Professional Documents
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3/23/2015
TITLE: Singapores first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew dies aged 91
POSTED: 23 Mar 2015 04:10
URL: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/singapore-s-first-prime/1720740.html
Mr Lee leaves behind two sons and a daughter.
SINGAPORE: Mr Lee Kuan Yew, who was Singapores first Prime Minister when the country gained Independence in 1965, has died
on Monday (Mar 23) at the age of 91.
"The Prime Minister is deeply grieved to announce the passing of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, the founding Prime Minister of Singapore. Mr
Lee passed away peacefully at the Singapore General Hospital today at 3.18am. He was 91," said the PMO.
Arrangements for the public to pay respects and for the funeral proceedings will be announced later, it added.
Mr Lee, who was born in 1923, formed the Peoples Action Party in 1954, then became Prime Minister in 1959. He led the nation
through a merger with the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, as well as into Independence in 1965.
He leaves behind two sons Lee Hsien Loong and Lee Hsien Yang and a daughter, Lee Wei Ling.
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Singapores first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew dies aged 91 - Channel NewsAsia
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leadership.
The battle-lines were drawn sharply over the proposal for merger with Malaysia the non-communists were for it, and the procommunists were against it.
There were compelling economic reasons for merger, but Mr Lee was also clear about its political necessity. To him, merger was
absolutely necessary to prevent Singapore and Malaya being slowly engulfed and eroded away by the communists.
He believed that building a common identity between individuals on either side of the Causeway would propel them across racial and
religious divides towards a common land. Part of this was making sure that people felt that they are wanted, and not step-children or
step-brothers, but one in the family and a very important member of the family.
He campaigned relentlessly and tirelessly for merger, speaking over the radio, and in nearly every corner of Singapore. After an
intense public contest that pitted him against his political opponents, Mr Lee won and most Singaporeans voted in favour of the union
with Malaysia.
On Sep 16, 1963, which coincided with his 40th birthday, Mr Lee declared Singapores entry into the Federation of Malaysia.
But this did not mean an easy working relationship between the two sides, and serious differences emerged. Mr Lee wanted a
Malaysian Malaysia, where Malays and non-Malays were equal, and he would not condone a policy that supported Malay
supremacy.
Differences between the two sides grew from conflicts between personalities and disagreements about a common market, to the
PAPs participation in Malaysias general election. Malaysian politicians considered it a breach of understanding for the PAP to take
part in mainland politics.
Things came to a head over constitutional rights. Mr Lee addressed the Malaysian Parliament in May 1965, in both English and
Malay, laying out his case against communal politics.
But a year after racial riots were sparked off by what Mr Lee called Malay ultras, creating a deep divide, Singapore separated from
Malaysia on Aug 9, 1965. It was a time of great disappointment for Mr Lee, a moment which he said was one of anguish for him.
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This made Singapore the first in the world to have a tripartite arrangement where workers, employers and the Government came
together to discuss general wage levels. This cooperation contributed significantly to harmonious labour relations and, ultimately, to
Singapores rapid development in the 1970s and 1980s.
Mr Lee firmly believed that growth and development of the country was in the best interests of the workers and their unions. Speaking
in 2011, he said: In other words, growth is meaningless unless it is shared by the workers, shared not directly in wage increases, but
indirectly in better homes, better schools, better hospitals, better playing fields, a healthier environment for their families, and for their
children to grow up.
Singapores metamorphosis from mudflat to metropolis was not just a physical transformation. Equally remarkable was the
transformation of the psyche of an entire population. Within the span of a few decades, Singaporeans came to be seen as a people
who could get things done.
Mr Lee played a big part in that change. From the start, he set the pace for excellence. He once told senior civil servants: I want to
make sure every button works, and if it doesnt when I happen to be around, then somebody is going to be in for a rough time,
because I do not want sloppiness.
Sprucing up a young nation however was not so straightforward. Besides the challenge of ensuring sufficient security for the countrys
borders, Mr Lee and his team had a more fundamental problem to tackle that of a housing crisis.
HOUSING A NATION
Today, the 50-storey Pinnacle on Cantonment Road stands as an icon in Singapores 50-year-old public housing landscape. It is built
on the site of one of the earliest public housing projects in the country. But housing in the 1950s was a far cry from what it is today.
Slums were common when Singapore achieved self-government in 1959, and there was a full-blown housing crisis.
To meet the nations acute housing shortage, the PAP set up the Housing and Development Board in 1960. The aim set for it was to
build 10,000 homes a year.
Its predecessor the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) was highly sceptical that the new board would meet its ambitious target.
The SIT itself had built only 20,000 flats in its entire 30-year history.
The stakes were high and the difficulties daunting. The PAP, which had just come into power, needed to deliver results fast and gain
the trust and confidence of Singaporeans.
There was doubt even with the Government of whether the HDB could get the job done, and a committee was set up to find out if the
board had the capability and the materials to complete 10,000 houses as planned. When the committee published its report, the HDB
had already completed 10,000 units of housing.
The HDBs performance was crucial to the PAPs re-election in 1963.
But it was more than a question of providing affordable homes for the people. The social motive to do this was equally compelling, and
public housing helped tighten the weave of Singapores social fabric.
Mr Lee felt that it was important to have a rooted population. He said in 2010: If you ask people to defend all the big houses where the
bosses live, and they live in harbours, I dont think thats tenable. So we decided from the very beginning that everybody must have a
home, every family will have something to defend, and that home must be owner-owned, but they have to pay by instalments over 20,
25, even 30 years. And that home we developed over the years into their most valuable asset.
Today, more than 80 per cent of Singaporeans now live in subsidised public flats that they can call their own.
Singaporeans now had a personal stake in their country that went beyond feelings of patriotism. They had a physical space they could
call home, and a vested interest to defend it.
National Service, aimed at defending the country and ensuring its borders were safe from external aggression, took on a different
dimension.
After independence, Singapore was left with just two battalions of the Singapore Infantry Regiment. There was an urgent need to build
a substantial defence force. And so National Service was introduced in 1967, with universal conscription making it compulsory for
every male Singapore citizen to serve in the armed forces for about two years. It also contributed to promoting racial harmony.
UNIFIED BY LANGUAGE
In multi-racial Singapore, English is the common language used by all races. Mr Lee saw early on that English would be a unifier that
would give Singapore an edge in the international arena.
But he also believed that knowing ones mother tongue would build a sense of belonging to ones roots, and increase self-confidence
and self-respect. And so he championed bilingualism.
In retrospect, Mr Lee said that bilingualism was his most difficult policy to implement. He later admitted he had been wrong to assume
that one could be equally fluent in two languages. He said in 2004: Had I known all the difficulties of bilingualism in 1965, as I know
now today, would I have done differently? Yes, in its implementation, but not in its policy. I dont regret the stress and heavy burdens I
put, because the other way would have been a destruction of the chance of building up some form of culture worth preserving.
Former senior minister of state Chng Jit Koon lauded Mr Lees foresight in creating a bilingual society. If he did not succeed in
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bringing through our education system based on bilingual education, we will not have the advantage among other countries to tap on
Chinas economic trade, he said in 2008.
Indeed, Mr Lee and his team were very sensitive to issues involving race, knowing how combustible such matters could be. The
formative years of the PAP, the battles against communism and extremism and the racial riots he lived through meant that Mr Lee
never underestimated the potentially explosive nature of race relations.
When it was time to remove the small, dilapidated mosques built on state land, he did so with caution. His plan was to replace these
suraus with bigger and better mosques in every housing estate through voluntary contributions from the Malay-Muslim community,
creating a sense of ownership and pride.
Mr Lee also took special interest in ensuring that Singapores different communities would all have a share in its prosperity. He
believed better education was one of the keys to uplifting the Malay community.
Cabinet minister K Shanmugam said it would have been easy for politicians in Singapore to appeal to the sentiments of the majority
Chinese community to gain political power. But he felt that part of the success of Singapore is due to leaders like Mr Lee, who
shunned racial politics.
In an earlier interview in 2003, Mr Shanmugam said: I think most sensible people in the Indian community, particularly those who went
through the earlier struggles, who are older than me, accepted this - that we have the space and we have far more liberty and
opportunity in Singapore than we would have if we were 6 per cent in any other society, including India, where many of the so-called
upper caste Indians in Singapore would not have had a chance.
Mr Lee Hsien Loong said that the elder Mr Lee remembered the situation that had existed in Malaysia before Singapore became an
independent state. After we became independent, a point that he always reiterated was never do to the minorities in Singapore that
which happened to us when we were a minority in Malaysia. Always make sure that the Malays, the Indians have their space, can live
their way of life, and have full equal opportunities and are not discriminated against. And at the same time, help them to upgrade,
improve, move forward, he said in 2013.
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The river had been the conduit for Singapores entrepot trade, allowing for the movement of goods from the port to the city. Over the
years, it had degenerated into a filthy, congested, polluted waterway. The industries along its banks had been dumping sewage and
garbage into its waters. The water was badly polluted and caused a stench in the area.
Mr Lees proposal was perceived as a monumental feat: A clean-up of the entire river.
The rebirth of the Singapore River took 10 years to complete, and today, it is not only glistening again, but its banks are also bustling
with trendy restaurants, clubs and offices, and fish have even returned.
The Singapore River, now part of the Marina reservoir, is a constant reminder of the man who defied time and tide. Its transformation
mirrors the fascinating evolution of a small backwater into a thriving global metropolis, and its currents echo the ebb and flow of one
mans life as he turned an impossible dream into reality.
In Mr Lee Kuan Yews own words: You begin your journey not knowing where it will take you. You have plans, you have dreams, but
every now and again you have to take uncharted roads, face impassable mountains, cross treacherous rivers, be blocked by
landslides and earthquakes. Thats the way my life has been.
- CNA/ly
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