
Some of the sites can be seen in MP as Bhimbetka but also found in other parts of India,
or in caves such as Sanghao (north-west Pakistan) or in Kurnool (AP).
Sites are generally located near water resources and where plants are readily available.
Fossil remains are another source of information.
Characteristics tools: stone tools, flaked-off large pebbles.
Few paintings talk about hunting and fertility ie (paintings in MP)
Technique of making tools is by flaking off pieces by striking the larger stone. Small
microliths were used in greater variety of ways.
Change of tools from stone to quartz cherr mgate (easier tools) sites excavated shows
that the Mesolithic activities took place from heavy monsoon forest and remained on the
drier uplands. Ranging b/w the tenth & the fifth millennia, this period witnessed
variations of wet and dry climate.
Mesolithic remains have been found in Langhnaj (Gujarat), Adamgarh (MP), sarai nahar
rai (Rajasthan)& Mahadaha (UP).
Presence- of crude handmade pottery identified as storage bin.
Presence of burials within the habitation area
Including grave goods such as microliths, shells and ivory pendant.
Initially cultivators had to move to place to place more than intensive agriculture made
them sedentary. There may all have beer confrontation b/w hunters and gatherer
NEOLITHIC

The change to a Neolithic pattern, were the beginning of agriculture and domestication of
animals.
Gordon Childe argued that the practice of agriculture was not a sudden radical change but
certain activities of earlier age had anticipated these developments.
Production of food may perhaps have been required by and resulted in a growing
population. Together with this came the possibility of storing food.
Habitats might have made urbanization possible, after a considerable Experience of
cultivation and sedentary occupations.
Neolithic sites occur in the diverse parts of The subcontinent : in galighai in swat valley,
Sarai khola further in the south , loess plateau of the Kashmir valley that allowed pit
dwellings; in chirand in Bihar and in sites in the Belan valley of (UP), such Chopani an
Mando d Koldihva; eastwards to pandu Rajar Dibhi, and further to Daojali Hading and
Sarutaru To and in cluster of Godavari and Krishna valley in the peninsula at Uttur
Piklihal, Maski,Tekkalakota I Brahmagiri, Hallur, Paiyampalli and T. Narsipur .
Initially the cultivators might have to move place to place until. Unless intensive
agriculture was estd.

The transition of agriculture was made by women, who stayed in home while men hunted
are plausible.
Gave women an opportunity to sow & plough which was earlier ploughed by men.
The extension of cultivation required a sedentary society, and with technological
advances it was possible to make surplus food.
Thus the surplus food had the potential of being used, as it was in later times, for a
variety of exchanges.
Technologically there was a substantial improvement in tools, which were polished.
Gradually at some sites grass huts gave way to wattle and- daub huts (constructed from
branches of trees and foliage plastered with mud, and these in turn to mud brick
structures, small granaries and water storage.
Hand turned pottery gave way to wheel thrown pottery and the production of few
ornaments.
Wheat, barley, rice and millet began to be cultivated in different areas and at different
times.
Gradually domestication of sheep, goats and cattle was established.
Pastoral and agriculture were interdependent at this stage. Although changes carried
through potential of bifurcation.
Larger animals were used additionally for traction and for transport.
Increase in use of pottery leads to storage of food which encouraged cooking.
Grave goods were buried with bodies, pots sometimes included as items of ritual value.
Large urns were used also used as coffins for the burial of infants whose mortality is
noticeable in the earlier culture.
Chiefdoms: Cultivation carried out by family and clan labour.
Younger members were expected to labour for elders.
Neolithic sites are scattered in various places
Mehrgarh near Baluchistan dated upon 7000BC. the cultivation of wheat and barley ,
herding of cattle , sheep and goat, habitation in mud- brick with hearths , a possible
granary, Pit burials, scattered figurines, aspects of the culture that was estd in the 6
millennium by the 4 th millennium wheel thrown pottery introduced.
Some other places are kot Diji, Hakra plain etc.
Some places in Gujarat such as ganweriwala in bhawalapur yet remains to be excavated.

THE FIRST URBANIZATION- THE CITIES OF THE INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

The earliest excavations of the Indus valley civilization were at Harappa (Punjab) and
mohen-jo-daro(sind) and these remain the most important urban complexes , larger than
the other towns

Of Latter, small or large has been excavated partially as kot Diji(sind),

Kalibangan(rajasthan), Rupar(Punjab), Rakhigarhi, banwali, mitathal and other parts of
lothal and dholavira &Surkotada(Gujarat)
Ganweriwala( Bahawalpur) awaits excavation.
The time period of the civilization has in the past been divided into preharappan( starting 4th millennium to 2600 BC), the mature harappan ( from 2600- 1900
BC) and the late harappan (to 1750 BC)
Mehrgarh, Pirak and Nowshehra as well as the settlement at Harappa show an impressive
continuity from the pre- urban to mature urban and finally the decling phase of the
civilization.
The Indus valley ancient riverine civilization extends north shortughai in the pamirs and
southwards in omans in the Arabian peninsula. It incorporated the north western doab ,
although the actual area of control is likely to have been more limited . Southwards there
was much activity in present Gujarat and some settlements go further till northern
Maharashtra .
Trade and commerce: they were doubtless in search of valuables.
Lapiz lazuli from the pamirs and the chagi hills of the eastern Iran was much valued in
the trade with Mesopotamia .
Copper deposits in oman were perhaps what attracted the harappans.
Trade with Mesopotamia is evident from the few harappan seal, beads and weights at the
Mesopotamia sites and some which are thought to be harappan sites.
Coastal shipping from western India along the gulf to the tigris- Euphrates delta has been
continuously involved in the exchange between the India and the gulf. Contacts with
Afghanistan and Iran were maintained through the passes in the north west mountains
and particularly the bolan valley.
Cities were maintained from the surplus food produced in the countryside, together with
other resources gathered or mined in various regions.
Used to trade in systematic manner closer to home copper would be mined in rajasthan
and Baluchistan , semi precious stone must be available in large quantities from western
india , lapis from chagai hills or the pamirs and were crafted into beads.
Timber such as teak was available in Gujarat
Shell and chank came from the coast used for making ornaments.
Harappan pottery is distinctive, with designs in black, of plants , and birds and abstract
forms frequently painted on a red surface.
The cities were centres for the production of crafted items that were traded both overland
and across the seas.
Bead making was an extensive industry , using copper , gold, shell and semi precious
stone.
Bronze and stone tools were largely functional but some useful for some exchange.
Graded weights made of chert occur in harappan sites, as well as rods for measurement.

Lothal has an evidence of a structure that has been described as a dockyard, although this
description remains controversial. Though it is thought to be warehouse which is
probably a hub of exchange where finished products of the craft workshops were
gathered.
Cities demonstrate sophisticated sense of civic planning and organization.
In most cases the city was divided into smaller citadel area, to the west there were
essential institutions of civic life were located, possibly together with some places used
for public rituals and the larger residential area to the east.
Harappan cities is one of a concern with maintained urban order and an efficient
economic system managing land, labour and water.
Huge man made brick platforms formed the foundation for the buildings of the citadel,
possibly to make and secure against floods and other damage.
Most cities were on the bank of rivers which facilitated the transportation of goods.
City- planning roughly followed a grid pattern with roads oriented to the cardinal
direction.
House plans had a courtyard as the focus with the rooms opening on to it.
Most houses had individual wells, bathing places and drains.
Drains are one of the imp structures constructed of kiln fired brick, whereas the house
were of mud brick.
Elaborate arrangements were made less of food storage and more of water storage. Large
water reservoirs were built within the fortified part of the city.
Near the city there was clearing of the forest so that there was place for cultivation.
Wheat and barley were the staple crops although rice and cotton were also grown where
possible.
There were water conduits , some were underground in certain areas and small scale
canals leading off to rivers directed to water to where it was needed.
The monuments of the citadel areas has been variously interpreted as granaries,
warehouses , collegiate buildings and possibly a ritual centers bat mohenjodaro ,
including tank and its surroundings.
Describing the governing authority that it consisted of a single imperial system with twin
capital cities in mohenjodaro and Harappa.
Recent idea that emerged was that the Indus were city states and were prototype for the
autonomous cities of the historical times.
The structures of mohen-jodaro point to complex system. Possibly a more centralized
administration was adopted and adapted in various regions interacting with city centres.
The availability of weapons were very limited this shows that there no disturbed strata, or
any physical destruction rising.
The usual supporting evidence for an organized administration is the form of
designation , codes and accounting is unavailable unless some of the pictograms are not
deciphered.
The seals may be token of identity

Seals: they are small, flat , square or rectangular often made of steatite , with a pictorial
motif which depicts human and animal or composite figures and an inscription which
remains undeciphered.
The possible language that have been considered include Poto- Dravidian, IndoSumerian , Elamo- Dravidian , Indo- Aryan and Austro-asiatic.
Seals impression on clay depict that among other uses seals were used to stamp
packages.
Scripts were written in copper amulets
Most of the scene depicted on the seals were of mythical unicorn, apart from that bull and
elephant was most frequently used tiger occurred less frequently. Depiction of horse was
absent.
The horse was unimportant ritually , functionally to the Indus vally civilization.
Absence of religious buildings.
Difficult to identify if present.
Female figurines from the westerly sites have been viewed as icon of worship with a
prevalence of a goddess cult.
Some oval structures containing ash have been interpreted as fire altars but they could be
equally well be hearths .
A shamanistic religion has also been suggested, but the urban character of the civilization
is unlikely to have been conducive to shamanism.
Few motifs continue from harappan times into later history such as the papal- as a leaf
decoration on pottery and as a tree on seals which was revered by later religion sects.
Much speculation focuses on whether a seated figure on a seal represents a proto- shiva .
the identification the figure is uncertain.
The figure could equally well be identified as depicting a yogic position , as indeed
female figure in trees on some seals could be linked to the evolving of the idea of
apsaras , celestial maidens associated with trees.
Sculptures in stone and bronze have been found , but in sporadic locations.
A small bronze figurine, probably not a ritual object has the pleasing stance of a young
and spirited woman.
Terracotta forms range from childrens toys to larger representation of animals.
Striking contrast is the simplicity of the burials compared to tombs of ruler further west.
Grave goods are mainly the pottery of daily use with a scatter of other small items.
Post harappan burials of the late second millennium BC in what has been called the
Cemetery H culture, largely confined to Harappa and the Punjab plains, were
accompanied by pottery that was different from harappan.
Ritual of burial still continued even if the culture of the later people were different.
The decline of the cities was once ascribed to invading Aryans.
However there is little archeological evidence for the type of massive invasion that would
have led to the collapse of a well established political and economic system, resulting in

a displacement of culture, although the denial of an invasion does not preclude the
possibility of migrants bringing the Indo language in India.
The argument supporting the invasion of Aryans comes from the Vedic corpus, using the
language indo- Aryan that had the affinities with central Asian- European, particularly
with old Iranian.
Due to language there was thought to be a conquest between local population and the
indo Aryan speakers, the evidence drawn from the hostility of the Arya towards the das in
the Rig veda.
However there is an alternative explanation to this for the introduction of the indo Aryans
into india and its gradual spread across in northern India .these explanation has more to
do with historical context of urban decline , the coexistence of different cultures or
languages and the filtering of the indo Aryans speakers into north India through small
scale migration .

The skeletons in habitation areas at Mohen-jo-daro was earlier interpreted as

demonstrating the massacre of citizens , which endorsed the theory of invasion.
But analysis of the skeletons of the revealed that most of these people died of diseases
such as severe anemia , indicating a different set of reason for urban decline.
Violent deaths in a limited area do not necessarily mean widespread invasion and could
be evidence of local disturbances.
Diseases or severe environmental changes as factors in weakening a population have not
been sufficiently examined in the context of early Indian history.
Other explanations generally advanced are that the cities declined largely because of
environmental changes such as the long duration of the severe flooding of the Indus in
the vicinity of mohen-jo-daro , and climate change leading to greater desiccation,
deforestation and more generalized de-urbanization with the dying out of trade
requirements and a consequent political collapse.
The decline of the cities did not mean that the harappan pattern of culture disappeared .
although many urban functions would have been ceased , people in rural areas would
have continued their activities with marginal changes.
Some archaeological cultures were contiguous in time and space there were overlaps
between the late harappan and subsequent cultures.
NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC OTHER THAN IN THE NORTH WEST

There were however large number of hunter and gatherers, pastoralist and farmers
whose lives were either untouched or only marginally affected by the north western
india.
Chalcolithic societies of the second first millennium BC emerged in many parts of the
subcontinent.
The sites of burzahom and gufkral (Kashmir), dating to third second millennium BC ,
feature pit dwellings cut into the loss soil of the plateau.

Burials within the hut sometimes with an animal such as a dog occur both at these sites
and elsewhere in india.
Burzahom has a large number of upright stones or menhirs.
Settlements in the ganges plains there is a different sequence of cultures in the western
plain and the eastern parts of the plain.
The earliest culture In the western plain is that of the Ochre colour pottery (OCP) also
found in western watershed, and this has been excavated at sites such as Atranjikhera,
Lal quila and hulas.
At some site in Haryana and Punjab there is an overlap between late harappan pottery
and that of the subsequent painted gray ware (PGW). This would suggest the
introduction of PGW somewhat earlier than the first millennium.
Perhaps the most significant aspect of this evidence is that it reveals a minimal
continuity from harappan ideas in this area , although the cultures of the western ganges
plain show little similarity with harappan artefacts.
Further connection eastwards copper objects with an efficient technical proficiency .
found in chotanagpur areas dating to 2 millennium.
The PGW culture of which some sites were located in the hakra plain in a post harappan
contex was predominant in the western Ganges plain in the first millennium BC,
spreading from Indo Gangetic watershed to the confluence of Ganga and Yamuna.
As agriculture communities they cultivated wheat and barley, although some rice was
found and the domestication of cattle attested. The cattle provided food other than milk
products is evident from proximity of cattle bones near domestic hearths, bearing marks
f having been cut that indicate their flesh was eastern. Important settlements of the PGW
include Ropar (Punjab), bhagwanpura (Haryana) and Atranjikhera, hastinapur,
ahicchatra and jakhera (UP).
Domestication of plants and animals is evident at koldivha and chopani mando.
Settlements in the Ganges plain go back to about the third second millennium BC, some
having begun as the Neolithic sites such as chirand at the confluence of Ganges and the
sarayu which remain an important site till the Christian era.
Huts of wattle and daub contained functional artefacts, including polished stone axes
and microliths.
Chirand explain useful information on the evolution of cultures in the Ganges plain.
The northern black polished Ware, characteristics of the urban centers of the Ganges
plain which was also the era of its provenance, is thought to have developed from high
temperature firing techniques used in smelting iron.
Further in Bengal chalcolithic sites seem to have been concentrated in the valleys , some
settlements such as pandu rajar dihbi, mahisdal and mangalkot, began as Neolithic sites
but gradually began to use metals.
Further to the east assam Neolithic sites include Neolithic sites such as daojali hading
and others in garo hills and cachar area.
Neolithic settlement have also bben found in Orissa at kuchai and golbai sasan .

A wide distribution in guj, rajas, the fringes of doab and the middle ganges valley ,
extending to the parts of Bengal , is recorded for pottery technique that resulted in
double colours of black and red which has been labeled in Black and Red Ware .
Beads of Lapiz lazuli occur at sites of the malwa culture in Madhya Pradesh, again
hinting links with late harappan.
Curious and impressive find of four bronze objects , thought to be reminikent of the late
harappan style , has surfaced at Daimabad in Maharashtra.( a rider driving yoke of an
oxen , a rhinoceros, buffalo, elephant each on wheels are unusual cultures of chalcolithic
age.
People of Inamgaon (Maharashtra) practiced both farming and livestock breeding with
barkey and millet common crop.
Female terracotta figurines were found , some curiously headless but with prominent
breast , emphasizing ritual and symbolic aspect placed in clay containers .
Burial often in a pit in the floor of the hut accompanied by some garve goods. Children
were buried in urns.
South region river valley of Krishna, Godavari, Tungabhadra, pennar and kaveri comes
under the 3rd millennium some areas of AP as well , hallur, kupgal, maski (Karnataka).
Budihal (AP) cattle keeping village , sheep and goat were also bred , with later addition
of buffaloes . Millets were widely cultivated rice was grown later, cultures were nonmetal users, mostly stone artefacts.
Towards the end of the second millennium we have limited evidence of copper and
bronze artefacts . This is developed in the further Paiyampalli (TNadu) , an earlier
Neolithic site.
Settlements occur in river valley, although semi-arid areas may have been preferred for
livestock breeding. Since stock breeding and agriculture was interdependent.
Authority: he organization of village, subsequently a hierarchy of villages within a
cluster, required some form of authority and regulation of control. This could have
evolved from social stratification, with families coalescing into clans which maintained
hierarchy.
The political and social structure would have been far more complex than that of bands.
Chiefdoms would presuppose not just surplus food but the control of few families is
over what was produced, demarcating the chief of the clan.
Burials within the huts is in some ways strange although it occurs in many regions.

MEGALITHIC BURIALS

The style of burial changed in the first millennium.

Burials moved out of the habitation huts to be located in specially demarcated
sanctuaries.
Most commonly used in peninsula providing it with distinctive cultural phase.

Adopted as a part chalcolithic activity.

Forms of megalithic burials are diverse and range from the single standing stone to rock
out chambers.
Mega + lithos= large stones
The dolmen consisted of large stones placed in formation.
Pits what is often referred as cist burial. This was frequently demarcated with stones
enclosing a pit within which was constructed a cist, a rectangular lox made of stone slabs
to contain bones and grave goods.
Sometimes there is a circular hole in one of the slabs known as the porthole.
Grave furnishings were primarily black and red pottery and impressive iron artefacts,
such as hoes, sickles, small weapons and horse trappings. Thought would useful in the
after-life.

FEUDAL BEGINNINGS IN THE GOLDEN AGE

From Gupta Period

The declining of kushanas in North India and of satavahanas in the Deccan in the 3 rd
century ushered a period of political disintegration. It was in this situation that the Guptas
laid the foundation of an empire.
It is likely that they began their career as subordinates of one of the branches of the later
Kushanas and acquired political ctrl in the region of Magadha in the 2nd decade of 4th
century.
The first two rulers of gupta period Shrigupta and Ghatotkach were not so imp. Infact
Chandragupta I was the real founder of the line. By marrying Lichchhavi princes CI
sought to gain in prestige, though vaishali does not appear to have been a part of his
kingdom.
His rule remained confined to Magadha and parts of eastern UP. He took the title of
Maharajadhiraja and his accession in about 319-20 AD marks the beginning of Gupta
period.
He was succeeded by his son Samudragupta(S). His conquests are known from a lengthy
eulogy composed by his court poet Harishena and engraved on an Ashokan pillar at
Allahabad. No doubt these are much exaggerated about the king.
It is generally believed that S exercised direct administrative ctrl only over northern
India. The kings of the Deccan and south merely paid him homage; the shakas in the west
seem to have unconquered. Also his claim to have been subjugated the kushanas has been
questioned. Nonetheless S did carve out an empire and celebrated his conquests by
performing ashvamedha.
The Allahabad panegyric shows that S was not only a great conqueror but also a poet,
musician, and patron of learning. His love for for music is derived by his gold coins
which represent him as playing veena.
The empire of S was further extended and consolidated by CII. Devichandraguptam of
Vishakhadutta tells us that Ramgupta succeeded S. He was defeated by the shakas to
whom he agreed to surrender his wife which was protested by his younger bro CII. He
killed R and married his widow Dhruvadevi. Coins of R have been found in MP, and
some inscription prove dat the wife of CII was D.
CIIs campaign against the shakas resulted in their final defeat and annexation of western
India to the Gupta empire. He is said to have entered into matrimonial alliances with a
number of royal dynasties. He married Kuvernaga of the naga dynasty and had a daughter
by her named Prabhavatigupta. She was given in marriage to RudrasenaII of vakataka
dynasty, which ruled over what was previously stronghold of satavahanas in C India.
CII took the title of vikramaditya. Kalidasa, the great Sanskrit poet and playwright is said
to have lived in his court.

Kumargupta succeeded CII. Meanwhile a branch of Hunas from C Asia had occupied
bactria and was threatening to cross the Hindukush mountains. But they remained at a
distance during his rule. So Ks reign remained peaceful.
They started bothering during Skandaguptas reign who fot them very bravely bt the
situations became very complicated and his debased coins indicate a deep economic crisis
of the empire.
The death of Skg in abt 467 AD was followed by a succession of several kings who cudnt
keep the empire intact. A major blow to Gupta power came towards the end of 5 th century,
wen Hunas entered N India in large nos.
The decline of the gupta period coincided wid the establishment of huna kingdom in the
north as far as Eran in MP. The 1 st imp king was Toramana who is said to have been
converted into Buddhism. He was succeeded by his son Mihirakula.
The disintegration of the gupta power cant by fullt explained by the huna invasion.
Perhaps it was the inevitable result of the manner in which the empire was organized.
Unlike the mauryas, the guptas adopted such a pompus title lyk maharajadhiraja,
parameshvara etc, which imply the existence of lesser kings wid considerable authority
within the empire.
In contrast to the mauryas the guptas donot seem to have possessed a large professional
army. The record which glorifies S for all his all round conquests doesnot tell anything
abt his military apparatus. Nor does the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fa-Hsien indicate the
numerical strength of the gupta army, though he visited the country during the reign of
CI. Perhaps the troops supplied by the feudatories constituted his army. Also the guptas
did not have monopoly of elephants and horses. All this led to the increasing dependence
on feudatories who wielded considerable authority at least on the fringes of the empire.
The guptas did not possess an elaborate and organized bureaucracy either. The cadre
which supplied superior officers was that of the kumaramatyas. Several offices were
combined in the hands of the same person.
Decentralization of the administrative authority was caused by an increase in granting of
land and villages to priests and temples, which had begun in the satavahana period and
which gained in strength during the rule of vakatakas.
Grants of land were made to priests and temples, and later to royal officers, alon with
fiscal and administrative immunities which undermined the authority of the state. Now
villages were granted in perpetuity to the beneficiaries, often with administrative rights.
In gift villages the inhabitants, cultivators and artisans included, were often asked by their
rulers not only to pay customary taxes to the donees but also to obey their commands.
The transfer of powers not only weakened the royal authority but also led to the
oppression of the peasants and inhabitants of the gift villages who were asked to obey
their new masters and carry out their orders.
The land grants paved the way for the growth of a feudal society. Several inscriptions
indicate the emergence of serfdom. According to Fa-hsien, monasteries built for monks
were furnished with houses, gardens, and fields with husbandmen and cattle to cultivate

them. The beginning of serfdom and the consequent immobility of peasants in the Gupta
period seem to have coincided with a gradual weakening of the institution of slavery; for
land charters do not speak of slaves being engaged in economic production, though this
did not mean any relief in the suffering of the peasantry. The imposition of the forced
labour and several new levies and taxes from the gupta period onwards further
undermined their position.
It is known from the contemporary inscriptions, esp. those of the vakatakas, that villagers
were forced to contribute money and provisions to royal troops and provisions when they
haulted at or passed through villages. The residents were required to supply flowers, milk
etc to them. This certainly increased their burden of taxation on peasantry. The practice of
making land grants thus gave rise to feudal agrarian relations and forms of exploitation
which generated social tensions.
The extension of agriculture helped the process of formation of new states by providing a
stable agrarian base from the late gupta period, when trade ceased to play a major role in
socio-political transformation.
The inflow of Roman coins stopped after the early Christian centuries and itself brokeup
a little later. Along this time the Byzantine learned from the Chinese culture the art of
cultivating silk worms. This adversely affected Indias commercial contacts with the
west.
Not surprisingly a guild of silk weavers migrated from their original home in Gujarat to
Mandsaur in MP where they gave up their original profession and took to other
occupation. (see noteskuchh caste-2 generations etc isme likhna h kya??)
The status of women continued to decline. In the gupta period certain features emerged
which became characteristic of their position in subsequent times. Women were not
entitled to formal education. Lawgivers almost unanimously advocated early marriage for
girls and also preferred pre puberty marriages. Celibacy was to be strictly observed by the
widows. Sati gained the approval of the jurists even if it remained confined to the upper
caste. The 1st memorial of sati found at Eran in MP is dated 510 AD. Women were denied
any right to property except for stridhan in the form of jewel and garments.
The social structure was undergoing changes in the gupta period. Varna or the caste
system became much more pronounced, now several rules were laid down for the 4
castes. For eg according to varahmihira a brahmana shud hav house of 5 rums, 4,3,2, for
k, v, and s resp.
A distinction was made b/w shudras and untouchables. The practice of untouchability
became more widespread and severe than in the earlier period. Fa hsien informs us dat
Chandalas entering the gate of a city or market place wud strike a piece of wood to give a
prior notice of their arrival so dat other men cud avoid them.
The distinction can also be seen in the plays which were scripted in those times. High
caste males inside the drama wud speak Sanskrit language, whereas others including high
caste women wud speak in prakrit, being the local language.

Vatsayanas kamsutra described life of well to do citizens and references were made from
ordinary sex workers to cultured companions. The courtesan were not looked down upon.
Historian have challenged this age to b termed as the Golden Age as prosperity was
confined only to a few pple. The upper caste were happy and prosperous and lived in
comfort but this wasnt true for lower orders. Serfdom was emerging and women became
an item of property.

IDEOLOGY & D INTERPRETATION OF EARLY INDIAN HISTORY

INTRODUCTION

Sumtyms said that the interpretation of ancient periods of history has little
historiographical interest as they refer to tyms too distant for an ideological concern to
have too much meaning for a contemporary society.
This view wudnt however b valid for interpretation of early Indian history, where both
colonial xperience & nationalism of recent centuries influenced d study.
The interpretation of Indian history frm 18th century onwrds relates closely to the world
view of European,, & particularly British historians who provided d base. The theories
frequently reflected political n ideological interests of Europe.
Investigation into Indias past began wid d wrk of Indologists such as Jones, Colebrook
etc who were employed by the East India Co.. they were also interested in philology n
used d opportunity to expertise in this area. The study of Sanskrit not only gave shape to
discipline of comparative philology bt becam a source material for reconstruction of
ancient Indian history.
Vedic Sanskrit was particularly of grt importance & was uded xtensively in d
reconstruction of both Indian n Eropean past as d linguistic connection b/w d 2 had alrdy
been established.
Inevitably those who were sympathetic to Indian culture tended to romanticize the
ancient Indian history. The traditional Indian historical writing wid its emphasis on
historical biographies n chronicles were largely ignored.
THE ARYAN RACE THEORY (BY MAX MULLER)

Developed in 19th century. D word arya,which occurred in both Iranian Avestan & vedic
Sanskrit texts was given a racial connotation, as referring to d race of Aryans. They were
described as physically different from d indigenous population who spoke indo-european
language.
They invaded northern India in d 2nd millennium BC, conquered indigenous pple n
established the vedic Aryan culture which subsequently becam d foundation of Indian
culture.
Max Muller introduced the word 'Arya' into the English and European usage as applying
to a racial and linguistic group when propounding the Aryan Racial theory. However, In
Vedic Literature, the word Arya is nowhere defined in connection with either race or
language. Instead it refered to: gentleman, good-natured, righteous person, noble-man,
and is often used like 'Sir' or 'Shree' before the name of a person like Aryaputra,
Aryakanya, etc. this wud be 1 who spoke Sanskrit & observed caste regulations.

The racial connotation may hav been due to counterposing of Arya wid Dasa in Rig Veda
where dasa is decribed as physically dissimilar to the arya; the racial identity being
preserved by forbidding inter-caste marriage b/w dem.
The term varna, associalted wid color & occurring as a technical term referring to the
caste organization of the society also supported ART.
CRITQUES

The validity of AIT is seriously challenged and it stands totally untenable. The most
weird aspect of the AIT is that it has its origin not in any Indian records (no where in any
of the ancient Indian scriptures or epics or Puranas, etc. is there any mention of this AIT),
but in European politics and German nationalism of 19th century.
AIT has no support either in Indian literature, tradition, science, or not even in any of the
south Indian (Dravidians, inhabitants of south India, who were supposed to be the victims
of the so-called Aryan invasion) literature and tradition. So a product of European politics
of the 19th century was forced on Indian history only to serve the imperialist policy of
British colonialists to divide the Indian society on ethnic and religious lines in order to
continue their reign on the one hand and accentuate the religious aims of Christian
missionaries on the other.
It is a known fact that most of the original proponents of AIT were not historians or
archaeologists but administrative professionals they were in fact had been paid by the
East India Company to further its colonial aims.
Further, if it is assumed that the so-called Aryans invaded the townships in the Harappa
valley and destroyed its habitants and their civilization, there r no evidences dat they
occupied their cities. The excavations of these sites indicate that the townships were
abandoned.
Further, if the Harappan civilization had a Dravidian origin, who were allegedly pushed
down to the south by Aryans, Aryan-Dravidian divide in the respective literatures and
historical traditions hav been found. The North and South have never been known to be
culturally hostile to each other. Prior to the descent of British on Indian scene, there was a
continuous interaction and cultural exchange between the two regions.

ORIENTAL DESPOTISM

The genesis of this theory goes back to the Greco-Persian antagonism, wid references in
Greek writings to d despotic govt. of d Persians.
To this was added d vision of luxuries of d oriental courts, built partly on on d luxury of
trade wid d east n partly on fantacy of wrld of oriental crts as described in d accounts of
visitors to these regions lyk Megasthenes @ d Mauryan crt.
Owing to d continuance of empires in Asia in d 18 th century, the focus was now shifted
frm d doings of d despotic to d despotic govt. the central ques. Was seen as dat of pvt.
Property in land, & d state ownership of land. The ambassadors & visitors to mughal
india such as Roe maintained dat there was an absence of the right to pvt. Property in
land.
Even Marx, who was famous for for his dialectical movement characterized Asia wid a
absence of change, & wrked d theory into his model for Asian society-Asiatic mode of
Production; where d absence of pvt property was central to this model.
The structure was a pyramid, wid king @ d apex, & self-sufficient village communities
@ base. The wealth of the oriental crts came frm collecting surplus frm d cultivation.
Cntrl over peasant communities was maintained by the state monopoly of the irrigation
system.
The unchanging nature of the society is central to the theory of Oriental Despotism. The
span of Indian history was seen as one long stretch of empire wid an occasion change of
dynasty.
CRITIQUE

In re-examining OD, evidences provide for an alternative analysis.

The socio-legal texts, the dharmashastras, Arthashastra discuss the laws and regulations
for the sale, bequest n inheritance of land n other forms of property. Many inscriptions of
d period after 500 AD, on stone etc. have recorded s grant of land by d king or to a
secular official in lieu of services rendered to d king.
They have also becum the basic source of material for studying agrarian structure of d 1 st
millennium AD. They were legal grants n hence hav been recorded in detail. Besides, the
person to whom d property was transferred, from whom it was transferred, location of d
land etc. were also recorded.
The reference to wastelands possibly indicate the gradual extension of the agrarian
economy into new areas. This info is imp also for those who are concerned with the study
of history of religion.; for the extension of the agrarian economy was generally
accompanied either by Buddhist missions or by brahmana settlements, thru which vedic
Sanskrit was introduced into new areas and local culture of these areas was assimilated to

the sanskrit tradition which in turn was a necessary process in d delineation of Indian
culture.
Many records provide for rise of high status families, demand of new new professions,
which evolved into castes.
The notion of centralized bureaucracy was important in the model. However the
bureaucratic system of ancient India was rarely centralized, except in the frequent periods
of empire. Otherwise most levels of administration was filled by local pple.
During many centuries of small kingdoms, income from revenue was distributed among a
large no. elite grps, which in part explains the regional variations n distribution in art
styles, where patron was not a distant emperor bt d local king.
The other mechanisms of control according to the theory was a belief in the divinity of
kingship which gave the king a religious and psychological authority additional to the
political.
However the interrelation between divinity and political authority was never absolute in
ancient India. Divinity was bestowed on a variety of animate and inanimate objects. The
kings of the Mauryan empire denied any existence of God and ignored the notion of
divinity. The appeal to divinity was used merely for social validation.
One of the striking refutations of an aspect of Oriental Despotism has been that involving
the absence of urban centres. The evidence for an early continuous urban economy has
been pinpointed by archeological excavation. This, combined wid literary sources
suggests significant variations in the nature of urbanization.
The cities of Indus civilization were smaller concentrations of populations as compared to
those of 2nd urbanization, linked with iron technology & which evolved in the Ganges
valley in d 1st millennium BC. Use of coins showed trade and growth of exchange.
At another level attempts have been made to correlate certain religious movements to d
needs of urban grps. The work on the rise n spread of Buddhism n Jainism in relation to
the mercantile community has inspired a wider debate on the aspects of bhakti movement
as being a part of religion of the urban centres.

The Indian historians motivated ideologically by the national movement for

independence approved the ART but opposed Oriental Despotism. The ART was
acceptable as it was believed to be based on the philological evidence. Perhaps this was
also to imply that Indians were as same as Europeans and belonged to d same race, which
gave them a sense of pride. The coming of the Europeans was seen as reunion of parted
cousins.

Supplemntary
It has long been maintained that the Indians were an a-historical pple, since there was no
recognizable historical writing from the Indian tradition similar to dat from Greece &
China. This was partly bcoz the Indian historical tradition (itihasa purana) was not easily
recognizable to those familiar with Greek historical writing. Another reason may hav
been the inability of modern scholars to perceive n concede the awareness of change.
The early historical tradition is now receiving the attention of historians and is being
analyzed in terms of its ideological content. For instance, the unit of history is not the
empire but janapada, territory settled by tribe, which later evolves to a state.
Political power was a relatively open area in early Indian society & the social antecedents
of the founders of dynasties were rarely questioned, as long as they compiled wid d
procedures necessary for legitimizing political authority.
In the Buddhist tradition the unit of history was the Sangha or Buddhist church and d
monastic chronicles formed d core of d tradition.
Cyclic time and the change implicit in d movement of the cycle was d cosmological
reflection of the consciousness of change. The records of the later part of the 1 st
millennium BC includes detail events relating to political authority. This new
development in the tradition coincides wid actual historical chnge, characterized by small
kingdoms generally conforming to the geographically nucear regions. These were based
on a decentralized administration n economic structure and d emergence of the devotional
religion- the bhakti movement which thru its appeal to large cross-section social grps n
use of regional language strengthened regional focus.
The perspective of the ancient Indian historical tradition wen seen in juxtaposition wid the more
recent analysis of early Indian history can suggest the ideological concerns of the pre-colonial
period. These myt provide to d historian of early india a clearer vision of the priorities of the
Indian past than have been provided by the polemics of more recent times.

THE EMERGENCE OF EMPIRE:MAURYAN INDIA

Difference B/W An Empire And Kingdom

Empires were defined by extensive territory and their glory was said to lie in monumental
architecture, grandiose public works and imperial proclamations.
The source of revenue was solely agrarian and land was entirely owned by the state.
In relation to the early past an empire recognized as a more evolved and complex form of
state. The change non-state to state becomes central to this understanding the context in
which empire arise.
Empires controlled a differentiated economy, unlike kingdoms, where the economic base
tended to be relatively more uniform.
Monumental architecture is seen as an important statement of power and presence of an
empire. Another aspect would be the uniformity in laws which is indirectly mentioned in
one of the edicts of the emperor Ashoka.
Kingdoms differ from empires also in the sense that these tend to draw maximum profit
from existing resources and therefore donot make too great an attempt at restructuring
access to resources.
The pressures on an empire and its requirements are of a different order, so meeting the
financial needs of administering an empire requires considerable restructuring wherever
there is a potential for obtaining revenue.
Not every part of the empire has the same resources, nor is their utilization identical,
therefor some drgree of economic restructuring also becomes necessary.
The restructuring of the Mauryan empire was attempted through both the extension of the
agriculture, together with the mobility of in some instances and the introduction of more
wide-reaching commercial exchange. But imperial systems also exploit economic
differences and restructure economies in order to suit new alignments. The differentiation
is based on the manner in which the resources are garnered through administration.
THE MAURYAN EMPIRE

Founded by Chandragupta Maurya who succeeded the Nanda throne in 321 BC.
He is said to be a protg of Kautilya, under whose guidance he is able to capture the
throne. This has been narrated in a range of Buddhist and jain texts, as well as by the play
Mudrarakshasa by Vishakhadutta.
The origin and caste status of the Mauryans vary from text to text. Buddhist text speaks
of them as a branch of Kshatriya mauryan clan associated with the shakya, presumably to
give the family a higher status some have recorded him as a of courtesan and a barber,

which denoted a lower caste. Brahmanical sources imply that they were shudras and
heretics, presumably bcoz each king was a patron to a heterodox sect.
Similarly, the nandas have also been described as shudras by the puranas, thugh others
have recorded as kshatriyas.
This shift in the status of the ruling family is an aspect of the coming of the state,
where political power was to be increasingly open-virtually accommodating any
varna. Denoted caste mobility.
In case of a non-kshatriya coming to the throne(which became a trend from nanda
dynasty), social order was backed by religious scriptures. So even if a non-kshatriya
became the king, he would try to achieve the K status to gain legitimacy. Priest would
bestow fictitious geneology upon them so that they get legitimacy in the minds of the
people.

Tracing the Mauryan Empire:

The acquisition of the throne as suggested by some stories began by harassing the
outlying areas of the Nanda kingdom, gradually moving towards the centre on the
moral drawn from the fact that the young emperor once saw a woman scolding her
child for eating from the centre of the dish, since the centre was boundto be much
hotter than the sides.
Once the Ganges were under his control, he moved to the North-West to exploit the
power vacuum created by Alexander.1 These areas felled to him rapidly, until he
reached Indus. He paused as the Greek Seleucus Nicator-a successor to Alexander had
fortified the area. Chandragupta(herein referred to as CG) moved to Central.
305 BC saw him back in NW, where he campaigned against Seleucus where CG
seems to b victorius as inferred by the account of 303 BC treaty. Some Seleucid
territories were acceded to Mauryans and the region shifted from Persian-Hellenistic
to Mauryan ctrl.
In return to the territory ceded, Seleucs obtained 500 elephants. There was also an
epigammia-a marriage agreement-which has interpreted as the marriage alliance b/w
two royal families.

1 Alexanders invasion(326BC)- entered India thru Indus; Achaemenid Dynasty which was
controlling N-W Frontier province of India lost to Alexander. He came in contact wid tribes
who didnt welcome him and met porus-their leader. Alaexander also recruited pple whom
he defeated. But thereafter he decided to go back. So there wasnt any clash b/w him and
nanda. On his way his army was harassed, met many tribes, killed many and many persons
of his army were also killed. He cudnt return to his land and died in his 30s. his kingdoms
were nw ruled by his greek generals.

Only campaigns were not a mechanism of acquiring more territory. Diplomatic play
and search for economic advantage were also some. Economic advantage was more
visible. Large scale campaigns against wealthy neighbours were a source of booty.
The campaign against the Seleucids was to wrest Gandhara from them, as it had
yielded impressive revenues. The acquisition to Central India meant access to
peninsula, another area wid resources as yet untrapped by northern powers.
Despite campaigns, a friendly relation is seen to have exist b/w Mauryas and
Seleucids. An exchange of envoys b/w them accompanied by exchange of gifts makes
evident of this. Seleucuss envoy Magasthenes visited India and left an account
entitled Indica. Though the original has been lost, wat survives are the paraphrases in
the writings of later authors.2
The jaina tradition claims that towards the end of his life, CG became an ardent jaina,
abdicated in favor of his son Bindusara and became an ascetic. Together with a jaina
elder-Bhadrabahu and other monks, he went to South and ended his life by regulated
slow starvation in the orthodox jain manner.
Bindusara (herein refered as BS) succeeded the throne in 297 BC and known as
Amitrochates in Greek.
Buddhist tradition associate him with an interest in the Ajivika Sect.
A Tibetian history of Buddhism has shown him conquering a land b/w 2 riverspresumably Arabian sea and Bay of Bengal which shows that he extended his empire
as far in the Deccan. The recent discovery of Ashokan edicts at Sannathi in
Karnataka, similar to those in Kalinga raises a ques whether it was occupied by
Ashoka or his father BS or were these rocks located @ this site by mistake?
At the time of BSs death in 272BC, a large part of the sub continent had come to
Mauryan suzerainty.
After his death, his son Ashoka came to reign. Puranas have recorded him as Ashoka
while Buddhist traditions have recorded as Chakravarti. In 1837 James Princep
deciphered one of the inscription where the king has refered himself as Devanampiya
Piyadasi (the beloved of Gods, Piyadasi).
The edicts of Ashoka not only tells us the personality of the king but also with the
extent of his reign and his policies as a ruler. The earlier edicts were inscribed on the
rock surfaces whereas the later ones on well polished standstone monolithic pillars,
each surmounted with a finely sculpted animal capital. The stone was quarried from
sites at Chunar near Varanasi.
Ashokas experience as an administrator began with his being the Governor at Taxila
and at Ujjain, handling commercial activities.
There appears to be a controversy whether Ashoka succeeded his father immediately
or whether there was a struggle between him and his brothers. Stories also go that he
killed his 99 brothers and spared 1 so that he ascend the throne after his death.

2 Note that CG has been recorded as Sandrocottos in greek texts, identified by William Jones.

Buddhist stories have exaggerated this incident and narrated that it preceded b4 he
converted into Buddhism. Historians, however, are reluctant to accept this.
In about 260 BC Ashoka campaigned against the Kalingans and routed them. The
destruction caused by the Kalinga War filled the king with remorse. As evident from
his rock edict, 150k pple were deported, 100k pple killed.
It has been stated in the past that he was dramatically converted to Budhhism. But this
was not an overnight conversion.; he states in one of his inscriptions that only after
2.5 yrs did he become zealous devotee of Buddhism, Upgupta was d 1 wid whom he
discusses the aspects of Buddhism b4 conversion and gave up the policy of
Dhammavijaya and Digvijaya.
The Mauryan capital, Patliputra was at a nodal point facilitating ctrl over Ganges. The
Ganges plain apart from river routes, was connected with main routes.
The extent and influence of Mauryan power in the penindula can be gauged from the
location of the Ashokan inscription, which are not found beyond Karnataka. Ashoka
mentions his friendly relations with the Cholas, Pandyas and as far as Sri Lanka, and
there is no indication that he attempted to conquer them.
Mauryan relations with Sri Lanka are described in Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa. There
were frequent exchanges of gifts and envoys. Ashoka gifted a branch of the original
bodhi tree under which Buddha attained enlightenment and which is claimed to have
survived in Sri Lanka.

The Political Economy of Empire:

Arthashastra provides a detailed blueprint of the polity of the Mauryan Empire. The
present form of the text is the work of Vishnugupta in about 3rd century AD.
The revenue producing economy of North India was predominantly agrarian, with
large areas being brought under cultivation. The administrative system was largely
concerned with the efficient collection of taxes.. kautilya refers at length to methods
of tax collection and related problems and a ctrl over potential sources of revenue.
Economic activities other than agrarian were neither unknown nor discouraged.
Apart from the activities of the state in agriculture, private owners as farmers or
landowners, cultivated the land or had it cultivated and paid the state a variety of
taxes. The landowners collected rent from their tenants. Extensive areas of wastelands
and sita or crown lands were cultivated under the state.
Greek writers referring to the account by Magasthenes, unfortunately make
contradictory statements about the relationship b/w the cultivator and the state.
Arthashstra mentions that 150,000 pple deported from Kalinga after the campaign of
Ashoka were sent to clear wastelands and establish new settlements.

Magasthenes had commented on the absence of slavery in India, but is contradicted

by many Indian sources. Perhaps he had the pattern of Athenian slavery in mind and
the Indian pattern differed. Domestic slavery were a regular feature in prosperous
households, where the slaves were of low class status, but were not untouchables.
Slave labour was also used in the mines and state craft.
Slavery was a recognized institution and the legal relationship b/w master and slave
was clearly defined. for example, if a female slave bore her master a son, not only
was she legally free but the child was entitled to the legal status of a son of the master
Magasthenes may have confused caste status with stratification defined by degrees of
freedom.
A slave in India could buy back his freedom or may voluntarily excused by his
master, and, if previously he had the status of the arya, he could return to this status
on the completion of his term as a slave.
Land revenue was at least of two kinds. One was a tax on the area of the land
cultivated and other on the assessment of the produce. The assessment varied from
region to region from 1/6th to a quarter of the produce of the land. A reference to
pindakara-a heap of taxes-would suggest a tax collected jointly from a village.
A tax of a different kind, vishti, was paid in labour for the state.
Taxes for the provision of water for irrigation were regularly collected wherever the
state was responsible for providing irrigation. The Arthashastra had a preference for
the private management of irrigation. Thus although the construction and
maintenance of reservoirs, tanks and canals were regarded as a part of the functions
of governing, there is no ground for holding that the ctrl or irrigation was a key to the
ctrl of the economy and therefore prevalence of despotism.
Mauryan levels from excavations of urban centres show an improvement in the
standard of living compared to the previous period. Domestic housing were made of
bricks and halls of Patliputra of stones. However Magathenes does mention that many
of the buildings were made of timber wood and therefore fire was major hazard.
Punch marked coins and some uninscribed Cu coins continue to be associated with
these levels. Terracotta figures both human and animal appear to be popular and can
be contrasted stylistically with the far more sophisticated pillar capitals of stone.

Administration And Empire:

Arthashastra has described the administration of the Mauryan Empire to be a

centralized administration. The nucleus of the Mauryan system was the king. Ashoka

interpreted these as paternal kingship, and declared that All men are my children. He
travelled extensively throughout the empire to be in touch with the subjects.
Ashokas edicts mention frequent consultations b/w him and his ministers, the latter
being free to advise him on his regulations. However the final decision lay with the
monarch.
Two key offices controlled by the central administration were those of the chief
collector-Samharta and chief treasurer-Sanidharta. Council of ministers to represent
their accounts jointly. They were followed by Amatya-high level officers below
CoMs. These were further helped by Adhakshyas-suprintendents and yuktas-clerks.
Samharta/Sanidharta CoMs

Amatya

Adhakshyas

Yuktas

The chief minister, the purohita, and the army commander received 48000 panas, the
treasurer and the chief collector 24000 panas, the accountants, clerks and soldiers
received 500 panas. The value of pana is not known, nor the interval in which they
were paid.
For administration purposes also the empire was divided into 2 areas-Core area
forming the central part and the metropolitan area surrounding the core asre-as
suggested by Thappar.
The metropolitan state was the pivot of the empire, controlling the income and its
distribution. It extended its hegemony by conquering areas of strategic importance
and of agrarian and commercial importance, the revenue from which would enrich it.
Such areas would be the core areas.
The core areas were less directly under central control and more efeectively under
the control of the governors and senior officials. As areas were ceded to Mauryan
Empire they experienced state formation and accommodated into new situation,
being incorporated into new system.
The importance of Gandhara was that it controlled access in the Hellinistic kingdoms
of west asia and was thus an area of commercial exchange.
The areas of south-karnataka have been identified as megalithic burials. A Mauryan
presence has not been identified in any striking way, although Ashokan inscriptions
are located in these areas and refer to Mauryan administration. Possibly the resources
were tapped by the administration thru local channels. There is a cluster of Ashokan
inscriptions in the gold bearing region of Karnataka which explains the administrative
extent of Mauryan empire uptil that area.
Apart from the metropolitan area, which was directly governed, the empire was
divided into provinces, each under a prince or member of a royal family. Such
provinces were Taxila, Ujjain, Dhauli etc. other authorities appointed were Senior officers-pradeshikas-toured every 5 yrs for check on provincial
administration.

Specially appointed judicial seniors-Rajukas-both in cities and rural areas and

also carried assessment work.
Yuktas-record information from various sources.
Provinces would be divided into groups of villages which was staffed with an
accountant, who maintained boundaries, registered land and deeds etc. and the tax
collector who was concerned with the various types of revenue.
Urban administration had its own hierarchy of officers. Magashtenes description of
the administration of Patliputra states that the city was administered by 30 officials,
divided into 6 communities of 5 members. Each community carried out different
functions like welfare of visitors, matters relating to trade and commerce, public sale
of manufactured goods, collection of taxes etc.
Espionage was a recognized official activity. Use of spies recommends that they
should work in the guise of merchants, householders, ascetics etc. Ashoka also refers
to agents who bring him news and generally keep him informed about public
opinion.

Ashokas Dhamma

After the Kalinga war, Ashoka expounded an idea whish was new to Indian political
and social theory- the idea of Dhamma.
Dhamma is the prakrit form of the Sanskrit word Dharma, by extension, the social
and religious order found in a society where Brahmanism was d norm. in the
Buddhist canon it was uded for reaching Budhha.
However the word had a much more general connotation @ the tym and judging by
the way in which he used it in edicts, Ashoka gave it a wider meaning.
Buddhist chronicles have exaggerated his conversion and associated Dhamma with
Buddhism. His supposedly conversion to Buddhism after the battle was dramatized
and he was depicted as a paragon of Buddhist piety following his conversion-one
historian suggesting that he may hav been a monk and a monarch @ d same tym.
Ashoka made a distinction b/w his personal belief in and support for Buddhism and
his obligation as a king and a statesman to insist dat all religions must b respected.
His inscriptions r therefore of two kinds.
The smaller group consists of declaration of the king as a lay Buddhist and his
relationship with sangha. Another inscription mentions the various teachings of
Buddha.
The versions of the Minor rock edict reiterate the fact of his being a budhha and these
together with the major rock edicts and the pillar edicts, defines what he understands
by Dhamma. Some historians have interpreted Ashokas Dhamma as a synonym for

Buddhism arguing that his intention was to propagate Buddhism and make it virtually
the religion of the Mauryan state. However, the edicts seem to contradict this point.
He appears to have been concerned with using a broader ethic to explore ways of
governance and to reduce social conflict and intolerance. Dhamma was aimed at
creating an attitude of mind in which the ethical behavior of one person towards
another was primary, and was based on a recognition of the dignity of hman being.
Dhamma was in part a policy that was nurtured in the mind of Ashoka, but, since he
also saw it in relation to existing problems, it is the light of these that its nature can be
assessed. At the time of Ashoka diverse communities of pple existed. The empire
included multiple cultural and social systems. Suchplularity could be managed either
by force or by persuation. Ashoka chose the latter. He mutated Dhamma to his needs
and explained it thru a personal definition.
Of the basic principles, Ashoka emphasized tolerance.. this was a plea to
accommodate differences in the interests of harmonius living.
Refraining from violence was another principle of Dhamma. But Ashoka was not
adamant in his insistence on non-violence. He recognized occasions where violence
may b unavoidable. In a moving passage on the suffering caused by war, he declares
that by adhering to dhamma he will refrain from using force in future. He also states
that he wud prefer his decendants not to conquer by force.
He pared down the cooking of meat in the royal kitchen, allowing for only a little
venison and peacock meat. He criticized useless ceremonies and sacrifices.
To implement his policy of dhamma and publicize it, Ashoka instituted a special
category of officers- the dhamma-mahapatras. Had his interests been only to
propagate Buddhism, then his support to sangha wud have sufficed, but the
appointing of the officials points to wider concerns.
Yet the policy of dhamma did not succeed. It may have been due to Ashokas over
anxiety for its acceptance. Perhaps it was seen as much like an intusion by the pple.

Imperial Decline

A political decline began to set in after the death oa Ashoka in 232 BC. The last of
the Mauryas, Brihadratha, was assaninated during an inspection of the troops by
the Brahman Pushyamitra, the commader of the army and founder of the shunga
dynasty. The fact that his army did not revolt back shoed the ineptitude of the
ruler.
The pattern of the breakup of the empire has its own interest in terms of the
continuance of the metropolitan area and evolving of the core regions of the
independent states. The Ganges plain remained under the Mauryas becoming the

nucleus of the kingdom of their successors. The North Western areas were lost to
the Bactrian Greeks.
It has been asserted that the decline of the empire was also attributed to the
policies of Ashoka. It has also been said that his obsession with non violence led
to the emasculation of the army, thus laying d country open to invasion.
The suggestion that the mauryan economy was under considerable pressure also
gives a plausible reason for its decline. Although excavation of the Mauryan
urban sites points to an expanding economy in the early stages, the view that there
was a debasement of Ag coins in the later Mauryan period suggests a diff. picture.
Although an agrarian economy prevailed in the Ganges plain, there was still a
greater variation in the economic patterns throughout the empire. Significantly
despite increasing the land under cultivation, there is a record of famine in eastern
India, which suggests that the lines of supply were not adequate.
The economic development of the core areas of the empire, such as Gandhara and
Kalinga, led to the emergence of new states that coincided with the decline of the
empire.
The lack of any representative institutions to stabilize public opinion would have
added to the problem.