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Promoting Sustainable
Consumption: Determinants
of Green Purchases by Swiss
Consumers

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Carmen Tanner
Northwestern University

Sybille Wolfing Kast

University of Bern

ABSTRACT
Given that overconsumption in industrial countries is a main cause
of environmental degradation, a shift toward more sustainable
consumption patterns is required. This study attempts to uncover
personal and contextual barriers to consumers purchases of green
food and to strengthen knowledge about fostering green purchases.
Survey data are used to examine the influence of distinct categories
of personal factors (such as attitudes, personal norms, perceived
behavior barriers, knowledge) and contextual factors (such as
socioeconomic characteristics, living conditions, and store
characteristics) on green purchases of Swiss consumers. Results
from regression analysis suggest that green food purchases are
facilitated by positive attitudes of consumers toward (a)
environmental protection, (b) fair trade, (c) local products, and
(d) availability of action-related knowledge. In turn, green behavior
is negatively associated with (e) perceived time barriers and
(f) frequency of shopping in supermarkets. Surprisingly, green
purchases are not significantly related to moral thinking, monetary
barriers, or the socioeconomic characteristics of the consumers.
Implications for policy makers and for companies and marketers
engaged in the promotion and commercialization of green products
are discussed. 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

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Psychology & Marketing, Vol. 20(10): 883902 (October 2003)

Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com)
2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1002/mar.10101
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Over the last decades, a number of environmental problems that

threaten the environment and human life have been identied; these
include global warming, ozone depletion, water and air pollution, loss
of species, and farmland erosion. One main cause of these problems is
overconsumption of natural resources, with the industrial nations showing the highest per-capita consumption. Any remedy will require urgent
changes in human behavior and cultural practices to reduce consumption, as well as the development of cleaner and more efcient technologies (Oskamp, 2000). These goals are also captured in the notion of
sustainable development. Since the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, this
concept has been acknowledged and emphasized as a superordinate goal
that all nations and peoples should adopt to combat environmental degradation and its threat to human welfare.
Among environmentally signicant activities, the production, trade,
and consumption of food products have been identied as crucial contributors to numerous environmental problems (e.g., Stern, Dietz, Ruttan, Socolow, & Sweeney, 1997). Recent research has demonstrated that
processes involved throughout the entire life cycle of food products, from
production to consumption, contribute to emissions of greenhouse gases,
farmland erosion, excess sewage, avoidable waste, and loss of species,
to name only a few of the negative consequences (Jungbluth, 2000;
Jungbluth, Tietje, & Scholz, 2000). Thus, fostering changes in the food
chain, such as changes in production, trade practices, or consumption,
are crucial steps in the quest for sustainable development.
The present research attempts to add knowledge about how to foster
purchases of green food. In doing this, the focus is on the consumer
whose actions and demands can be powerful signals to retailers and
manufacturers. On the other hand, the extent of consumers environmentally friendly behaviors can be facilitated or inhibited by acts of
marketers or other contextual barriers. For instance, it is obviously far
more difcult to buy environmentally friendly food products when they
are not available at the local market. Traditionally, psychological research has explored the role of attitudes, values, and knowledge in understanding consumer behavior. However, as other researchers have
pointed out (Black, Stern, & Elworth, 1985; Guagnano, Stern, & Dietz,
1995), situational factors may also matter. They can block environmentally friendly behaviors and undermine the inuence of positive attitudes or values. The present study is conceptually based on an approach
that holds that human behavior is subjected to numerous barriers (Frey
& Foppa, 1986; Tanner, 1998, 1999; see also Gardner & Stern, 1996;
McKenzie-Mohr, 2000). Barriers to (or facilitators of) a behavior may be
personal (e.g., ignorance about green products) or contextual (e.g., lack
of environmentally friendly products locally). This study is designed to
uncover relevant personal and contextual factors that may inhibit or

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facilitate green purchases. Our claim is that there is considerable latent

potential for green consumerism to develop. Detecting factors that restrict its growth is essential to initialize further developments.
This leads to the question as to how green products may be dened.
In terms of food products, green is often loosely translated to mean support for organically grown food. Despite the relevance of this aspect,
other crucial product features affecting sustainability are neglected by
this narrow denition. These are, for instance, conservation practice,
origin of the product, and packaging. Previous studies are extended by
taking into account research that assessed the environmental impact of
food products on resource and energy use, and on the extent of harmful
emissions associated with food production, transportation, and packaging. For example, an analysis of the environmental impact of Swiss
food products yielded that greenhouse production of vegetables creates
more environmental burdens in terms of energy and resource use than
does open-air production; in addition, the impact of vegetables shipped
to Europe across the Atlantic is eight times more negative than the
impact of domestically grown vegetables (Jungbluth, 2000; Jungbluth
et al., 2000). Furthermore, recent literature suggests fair trade (fair
prices and working conditions for workers) as another feature of sustainability (e.g., Abramovitz et al., 2001). In sum, green food products
are dened this way: They are domestically cultivated rather than imported from foreign countries; they are organically rather than conventionally grown; they are seasonal and fresh rather than frozen; they are
not wrapped; and they support fair trade.
In the sections below, previous research ndings and a theoretical
framework are outlined. Then, ndings of a survey of Swiss households
will be reported. The surveys focus was on those consumers who were
the primary shoppers in their household, and therefore took the role of
the gatekeepers (the people who make purchasing decisions and regulate what the other members of the household eat).

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Theoretical Framework and Research Background

Previous psychological environmental research has typically focused on
the role of factors within the individual, such as knowledge, environmental concern, attitudes, norms, and values (e.g., Hines, Hungerford,
& Tomera, 1986/87; Maloney & Ward, 1973; Van Liere & Dunlap, 1981).
Similarly, in the domain of green consumerism, research has examined
the relation between consumer behavior and consumer attitudes and
motives or has searched for the prole of the green consumer (e.g., Mainieri, Barnett, Valdero, Unipan, & Oskamp, 1997; Ebreo, Hershey, &
Vining, 1999; Roberts, 1996). The specic variables that have been posited to have a relevant impact on environmental behavior can be classied into four categories.

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Measures of Specic Attitudes. Research indicates that measures of

specic attitudes (e.g., judgments about products or behaviors) rather
than general measures of environmental concern (e.g., judgments about
environmental problems) are likely to manifest in environmental behavior (Hines et al., 1986/87; Gardner & Stern, 1996; Maloney & Ward,
1973; Schlossberg, 1991; Van Liere & Dunlap, 1981). A consumer survey
by Mainieri et al. (1997) clearly supports the suggestion that specic
consumer beliefs predict environmentally friendly consumer behavior
more accurately than does general environmental concern.

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Perceived Barriers. Several studies have posited that notions of perceived control or perceived behavioral barriers are additional signicant
predictors of environmental behavior (e.g., Axelrod & Lehman, 1993;
Grob, 1995; Hines et al., 1986/87; Kalafatis, Pollard, East, & Tsogas,
1999). Likewise, Roberts (1996) suggests that in order to motivate behavioral changes, consumers must be convinced that their behavior has
an impact on the environment or will be effective in ghting environmental degradation.
Knowledge. Environmental knowledge has been found to be positively
related to environmental behavior, but the literature also reports contradictory ndings on the question of how ecological knowledge is related to environmental behavior (Arbuthnot & Lingg, 1975; Hines et al.,
1986/87; Grob, 1995; Maloney & Ward, 1973). Schahn and Holzer (1990)
demonstrated the importance of distinguishing between knowledge
about facts and knowledge about actions. The term factual knowledge
refers to knowledge about denitions and causes/consequences of environmental problems (e.g., what is the greenhouse effect?), whereas action-related knowledge is used to refer to information about possible
actions (e.g., which human behaviors are related to the greenhouse effect). Unlike factual knowledge, action-related knowledge is more likely
to affect behavior.
Personal Norm. Numerous studies have revealed that a personal
norm a feeling of moral obligation is a powerful motivator of environmental behavior (e.g., Hopper & Nielson, 1991; Stern & Dietz, 1994;
Stern, Dietz, & Black, 1986; Vining & Ebreo, 1992). In a recent study
on recycling and consumerism, Ebreo et al. (1999) found that the degree
to which people feel obliged to recycle is related to conservation-related
product attributes. These investigations suggest that environmentally
friendly behavior may be characterized as morally demanding.
Overall, a large body of studies asserts that personal factors are necessary and essential to foster behavioral changes, even though the correspondence between attitudinal variables and behavior is often moderate. Other research, however, suggests that contextual factors of the
social, economic, or physical environment within which people act also

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matter and can keep pro-environmental attitudes from being expressed

in action (e.g., Black, Stern, & Elworth, 1985; Geller, 1987; Guagnano,
Stern, & Dietz, 1995; McKenzie-Mohr, 2000; Tanner, 1999). Although
contextual factors are also very important, they have not received the
attention they deserve in psychological research. For example, even if
a person is motivated to buy green products, he or she cannot buy such
goods if they are not offered for sale in an accessible location. In the
domain of energy use, research indicates that social structure, ethnicity,
and household technology all have a relevant impact on household energy consumption (e.g., Black et al., 1985; Lutzenhiser, 1997). As a conclusion, studies may benet from considering both personal and contextual variables to advance knowledge about environmental behavior. The
framework adopted here advocates research into both personal and contextual barriers.

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Research Goals
The present study is designed to uncover personal and contextual factors that inuence green food purchases by Swiss consumers.
The personal factors incorporated in this study were based upon previous research and on interviews with Swiss consumers. The interviews
were conducted with customers of a Swiss supermarket and an organic
food store (N 27) about their purchasing motives and about product
features they take into account in purchase decisions. In accordance
with previous studies, specic rather than general measures have been
developed (Ebreo et al., 1999; Mainieri et al., 1997). Generally, the personal factors incorporated can be divided into four categories: (a) attitudes toward food products, (b) personal norms, (c) perceived barriers,
and (d) ecological knowledge.
As for the contextual factors, the study used the following three
groups of socio-cultural conditions as indicators of external barriers.
Socioeconomic Characteristics. Previous literature identied education, occupational level (e.g., high rank, low rank), employment status
(e.g., full-time, part-time), and income as the classical dimensions of
social class in Western industrial societies (see Lamprecht & Stamm,
1994). They are indicators of purchasing power and time constraints.
Living Conditions. Place of residence and household size were used
as two features that may indicate differences in buying opportunities
and household activities (see e.g., Uusitalo, 1986).
Store Types. Because different stores necessarily differ in what they
supply, they are likely to affect consumers purchases. It is assumed that
green purchases would be harder to make in a supermarket than in
other kinds of stores (e.g., organic food stores). However, in the present

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case, what is particularly interesting is that prominent Swiss supermarkets have recently increased the merchandising of green products.
This has raised the question, in the minds of some, as to whether store
type matters (the position here is that it still does).
Overall, this study is designed to examine the relative importance of
those variables in facilitating or inhibiting the consumers tendency to
make green purchases.

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METHOD
Participants and Procedure
Survey data for rural and urban households in and around the city of
Bern were collected in November 1996. For 6500 randomly selected
households, the households primary shopper was asked to volunteer.
Then, 745 questionnaires were sent to those who had returned a consent
form (response rate: 12%).1 Of these, a total of 547 German-speaking
Swiss adults returned the completed questionnaire. Sixty-eight percent
of the respondents were female. Respondents mean age was 47 years
(range: 18 90 years); 59% lived in the city of Bern, whereas 41% lived
in rural settings. Even though representativeness was not the goal (nding people holding the role of the gatekeeper was the main goal), the
composition of this sample was compared with census data from the
Swiss Statistical Yearbook 1997. This showed quite a good match. Noteworthy differences were related to gender, household size, and education. Not surprisingly, the proportion of women in our sample (68%) was
found to be higher than in the Swiss population (51%). This indicates
that shopping on behalf of the household is still done more by women
than by men. Compared to the Swiss population, our sample had a somewhat smaller percentage of single-person households (20% vs. 32%), and
a larger proportion of people with higher education (45% vs. 30%).
Survey Instrument
After two pretests, a nal draft of the questionnaire was created to assess personal and contextual dimensions.
Personal Factors. The rst section of the questionnaire contained
questions assessing personal dimensions. Usually, respondents indicated their level of agreement on a 5-point scale that ranged from 1
(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Negatively formulated ques1

People were rst asked to conrm their participation in the study by sending back a consent form.
This procedure was necessary because the research consisted of two parts: a questionnaire and
a diary study. Permission to keep the participants address was needed. Clearly, the response
rate is low, but compares favorably with other studies.

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tions were reversed in coding. Twenty-two items were used to assess

attitudes toward food products. They covered six factors: environmental
protection, genetically engineered food, fair trade, health, regional products, and food taste. A set of six items was used to assess two factors of
perceived barriers: perceived time and monetary barriers. Four items
assessed personal norms. Eleven items served to obtain measures for
factual knowledge, action-related knowledge, and condence in product
labels. For some knowledge questions, respondents had to choose the
correct answer from among four choices (including an I dont know
option). For instance, in one item respondents were presented with several eco-labels used in Switzerland that represent different ecological
standards.2 Respondents were asked which of these labels would reect
the highest ecological standards. For other knowledge items, the yes/
no and I dont know response format was used. The knowledge scales
were changed into a dichotomous scale (wrong/correct). I dont know
answers were coded as wrong responses. Finally, the items were used
to obtain respondents level of agreement on condence in labels, again
based on a 5-point scale.
Four principal-component analyses with promax rotation were conducted to determine the dimensionality of each group of items. These
analyses sorted the attitudinal scales neatly into six categories, the perceived barriers into two, and the knowledge scales into three categories.
The coherence of the personal norm was also conrmed. The factors
account for 63%, 57%, 51%, and 49% of the variances, respectively. Computing the average across the individual item scores created the nal
scales. The scale items, along with the scale means, standard deviations,
reliabilities (Cronbachs alpha coefcient), and factor loadings are displayed in Appendix 1.

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Contextual Factors. Ten questions were used as indicators of contextual barriers. In terms of stores, participants were asked where they
mainly buy milk products, vegetables, and meat. Respondents could
choose from among several options that constitute a broad array of possible shopping opportunities in Switzerland, such as supermarkets and
smaller retailers, organic food stores, farmers markets, farmers, fairtrade stores, and health food stores, as well as food procurement by selfproduction. The scores were combined in an index of frequency of supermarket use that ranged from 0 (no supermarket) to 3 (exclusively
supermarkets). Finally, the questionnaire included questions assessing
the respondents socioeconomic dimensions (education, occupational
2

In general, the various eco-labels of this type used in Switzerland indicate differences in agricultural practice. The standards differ considerably. Although some labels stand for products that
are characterized by limited use of chemical fertilizer and pesticides, other labels stand for agricultural practices that include the complete avoidance of chemical fertilizer, pesticides, and
greenhouse production. In the case of meat, the logos indicate whether the animals were humanely kept. Other logos indicate fair trade practices.

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level, employment status, and household income) and household living

conditions (place of residence, household size).

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Extent of the Consumers Green Food Purchases. Most of the items

included in the behavioral measure referred to purchases of food products varying in environmentally relevant product characteristics, such
as means of production, packaging, type of preservation, and origin.
Respondents were asked how often they buy different kinds of food products, such as canned food, products with an eco-label, frozen meat, fresh
produce, or local goods. One item addressed the purchase of fair trade
products (products that guarantee fair prices and working conditions
for workers). Respondents were also asked to estimate how many liters
(1 liter 1.8 pints) per week they buy of different beverages, such as
imported beer or milk bought in bulk.3
Unlike the previous scales, the present assessment of green purchases was based on a probabilistic measurement approach (Rasch
scale) (Bond & Fox, 2001; Kaiser, 1998; Wright & Masters, 1982). One
main advantage of this approach is that it allows one to include a broad
range of behavioral items, even with extreme item difculties. Based on
this approach the behavioral measure is an estimate of number of green
purchases a consumer has undertaken (more specically, it is the number of behavior difculties a person has overcome) (for more details see
Kaiser, 1998; Kaiser & Wilson, 2000). Aggregating across the positive
behaviors reveals the individuals extent of purchases of green food
products.
The original 6-point response format had to be converted into a dichotomous response format, so that 1 indicated not purchasing environmentally friendly and 2 indicated purchasing environmentally
friendly. This measure was advisable because the more sophisticated
response format made responses more arbitrary rather than more reliable.4 With the use of the Rasch dichotomous model, the items on a
unidimensional scale were assessed and the mistting items were then
excluded. The nal measure was composed of 19 items (see Appendix 2)
with a reliability of 0.70. As mentioned above, the extent of the individuals green food purchases was attained by aggregating across the entire
range of specic self-reported purchases of green food products (for more
details, see Tanner, Kaiser, & Wolng Kast, in press).
3

Frequency measures (e.g., how often . . .) as behavioral indicators correspond to the measures
most often used in previous research. One reviewer correctly emphasized that such a measure
is inuenced by frequency of shopping. Using a dichotomous response format reduces this problem.

The variety of possible responses was obviously reduced by converting the polytomous response
format into a dichotomous one. Kaiser and Wilson (2000) found that a polytomous format does
not necessarily enhance a behavior scales reliability or increase the proportion of tting participants. Furthermore, using a dichotomous format reduces the problem of confounding frequency
of purchases with frequency of shopping.

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RESULTS

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In a rst step, simple bivariate correlations were calculated to assess

the association between all variables. Table 1 displays the intercorrelations of the measures developed in this study. Because some of the
intercorrelations may indicate possible problems of multicollinearity,
the variance ination factors (VIF) of the predictors were examined, a
more subtle test of multicollinearity (Stevens, 1996). These analyses
revealed very low variance inuence factors (VIF 2.04), indicating
that each predictor has only weak associations with the other predictors.
Next, all subscales were entered into a regression equation to examine the relative contribution of the variables in predicting the extent of
consumers green food purchases. Because only the best predictors that
make an essential contribution to the variance explained were of primary interest, a stepwise regression procedure was run. Table 2 displays the major results with the standardized (B) and unstandardized
beta () coefcients. As expected, the rst predictor to enter the model
was attitude toward environmental protection. That scale alone already
accounted for approximately 19% of the variance. After that, variables
were entered in the following order (incremental gain in R2 is shown in
parentheses): frequency of supermarket use (.10), attitude toward fair
trade (.05), perceived time barriers (.02), attitude toward domestic products (.02), and nally, action-related ecological knowledge (.03). As a
whole, the multiple correlation was .64. Simultaneously, the amount of
explained variance increased to 41%. (A regression equation containing
all variables revealed only a marginal increase of the model. The total
variance explained by the full model yielded an R of .65 and an R2 of
.42.)
In summary, ve personal factors but only one contextual factor were
found to be highly signicantly associated with the extent of a consumers green food purchases. Specically, green food purchases were
facilitated by proenvironmental attitudes, by positive attitudes toward
fair trade, and by local products. In addition, they were facilitated by
having adequate knowledge to distinguish between environmentally
friendly and environmentally harmful products. However, the extent of
peoples green food purchases decreased when people perceived a need
to save time, and when they shopped mainly in supermarkets. None of
the other personal factors (attitude toward genetically engineered food,
food taste, health, factual knowledge, condence in eco-label, personal
norms, perceived monetary barriers) proved to be a relevant predictor.
Particularly surprising is the discovery that personal norms and perceived monetary barriers were not signicant. Similarly, place of residence and household size were not among the relevant predictors. Nor
did the analyses reveal that any of the social-economic dimensions, such
as education, occupational level, employment status, and household income, were signicantly correlated with the extent of green behaviors.

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Correlation Matrix of all Subscales.

1.

Environmental protection
Rejection of GE food
Fair trade
Health
Regional products
Taste
Perceived monetary barrier
Perceived time barrier
Action-related knowledge
Factual knowledge
Condence in label
Personal norm
Supermarket use
Education
Employment status
Occupational level
Place of residence
Household size
Household income
Green purchases

.34
.47
.35
.21
.27
.58
.26
.25
.31
.20
48
.21

.44

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17. 18. 19.

.35
.36
.43
.25
.38
.30
.26 .21 .40 .14
.23 .39 .24 .23
.17

.12
.11
.11
.22
.31
.19
.20

.25 .12

.29
.21

.16 .30

.28

.19
.16 .25

.24

.38
.59
.45
.34 .29 .36

.21
.29

.16 .24 .17 .31

.20
.15 .22 .13 .11

.16

.15 .13
.18

.20

.12

.18

.18

.12

.32

.19 .22

.13
.14

.22 .13 .14

.27

.30
.17

.15

.15 .31

.16

.13 .13

.26 .15
.35
.25
.29
.43
.31
.34 .18 .31 .27
.24
.32 .24
.30 .42

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Note: N of the bivariate correlations between N 360 and N 547. Table contains only correlations p .01.

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2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.

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Table 2. Multiple Regression Results with Personal Variables Used to

Predict Ones Extent of Green Food Purchases (N 554).
Predictor
Environmental protection
Frequency of supermarket use
Fair trade
Perceived time barrier
Local products
Action-related knowledge

R2

0.61
0.31
0.30
0.18
0.20
0.48

0.45
0.33
0.24
0.16
0.16
0.12

10.20
7.79
5.43
3.86
3.81
3.03

.19
.29
.34
.36
.38
.41

Note: Only predictors p .01 included.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

The current study extends previous research about environmental consumerism by incorporating personal and contextual dimensions, by including more features of sustainability, and by adopting a Rasch model
to the measurement of green purchases. Consistent with earlier ndings
(e.g., Ebreo et al., 1999; Mainieri et al., 1997), the study conrms that
personal attitudes and beliefs are powerful predictors of green purchases. First, positive attitudes toward environmental protection, fair
trade, and local production are major facilitators of green purchases.
Second, perceived time barriers restrain ones motivation to buy green
products. Third, action-related knowledge is an additional predictor of
green purchases. Even though the relationship between knowledge and
behavior was not strong, the study provides evidence that some sort of
appropriate knowledge is needed for taking appropriate behavior.
One striking result is that cost does not play an integral role in green
purchases. Yet it is possible that the potential impact of perceived monetary barriers has been covered in this analysis because they are signicantly associated with other predictors. However, as further analyses (VIF) revealed, there is absolutely no evidence that multicollinearity
was a problem in this study. Thus, the present results are more likely
to indicate that people with a high environmental motivation are less
sensitive to price. This is in line with previous studies that indicated
that consumers who are concerned about the environment are more willing to pay a premium for green products (e.g., Bang, Ellinger, Hadjimarcou, & Traichal, 2000). Furthermore, the study revealed no significant association between personal norms and green food purchases.
Earlier studies suggested that various categories of environmental behaviors, such as recycling (e.g., Hopper & Nielson, 1991; Stern et al.,
1986; Stern & Dietz, 1994; Vining & Ebreo, 1992) or transportation behaviors (Tanner, 1999) involve moral thinking. The current study contradicts the notion that green food purchases reect a moral standpoint.
In regard to the contextual variables, the ndings provide little evidence that differences in social status and income account for behavioral

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differences. This provides additional support for the claim that monetary dimensions, at least for the Swiss sample, do not play such a dominant role, as might be expected. However, the ndings do provide evidence that food purchases are remarkably susceptible to conditions in
the stores where consumers mainly shop for edibles. Specically, consumers who mainly shop in supermarkets show a lower level of green
purchases.
The question may arise as to whether the measure of supermarket
use is a measure of preference rather than a situational inuence. This
problem was recently addressed in a more thorough analysis of external
factors (Tanner et al., in press) by making further use of the adoption
of the Rasch model to the measurement of green purchases. An important feature of the Rasch model is that it brings up a measure that
makes use of aggregation both across behaviors (e.g., estimating the
number of environmentally friendly behaviors one person undertakes)
and across people (e.g., estimating the number of people who undertake
one specic behavior). Although the former is especially useful to study
personal inuences on the individuals extent of environmental behavior, the latter is especially valuable to disclose situational inuences
that are responsible for facilitating and inhibiting certain performances
(for more details, see Kaiser & Biel, 2000; Kaiser & Wilson, 2000). This
measure was adopted to test whether supermarket use still proved to
be an essential factor. In fact, the importance of stores was conrmed.
In addition, place of residence and household size were found to be additional essential factors. Again, social status and income were not relevant (Tanner et al., in press). This analysis provides further evidence
that supermarket use is likely to reect a situational inuence rather
than the consumers preferences. Nevertheless, subsequent research
would be valuable to get further clarication.
It is not surprising that what people buy is strongly related to where
they shop. What does come as a surprise, however, is the fact that supermarket use actually diminishes the likelihood of green food purchases despite the recent shift in Swiss supermarket practices toward
supplying more environmentally friendly goods. A closer look, however,
reveals that when it comes to green food products, many supermarkets
have tended to pay primary attention to the production of food (organic
versus conventional production), while neglecting other product features affecting sustainability (such as conservation, packaging, origin
of the products) It is of paramount importance not to neglect these other
environmentally signicant aspects.
These ndings suggest a number of implications on how to foster sustainable food purchases among Swiss consumers.
1. The study strongly suggests that green marketing should address
women, because they are still the main group responsible for shopping the gatekeepers.

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2. The demand for green products may be encouraged not only by

fostering proenvironmental beliefs but also by promoting additional motives, such as preference for domestically produced food
and for products that are traded fairly. Therefore, local and fairtrade products appear to be useful foci for marketing efforts.
3. Informational interventions should be considered to educate consumers, so that they can accurately identify which products are
environmentally friendly and which are not.
4. The nding that perceived time barriers reduce purchases of green
food products implies that there is potential for products that are
both environmentally friendly and time saving (so-called ecoconvenience products).
5. People involved in production and promotion of green products, as
well as policy makers, need to reect on which products and behaviors have a signicant destructive environmental impact.

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Some aspects of these ndings deserve comment. First, the results

apply most directly to the Swiss sample. The concepts and behavioral
items used in the study can be traced, at least partially, to culturespecic factors. Although this limits the generalizability of the results,
it simultaneously increases their practical relevance. Research has to
account for such emic factors in understanding consumption patterns.
Second, given the low response rate, the results may reect biases. This
response rate is not unusual for environmental and consumer studies;
however, further research is needed to determine whether any of the
differences between these ndings and those in other studies stem from
differences in the characteristics of the sample. Despite these limitations, the study provides additional and generalizable insights to the
understanding of green purchases. Specically, focusing on the gatekeepers and examining their beliefs and their contextual conditions,
taking account of research that examines which kinds of products or
behaviors are environmentally signicant, and uncovering crucial personal and contextual barriers to behaviors are crucial and general steps
to adopt to support sustainable development.

CONCLUSION
Given that per-capita consumption in industrial countries is a main
cause of environmental degradation, the need for sustainable development will require alternative consumption patterns. Because of the complexity of the factors involved, it is clear that no simple remedies will
sufce to accomplish the long-term goals. Rather, multifaceted effort
will have to be carried out by a broad coalition of interrelated actors.
Alterations in peoples attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors may stimulate

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changes in the political and economic systems, which in turn might encourage lifestyle changes. On the other hand, product manufacturers
can affect the market and consumers by encouraging new developments.
It seems that there is considerable potential for green consumerism to
develop, but that its growth is inhibited by various barriers. Furthermore, this research emphasizes to address three questions to initiate
expansion of green purchases:

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1. Who is the gatekeeper? Interventions have to address those actors

who have decisional power and the potential to implement
changes. In this study, the women turned out to have this position.
2. What are relevant features of green products or environmentally
signicant behaviors? The present study emphasized that agricultural practice (such as organically grown products) is only one
aspect. Green is often translated to mean support for organically
grown products. However, other features, such as type of conservation, packaging, origin of the product, or fair trade are also important. Obviously, addressing sustainable development is not
done by adopting a simple interpretation of green.
3. What are the relevant personal and contextual barriers to consumers green purchases? Green consumerism can be encouraged by
supporting factors that facilitate and by breaking down the
barriers that restrict environmentally friendly behaviors. These
ndings suggest that addressing several beliefs (attitudes toward
environmental protection, fair trade, and local production), actionrelated knowledge, time barriers, as well as store differences can
support this goal.
Clearly, more research would be valuable to advance understanding
of green behaviors and its consequences on environment, economy, and
society. However, the belief is that this study provided further insights
about environmental consumerism and useful implications on how to
promote sustainable development.

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APPENDIX 1
Items, Means, Standard Deviations, Internal Consistencies, and Factor
Loadings of the Personal Subscales (English Translations of Original Items).

Attitudes toward food products

Environmental protection
It is not important to me whether the produce was grown organically or conventionally.
Environmental protection is important to me
when making purchases.
If I can choose between organic and conventional food products, I prefer organic.

Mean

SD

Alpha

3.80

0.84

0.63
0.66

0.64
0.69

Genetically engineered food

Genetic engineering should be more used in
agriculture. ()
I am opposed to genetically altered food products for ethical or moral reasons.
Genetically engineered food products are
dangerous for human beings.

3.97

Fair trade
Solidarity with third-world countries is important to me.
I would refrain from buying bananas or coffee if I were not sure whether growers and
workers were fairly paid.
When buying coffee, I pay attention to fair
trade labels (e.g., Max Havelaar).
I would be willing to pay a higher price to
support small growers from third-world
countries.

2.97

Health
It is important to me that food products contain no preservatives.
I avoid products containing too much sugar.
When making purchases, I pay attention to
whether the food products contain unhealthy substances.
Health issues play an important role for me
when I make up my menus.

3.44

Regional products
It is important to me to support local farmers
when making purchase.
It is good to support domestic agriculture by
buying regional products.
Consumers should show solidarity with domestic farmers.
It is not important to me whether food products are grown locally or not ().

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Loadings

0.98

0.78
0.76
0.87
0.85

0.89

0.79
0.83
0.70

0.77
0.79

0.82

0.63
0.78
0.60
0.76

0.45
0.89

0.86
0.87
0.86
0.88
0.73

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APPENDIX 1. (Continued)

Food taste
When making purchases I would primarily
buy products which taste good.
When making purchases, I am guided by
what I like.
People should eat what they like, even if
what they eat is unhealthy ()
When making purchases I am guided by my
taste of gourmet cooking.
Perceived Barriers
Perceived monetary barriers
I cannot afford to pay more for organic products.
Green products are still too expensive.
People should buy green products, even
though they are more expensive ().
Perceived time barrier
I have too little time for cooking.
I have little time available for preparation of
meals.
Because of lack of time, I am dependent on
food products that do not need much time
for preparation.
Personal norm
Everybody has a responsibility to contribute
to environmental preservation by avoiding
packaged food products.
Everybody should make a contribution to
promoting green food production by buying
only green products.
Consumers have the right to buy exotic
fruits.
I feel morally obligated to refrain from eating
the meat of animals kept inhumanely.
Knowledge
Factual Ecological Knowledgea
More energy is used for producing and transporting food products than the body receives through nutrition. (yes/no)
Less energy is used for meat production than
for the equivalent amount of vegetables.
(yes/no)
What is gray energy? (multiple choice)
Action-related ecological knowledgea
Milk in plastic packaging is more harmful for
the environment than milk in cardboard
cartons (yes/no).

900

Mean

SD

Alpha

3.01

0.83

0.73

Loadings
0.70
0.76
0.64
0.81

2.61

0.84

0.60
0.71
0.81
0.77

2.34

0.96

0.75
0.86
0.60
0.76

3.24

0.83

0.64
0.78

0.82

0.48
0.68

1.58

0.29

0.64
0.75

0.55

0.73
1.57

0.34

0.64
0.46

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APPENDIX 1. (Continued)
Mean

SD

Alpha

0.65

Which of the following production practices

follows higher standards regarding agriculture and animal care? (multiple choice)
Which of the following eco-labels represents
the highest ecological standards regarding
agricultural practice? (multiple choice)
Which of the following labels represent the
highest standard regarding the care of animals? (multiple choice)
Condence in product label
In the store I cannot distinguish between environmentally friendly and harmful food
products. ()
I am insecure about which eco-labels are reliable and which are not. ()
Eco-labels lack credibility. ()
I do not believe in the quality guarantee of
eco-labels. ()

Loadings

0.71

0.58

3.03

0.91

0.80
0.67

0.85
0.86
0.81

Note: () Reversed in coding. Subscales ranged from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), except for
factual and action-related knowledge.
aFactual and action-related knowledge scales were changed into a dichotomous response format of 1 (wrong)
and 2 (correct). Original items were in German.

APPENDIX 2
List of Behavioral Items (English Translation of Original Items).
Purchases of unbottled milk.
Purchases of fair trade products.
Purchases of milk in plastic packaging.
Purchases of milk in a cardboard carton. ()
Purchases of products with an eco-label.
Purchases of meat from humanely kept animals.
Purchases of organically grown food.
Purchases of open cheese.
Purchases of packaged cheese. ()
Purchases of exotic fruits. ()
Purchases of fresh, locally grown vegetables.
Purchases of imported beer. ()
Purchases of convenience foods. ()
Purchases of canned food. ()
Purchases of frozen meat. ()
Purchases of frozen sh. ()
Purchases of frozen vegetables in summer. ()
Purchases of sh in cans. ()
Purchases of meat in cans. ()
Note: The items were assessed on a unidimensional scale with the use of the Rasch model. The original 6point scale was converted to a dichotomous response format, with 1 indicating less environmentally friendly
purchase and 2 indicating more environmentally friendly purchase. The consumers extent of green purchases
is then based on the aggregation of positive behaviors a person undertakes. Original items were in German. ()
Reversed in coding.

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This research was supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation (Grant
Nos. 5001-44666 and 8210-61241). The authors are grateful to Niels Jungbluth
for performing the measurement of the environmental impact of food products,
and Florian Kaiser for his support regarding the measure of green purchases
based on the Rasch model. The authors also thank Judith Levi for valuable
help with the language.

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Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to: Carmen Tanner, Falkenhoeheweg 18, 3012 Bern, Switzerland (ctanner@bluewin.ch).

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