Sexual Abuse Within Anthropology: Further Studies Needed

Leanne Chambers
Michigan State University

Abstract
This paper explores the recent sexual abuse allegations brought forth against Dr. Brian
Richardson at the American Museum of Natural History as well as the response by the
anthropology community. Using the power/powerlessness theory, this paper further
contextualizes these events as well as recent studies concerning the prevalence of sexual abuse
within anthropology into the larger discourse of academic sexual abuse on college campuses.

Introduction
Sexual abuse is a long-standing and pervasive problem within American culture. Current
discourse surrounding this topic has shifted to the widespread phenomenon of sexual violence on
college campuses. Under the 1980 guidelines set forth by the U.S. Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission, two sets of behaviors constitute sexual abuse within academia.
According to Hippensteele, Adams, and Chesney-Lind, The first involves sexually oriented
behavior that creates a situation in which a job, a grade, or some other aspect of academic
standing depends on cooperation with or tolerance of sexual behavior. The second involves
sexually oriented behavior which is not obviously coercive, but which creates an offensive or
hostile environment (Sexual Harassment in Academia: Students Reactions to Unprofessional
Behavior).
College women are at an increased risk of sexual victimizationeither by other students
or by professorswith studies suggesting that between 8% to 35% of female students will
experience some form of sexual assault during their college years1 (Fisher et al.). However, it is
important to note that these statistics may be an underrepresentation of the actual percentage of
women who are abused as the acceptance of rape mythswidespread beliefs about offenders,
victims, or sexual assault incidents that either leads people to believe that a sexual assault did not
occur or belittles the incidentfurther complicates reporting on this issue. (Hayes-Smith and
Levett).
One theory that can be employed in order to better understand sexual abuse within
academia is the power/powerlessness theory. This theory states that due to power differentials,
1 It is important to note here that this statistic incorporates sexual abuse that is not necessarily
academic in natureas studies concerning sexual abuse as defined under the 1980 US Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission do not exist. Logically, one can expect the percentage of
women who experience academic abuse to be lower than the statistic offers; however, due to the
lack of reporting of sexual abuse this may not necessarily hold accurate.

those in power are able, in part, to maintain power by abusing those without (Cossins). Sexual
abuse is one such manifestation of differential power as the perpetrator acts on either an actual or
perceived imbalance of power over the victim. According to David R. Champion, This power
disparity may manifest itself in academia among faculty, students, males, females, and all
combinations of such. The common theme is perceived power, its abuse and its coercive effects
[] These indicators, or markers, of coercive power can be reflected by rank, prestige, status, or
advantage to extort (such as membership on a promotion committee) (Sexual Harassment:
Criminal Justice and Academia). In this paradigm, a professor has more power over a graduate
student who in turn has more power over an undergraduate student with variations of power
among each level. These power dynamics, in turn, may influence the prevalence of sexual abuse
within academia as the imbalance of power may encourage certain individuals to take sexual
liberties with those who do not posses the same degree of power (Champion). The
power/powerlessness theory provides a mechanisminstitutional powerin which to
understand sexual abuse on college campuses. However, it is important to note that this theory
interacts with a social context that is already patriarchal in nature as condonation of male
violence, the prevalence of rape myths, and the sexualization of womens bodies are generally
accepted as the norm (Cossins and Plummer).
The power dynamics of academia are not confined to college campuses. Rather,
university ordained spaces such as anthropological field projects have similar power dynamics as
those experienced in the classroomas the professor/student relationship is still in place.
Therefore, the power/powerlessness theory can also be employed to help understand sexual
abuse within the field. Recent allegations of sexual harassment and assault against a predominant
paleoanthropologist has brought sexual abuse experienced by those working in the field into the

foreground. The rest of the paper will discuss both the allegations as well as the response by the
anthropology community. Finally, this paper will contextualize sexual abuse experienced in the
field within the larger discourse of sexual abuse experienced on campuses.

Initial Accusations
In March of 2015, as anthropologists gathered in St. Louis to attend the annual American
Association of Physical Anthropologists (AAPA) meeting, one female research assistant made an
accusation that shook the anthropological world. The research assistant accused world-renowned
paleoanthropologist Brian Richmond of sexually assaulting her in 2014 while at a meeting of the
European Society for the Study of Human Evolution (ESHE) in Florence, Italy. She recalls that
on the night of the incident she, Richmond, and several other European researchers were visiting
bars where they drank wine and took shots of Italian liqueur. The research assistant then
remembers waking up in Richmonds hotel roomwith no memory of how she got therewith
Richmond on top of her, groping under her skirt and kissing her. After telling Richmond to stop,
she quickly left his hotel room. However, because she was not a guest at the hotel, the reception
desk in the lobby would not let her leave without authorization. She made a call to Richmond
who vouched for her and then insisted on accompanying her back to her nearby Airbnb. Still in
shock, the research assistant agreed. Once back in her own room, the research assistant quickly
packed and made her way to the airport for her flight back to New York (Balter).
Once back in New York, the research assistant told at least three friends of what had happened to
her while in Florence; however, she did not officially report the incident to the
Department of Human Resources at the American Museum of Natural Historywhere both she
and Richmond workeduntil November of 2014. The research assistant notes that she did not

report earlier out of fear of either not being believed or being fired. It is important to understand
that although both the research assistant and Richmond are American, because the incident
happened in Florence, the Italian authorities retain jurisdiction over this case. This further
complicates any legal action that the research assistant can take. Therefore, the research assistant
notes that she felt reporting to the Human Resources Department was her only true course of
actionas she doubted that Italian authorities would pursue the case now that both she and
Richmond were back in the United States (Balter).
Once the complaint was filed, the Human Resources Department spoke to both the
research assistant and Richmond. In an email to the research assistant from Danial Scheinerthe
American Museum of Natural Historys vice president for Human Resourcesexplaining the
results of the initial investigation into the incident, notes that, [the Human Resources
Department] determined that Brian (Richmond) violated the Museums policy prohibiting
inappropriate relationships between supervisors (with their subordinates) and that, Brian would
be held accountable for the violation of policy. Additionally, the Human Resources Department
noted that the research assistant would now report to a different supervisor in an effort to limit
contact with Richmond (Balter).
However, as word of what had happened in St. Louis spread to the American Museum of
Natural Historys officials, they soon assigned Rhea Gordon, and in-house attorney, to lead a
second investigation. The research assistant listed several people that Gordon should talk to
concerning Richmonds alleged past actions Among those listed, Rebecca Ackerman, an
American physical anthropologist working at the University of Cape Town in South Africa,
agreed to help (Balter).

Three of Ackermans former students who attended George Washington Universitys

Koobi Fora Field schoolwhere Richmond worked as a staff member for twelve years before
moving to his position at the American Museum of Natural Historyreported being sexually
abused by Richmond. Two of the students, who are referred to as P1 and P2 in the testimonial,
describe how Richmond grabbed P1s breast and slid his hand up P2s thigh. The testimonial
states that, Neither P1 nor P2 reported these incidents to senior members of the staff of the
Koobi Fora Field School as it was generally accepted that this was part of the field school
experience. The third account was provided by a former undergraduate student of Ackerman
who noted that during the 2012 Koobi Fora Field School while standing around a bonfire, Brian
put his arm around me, and plunged his hand down the back of my skirt all the way to my thighs,
and forcefully grabbed my posterior. Later in the night he pulled me away from the circle and
kissed me quite passionately. Even with these new accusations, the American Museum of
Natural History did nothing further, noting that both the anonymous nature of the accusations as
well as the lack of any formal reporting of these incidences at the correct universities prevented
any further discipline (Balter).
Richmond denies all wrong doing. In an email to Science concerning the accusation
brought by the research assistant he admits that he made his room available for her that night
after she had trouble finding her Airbnb; however, he says that everything that happened in the
hotel room was consensual noting that it, did not progress beyond kissing and embracing [and]
ceased the instant my colleague said, This isnt a good idea. On the level of intoxication of
both himself and the research assistant, Richmond explains that, while we were both drinking,
neither of us was incapacitated. Richmond still works at the American Museum of Natural
History as the curator of the Human Origins Program (Balter).

The allegations brought against Richmondboth by the research assistant and the three
students at Koobi Fora Field School can be situated within the power/powerlessness theory. In all
four instances Richmond maintained seniority over the women in terms of academic positions
whether it be supervisor/subordinate or professor/student. From the position of seniority,
Richmond committed (alleged) acts of sexual abuse against these women due to the perceived
power differentialsthereby maintaining his own position of power at the expense of the
womens powerlessness.

Response by the Anthropology Community

In response to these accusations, a team of researchers, lead Dr. Kate Clancy of the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, investigated the prevalence of sexual abuse within
the field. In this study, 122 researchers conducting fieldwork in biological anthropology were
surveyed by either by telephone or online. 59% reported having inappropriate sexual comments
directed at them while in the field; and 18% reported experiencing either physical harassment or
assault while in the field. This study was presented in April 2013 at a meeting of the American
Association of Physical Anthropologists and lead the American Anthropological Association to
issue a zero-tolerance policy for sexual harassment (Simmonds).
Building on the success of their previous study, in 2014 Clancy and her team conducted a
larger study, encompassing the responses from over 600 field scientists142 men and 516
womenfrom a range of scientific disciplines including anthropology, archaeology, and
geology. The majority of those who responded were labeled trainees by Clancy and her team.
This term encompasses undergraduates, postgraduate students and postdoctoral researchersas

well as the five high schoolers who responded to the survey. 64% of all respondents experienced
sexual harassment, and just under 22% experienced sexual assault (Simmonds).
Furthermore, the study suggests that female trainees were the primary targets of sexual
abuse while in the fieldas they were 3.5 times more likely to report experiencing sexual
harassment compared to men. Additionally, women were more likely to be sexually assaulted
with 26% of women reporting such experiences versus 6% of men. Women reported that their
assailants were predominantly senior to them professionally; while men reported being targeted
more often by their own peers than by a senior staff member (Simmonds).
In light of these recent studies, anthropologists have begun to argue that in order to
address the sexual abuse experienced in the field, policies need to be implemented that both
condemns this behavior as well as encourages witnesses to speak out. Dr. Hinde notes that, By
turning a blind eye, senior colleagues are accessories to what is happening [] We need to hold
colleagues accountable who violate professionally accepted norms of sexual conduct (Balter).
On this topic, and in response to her own studies, Dr. Clancy has written that, Survival in fieldbased academic science cant just be about who can put up with or witness abuse the longest []
From here on out, lets commit to opening up conversations about these issues, rather than
avoiding or talking around them. Lets continue to be the progressive field that interrogates
gender disparities, and lead the way for the rest of the field-based science
(Clancy). The current conversations surrounding sexual abuse within the field is an encouraging
sign from the anthropology community.

Contextualizing Sexual Abuse Experienced in the Field within the Current Discourse of
Academic Sexual Abuse
If one is to understand the complex problem of sexual abuse within academia, all facets
of the issue must be addressed. This includes incorporating recent studiesas well as funding
new studiesof sexual abuse experienced by those who work in the field into the larger
discourse of academic sexual abuse. Clancy et al.s study reveals similar statistics of women
sexually assaulted in the field compared with women who are sexually assaulted on college
campuseswith just under 22% of women reporting sexual assault within the field (Simmonds)
versus 8% to 35% experiencing sexual assault on college campuses (Fisher et al.). This suggests
that similar power dynamics between the sexual abuser and the victim are at play. Additionally,
feelings surrounding sexual abuseincluding victim culpability and exclusion from academic
surroundingsare very similar both in the field and on college campuses. By understanding
these similarities, one is better able to view the larger scope of sexual abuse within academia.
In both the field and in the classroom, the abuser can have institutional power over the
victim. Although this aspect of sexual abuse within academia is a prosecutable offense under the
1980 guidelines set forth by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (Henrick),
those who experience this type of sexual abuse feel they have little recourse to take as the risk to
their academic career is substantial. Such was the feeling of the research assistant who did not
report her sexual abuse immediately out of fear of being fired by Richmondher direct superior
(Balter). On observing systematic sexual abuse of a female peer in the field, one graduate student
wrote that, As a man who was ambitious at the time and didn't know how to intervene, it was a
weird place to be because these are my friends [] I was unable to, or paralyzed for fear that my
dissertation would be shut down. I relied on the site and access would be shut down, my career

would have been shut down, if I was going to stand up to this guy (Clancy). Furthermore, those
who witness sexual abuse and wish to report also fear losing their academic career. The
power/powerlessness theory once again comes into play as those with institutional power are
able to sexually abuse trainees with little to no repercussions as the victims are perceived, both
by the abuser and by themselves, to be powerless in such a situation. The Richmond case
provides precedence for this, as he still currently maintains his position of power at the American
Museum of Natural History even after multiple sexual abuse allegations have brought against
him (Balter).
On college campuses women often report feeling partially responsible for their sexual
abuse. In a recent study conducted on the lack of reporting on college campuses, social stigmas
surrounding sexual abuse survivorssuch as condemning the womans actions, questioning
whether or not her experience constitutes assault or rape, especially if alcohol is involved, and
insinuating that the victim herself may have been responsible or blameworthy for the abuse
leads many victims to blame themselves and therefore not report. (Miller et al.). According to
Clancy et al.s 2013 study, many women abused in the field often identified themselves as
young, nave, or green. These self-identifiers lead many women to question or blame
themselves either during or after the initial abuse as they felt that their youth and lack of
experience lead to their own victimization (Clancy). The reaction of self-culpability is
internalized powerlessness felt by the victim.
Additionally, when alcohol is involved women are less likely to report being sexually
abused as determined by a recent study involving 424 women victims (Jones et al.). While
alcoholic consumption in relation to sexual abuse in the field has yet to be studied, it should be
mentioned here that the third former undergraduate student of Ackerman mentioned in the

testimonial that she was properly drunk as a qualifier to sexual abuse she experienced at the
hands of Richmond (Balter). If the study conducted by Jones et al. is accurate, it is quite possible
that more victims of sexual abuse in the field feel reluctant to report due to the influence of
alcohol during the harassment.
Finally, women on college campuses report that sexual abuse experienced in the
classroom has an exclusionary effect. This concern is once again addressed by the the U.S. Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission 1980 guidelines as non-coercive sexual abuse that creates
a hostile work environment is strictly prohibited under Title IX (Henrick). However, women
reported experiencing a feeling of marginalization while working in the field due to sexual abuse.
Concerning her experience, one female graduate student wrote, Its not like someone
specifically says, Youre not welcome here anymore. Its just a constant, subtle attitude that
makes you feel like you dont want to be there anymore. And that made me really mad, too, that
the idea that someone could take something that I thought would be great, and sort of take it
away from me and say, [] Youre not welcome here (Clancy). This is in accordance to the
power/powerlessness theory: those in power are able to maintain power by pushing those with
perceived powerlessness out through means of sexual abuse.
As more research emerges about sexual abuse experienced by those working in the field,
further contextualization of this type of abuse will be able to be implemented.

Conclusion
The recent sexual abuse allegations brought forth against Dr. Brian Richardson has
sparked relevant conversations within the anthropology community about the prevalence of
sexual abuse experienced by researchers in the field. Included in this conversation are two recent

studies released by Clancy et al. addressing the frequency that both men and women experience
sexual abuse while conducting field research. These studies have lead to a changes within the
anthropology community, such as the American Association of Physical Anthropologists issuing
a sexual abuse policy. Additionally, anthropologists have called for members of field studies to
be held accountable for inappropriate behavior as well as policies to be implemented that would
make reporting easier (Clancy).
While these current discussions are necessary, more needs to be done to address sexual
abuse within the field. In order to do this, the discourse surrounding academic sexual abuse on
college campuses needs to be broadened in order to include sexual abuse in other university
ordained spacesas similar power dynamics are at play in both situations. The broadening of
discourse will enable those studying academic sexual abuse to develop a more complex
understanding of the issue which, in turn, may lead to more beneficial solutions.

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